WILLIAM L. CLEMENTS Manyre to 545- Re m Paris Papers; R R. px OR Mr. SILAS DEANE's late intercepted LETTERS, TO His BROTHERS, and other intimate FRIENDS, in AMERICA. To which are annexed for Comparison, the Congreffional Declaration of Independency in Jay 1776, and that now inculating among the revolted Provinces, with the never-to-be- forgotten Orders of the Rebel General in Au- guft 1776, for preventing a Pacification. NEW-YORK: RE-PRINTED BY JAMES RIVINGTON. 1782 2279907 27104 211TTU Stemini teto ben aang018 bancar 11J MA Iscouts WIK vi 3 Jomar an bobosiggs noted Led valls il to inkilay is svibn INTRODUCTION. THE HE Public will expect no apology for the prefent collection of thefe letters; for it is decifive of their utility, that though the Rebels began, they have found it expedient to difcontinue, the re-publication of them in their Gazettes. They made it a queftion at firft, whether Deane was the real author of them? and yet what is that to the ar- guments, if they are found and fub- ftantial? But this point is now fettled- Not one of the perfons to whom they are directed, has ventured to deny his receipt of the duplicate; and their preffes are pouring out abufes upon their quondam Ambaffador, as freely as of late againſt General Arnold, whom they [iv] they had before applauded as the moſt active and valiant of their Heaven born Commanders *. MOTOяThis The following is copied from a Philadelphia News- paper entitled the FREEMAN'S JOURNAL, 23d January 1781. un- Laft week divers of the lengthy epiftles of Silas Deane, variously directed, which had not paffed through the hands of the enemy, were delivered Jealed to the Prefident of Congrefs. They contain argu- ments, opinions and advice, exactly of the caft of thofe which predominate in the letters which were lately in- ferted as his in this paper, to fome of which there are exprefs references, in thefe laft arrived. Those who had the opportunity of coming at the truth, were already convinced that our publications were genuine; but the incident above mentioned, removes all donbt on this fubject. Indeed the of incredulous muft now admit the bajenefs of this quondam Commiffioner of the united fates at the Court of Verjailles. Whether the traiter bad taken the money of George the Third, as early as the nefarious attack on congrefs of December, 1773, the cause of fo much difcord and diffraction in our public councils during the year 1779; or whether his profti- tution is to be deemed coeval only, with the vifit which Mr. Walpole, agent for the English owners of lands in the Grenades, was laft fummer admitted to make at Paris, time only can determine. By the laft accounts be was at Oftend preparing to embark, without doubt, for London. [ v ] This is natural, and it will be the fate of all their leaders, the moment they difapprove of the aims of the Junto, who are, or conceive them- felves to be, interefted in the difmem- berment of the empire. Thofe exe- crations however, would be turned into applaufe, if the defperadoes who com- pofe it, faw a profpect under the re ftoration of the British government, for what they have fought to obtain. by fubverting it-the non payment of their debts, a way of fubfifting without re-affuming their former abject occu- pations, and the retention of their prefent poffeffions, free from contri- bution to the loffes they have brought upon the reft of their countrymen. The Editor has no intention to de- fend Mr. Deane, who will doubtleis find it eafier to deal with the clemency of his injured Sovereign, and the libe rality of a brave and generous nation than to pacify his own confience, or atone for the complicated mifery he has beoa [ vi J been inftrumental in pulling down upon his countrymen. 709 201 21obret This collection of his epiftles, is to aid him in the defigns of his penitence for repairing if poffible the mifchief he has done. Happy for America, if they are conducive to the opening the eyes of others, before their wicked, fe- ducers fhall have compleated their vaffalage to a crafty and arbitrary Monarchy! That they are not already in this gulph of perdition, is under God to be afcribed, to the efforts of Great-Britain, in favour of her nu- merous friends in this country. Be it the confolation of the fuffering Loyalifts, that no arts of their op- preffors for concealing their numbers, to leffen their confequence, can at this day fucceed. Neither their fongs nor their ad- dreffes, their illuminations, riots, fhews nor thankfgivings, with all the variety of effays and compofitions, puffs, fcan- dals and gafconades, in profe and metre, ed under [ vii. ] under which the Rebel preffes have groaned ever fince the French victory in the Chefapeak, avail but to fhew the impotence of a party, vainly hoping to imprefs Europe with an idea of their ftrength, and their own countrymen with a contempt of the power them- felves dread, as the avenger of their crimes. It is a proof that though the domi- neering, they are the minor party, that they forbid the liberty cf the prefs, and in the cafe of their own Ambaffa- dor's letters, dare not appeal to the underſtandings of the multitude; and it adds to the evidence, that fuch un- ceafing pains are taken, to exprefs a joy and confidence, felt leaft by thofe who moft promote the fhew and ap- pearance. With the help of a few lying letters, thoſe Gazettes may perhaps influence the councils of Verfailles, and furnish matter for factious oratory in England; certainly they cannot mislead thofe who who form their eftirnate of the real temper of America, from the clear de- monftration afforded by the neglect of a great majority of the people to attend the elections for officers in the ufurpa- tion; too well is it known for the fuc- cefs of thofe arts of the ufurpers, that Congress in all periods of this ftruggle, from the moment of the firft difcovery of the pernicious and perfidious defign to divide the empire, have uniformly d-clined the general voice, ardently as it has been defired by the people, and advantageous as it must have been to the tyrants, to have obtained their co currence or approbation.It is undubitably true, that g 201 The collective body were not con- fulted and On the declaration of independency, even in the tumultuous days of July 1776; nor On the confederation concerted at Little York, on the Susquehanna, in November 1777; nor. On the British peace-overtures, in pre- ference I ix J ference of the French offers, in 1778; norb Agnies 1778; On the propofal for negociating a fet- tlement of differences as tendred by the friendly declaration of December 1780. You confefs, therefore, ufurpers, by your averfion to the experiment of a fair ballot, on the queftion for or againſt the reunion, that you boaft of a con- cord which has no exiftence, you con- firm it by your edicts, taxations and mercilefs cruelties; in which you take away life by courts-martial, and violate the very frames and conftitutions your- felves impofed; and it will ever remain (without any other proof) an incon- teftible truth, that the majority of the continent abhor your meaſures, till you confent to this general appeal through- out all the towns, villages and diftricts within the reputed bounds of the revolt. To what end then the futile policy of lying Gazettes, and lying laws, im- plying the ability to raife millions you do not poffefs, and the increaſe of a poverty [ X ] poverty, which by creating a depend- ance upon France, leffens your own vain hope, of perpetuating the domi- nation you exercife over your miferable and exhaufted countrymen. Say, ye drooping politicians of a pageant Con- grefs! are ye not already neglected by your own partizans? and the powers you had, fubftantially fhifted into the hands of a triumvirate, compofed of the French Minifter, your own General, and Financier. His fervants ye are whom- foever ye obey: and pray from whom do the rebel army few as they are, now receive their rewards! fo There is a perhaps that you may magnify yourfelves by your falfehoods, as to cheat France into the hope of ac- quiring the dominion of a country, fhe at firft meant only to make an inftru- ment, for reducing the power of Great- Britain, and the better management of her ambitious defigns upon other na- tions. Admit that France may be perfuaded to lay a firmer hold of the Cheſapeak ([xi] Cheſapeak, by a reinforcement of the troops, with which he has already turned your countrymen out of their poffeffions, and admit her able to retain them againſt Great-Britain; is fhe not from that moment, in a condition to fet your authority at defiance? Tremble then at the probable confequences of a partition of the Continent to give peace to Europe; an event which will leave you nothing in that district which fhall happily be reftored to it's ancient re- union, and little to hope for in that, which fhall unfortunately fall under a haughty and Popifh oppreffor. Is it for this you have waded through the blood of your own countrymen? And what profpect of an efcape from this mighty ruin, but in the bleffing of God upon the future progrefs of the British arms; and that by liftening to the coun- fels of Mr. Deane, you like him, may be fubjects of that clemency you have fo often defpifed. Wretched America! when Great-Britain inftead of a war of co.re&tion [ xii ] correction to bring you to your fenfes, fhall forget your defcent, and proceed to prefs you down by the weight of affliction and general defolation. off tog On either of thefe contingencies, the pertinacious authors or fupporters oft the rebellion, may rue their agency in the meaſures fo pernicious to themfelves and their countrymen. The day of doom cannot be afar off, Pax quæritur Bello, and let thofe two individuals dread it moft, who by a prebeminence in guilt, ventured to write and publifh the ge- neral orders to the rebel army in Auguft 1776; which by falfely