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PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS
OF THE UNITED STATES
PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS
OF THE UNITED STATES
Dwight
D. Eisenhower
1960-61
Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and
Statements of the President
JANUARY I, 1960, TO JANUARY 20, 1961
BATES COLLEGE
LEVv WJI SON MAINE
L. -i-._': _ ---~,"" n 111 IH *
PUBLISHED BY THE
OFFICE OF THE FEDERAL REGISTER
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS SERVICE
GENERAL SERVICES ADMINISTRATION
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1961
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C. - Price $7.75
FOREWORD
THERE HAS BEEN a long-felt need for an orderly series of the
Public Papers of the Presidents. A reference work of this type
can be most helpful to scholars and officials of government, to
reporters of current affairs and the events of history.
The general availability of the official text of Presidential documents and messages will serve a broader purpose. As part of the
expression of democracy, this series can be a vital factor in the
maintenance of our individual freedoms and our institutions of
self-government.
I wish success to the editors of this project, and I am sure their
work through the years will add strength to the ever-growing
traditions of the Republic.
6L C-fr1ZfC^ Ao~N
V
PREFACE
IN THIS VOLUME are gathered most of the public messages
and statements of the President of the United States that were
released by the White House during the period January i, 1960 -January 20, I96I. Similar volumes covering the years I953
through I959 are also available. Volumes covering the remainder of I96I and the period April I 2, I945-January 20,
I953, are under preparation.
This series was begun in response to a recommendation of the
National Historical Publications Commission (44 U.S.C. 393).
The Commission's recommendation was incorporated in regulations of the Administrative Committee of the Federal Register
issued under section 6 of the Federal Register Act (44 U.S.C.
306). The Committee's regulations, establishing the series, are
reprinted at page 1093 as "Appendix D."
The first extensive compilation of the messages and papers of
the Presidents was assembled by James D. Richardson and published under Congressional authority between I896 and I899. It
included Presidential materials from I789 to I897. Since then,
there have been various private compilations, but no uniform,
systematic publication comparable to the Congressional Record
or the United States Supreme Court Reports.
For many years Presidential Proclamations have been published
in the United States Statutes at Large. The Federal Register Act
in 1935 required that Proclamations, Executive Orders, and some
other official Executive documents be published in the daily
Federal Register; but the greater part of Presidential writings
VII
Preface
and utterances still lacked an official medium for either current
publication or periodic compilation. Some of them were interspersed through the issues of the Congressional Record while
others were reported only in the press or were generally available
only in mimeographed White House releases. Under these circumstances it was difficult to remember, after a lapse of time,
where and in what form even a major pronouncement had been
made.
CONTENT AND ARRANGEMENT
The text of this book is based on Presidential materials issued
during the period January i, i960-January 20, i96i. A list of
White House releases from which final selections were made is
published at page i067 as "Appendix A."
Proclamations, Executive Orders, and similar documents required by law to be published in the Federal Register and Code of
Federal Regulations are not repeated. Instead, they are listed
by number and subject under the heading "Appendix B" at
page io86.
The President is required by statute to transmit numerous
reports to Congress. Those transmitted during the period covered
by this volume are listed at page i09i as "Appendix C."
The items published in this volume are presented in chronological order, rather than being grouped in classes. Most needs for
a classified arrangement are met by the subject index. For example, a reader interested in veto messages will find them listed in
the index under the heading "veto messages."
The dates shown at the end of item headings are White House
release dates. In instances where the date of the document differs
from the release date that fact is shown in brackets immediately
following the heading. Other editorial devices, such as text notes,
vm
Preface
footnotes, and cross references, have been held to a minimum.
Remarks or addresses were delivered in Washington, D.C.,
unless otherwise indicated. Similarly, statements, messages, and
letters were issued from the White House in Washington unless
otherwise indicated.
Original source materials, where available, have been used to
protect against substantive errors in transcription. In maintaining the integrity of the text (and in solving many other problems
in the Eisenhower volumes), valuable assistance was furnished by
L. Arthur Minnich, Jr., and William J. Hopkins of the White
House staff, and by Robert R. Bolton of the National Archives
and Records Service.
The planning and publication of this series is under the direction of David C. Eberhart of the Office of the Federal Register.
The editor of the present volume was Warren R. Reid, assisted by
Mildred B. Berry and Dorothy M. Jacobson. Frank H. Mortimer
of the Government Printing Office developed the typography and
design.
WAYNE C. GROVER
Archivist of the United States
JOHN L. MOORE
Administrator of General Services
May I5, i96I
60295-61 ---2
Ix
CONTENTS
Page
FOREWORD V
PREFACE...VII
LIST OF ITEMS........ xm
PUBLIC PAPERS OF DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER... I
Appendix A-White House Press Releases, I960-6I. 1067
Appendix B-Presidential Documents Published in the
Federal Register, 1960-61... o86
Appendix C-Presidential Reports to the Congress,
1960-6....... 091
Appendix D-Rules Governing This Publication. I093
INDEX.......... I095
XI
LIST OF ITEMS
Page
I Letter to the Attorney General on Receiving His Report on
Deceptive Practices in Broadcasting Media. January i,
1 960 I
2 Exchange of New Year Greetings Between the United States
and the Soviet Union. January 4, 1960 I
3 Statement by the President on the Death of Representative
Simpson of Pennsylvania. January 7, 1960 2
4 Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union.
January 7, 1960 3
5 Letter to Senator Cooper on Federal Programs and Activities
in Aid of Chronic Labor Surplus Areas. January 8, 1960 I8
6 Special Message to the Congress on Removal of the Interest
Rate Ceiling on Government Bonds. January 12, 1960 2I
7 The President's News Conference of January I 3, 1960 21
8 Letter to Gordon Gray Designating Him Chairman of the
Operations Coordinating Board. January I 3, 1960 31 I
9 Letter to Karl G. Harr, Jr., Concerning His Duties With the
Operations Coordinating Board. January 13, 1960 31 I
i o Special Message to the Congress on Transfers From the Department of Defense to the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration. January 14, 1i960 32
iI Special Message to the Congress Recommending Amendments to the National Aeronautics and Space Act. January 14, 1960 34
12 Letter to T. Keith Glennan, Administrator, National Aeronautics and Space Administration, on High Thrust Space
Vehicles. January 14, 1960 37
13 Annual Budget Message to the Congress: Fiscal Year 1961.
January i8, 1960 37
XIII
List of Items
Page
I4 Toasts of the President and Prime Minister Kishi of Japan.
January 19, 1960 I
I5 Remarks at the Signing of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation
and Security Between Japan and the United States. January i9, i960 I 13
I6 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Prime Minister
Kishi of Japan. January 19, 1960 I13
17 Annual Message Presenting the Economic Report to the
Congress. January 20, 960 I 17
i8 Remarks to Participants in the Young Republican National
Leadership Training School. January 20, I960 I19
19 Remarks at the Annual Midwinter Meeting of the National
Association of Real Estate Boards. January 25, I960 2 I
20 Statement by the President on the Occasion of the 8oth
Birthday of General of the Army Douglas MacArthur.
January 26, I960 I24
21 The President's News Conference of January 26, I960 I25
22 Statement by the President Restating United States Policy
Toward Cuba. January 20, I960 134
23 Address in Los Angeles to the Nationwide Republican
"Dinner With Ike" Rallies. January 27, I960 137
24 The President's News Conference of February 3, I960 144
25 Citation Accompanying Awards for Oceanographic Research. February 4, 1960 154
26 Memorandum Concerning a Career Executive Development
Program in All Departments and Agencies. February 5,
i960 I55
27 Memorandum Directing the Special Assistant for Personnel
Management To Provide Leadership in the Career Development Program. February 5, I960 I56
28 Memorandum to the Chairman, Civil Service Commission,
on the Career Executive Development Program. February 5, 1960 157
XIV
List of Items
Page
29 Letter to Dr. Henry Wriston on His Acceptance of the
Chairmanship of the Commission on National Goals.