denying, con- trary to all virtuous and honourable poli- 6y, the meffage of peace, then in theirid hands, prevented the inftantaneous re- ftoration of the common tranquility; and for the hope to themfelves of the qu precedency of Pennfylvania, and rank in the French army, have fent thou-b 1ands of a cheated, infulted and credu-d Jous hoft to the fhades. bogel nero of DEAR SIR, Paris, 14th June, 1781.7 THERE has been lately published in the English and Dutch Gazettes, a refolution of Congrefs, of March laft, tending to forbid all intercourfe between the inhabitants of America and Great Britain, or on any account or in any circumftances whatever; and it is credibly re- ported that all British goods, however the pro- perty of them may have been acquired (capture excepted) are declared to be contraband and liable to be confifcated, and that an American in Europe, or the Weft-Indies, who purchaſes goods of British growth or manufacture, will on his importation of them, into America, be ex- pofed to have his property feized, and to be fined, or at leaſt cenfured Several gentlemen late from America, have informed me, that fuch re- folutions and laws, were propofed before they left the continent; and the menace thrown out. by Meffrs. Adams, Dana, and Searle, againft any who fhould purchafe Britiſh goods for the American marker, leaves me in no kind of doubt, that fuch violent and in confiderate mea- fures have been actually adopted by Congrefs, and by fome, if not by all the Affemblies.- I know not what good effects are expected in America from fuch refolutions, in Europe, they B are 2 ] are efteemed impolitic, and ufelefs at beft for any good purpofe, but what is to me the moſt alarming, is that thofe refolutions were taken in confequence of reprefentations made by the French Minifter at Philadelphia; and are we, in all the pride of independant fovereignty, become greater flaves, even than the fubjects of France? Is the Congrefs, and are our Affemblies become fo dependant on this Court, as to be dictated to even by it's Minifter? The merchants of France go freely to London, purchafe goods, and though they are obliged at all times, whether in peace or war, to introduce them privately into the kingdom, or pay a heavy tax, yet when once in- troduced they fell them openly as English goods; they now advertiſe them as fuch, and you can fcarce go through a ftreet in Paris, without feeing many flores, over the doors of which, English Goods juft imported, are advertiſed for fale; Congrefs have within three years paft, acted fo often in direct contradiction to their own re- folves and declarations, that it is no way fur- prifing that they have loft the confidence of the public, on this fide the water at least they have entirely loft it; the King gave a large fam of money about the time of Mr. Laurens's arrival, for the ufe of the army, but the Court had fo little confidence in Congrefs, that the money vas made payable to General Washington's or- ders only, nor could they be induced, by the earneft folicitations of Deftor Franklin, to give ambulator dout Congrefs [ 3 ] out t Congress any controul over it; this fhews either that they have no confidence in Congrefs, or that they mean to take General Washington and his army in effect into their pay, aud make them fubfervient to their purpoſes; Mr. Laurens ob- tained liberty to lay out a part of the money in cloathing and neceffary articles for the army; the Minifters probably confidered it more for the intereft of France, and better for the army, to have fuch part of the money as muft go in pur- chafe of clothing, &c. laid out in France, than fent in fpecie to America; but what followed? Mr. Laurens feat his agent to Holland and laid out one million and a half of livres, nearly, in British manufactures. Thus whilft Mr. Adams was declaiming in Holland againft England, and protefting against all ufe of its manufactures, and threatening every American that fhould pur- chafe them, with being advertifed as the enemy of his country, the Agents of Congrefs were publicly (and therefore I prefume with his knowledge) purchafing thofe profcribed manu- factures for public ufe; can the annals of the world exhibit more ftriking inftances of incon- fiftency? This public preference given to the manufactures of England, by: laying out the money granted by France in the purchaſe of them, has irritated the Minifter, and given ge neral difguft; our affairs here will foon feel the confequences, nor do I believe that we shall have any credit at all, nor that our bills will be paid in [ 4 ] in two months from this time.-Mr. Laurens was not to blame in this affair, fo far as I know any thing of it, he acted prudently, and for the intereft of his conftituents; he did what you and every honeft merchant would have done, in his place he had money to lay out for the public, and he fought the beft market for the good:, moft fuitable, and fuch as were to be had of the beft terms; befides there was a strong fhip in Holland bound for America, in which they could be tranfported at little rifque. But what can be faid of Congrefs for paffing refolves, which they must know will not be obeyed, and which as foon as published, they themselves de- ftroy, by acting in direct contradiction to them? What I have hinted about our bills keep to you:- felf, or ufe it only to check any of our friends who may be difpofed to venture too deep in them. You may be affured that no loan has been ob- tained either in Spain or Holland; that there is not the leaft probability of any; that the refig- nation of Mr. Neckar has been a fenfible thock to public credit in France; and that great em- barrassments are apprehended in a few months on account of money; that too many begin to confider every livre granted to America, as fo much loft, and that Doctor Franklin is now under acceptances for nearly three millions of livres more than he has funds to anfwer for.-- Thefe facts are fufficient for your direction- The Doctor may poffibly obtain fresh grants-I doubt [ 5 ] doubt it-I know he has been refufed. and I am told in rather harsh terms. Congrefs drew bil's on Mr. Prefident Laurens, as reing in Holland, many months before he failed from America; they drew on Mr. Jay long before his arrival in Spain; thefe bills have been honoured and you in America have been taught to believe that it was from money received in pain und Holland-no fuchting-thofe bills have been uniformly fent to Doctor Franklin for payment, even the falaries of Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams, and their fuitcs, have been drawn for on Doctor Franklin, who has paid them out of the monies received here. The Agents of p ivate States fent over here on one mad Quixotical ſcheme or other, have been furnished with money for their expences, out of the fums granted for the fup- port of our army; our Ambaffaders and Agents have for fome time paft coft us at least twenty thousand pounds fterling per annum, the relief of prifoners, and other contingencies, more than as much more, all this has been taken from the money afforded us by France for our army, Congrefs though repeatedly advifed by Doctor Franklin not to draw on him, have continued to draw without bounds, and generally without ad- vice; by their conduct one would fufpect that they imagined that the Treafury of France was at their difpofal, and that they had a right to draw what money they pleafed from -The Minifters here fee no end to this proceeding it. [ 6 ] proceeding if permitted to run on, and if the Agents and Minifters of Congrefs are permitted to contract debts, and draw on them for the. payment, and if Congrefs are at liberty to draw unlimitedly on Dr. Franklin, and they obliged to anfwer ultimately their drafts, it is reafonable therefore to expect, that France under its actual circumftances, will hold its hand, and that you will foon find the bills of Congrefs protefted for non-acceptance, or non-payment; nothing pre- vents it at this moment, but the fear of a violent revolution with us--Is it to be fuppofed that France will be content for any time to defray the expence of the various Quixotical embaflies Congrefs are fending to different Courts ?- That he will continue to advance money to be laid out under her eyes, in the manufactures of her enemies, to the contempt of thofe of her own; and to her real impoverishment? You who believe this have faith indeed, but it is a queftion with me if it is fuch as will remove mountains. I know and confefs the difficult fituation of Con- gref And I know alfo, (what I am fure they) will not confefs) that they have brought them- felves into it by their cabals, their ignorance, and their mifmanagement; but their prefent em- barraffments afford them no excufe for their in- volving themſelves in ftill greater--If you afk me what they can do? I anfwer at once, let them do what for a long time paft they have left un- done, let them aft an honest and confiftent part, let [ 7 ] let them acknowledge their inability, let them in a word, lay their cafe fairly as it is before their Ally, let them weigh fairly the probable chances for their fucceeding to eftablish Inde- pendent Sovereignty, and if they find the proba- bility againft it, let them honeftly confefs it, and put an end to the calamities of our country, by a peace on honorable terms; perhaps to talk of peace on other conditions than Great-Britain's afking for it on bended knees, is toryifm with you, if fo, I cannot help it. I have for fome time fince, had the fate, though I fhall never have the fame of Caffandra; I have predicted misfortunes and difappointments-Nobody has believed my predictions, yet they have hitherto been uniformly verified by events; "I could fill prophecy but the cold hand of despair is on me" and I will only add my wishes for your prof- perity, and be affured of my fincere reſpect and attachment. I am, Dear Sir, Your moft obedient, (Signed) To Col. Wm. Duer, And very humble Servant, SILAS DEANE. to the care of Robt, Morris, Efq; Philadelphia. [ 8 ] Dear Sir, THE Paris, 1th June, 1781. HE dangerous crifis to which our affairs are rapidly advancing affects me greatly-I can fpeak of nothing elle with attention when in company, it excludes every thing elfe from my thoughts when alone, we bave been deceived, and that principally by curfelves, we have de- ceived others unintentionaly I charitably believe. The British nation has fallen into errors equally great; would to God this great tragedy of errors, could have a happy catastrophe! It is in vain to blame our public managers, but it is wife in us to examine our prefent fituation, and to weigh the probabilityof future confequences. Experience has fhewn us that France is either unable or unwi!- ling to affift us effectually, fo as to drive the British force out of our country; judging from appearances, here I might conclude, that France is unwilling, as appearances warrant fuch a con- clufion, but when the conduct of men, or of a nation is capable of two conftructions, I would willingly adopt the moft favourable-1 know the inability of the nation to affift us effectually, and they fay, they are not unwilling. I ought to believe them, though I know it is certainly in- confiftent with their intereft, and with the fafe- ty of their foreign poffeffions to remove the war from our continent. But to which ever of thefe caufes we impute the continuance of the war, in our country, the confequences will be found equally [ 0 ] - svnd I ion [9] smoood led 2015 as I asyldgraron en colliehp sds bonim equally pernicious to us. Great-Britain is de- termined in no circumftances to admit the inde pendency of America, and fo long as both parties remain inflexible, we fhall continue to weaken, exhauft and ruin each other, and whop will eventually be the gainers? It is, I think time ***** for us to enquire how our account will ftand on a clofe. Let the conteft clofe, when or in what manner it may-Will independent fovereignty, in the hands of a democracy, be a government under which our perfons and proper- ties will be better fecured than they were before this unhappy conteft began Will our com- merce flourish more under independency, than it did whilft we were connected with Great Britain ? This I know is generally believed, it is even relied on, as a principal fource from which we fhall reimburſe our prefent expences.The fub- ject however merits an examination.If the restraints formerly laid on our trade were overbalanced by the protection and encourage- ment given to it. If in a ftate of independence, that protection and encouragement muft ne- ceffarily be withdrawn, and our commerce with Great-Britain and its poffeffions, become fubject to all the duties and prohibitions laid on the commerce of other aliens and ftrangers. If our commerce with France and other foreign nations, must be fubject to the conditions and reftraints which they fhall fee fit to impofe, as must be the cafe, it deferves enquiry whether we in our com- C merce ம் 27 迪 ​ [ 10 ] merce fhall become gainers or not. I have exa- mined the queflion as thoroughly as I am ca- pable, and am convinced we muft be lofers. We complained of England for including America in the Navigation Act, and other acts of trade, but if the naval force of that nation rofe in confe- quence of thofe acts, into a power fufficient to protect the trade of the whole empire; if the trade of America was protected thereby, could it be unreaſonable that the trade of America fhould fubmit to thofe acts and regulations which were the fource of its protection and fecurity? We complained that acts of parliament prohibited us from carrying certain articles of our produce to foreign markets, and thereby gave England a monopoly advantageous to her and injurious to us; but it muft at the fame time be acknow- ledged that Britiſh fubjects were generally re- ftrained from purchafing and importing the fame articles from other countries; fo that if England made a monopoly of certain articles of our pro- duce, fhe gave us in return a monopoly of her market, and the liberty of re-exporting our goods if a better market afforded elfewhere; in this, the advantage ay evidently with us; a great part of the articles thus monopolized by Eng- land, were fuch as could have been, and were formerly fupplied by foreigners at as low or lower rates than we could afford them. But the fyftem of Great-Britain being as you know to promote the commerce of her own empire in every part of [ 11 11 ] of it, not only reftraints and duties were laid on foreign importations, but bounties given to en- courage the growth and importation of many of our productions, which otherwife would not have found their way to Europe; another complaint was, that we were prohibited the taking from fo- reigners, articles, which we wanted though not the growth or fabric of England; but it is well known that thofe articles concerning which fo much has been faid, formed but a very inconfiderable part of our commerce.- Every one who has had an opportunity of com- paring the manufactures of one nation in Eu- rope with another, of obferving the different modes and principles of tranfacting business, will at once give England and her merchants the preference. All the more folid, fubftantial and uſeful articles are made better, and afforded cheaper there, than any where elfe, certain linens from Ruffia and Silefia excepted-and even thofe as well as the lefs important foreign articles, came to us, confidering the drawbacks in England on exportation, nearly, if not quite as cheap, as we could have imported them di- rectly. But it has been alfo objected that fo- reigners were not admitted to bring their pro- duce and merchandize into our ports, and trade with us; of all the complaints made by us on the fubject of commerce, this appears to me the moft abfurd and groundlefs. The exclufion of foreigners from being the carriers for England ia [ 12 ] is the corner ftone in which its commerce and maritime power arofe, and the principal caufe of the increafe of our commerce and navigation, and if ever we ſhould be independent and at peace and fhould neglect to pafs acts to exclude fo- reigners from being our carriers, we fhall never be either a maritime or commercial nation.- The Parliamentary regulations, and reftrictions on our commerce were a principal caufe of the unhappy contest between the two countries, and we were impatient under them becauſe we were apprehenfive, that they were part of a fyftem to enflave us entirely, and thus thinking it was na- tural that we fhould exaggerate their hardships, and in all our deliberation on the fubject, turn our attention to the restraints laid on trade, with- out confidering the encouragement and protecti- on given to it; I do not mean to call in quef- tion the views or defigns of any one at that period. I believe that others as well as myfelf, had at that time but partially examined the fabject, and in truth we know that too many of our leading pa- triots had little or no knowledge of commerce, its interefts and dependencies.--I confefs that on a more extenfive view, and impartial exami- nation of the fubject, I think it evident that the reftrictions which were laid on our commerce previous to the prefent difpute were over-ba- lanced by the protection, and various encou- ragements afforded to it by Great-Britain, but fuppofing that at the clofe of the war America 10 nonmax remain baziga tot move edz gaid most ot el 90 [ 13 ] remain independent, what muft be the future fituation of our commerce? Will independency at the restoration of peace, give commerce fuch a fpring, procure for it fuch new fources and encouragements as are neceffary, not only to revive it from the ruined ftate in which it now is, but to raiſe it ftill higher than it has been at any former period? Or will independency prove prejudicial to the commerce of America? This is a ferious queftion, and the importance of it muft apologize for the length of my letter. I know that I am writing to the first commercial character in America, but I alſo know your candor and love of truth, and therefore I ven- ture to communicate to you my thoughts on the fubject, which if juft you will approve, if erro- neous you will correct. America left at liberty will, I am perfuaded, take at the leaft, three- fourths of all the European articles fhe wants from Great Britain. The fuperiority of the British manufactures, their conformity to our tafte and habits; the generofity and strict punctu- ality of her merchants, and above all the credit which they can give, and which no other nation can, or will give, muft fecure to that nation, as great a fhare of our trade as I have mentioned. But how are we to pay for thofe purchaſes? Whilft we were part of the empire, Great- Britain gave a preference to our iron, naval ftores, pot afh, flax feed, timber, &c. &c. and encouraged the importation of them by bounties, 21 anos ami a 25 alii andnd coisasup [ 14 ] and by laying heavy duties on the fame articles from foreign nations. This will no longer be the cafe; we have no reafon to expect to be even amongst the most favoured foreign nations in the British ports. We have imagined that Great- Britain would not fupport its commerce, and manufactures, without our productions and with- out our markets for a confumption of theirs; this has been afferted, in harangues and publi- cations many thouſands of times within feven years paft, I confefs, that I once believed it- but obfervation and experience have convinced me, that we have been greatly mistaken,-Of all the articles furnished by us to Great-Britain, I know but two, tobacco and rice, which can- not be obtained as good and as cheap from other countries. The confumption of rice in Great- Britain, is very inconfiderable; and that of to- bacco, does not exceed twenty thousand hogf- heads annually, on an average.