February 7, g1960 158
30 Memorandum Concerning the Commission on National
Goals. February 7, g1960 159
31 Remarks at Dedication of the Veterans of Foreign Wars
Memorial Building. February 8, 1960 i6i
32 Special Message to the Congress on Agriculture. February
9, 1 960 i 62
33 Remarks After Inspecting the Missile Test Center, Cape
Canaveral, Florida. February 10, 1 960 i66
34 The President's News Conference of February i I, 1960 i66
- Statement by the President on the U.S. Proposal To End
Nuclear Weapons Tests i66
35 Remarks Recorded in Observance of the both Anniversary
of the Boy Scouts of America. February 12, 1960 176
36 Special Message to the Congress on the Mutual Security
Program. February i6, 1960 177
37 Memorandum on the 1960 Red Cross Campaign. February 17, 1960 188
38 The President's News Conference of February 17, 1960 189
39 Special Message to the Congress Recommending U.S. Participation in the International Development Association.
February i 8, 1 960 199
40 Statement by the President on the Birth of a Son to Queen
Elizabeth II and Prince Philip. February I9, 1960 202
41 Message to the King of Denmark on the Death of Prime
Minister Hansen. February 20, 1960 202
42 Radio and Television Address to the American People on
the Eve of South American Trip. February 21, 1960 202
43 Remarks Upon Arrival at International Airport, San Juan,
Puerto Rico. February 22, 1960 207
xv
List of Items
Page
44 Veto of Bill To Amend the Federal Water Pollution Control
Act. February 23, 1960 2o8
45 Remarks at the Civic Reception for President Eisenhower
in Brasilia. February 23, 1960 210
46 Joint Statement of the President and President Kubitschek
of Brazil. February 23, 1960 2I2
47 Message to the Congress Transmitting Second Annual Report on U.S. Aeronautics and Space Activities. February 24, 1960 2 13
48 Remarks Upon Arrival at the Naval Ministry in Rio de
Janeiro. February 24, 1960 214
49 Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress of Brazil.
February 24, 1960 2 i 6
5o Remarks to the Members of the Supreme Court of Brazil.
February 24, 1960 221
5i Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in His Honor by
President Kubitschek in Rio de Janeiro. February 24,
1 960 223
52 Remarks Upon Arrival at Congonhas Airport, Sao Paulo,
Brazil. February 25, 1960 224
53 Address by the President at a Luncheon Given in His Honor
in Sao Paulo. February 25, 1960 225
54 Remarks at the Airport in Sao Paulo Upon Leaving for
Rio de Janeiro. February 25, 1960 229
55 Statement by the President Upon Leaving Brazil. February 26, g1960 229
56 Remarks Upon Arrival at Ezeiza Airport, Buenos Aires.
February 26, g1960 231
57 Remarks at the U.S. Embassy Residence in Buenos Aires
Upon Receiving the Key to the City. February 26, g1960 231
58 Address Before a Joint Session of the National Congress
of Argentina. February 26, 1960 232
XVI
List of Items
Page
59 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in His Honor by
President Frondizi in Buenos Aires. February 26, I960 237
60 Remarks to the Members of the Supreme Court of Argentina. February 27, I960 239
6I Remarks Upon Arrival at the Provincial Hotel in Mar del
Plata, Argentina. February 27, I960 240
62 Remarks Upon Arrival at the Airport, San Carlos de Bariloche, Argentina. February 27, i960 24I
63 Toast to President Frondizi at a Dinner Given in His Honor
by the President in San Carlos de Bariloche. February 27,
I960 242
64 Message to President Kubitschek of Brazil on the Air
Tragedy Over Rio de Janeiro. February 28, I960 243
65 Statement of the President Recorded for the Opening of
the I960 Red Cross Campaign. February 28, I960 244
66 The Declaration of San Carlos de Bariloche: Joint Declaration by the President and President Frondizi of Argentina.
February 28, I960 245
67 Remarks at the Airport in San Carlos de Bariloche Upon
Leaving for Chile. February 29, 1960 246
68 Statement by the President Concerning the Recipients of
President's Award for Distinguished Federal Civilian
Service. February 29, I960 247
69 Remarks in Santiago in Response to Greetings by President
Alessandri of Chile. February 29, I960 248
70 Remarks at the American Embassy Residence in Santiago
Upon Receiving a Scroll From the Chilean-American Cultural Institute. February 29, I960 250
71 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in His Honor by
President Alessandri. February 29, I960 25I
72 Remarks to the Embassy Staff and to Members of ChileanAmerican Groups in Santiago. March i, I960 252
XVII
List of Items
Page
73 Address Before a Joint Session of the National Congress of
Chile. March i, I960 256
74 Remarks Upon Receiving a Medal Presented by Members
of the National Congress of Chile. March i, I960 26I
75 Toast to President Alessandri at a Dinner Given in His
Honor by the President. March i, I960 262
76 Joint Statement Following Discussions With President
Alessandri of Chile. March i, 1960 263
77 Remarks at Los Cerrillos Airport in Santiago Upon Leaving
for Uruguay. March 2, I960 264
78 Remarks Upon Arrival at Carrasco Airport, Montevideo.
March 2, I960 265
79 Remarks Upon Receiving a Medal From the President of
the Departmental Council of Montevideo. March 2, I960 266
80 Address Before a Joint Session of the National Congress of
Uruguay. March 2, I960 267
8I Remarks Upon Receiving a Medal Presented by the President of the General Assembly. March 2, 1960 272
82 Toast of the President at a Dinner Given in His Honor by
President Nardone of Uruguay. March 2, I960 272
83 Remarks to the Staff of the U.S. Embassy in Montevideo.
March 3, I960 273
84 The Declaration of Montevideo: Joint Declaration by the
President and the National Council of Government of
Uruguay. March 3, 1960 275
85 Remarks at Carrasco Airport, Montevideo, Upon Leaving
for Puerto Rico. March 3, 1960 276
86 Remarks at Dorado, Puerto Rico, at a Meeting of the
American Assembly. March 4, 1960 277
87 Radio and Television Report to the American People on the
South American Trip. March 8, 1960 282
XVIII
List of Items
Page
88 Remarks at a Dinner Given by the Indiana State Society
in Honor of Minority Leader Charles A. Halleck.
March Io, 1960 287
89 Special Message to the Congress on Increasing the Postal
Rates. March II, 1960 288
go Letter to Frederick M. Eaton, U.S. Representative to the
Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference in Geneva. March
1 2, 1960 290
91 Toasts of the President and Chancellor Adenauer of Germany. March 15, 1960 291
92 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Chancellor
Adenauer. March 15, g1960 292
93 The President's News Conference of March i6, 1960 293
94 Remarks at the i6th Annual Washington Conference of the
Advertising Council. March i6, g1960 303
95 Special Message to the Congress Concerning the Administration's Program To Promote the Growth of Export Trade.
March 1 7, 1 960 306
96 Special Message to the Congress on Immigration. March
1 7, 1 960 308
97 Exchange of Messages Between the President and Chairman Khrushchev on the Rescue of Four Soviet Soldiers
by the U.S.S. Kearsarge. March 22, 1960 310
98 Remarks to a Group of Eisenhower Exchange Fellows.
March 22, 1960 311I
99 Exchange of Messages Between the President and the King
of Morocco on the Earthquake at Agadir. March 23, 1960 313
o100 Address at the Opening Session of the White House Conference on Children and Youth, College Park, Maryland.
March 27, 1960 313
i0i Joint Statement by the President and Prime Minister Macmillan at the Beginning of Their Conversations at Camp
David. March 28, 1 960 3 17
XIX
List of Items
Page
102 Joint Declaration by the President and Prime Minister Macmillan on Nuclear Weapons Tests. March 29, 1960 318
103 The President's News Conference of March 30, 1960 319
104 Statement by the President on the Launching of Satellite
Tiros I. April i, 1960 330
105 Statement by the President on the Fifth Anniversary of the
Announcement of the Effectiveness of Polio Vaccine.