---Other coun- tries indeed can produce both thefe articles at as low a price as America can, but the preference given to them from America by Great-Britain, has formerly prevented their being cultivated to any extent.---It is well known that the Ifland of Cuba, the Coaft of Brazil, and many other countries produce tobacco of a quality fuperior to ours.---That the Ukraine is capable of fupply- ing all Europe with that article: its cultivation it is true is not yet carried to perfection there, but as it is, Ruffia at this time exports large quantities [ 15 ] quantities of tobacco to France, and to other nations.---The fame may be faid of many other countries refpecting rice. Indigo is produced in the Southern parts of America, and in the Inlands, every way fuperior to ours.-- The pro- ductions of Ruffia, Denmark and Sweden, &c. are the fame with ours, and in exchange for them, thofe kingdoms take the fame kind of merchandize from England as we formerly took; at beft therefore we fhall meet with rivals in the British markets on our arrival with our produce, and rivals in the purchafes we wish to make there-But we are fuppofed to be Independent, and can therefore go where we pleaſe, but we cannot find purchafers where we pleafe, and the nations among whom we find them may lay what impofitions they pleafe on our fales-The North- ern powers in Europe cannot become purchafers for they have the fame articles to fell-France wants but a very fmall part of our productions; it wants neither our iron, pot-afh, flax feed, fish, oil, or in fhort, fcarcely any thing except about 24000 hogfheads of our tobacco, annually-Our timber and naval ftores; and for the two latter articles, we fhall find the fame rivals in the ports of France as in England; and in regard to the firft, the most important article of all, the cul- tivation of it advances fo rapidly in Flanders, and in the Ukraine, that thofe countries will foon rival us in the quality of their tobacco, and from the cheapnefs of labour, be able at all [ 2 ] [ 16 ]dol to valstigen all times to underfell us in France, and in all the Northern ports of Europe-We have no pro- mife of a preference in the markets of France- nor the leaft ground to expect it-Spain and Por- tugal it is true, may want our flour and our fish, if, contrary to all appearance, we fhould have any, but they will want little or nothing elfe, and our trade, be it whatever it may, to the Southern parts of Europe, and into the Medi- teranean, muft at all times be expofed to the Cor- fairs of Barbary-Thofe piratical ftates, who pay little or no refpect to the flags of the first maritime nations in Europe, further than they are paid for it, will hardly pay any to the flag of a nation, they have fcarcely fo much as heard of, and of which, if they come to know any thing, they will know that they can in no cafe have any thing to hope or fear from-We have pro- tefted against the African trade, but if we relax or refcind our refolutions on that fubject, without a marine to protect our commerce there, and without either forts or factories on the coaft, we can have no fhare of it-We cannot flatter ourfelves that we fhall be able to reduce either Nova- Scotia, Newfoundland, Canada, or the Flo- ridas; and if Great-Britain be obliged at the clofe of the war to fubmit to the lofs of thirteen colonies, it is natural to fuppofe fhe will exert herſelf to make the most of thofe which are left her We neither have nor with for poffeffions in the Weft-Indies-We formerly had a great and increafing [ 17 ] increafing trade there, but how much of it ſhall we retain as an independent nation? If any part of the globe be dependent on us for our produce it must be the Weft-Indies-Five years ago we rated our importance fo high as to believe that from a fufpenfion of trade with us, all the manu- facturing towns in England would rife, or at leaft, clamor loudly in our favour, thro' the want of employment; that Ireland would be ruined only for the want of our flax-feed, and that the British Weft-Indies muft perish by fa- mine from the want of our productions-But the experience of fix years ought certainly to correct fuch erroneous ideas of our own importance, or we must have been incorrigible even by expe- rience i felf---Not one manufacturing town in Great-Britain has complained for want of em- ploy; Ireland has been fupplied with flax-feed at as cheap, or cheaper rate than formerly, and has found fufficient markets for her linens--The Weft-Indies may have fuffered but little dimi- nution. Thefe facts ought to convince us that the world is not fo dependent on us, as we have imagined, and by purfuing our enquiries we fhall find that we are as much, or more depend- ent on our neighbours than they are on us---I am not writing to one who declaims again ft lux- ury, without any conception of its effects, nor to one of those who talk a great deal about com- merce, and of its benefits, or of its differvices to a country, withort having the leaft idea of its nature, D [ 18 ] nature, or of the extent of its influence and power: I therefore may, without reafoning on the fubject, venture to fay that the produc- tions of the Weft-Indies are effentially neceffary to us, and that we can do no better without their fugar, coffee, cocoa, cotton, &c. &c. than they without our flour, beef, lumber, &c. &c. For- merly as British fubjects, we had the right of fupplying the British Islands with whatever they wanted, and taking in exchange whatever they had to difpofe of --We paid no more duties than our other fellow fubjects paid, either upon im- portation or exportation--We had a right of carrying to the French, Dutch, and other foreign poffeffions in the Weft-Indies, all our produc- tions, tobacco excepted, and of receiving in ex- change from them, whatever they could afford, rum and a few other articles excepted---The ar- ticles we received from them were indeed fubject to a certain duty on importation into America. But how was it then and how is it now with the French, Dutch, and other foreigners, as to our commerce with their Welt-India poffeffions: It is true we were admitted into their ports, but our flour was a prohibited article, and only admitted openly in times of fcarcity. Many principal ar- ticles of our produce were in the fame predica- ment: France, by prohibiting our flour into her Iflands, fhews that he was in no fear of their ftarving without fupplies from us. But what articles of their produce were we permitted to purchafe [ 19 ] purchafe and export openly in exchange? Molaf- fes, or the wretched liquor which they diftilled from it, only; all others, fuch as coffee, cotton, fugar, indigo, &c. we brought away as by ftealth, and by the purchafed connivance of their officers---Has France bound herſelf by treaty to give us more freedom of trade with her Islands than formerly? By no means--- We are to be treated as the most favoured nation is treated; and the fubjects of the moft favoured nation were never better treated than the manner I have de- fcribed---This favorite article of my country- men, molaffes, the only one of any importance, which we were at liberty to import from the French Islands, was taken care of by Con- grefs in their firft propofals to France for a treaty. I faw the importance of it at that time, and flattered myfelf we had fecured it, without any real facrifice on our part, but Congrefs afterwards thought differently, and gave it up. We have not therefore, at this day, any fecurity even for this fingle article--Every thing refts on the gene- ral and vague terms of reciprocally, and of being treated in the fame way, and in the fame manner, as any, even the most favoured nation fhall be treated. But it may be faid that the neceffity in which the Iflands must be for our produce, will at all times bring them to our terms, or at least to juft and reafonable ones. Let us examine the fubject at- tentively---The French iflands can be under no neceffity of taking from us flour, or falted pro- vifions [[ 20: ]] vifions of any kind; on the contrary, it is the policy of France, to prohibit them from doing it, if fo difpofed; for by fupplying her iflands with flour of her own growth and manufacture, and with all kinds of falted provifions purchafed in Europe with her brandies, wines, &c. fhe en- courages the agriculture and commerce of her fubjects in Europe, which is a prime object with every wife nation; as to fresh provifions, her windward iflands only can ever be in want of them, and at moft the demand is inconfider- able collectively, and the bufinefs of fupplying never was in the best of times a profitable branch of commerce; Great-Britain in poffeffion of Ca- nada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas, can from thofe colonies fupply her iflands with every thing they want, at as low or lower rate than we can; wheat, flour, pork, beef, horfes, &c. have for many years fince, and before the war, been cheaper in Canada than with us, and Weft-India goods of every kind have been dearer; Great- Britain therefore naturally muft and will fhut her ports against us as a foreign independent nation; her iflands will want nothing from us which they cannot be fupplied with from her own colonies in the continent, and thofe iflands produce nothing which is not wanted either in Great- Britain or in thofe colonies; good policy muft therefore lead her totally to exclude us from all trade with them. Our commerce in this moft important branch of it must therefore be confined to [ 21 ] to the fupplving the French, Dutch, and other foreign islands and fettlements, with fuch articles, as they will confent to take from us, and re-. ceiving in return molaffes (openly fo long as they. fhall think proper to afford it to us free of duty) and fuch other productions as they may be, pleafed to connive at our fmuggling.