April 4, 1960 330
i06 Exchange of Telegrams Between the President and President
Garcia on the Philippine Sugar Quota. April 4, 1960 331
107 Remarks at a Rally Sponsored by the Republican Women's
National Conference. April 4, 1960 332
i08 Remarks of Welcome to President Lleras Camargo of Colombia at the Washington National Airport. April 5, 1960 337
109 Toasts of the President and President Lleras at the White
House. April 5, 1960 338
ii0 Toasts of the President and President Lleras at the Colombian Embassy. April 7, 1960 339
i i i Statements by the President and President Lleras Following
Their Discussions. April 8, 1960 340
112 Message to President Garcia of the Philippines on the Occasion of Bataan Day. April 8, 1960 342
II13 Veto of Bill for Relief of William J. Kaiser. April ii, 1960 343
II4 Veto of Bill for Relief of Mrs. Virginia Bond. April iI,
1960 344
II5 Letter to the Co-Chairmen of the Joint Federal-State Action Committee on Receiving the Committee's Final Report. April 12, 1960 345
116 Letter to the Governors Concerning Assumption by the
States of Regulatory Functions Relating to Atomic Energy.
April 12, 1960 346
xx
List of Items
Page
II7 Statement by the President Upon Making Public the Second Interim Report of the Cabinet Committee on Price
Stability for Economic Growth. April I7, I960 347
18 Letter to the Administrator of General Services Offering
the President's Papers and Other Documentary Materials as
a Gift to the United States. April 19, 1960 348
II9 Message to President Kubitschek of Brazil on the Occasion
of the Inauguration of the New Capital, Brasilia. April 21,
I960 352
120 Remarks of Welcome to President de Gaulle of France at
the Washington National Airport. April 22, I960 353
I21 Toasts of the President and President de Gaulle. April 22,
1960 354
122 Message to President Betancourt on the Occasion of the
Sesquicentennial of Venezuela's Independence. April 23,
1960 356
123 Remarks to Members of the National 4-H Conference.
April 25, 1960 356
I24 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in His Honor by
President de Gaulle. April 25, 1960 358
I25 Joint Statement Following Discussions With President
de Gaulle. April 25, I960 ' 359
126 Exchange of Messages Between the President and the Shah
of Iran on the Lar Earthquake Disaster. April 27, 1960 360
127 The President's News Conference of April 27, 1960 360
128 Remarks of Welcome to the King and Queen of Nepal at
the Washington National Airport. April 27, 1960 37I
129 Toasts of the President and King Mahendra of Nepal.
April 27, 1960 372
I30 Joint Statement Following Discussions With King Mahendra. April 28, 196 373
I31 Remarks at the Annual Meeting of the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce. May 2, I960 374
XXI
List of Items
Page
132 Address at a Dinner Sponsored by the Committee for International Economic Growth and the Committee To
Strengthen the Frontiers of Freedom. May 2, 1960 378
133 Special Message to the Congress on the Legislative Program.
May 3, 1960 385
134 Statement by the President on the Occasion of the
Centennial of the First Japanese Diplomatic Mission to the
United States. May 3, 1960 394
135 Remarks at Fort Benning, Georgia, After Watching a Demonstration of New Army Equipment. May 3, 1960 395
136 Statement by the President Upon Signing "Food for Peace"
Agreement Between the United States and India. May 4,
1 960 396
137 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Civil Rights
Act of 1960. May 6, 1960 398
138 Exchange of Messages Between the President and Queen
Juliana Upon Completion of the Monument Presented by
the People of the Netherlands. May 6, 1960 399
139 Remarks at the Opening of the 1960 AFL-CIO UnionIndustries Show. May 6, 1960 399
140 Statement by the President Announcing the Forthcoming
Visit of the Crown Prince and Princess of Japan. May 7,
1960 401
I 4I Letter to Syngman Rhee Upon His Withdrawal From Political Life in Korea. May 9, 1 960 401
142 Citation Accompanying Award of Legion of Merit to
Captain Edward L. Beach, USN. May io, 1960 402
143 The President's News Conference of May I I, 1960 403
--- Statement by the President Concerning the U-2 Incident 403
1 44 Statement by the President on the Death of John D.