---Thus in Europe, we fhall be either excluded from our ancient and certain markets, or at least rivalled in them, and we fhall have no certainty of new ones, nor any fecurity against heavy duties and impofitions in fuch, as we may be able to ob tain.---New channels have been opened for fup- plying Great-Britain with the commodities we formerly furnished to that nation, and for con- fuming the manufactures we formerly took from her. It was the intereft and policy of Great. Britain to promote our commerce and fisheries, whilft we were part of the empire; accordingly the encouraged our fhip building by the purchafe of our fhips, or by giving them freights; but being independent, the reverfe will become both her intereft and policy towards us; her ports will be entirely fhut against us in the Weft-Indies, for the reafons already given, and our commerce in that important branch confined, as I have fhewn, to the furnishing the French, Dutch, and other foreign fettlements, with fuch articles as they fhall confent to receive, and under fuch con- ditions as they fhall fee fit to impofe, and in re- turn they will give us molaffes, if they pleafe, free [ 22 ] free of duty. But their fugar, coffee, cotton, &c. will ever remain prohibited articles fo long as thofe nations are interefted to make a mono- poly of thefe articles in Europe, both on account of commerce and revenue, and it is impoffible they can be interefted to do otherwife; when France was in poffeffion of Canada, Louisbourg, &c. the government did not permit thofe colo- nies to receive fugar, coffee, or any of the pro- ductions of thofe iflands direct from them, but obliged thofe colonies to take them from France,' charged with double freights, duties, &c. and can we expect that France will do for us what fhe ever refuſed to do for her own fubjects? That fhe will grant us privileges which he never granted to any other nation? Can we expect that Great-Britain, refentful on account of her loffes, and defirous of encouraging the colonies which may remain to her in America, and which will be able to fupply her iflands with every. thing, can we expect that fhe will permit us to trade with thofe iflands on any terms? It is re- pugnant to common fenfe to fuppofe it. Con grefs, you may remember fpent fome months in debate about the fisheries, they acted the parts of the hunters who quarrelled about the bear- fkin----for England in the mean time drove our Allies, as well as us, entirely out of them; nor can France regain any intereft in the fisheries, but by the facrifice of fome advantage which the has, or may hereafter gain. But how are we to come [ 23 ] come in for any fhare in them? It will be to no purpoſe to plead that our local fituation gives us a natural right to participate, and that we en- joyed that right from our firft fettlement, &c.- We enjoyed it is true, that right with many others, as fubjects and part of the British empire, but we have feparated from it and appealed to the fword; the fword has decided against us on that fubject, and fhall we at the peace have any thing to give or reftore to Great-Britain, equal to the purchaſe of what that nation is almost as jealous of as Spain is of her mines? Will France after having regained a fhare in the fisheries for herfelf, go ftill further to obtain an intereft in them for us? Look into the treaty between us, and you will find that France and we acted a little like the hunters I have referred to, in our divifion of Newfoundland and the fisheries; but it was made on condition of a conquest of them by either or both of us; that failing, France is under no obligation to guaranty any part of them to us; and what puts the matter out of all queftion is, that it is not for their intereft that America have any fhare in the fisheries. ---Deprived of thefe, and of almost all the Weft-India trade, wholly excluded from that of Africa, as well as from the benefit of felling our iron, pot-afh, flax-feed, timber, naval ftores, indigo, &c. advantageously in Great- Britain and Ireland, with few or no markets opened for thofe commodities, what refources will [ 24 ] will be left for our commerce? No nation in Europe will give a fuitable price for our indigo, Ireland is fupplied with flax feed and lumber from the North, at a lower rate than we can afford to fell them at; Sweden and Ruffia can at all times underfell us, in the articles of iron, timber, fhips, naval ftores of every kind, pot-afh, &c. The bounties on tar, turpentine, &c. being taken off, we cannot fend thofe articles to Eu- rope, without an infupportable lofs, and we cannot expect that any nation (like England) will give us bounties on thofe articles. In taking a view of the Weft India commerce, I have faid nothing in particular of the Spanish, Portu- guefe, or Danifh fettlements in America. I think you will agree with me, that as the two former have ever been, and most probably will remain fhut against all ftrangers, nothing can be ex- pected from thence, and that as to the latter, they are too inconfiderable to merit particular attention even were they not nearly in the fame predicament, with thofe of France and Holland, which you know them in truth to be. Thefe external difficulties, appear to me to be of themfelves infurmountable, but they are not all we fhall have to encounter, if we should, contrary to all probability, continue indepen- dentWithout a marine force, our commerce will be every where expofed to impofition and infult, and we fhall not probably be able to fup- port a marine-. In truth neither our friends, nor Our [ 25 ] clusions lliw be no szer our foes, can wish to fee us a maritime power, but there will arife at the peace, and in a ftate of independency, other embarraffments and bur- dens on our commerce. Our national debt, confidering our ability, will be immenfe, and we fhall not eafily agree in apportioning of it, to the feveral ftates. This, and a multitude of other caufes for difpute, are fo certain, and fo likely to be productive, that it will be miracu- lous, if we can avoid a civil war with each other, as foon as we ſhall be freed from foreign ene- mies. Heavy taxes muft at leaft be laid to pay even the intereft of our public debts in the ex- haufted ftate in which the peace will find us. We cannot think of leffening the principal until the continent fhall have had fome time to recover itfelf. But the intereft of our public debt and the expences of government in each ftate will (though they must prove heavy) not be the whole of our burthens. The civil lift of Congress including the expences of their foreign minifters, confuls, &c. will exceed all our former expences, public and private, under our ancient govern- ment. Commerce therefore will neceffarily be- come the fubject of heavy taxes, becauſe the landholders who are naturally jealous of com- merce, and not the merchants will predominate in making our laws, and impofing our taxes, a large fhare of the taxes muft however fall on the landholder, which will oblige him to raiſe the price of his productions, and this with the E taxes [ 26 ] taxes on trade, will encreaſe it to fuch a height, that we shall find no market in which we ſhall not be underfold by foreigners. You, who are perfectly acquainted with the difpofition of thofe who form the Congrefs and the Affemblies of the feveral ftates, know that it is very far from being favourable to commerce; their views are fo contracted, that they never have feen that agriculture and commerce mutually depend on, and fupport each other. The refolutions of Con- grefs in almoſt every inftance, demonftrate their ignorance of the principles and effects of com- merce; the non-exportation agreement (for which I muft blame myfelf as well as others) was a fatal meafure; it laid the ax to the root of our commerce, and our agriculture fell with it; that refolution fhews what extravagant ideas we then had of our importance, we flattered ourfelves that by fhutting our ports, we fhould diftrefs Great-Britain and Ireland, and ftarve the Weft-Indies, fo far as to effect our purpoſes, but the operation of that refolve well nigh ftarved our army, and the poorer people, and brought diftrefs to the doors of every order; un- doors happily but too many of our leaders are ftill buoyed up with the fame wild and groundless ideas, and when I hear men, reputed as the wifeft and most enlightened of American patri- ots, advance that commerce is rather injurious, than beneficial, and that it would be better to have foreigners who want our produce, to come and [ 27 ] and purchaſe it, than for us to carry it to them. That the whole attention of America as an in- dependent nation, fhould be turned to agricul ture, and the manufacturing of articles of the firft neceffity. When I hear fuch doctrines ad- vanced, and by men whom America has been taught to look up to revere, and reviewing at the fame time the other circumftances which I have touched on, I become doub.ful, whether our commerce would not fuffer as greatly from internal checks and embarraffments. as from ex- ternal ones-but, my dear Friend, we are very far from the peaceable eftablishment of indepen- dency, fo far, that I candidly tell you, that I think there is not any probability of its ever taking place, at leaft in our day. The nations of Europe, France excepted, are all of them against it, and none more fo than Spain, France becomes every day more indifferent to it, but fo long as we can be made their inftruments for humbling Great Britain, Spain will temporize, and France will appear to be in earnest on the fubject; we are certainly the cheapest in- ftruments they can find to employ full one half of the forces of Great-Britain; forces, which if. left at liberty to fall on their foreign poffeffions, would foon reduce them to the ftate they were in 1762. But how dearly do we pay for the fervices we are performing. The Powers of Europe, hitherto neuter, appear at this time far from being indifferent to the fate of [28] of Great-Britain, fhould any of them take part with her, the war will affume a different appear- ance, and our fate will become from that mo- ment determined. I think there is a probability of fuch an event taking place foon, but my wish and prayer is for peace, and the re-establishment of America in her original rights. The prefent moment is unquestionably the most important America has ever feen, we are now of more weight in the general feale than we can poffibly expect to be hereafter, fhould the Powers of Eu- rope once agree, on the terms of peace, our af- fent will hardly be afked, and we should find it neceffary to acquiefce in the terms impofed on us.---The prefent opportunity ought therefore to be improved; England it is true, has a formi- dable league at this time against her, but we find in ancient as well as modern times, that nations lefs able to refift, have been fuccefsful, againft leagues ftill more formidable; I do not indeed recollect any one league, that ever came off victorious, over the fingle power leagued againft. The caufe is in the nature of men. and nations; it must therefore ftill exift in a certain degree, and I know not why it should not even in its full force. You will call this a political Jetter, againſt which we have often protefted, I intended it only as a commercial one, but I could not examine the future probable ftate of our commerce under independency, without entering on politics, I have tired you fo effectu- as wel ally [ 29 ] ally by this time, that I will take my leave with- out ceremony; it is now to beg that you will make my moft refpectful compliments to Mrs. Morris, and to affure you that I am ever with the moft fincere efteem and attachment, Dear Sir, Your moft obedient, and very humble fervant, S DEANE. Hon. Robert Morris, Efq; Philadelphia. Dear Sir, THE Paris, 13th June, 1781. HE appointment of an Ambaffador to the Emprefs of Ruffia, has led me to make fome ferious reflections on the idea which Con- grefs entertain of their own importance in the commercial and political world; they appear to be perfuaded that every nation in Europe, Eng- land excepted, are interefted to have us inde- pendent, and though they have been told the contrary by every Power they have applied to ex- cept France, yet the flattering delufion conti- nues, and a Minifter Extraordinary has been fent to Ruffia. The fact is, that there is not one Power in Europe, except France, interefted in having us independent, and by much the greater part are interefted against us; the Em- peror of Germany, and King of Pruffia, not being [ 30 ] being commercial Powers, can be very little affected either way; Holland, and all the Nor- thern Powers, are naturally interefled againft us; their productions and ours, are the fame in every article, indigo and rice only excepted; Ruffia raifes tobacco for its own confumption, and begins to export large quantities to its neighbours; the two great fources of the Dutch wealth, are their fifheries and their freights for other nations, in both thefe America muft foon interfere with them; the New Englanders began to rival them in thofe branches of bufinefs before the war; if we look Southward, Portugal owes its exiftence as an independent kingdom to Eng- land; were ceive the law England once fo reduced as to re- from France and Spain, Portugal would inftantly become annexed to the latter; the wealth of Spain lies in its iflands in the Weft Indies, and in its provinces on the continent; can Spain with to fee a mighty independent em- pire of confederate Republics, eftabliſhed in the neighbourhood of all its treafures? It is to the Jaft degree abfurd to fuppofe that Court can be fo blind to the confequences which muft foon re- fult from fuch an event; whilft we continue de- pendent on Great Britain, and under its con- troul, Spain will have nothing to dread fo long as it continues to be on good terms with the Court of London, and the European connections and alliances of Spain, will ferve to prevent that Court from wantonly breaking with Spain; Lu: North- [ 31 ] North-America freed from all European con- troul, will be at liberty to break with Spain at any time, without difturbing the peace of Eu- rope, or interefting any of its powers in the quarrel; the family connection between the Courts of France and Spain, and the defire of revenge for her former loffes, have led Spain into a war, but it is evident that the Court of Spain, will not on any confiderations make the war a common caufe with us.----- America out of the queftion, Great-Britain is greatly fuperior to France and Spain united; this France and Spain are fenfible of, and therefore give us good words and encourage us on, that England may be weakened by our expence; France has acted openly it is true, but the affiftance afforded us from time to time has been calculated, not to drive the British forces from the continent, but to keep us from accommodating, and, to employ their enemy with us. Spain has given us a trifling aid in money, but in the moft fecret manner, more like a bribe than a fubfidy. The other Southern Powers, are not in any refpe&t intereſted in our dependence or independence, but are perfectly indifferent as to either, nor if they fhould intereft themſelves would it be of the. leaft confequence. But you may fay, France having valuable poffeffions in the Weft-Indies, ought on the general principle which I have ad- vanced, to fear the confequences of our inde- pendence,--Not at all.The poffeffions of gobal France [ 32 ] France from their being islands, can have nothing to apprehend from the independent fovereignty of the United States. France will at all times have a fleet fufficient to protect them, and it can never be our intereft to have any other concern with them than in the way of commerce---but our pofition with re- fpect to Spain is different---Nothing but a river will feparate us, and the contrariety of our dif- pofitions, manners, and habits are fuch, that it is impoffible, if left to ourfelves, that we fhould live for any time in peace with each other.--- Congress to induce Spain to declare and to act openly, have offered to cede the two Floridas It is really no great act of generofity to offer what is not our's, but fuppofe Spain accepts and gets poffeffion of them, we fhall thereby become ftill nearer our neighbours, and quarrel fo much the fooner---Spain is not however, or appears not to be contented with this offer, in- finuates that Louifiana ought to be thrown into the fcale---on condition of her guaranting our independence. It is but too probable, that Con- grefs will not even refufe this, if they are per- fuaded that their independent fovereignty can- not be eſtabliſhed on eafier terms. But no man of fenfe and knowledge in thefe affairs, can ima- gine that Spain is ferious in this demand, or that, that court means any thing elfe, by it than to gain time-Spain cannot be ignorant that from the day in which we become peaceably eftabliſhed in Independent Sovereignty, the muft look [ 33 ] look forward to the lofs of all her fouthern pro- vinces as an event certain, and not very diftant; and fhe muft know, that though the obtain Louifiania, yet the Allegany, or western moun- tains, will be as infufficient a barrier between us, as the river Miffifippi-1 muft tell you, that our Independence is fpoke of in a very different ftyle here, from what it was three years fince, it is not viewed here in the light in which Congress fpeak of it, when they fay it is as fixt as fate (or if they mean any thing) as certain as thofe eter- nal laws of nature which Omnipotence itself can- not alter; on the contrary, it is confidered by every fenfible man here, as not only doubtfull, but the probability greatly againft us: The con- fequences of American Independence are alfo eftimated very different from what they were for- merly in France-Experience has fhewn, that our attachment to the English manners, cuftoms, and to their manufactures, is fuch, that if Inde- pendent and at liberty to trade where we pleaſe, England will have the preference; almost every American who arrives in France is impatient to get over to England, and the fevere laws you are paffing on that fubject, may prevent their ever returning to America, during the war at leaft; but it will not prevent their going over-The laws ordering confifcation, &c. demonftrate more fully than any direct language is capable of, the predilection of Americans for England. France, though at war with England, permits her fubjects to go to London openly and when F they [ 34 ] they pleafe, they taking out paffports, and not a week paffes but fome of the citizens of Paris go over to London, and there are now more than four times the English goods confumed in this city, than there were before the war; the better fort of people here, both at court and in the city, are now become mad, as I may fay, after every thing that is English, and even the ribbons worn by the ladies at court, are, in a great part, from English looms. val I have been told that Monf. Luzern remon ftrated to Congrefs againft our trading with Eng- land, or purchafing and importing its manufac- tures, and that thofe laws have paffed in compli- ance with his remonftrances and requests; I am unwilling to believe it, for if true, we are be- come, and that voluntarily, greater flaves to France than its own fubjects are. On whatever ground the laws have been paffed, I venture to predict that not any one good effect will be pro- duced by them, but the contrary-A little time will fhew what fuccefs Mr. Dana meets with at Ruffia, but if he meets with any at all, I am greatly miſtaken---I know of no