Rockefeller, Jr. May 1 2, 1960 415
145 Remarks to the Members of the American Helicopter
Society. May 12, 1960 415
XXII
List of Items
Page
I46 Veto of the Area Redevelopment Bill. May I3, i96o 417
147 Remarks Upon Arrival at Orly Airport in Paris. May I5,
I960 420
I48 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Mutual
Security Act of i960. May i6, 1960 421
I49 Message to the Congress Transmitting the Civil Service
Commission's First Report Under the Government Employees Training Act. May I6, 1960 422
150 Veto of Bill for Relief of Universal Trades, Inc. May i6,
I960 423
151 Veto of Bill Relating to the Income Tax Treatment of Nonrefundable Capital Contributions to Federal National
Mortgage Association. May i6, 1960 424
I52 Special Message to the Congress Concerning the Proposed
Freedom Monument. May i6, 1960 425
153 Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the United Givers
Fund Campaign in the National Capital Area. May I6,
i960 426
154 Statement by the President Concerning the Position Taken
by Chairman Khrushchev at the Opening of the Summit
Conference. May I6, 1960 427
I55 Joint Statement With President de Gaulle and Prime Minister Macmillan Concerning the Summit Conference.
May 17, I960 429
I56 Remarks at Orly Airport, Paris, Before Leaving for Lisbon.
May I9, 1960 430
157 Remarks Upon Arrival at Portela Airport, Lisbon. May I9,
I960 430
I 58 Remarks to the Staff of the U.S. Embassy and the American
Community in Lisbon. May 19, 1960 43
159 Toast by the President at a Luncheon Given in His Honor
by President Thomaz at Ajuda Palace. May 19, 1960 433
XXIII
List of Items
Page
i 60 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in Honor of
President Thomaz at Queluz Palace. May i9, 1960 433
161 Remarks at Portela Airport, Lisbon, Before Leaving for
Washington. May 20, 1960 435
162 Remarks Upon Arrival at Andrews Air Force Base.
May 20, 1960 435
163 Radio and Television Report to the American People on the
Events in Paris. May 25, 1960 437
164 Remarks of Welcome to the Delegates of SEATO at a
Luncheon Given in Their Honor at the White House.
May 31, 1960 446
i65 Remarks to the Delegates to the Second Conference of
Young Political Leaders From North Atlantic Treaty
Countries. June I, 1960 447
166 Remarks at a Dinner Commemorating the both Anniversary
of the Boy Scouts of America. June i, 1960 450
167 Letter to Senator Bennett on the Need for Legislation Authorizing the President To Make Adjustments in Sugar
Quotas. June 2, 1960 452
i68 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Relating to
the San Luis Unit of the Central Valley Project, California.
June 3, 1960 453
169 Veto of Bill Concerning Unlimited Income Tax Deductions
for Certain Contributions to Charity. June 3, 1960 454
170 Veto of Bill Relating to Unemployment Tax Credits of
Successor Employers. June 3, 1960 455
I7i Toasts of the President and Prime Minister Diefenbaker of
Canada. June 3, 1960 456
172 Joint Statement Following Discussions With the Prime Minister of Canada. June 4, 1960 458
173 Remarks at a Testimonial Dinner in Honor of Representative St. George, Bear Mountain State Park, New York.
June 4, 1960 459
XXIV
List of Items
Page
174 Address "Beyond the Campus" Delivered at the Commencement Exercises of the University of Notre Dame. June 5,
I960 461
I75 Exchange of Messages Between the President and President Alessandri Concerning the Disaster in Chile. June 8,
I960 467
176 Letter to Governor Underwood of West Virginia on Further
Federal Activities in Aid of Chronic Labor Surplus Areas.
June 12, 1960 469
I77 Statement by the President Recorded Before Leaving for
the Far East. June 12, I960 470
178 Remarks Upon Arrival at Elmendorf Air Force Base, Anchorage, Alaska. June 12, 1960 472
179 Veto of Bill for the Relief of Our Lady of the Lake Church,
Mandeville, Louisiana. June 13, I960 474
I8o Veto of Bill Concerning the Defense of Suits Against Federal Employees Operating Government Motor Vehicles.