Power in Eu- rope, Portugal only excepted, that is naturally and neceffarily more in the English intereft than Ruffia-I hear that your fpirits were greatly raiſed on hearing of the declaration of England againft Holland; I expected it would be the cafe, though every thing confidered there is not the leaft ground for encouragement from that event, but the contrary-It is now more than yode four [ 35 ] four months fince England commenced hofti- lities, yet the Dutch have made no reprisals, nor are they prepared to make any at this time. Nearly one half of the Republic are violently against a war with England on any confiderations whatever-The views of England in declaring were to exclude Holland from the armed neutra- lity, to diffolve at once a confederacy, which at beft, could not have lafted any time, and to de- prive France and Spain of their naval fupplies, furnished by the Dutch, and the French Islands of provifions, by the fame channels-The pur- pofe has been effected-Ruffia offers to mediate, but refufes to take part with Holland; Denmark has in effect long fince deferted the confedera- tion, and the armed neutrality, on which I never built any hopes, is come to nothing. Before the arrival of Mr. Laurens, jun. France gave Dr. Franklin fix millions of livres for the current year, it has fince added four more, and as it is faid has engaged to be our fecurity for 10 millions of livres in Holland, if to be borrowed at four per cent. You will be told therefore of 20 millions, and may poflibly receive that fum, but will that do more than prolong the war another year? Without a fleet fuperior to that of England, nothing can be done to any purpofe, as to finishing the war. I wish I could give you a more favourable ac- count of affairs here, and fuch as you wish to receive and credit, but I cannot do it confiftent with truth, and though you are certainly mifin- formed [ 36 ] formed as to the face of affairs in Europe by men who are either ignorant of them, and who are refolved at all hazards to write what they know you wish to believe, yet this will not juf- tify my doing the fame. In a word, my friend, nothing fhort of peace can fave our country from ruin and flavery, and whatever you may think in America, I am convinced that the terms offered by Great-Britain afforded a good room to open a treaty on, and ought not to be re- jected. This will not perhaps be a popular doc- Trine at prefent, but it must be fooner or later--- for me, I have freely opened my mind to you, and though you may differ in fentiment you will not, I truft, condemn the motive for my having done it. I have long fince had my accounts ready for fettlement, and have been waiting here for fix months paft, on heavy expence, un- able to get them audited, Mr. Johnfon, nomi- nated by Congrefs, as auditor, refufed from the firft to act, and Congrefs have not named any other, thus I am kept out of my money in a cruel and most unprecedented manner, but I will not add on the fubject at this time. My com- pliments to all friends, and be affured that I am with much refpect and friendship Dear Sir, Your moft obedient, And very humble Servant, SILAS DEANE. HEAVI To Jeremiah Wadsworth, Hartford, Connecticut.su 002 [ 37 ] siw ela abi plaod Paris, 14th May, 1781. t May, 1781. lat DEAR SIR, IH HAVE not had the pleafure of any letters from you fince my leaving America, fo that though I have written feveral, am uncertain of any of them coming to your hand, you doubtlefs must be as defirous to know the true ftate of af- fairs on this fide the water, as I am to know how things really are on yours,- -the few letters I have received have been too fhort, and written with too much caution to give me the infor- mation I wish for, and the Americans who arrive run into fuch extremes that I know not what to depend on. But a few weeks before the news of the defeat of Gen. Gates in Carolina, we were told by Mr. Searle, who arrived directly from Philadelphia, that the British were fhut up, and in a manner befieged in Charleſtown, that General Washington's army confifted of more than 20,000 men, &c. others gave an account very different: In fhort, nothing can be more con- tradictory than the accounts given by the diffe- rent perfons, who arrive in France, of the ftate of affairs in America. I wish you could find time and a fafe opportunity to fend me the truth, and the whole truth; I affure you it would be of fervice, and tend to prevent the mifchiefs which flow from falfe and exaggerated accounts tranfmitted from America, and which are repaid with intereft in the account fent back to you of the ftate of affairs in Europe. The writers and relaters [ 38 ] relaters of falfe accounts on both fides the water, have done us infinite mifchief. The war itſelf was occafioned at firft more by them than by any other, or perhaps every other caufe taken to- gether, and the continuance of it has been equally. owing to them; and in the beginning of the conteft, the friends of the British miniftry in America affured them, that America would not perfevere in its oppofition, and our agents and correfpondents in London encouraged us, by af- furing us that the majority of the nation was in our favour, that government would not go to extremities, that Parliament would, and muft recede, for that the nation was unable to make war, and to fupport it for any time; thus falfe reprefentations on both fides laid the foundation for the fcenes which fucceeded, and in which we are ftill involved, and a continuation of the fame kind of wrong and groundleſs information has kept up the action of this great tragedy of errors. You have found fo many of the accounts tranfmitted you from Europe to have been groundleſs, and fo many of the flattering encouragements and promifes made you, difap- pear and vanish into air their original compofition, that I prefume you would now bear to hear the truth at large, if I dared to fend it you, and though it is hardly fafe for me to do it, I dare not fend you any thing elfe-Great-Britain is neither ex- haufted nor difpirited as you have been taught to believe, the Parliament appear more unani- mous [ 39 ]. mous and refolved in the profecution of the war, than at any former period, and the warmeft op- pofers of the Minifter's unite with him in refu- fing to accede to the Independence of America. The British fleet is evidently fuperior at fea to that of our ally, and the former are preparing to augment it by more than thirty new ships of the line, and near forty frigates, actually on the ftocks-The late fubfcription to the new loan, fhews that money is not wanted though the na- tional debt is become immenfe; this is their fituation The ftate of our friends has been as greatly mifreprefented in America, as that of our enemies-I will not enter into particulars but I think you cannot rely on either men or fhips from hence, untill very late in this feafon if at all-Monf. de Graffe has failed with about twenty fail of the line for the Weft-Indies, from whence, it is faid, he is ordered to America, but as Admiral Rodney has a fleet nearly equal in force, in the Islands, I fee no profpect of any thing decifive fhould fuch a manoeuvre be made, and fhould it take place, the French fleet cannot be with you before Auguft, or later, and in thefe feas the maritime force of contend- ing powers appear too nearly balanced to expect any thing of importance from them this Sum- mer-I am fully of opinion however, that Eng- land enters on this campaign with greater advan- tage, than it has began any one fince France joined in the war, and if they fucceed in bring- ing [[ 40 ] ing the Emperor of Germany to interpofe in their favour, I think the balance will be decidedly on their fide. This will be known in a very fhort time, poffibly before I fend on this letter Our firft object of the war was the repeal of thofe acts of Parliament which were injurious to our rights and privileges; before this repeal was obtained we were forced to declare Indepen- dency, and folicit an alliance with France, the hereditary enemy of England-By a fortunate turn of our affairs, France was brought into an alliance with us, and to guarranty our Indepen- dence, juft at this time the Parliament of Eng- land repealed the obnoxious acts; this changed entirely the object of the war on our part as well as on that of England; it was no longer for the redrefs of grievances, but for fovereignty that we fought; at the time in which France came into a treaty of alliance with us, their object was to fepa rate America forever from England, and there by to weaken effectually, a power which for centuries paft, had given them more uneafinefs, and flood more in their way than any other power in Europe, from appearances they judged that by a fudden declaration and vigorous exertions the point would be gained, in a very fhort time, and at little expence, either of men or money; that England would be brought to confent to the in- dependence of America, after which every thing elfe would follow of courfe, and in its proper time, but the firft ftroke failed, the favourable 3 moment [ 41 ] moment was loft, and all the preparations which had been made for improving it, ferved only to fhew England the danger it had been in, and to roufe the fpirit of the nation to make the moft vigorous exertions. From this period the ob- ject of the war became almoft as much changed with France, as it had before been changed in America; at first, it was by a fudden ſtroke to force England to acknowledge our independence and feparation from their empire, which being done, peace muft have followed, and time will have foon effected the reft; but this failing, the original object was changed, or rather it was thought beft to obtain it, by taking a different line of conduct. England was loaded with debt, and was violently agitated by parties, the oppo- fition to Minifters in Parliament and out, was formidable, and it appeared more fo than it really was, from the English freedom of fpeech in Parliament, and of publications out of it; America was not perfectly unanimous in any of its meafores, except in the fupport generally of their independency, in this they appeared fuf- ficiently unanimous, to prevent any fear of them falling off or accommodating. Therefore what could not be gained in one way, was to be at- tempted in another; the weakening of England was the primary and conftant object, but the means for doing this were changed; it was as I have already faid at firft to be done by our being immediately established in independency, and the confequences G.. [ 42 ] confequences which time would naturally pro- duce, would effect every thing defired; but this failing through the fame oftenfible object, that of our independence has been held up to view, yet meaſures fo very different have been purfued, that their firft object, fo far as it refpects us, has become entirely changed, and the plan now is fo far as we can judge by appearances, to weaken England by fpinning out the war, and of em- ploying of us against them; and after England is reduced by thefe means, our independence may poffibly be eftablished.-I need not point out to a man of your fuperior penetration the fatal mif- chiefs, with which fuch a fyftem is pregnant.- Whilft England is at war with France and Spain united, we are left with more than one half of its land forces, and a confiderable part of its marine on us; we may ftruggle hard and behave manfully, but must be continually lofing ground and ftrength, whilft (France) our Ally with Spain, may poffibly hold a balance to the reft, without any material injury to themſelves, thro' the fact is they have not done even this hitherto. But fuppofing that England in confe quence of fuch a fyftem, fhould in two or three years be reduced to receive the law from France and Spain, in what fituation muft America by that time be? And to what Power can we look for relief, if France or Spain, or both, fhould offer to dictate the laws to us? Though this may not be the cafe, ye: nothing is more evident than that [ 43 ] that the prefent object of France and Spain, is to employ, and wafte the forces of Britain at the expence of America; evident as this must be to every one who impartially reviews the paft, and compares it with the prefent, we ate unwilling to fee or believe it, and are prevented from the examination by fair promifes, generous pro- feffions, and juft fo much and no more affift- ance as will ferve to keep us from finking at once, or flying off to the other fide.. In the mean time you muft obferve that Spain has from the first refufed to know any thing of us, thereby holding it in its power to declare for or against us, or to infift on any conditions whatever, as intereft may dictate, whilft Ame- rica is bound by a fecret article of the treaty of Paris of Feb. 6, 1778, to make a fimilar one with Spain whenever required, yet though this article was obtained from the American com- miffioners at the figning of the treaty at Paris, and though Spain has been now for two years engaged in the war, yet that Court ftill refufes to acknowledge us, or to receive our ambaffa- dor, though the Prefident of Congrefs---I will not enter further on the important, and to me painful fubject---I have already faid enough to a man of your penetration and judgment, and have no need to go into a particular and minute difcuffion, I will therefore finish my letter on more private matters; you must recollect the many and long converfations we have had, on the [ 44 ] the fubject of a fettlement on the Miffiffippi, near the Illinois, or on fome other part of that fertile weſtern country, when I left America I intended to have made fome attempt at leaft, to intereft fome gentlemen in Europe in the ſcheme, but the unfavourable appearance of American affairs, and the uncertainty how the war may terminate, have prevented me from faying any thing on the fubject.I have not however loft fight of it, and if you continue in the fame fentiments as formerly, it will be well to turn your thoughts that way. Lulas I can fee no pro- fpect of our being fo happy, or of doing fome- thing to repair the injuries, we have done our- felves and families in point of fortune any where as by fuch an eſtabliſhment.-If we return to our dependence on Great-Britain, it will not probably be with unanimity and parties, animo- fities and bickerings between the different Go- vernments, and even between individuals, will probably exift longer than we fhall, and render the remainder of our lives difagreeable:-On the other hand, if our independence is establifh- ed, the jarring interefts of the different States, will be fuch, and fo many grounds for difputes are already laid, that we fhall be happy even to efcape for any time the going into a civil war among ourſelves, by retiring weftward which we may de, let the event of the war turn either way, we may efcape thofe difagreeable fcenes, which await our country, and enjoy more fatisfaction, as well as find our account much better, in fet- tling [[ 45 ]] tling a new colony, than in mixing in the feuds and factions of old ones; if indeed the re- port is true, that Congrefs have offered to cede Louifiania, and the navigation of the Mifliflippi exclufively to Spain, I confefs I know not how this can be done, if they accept of it, and Ame- rica becomes independent in fuch cruel terms, but I can hardly conceive it poffible that fuch an idea could have entered the head, of the weakest and maddeft of our politicians. I cannot expect that you can have leifure to fend me any digefted plan, on this fubject, but I pray you not to be fparing of general hints, of the grounds and principles on which you would with to have one formed, and when you write fend duplicates, that fome one may reach me, addrefs your letter under cover, to Dr. Franklin, who will know where to forward them.---I have nearly finished a third fheet, and have not the courage to enter on a fourth, though in writing to you, I enjoy in fome degree the pleaſure of converfing with you, of which you know I am not eafily tired but I fhall write again in a few days, and in the mean time wifhing you all which one friend can with or defire for another, I am moft fincerely, Dear Sir, 300 Your moft obedient, dit nou and very humble fervant, bo SILAS DEANE. Samuel H. Parfons, Efq; on move to Brigadier General in the sed bed nam a 194 Service of the United States, America. [[ 46 ]] TH Dear Sir, dizimi ad Paris, June 1, 1781. HE famous Abbe Raynall has published a new edition of his Hiftoire Philofophique & Politique. The Parliament of Paris have con- demned the book to be torn and burnt, his per- fon to be feized, and his eftate confifcated. The Abbe, however, had timely notice, and has fled. The Book is at prefent both fcarce and dear, or I would fend it to you. The liberties which the Abbe has taken with the Chriftian Religion, and with the political manœuvres of France, have caufed his perfecution. I am of opinion that the latter has been the principal, for it is well known that no country in Europe abounds more in Deifts and Deiftical writers than this--- As you must be anxious to know the fentiments of this celebrated and eloquent writer with ref- pect to the American revolution, I have made a few extracts, and would gladly oblige you with more if I had time, but having only borrowed the books, I must return them as foon as read, fpeaking of our revolution he fays. (1) De "toutes (1). Of all the energetical caufes effecting fo many revolutions in the world, not one of them have exifted in North-America. Neither religion nor the laws were outraged. Martyrs or citizens had not been maffed out of their blood upon the fcaffold. No infult had been committed againft morality, manners, or customs, nor any thing dear to a people. Not a man had been fnatched from the bofom of his family [ 47 ] "toutes les caufes energiques que produiferent << tant des revolutions, fur la Globe, aucune "n'exiftoit dans le Nord de l'Amerique, ni la << religion, ni les lois n'y avoient etè outragiés, les fang des Martyrs, ou des citoyens, n'y "avoit pas ruiffetè fur des echauffauds, on n'y << avoit pas infulté aux meurs, les manieres, les "ufages, aucun des objects cher au peuples, "n'y avoient eté livrès au ridicule, le pouvoir "arbitraire n'y avoit arraché aucun habitant "du feine de fa famille, ou de fes amis, pour "les hainer dans les horreurs du'n cachet, l'or- "dre publique n'y avoit pas eté invertí, les "principes d'adminiftration, n'y avoient pas "changé & les maximes du government y "etoient toujours reftées le meme. Tout fe re- "duiffoit, family or friend to perish in the horrors of a dun- geon. Public order was not inverted. The principles of adminiftration, remained unaltered, and the max- ims of government continued what they ever had been. The whole amounted only to this, whether the parent country, had, or had not a right, directly or indi- rectly, to put a trifling duty on the colonies? For the grievances accumulated in the declaration of in- dependency, amount to nothing, becauſe the firft grievance a queftion nearly metaphyfical, was not fufficient to justify a general commotion, and much lefs an infurrection, for which a country is to be- hold herfelf deprived of the hands that fhould have been her fupport, her harvefts ravaged, and her fields covered with the carcafes of her relations, or ftained with her own blood. [ 48 ] << 66 duiffoit, a fcavoir, fi la metropole avoit, ou "n'avoit pas le droit de mettre directment ou "indirectment un leger impot fur les colonies, car les griefs accumulées dans le manifefte n'eurent de valeur, car par ce premier grief, cette queftion prefque metaphyfique, n'etoit guerre propre, a foulever une multitude, ou