June I3, I960 475
i81 Veto of Bill for the Relief of Grand Lodge of North Dakota,
Ancient Free and Accepted Masons. June 13, I960 476
182 Remarks Upon Arrival at the International Airport in Manila. June I4, 1960 477
183 Address Before a Joint Session of the Philippine Senate and
House of Representatives. June 15, I960 478
I84 Remarks to the Staff of the U.S. Embassy and the American Community in Manila. June I5, I960 485
I85 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in His Honor by
President Garcia. June I5, I960 486
186 Remarks at the University of the Philippines Upon Receiving an Honorary Degree. June 16, i960 489
I87 Remarks at a Luncheon Given by the Chamber of Commerce in Manila. June I6, I960 492
XXV
List of Items
Page
I88 Remarks at a Civic Reception at the Luneta in Manila.
June I6, I960 495
I89 Joint Statement Following Discussions With President
Garcia. June I6, I960 499
I90 Remarks in Manila Before Leaving for Taipei. June I6,
I960 502
191 Remarks to the Officers and Men of the 7th Fleet. June i 8,
1960 502
i92 Remarks Upon Arrival at the Sungshan Airport, Taipei.
June I8, I960 503
I93 Address at a Mass Rally in Taipei. June I8, i960 504
194 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in His Honor
by President Chiang Kai-shek. June I8, I960 5o8
I95 Joint Statement Following Discussions With President
Chiang Kai-shek. June I9, I960 509
I96 Remarks at the Sungshan Airport, Taipei, Upon Leaving
for Okinawa. June 19, 1960 5 I I
197 Remarks Upon Arrival at Kadena Air Force Base, Okinawa.
June I9, I960 512
I98 Remarks Upon Arrival at Kimpo International Airport in
Seoul. June I9, 1960 5 I2
199 Remarks to the American Community in Seoul. June 20,
i960 5I3
2oo Toast by the President at a Luncheon Given in His Honor
by Prime Minister Huh Chung of Korea. June 20, I960 516
20o Address Before the National Assembly of Korea. June 20,
I960 517
202 Remarks at the Headquarters of the Korean Army's Sixth
Corps. June 20, i960 520
203 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Prime Minister
Huh Chung. June 20, I960 521
XXVI
List of Items
Page
204 Remarks in Seoul Upon Leaving for Honolulu. June 20,
1 960 523
205 Remarks Upon Arrival at the Honolulu International Airport. June 20, 1960 524
206 Remarks at Hickam Air Force Base, Honolulu, Upon
Leaving for Washington. June 25, 1960 525
207 Message to President Tsiranana on the Occasion of the
Independence of the Malagasy Republic. June 26, 1960 526
208 Remarks Recorded for the Governors' Conference at Glacier National Park, Montana. June 27, 1960 526
209og Radio and Television Report to the American People on
the Trip to the Far East. June 27, 1960 529
210 Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the United Fund and
Community Chest Campaigns. June 28, 1960 536
211 Remarks of Welcome to the King and Queen of Thailand
at the Washington National Airport. June 28, 1960 537
212 Citation Accompanying Legion of Merit, Degree of Chief
Commander, Presented to the King of Thailand. June 28,
1 960 538
213 Toasts of the President and the King of Thailand. June 28,
I 960 539
214 Letter to the President of the American Red Cross on the
Nation's Voluntary Disaster Relief in Chile. June 29, 1960 541
215 Remarks at the AFL-CIO Testimonial Dinner in Honor of
Secretary of Labor James P. Mitchell. June 29, 1960 542
216 Message to President Kasavubu on the Occasion of the
Independence of the Republic of the Congo. June 30, 1960 544
217 Veto of a Bill To Increase the Salaries of Federal Employees.
June 30, 1960 544
218 Joint Statement Following Discussions With the King of
Thailand. July i, 1960 548
XXVII
List of Items
Page
219 Message to President Osman on the Occasion of the Independence of the Somali Republic. July I, I960 550
220 Message to President Nkrumah on the Occasion of the
Accession of Ghana to the Status of Republic. July I, 1960 551
221 Statement by the President on the United Nations FreedomFrom-Hunger Campaign. July I, I960 551
222 The President's News Conference of July 6, I960 552
223 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill and Proclamation Relating to the Cuban Sugar Quota. July 6, 960 562
224 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for Relief of Juan D.
Quintos and Others. July 7, I960 563
225 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill To Provide for the
Economic Regulation of the Alaska Railroad Under the
Interstate Commerce Act. July 7, I960 565
226 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for Relief of Sam J.
Buzzanca. July 7, I960 566
227 Statement by the President Concerning Premier Khrushchev's Announcement of Support for the Castro Regime
in Cuba. July 9, I960 567
228 The President's News Conference at Newport, Rhode Island. July I, I960 568
--- Statement by the President Pledging U.S. Cooperation To
Strengthen the Framework of Freedom Through Social and
Economic Progress in the Americas 568
229 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Independent
Offices Appropriation Act. July 12, 1960 575
230 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Concerning Wage
Rates at the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard. July 12, I960 576
23I Statement by the President on the Downing of an RB-47
Plane by the U.S.S.R. July 13, 1960 578
232 Telegram to Senator Mansfield Welcoming a Security Council Discussion of the RB-47 Plane Incident. July I3, I960 578
XXVIII
List of Items
Page
233 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Providing for
the Admission of Refugees. July 4, i960 579
234 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for the Relief of
Margaret P. Copin. July 14, I960 580
235 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Relating to Payments
to Bernalillo County, New Mexico, for Care of Indians.
July I4, I960 58I
236 Telegrams to Senators Kennedy and Johnson Offering Them
Briefings by the Central Intelligence Agency. July i 8, i960 582
237 Statement by the President on the Budget Surplus for Fiscal
Year I960. July 20o, I960 583
238 Statement by the President on the Need for an Early Meeting of the Disarmament Commission of the United Nations.
July 2I, 1960 583
239 Remarks at the Dedication of Eisenhower Park, Newport,
Rhode Island. July 22, I960 584
240 Letter to Dr. Henry M. Wriston on the Progress Made by
the Commission on National Goals. July 22, I960 585
24I Letter to Frederick M. Eaton Following the Closing of the
Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament. July 22, I960 586
242 Statement by the President Making Public an Interim Report on the Food-for-Peace Program. July 24, I960 587
243 Letter to the Administrator of General Services Concerning the Design of Proposed Buildings on Lafayette Square.
July 25, I960 588
244 Statement by the President Following the Firing of the
Polaris Missile by the Submarine Patrick Henry. July 25,
I960 589
245 Address at the Republican National Convention in Chicago.
July 26, i960 589
246 Remarks at the Republican National Committee Breakfast, Chicago, Illinois. July 27, I960 602
XXIX
List of Items
Page
247 Statement by the President Concerning a Program for the
Development of Peru. July 28, i960 6o6
248 Exchange of Messages Between the President and President
Nkrumah on the Airlift of Ghanaian Forces to the Congo.
July 3 I, I960 607
249 Message to Prime Minister Maga on the Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of Dahomey. August i, i960 6o8
250 Message to the Students of Korea. August 2, I960 609
251 Message to Prime Minister Diori on the Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of Niger. August 3, I960 6io
252 Exchange of Messages Between the President and Prime
Minister Ikeda of Japan. August 4, 1960 6 Ii
253 Message to Prime Minister Yameogo on the Occasion of the
Independence of the Republic of Upper Volta. August 5,
I 960 6 I
254 Message to Prime Minister Houphouet-Boigny on the Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of the Ivory
Coast. August 7, 96o 612
255 Special Message to the Congress Upon Its Reconvening.
August 8, 1960 6I2
256 The President's News Conference of August 10, I960 619
--- Statement by the President on the Security Council Resolution on the Congo 619
257 Message to Prime Minister Tombalbaye on the Occasion of
the Independence of the Republic of Chad. August i,
I960 629
258 Message Recorded for Transmission Via Communication
Satellite Echo I. August I2, I960 630
259 Message to Prime Minister Dacko on the Occasion of the
Independence of the Central African Republic. August I3,
I960 630
260 Message to President Youlou on the Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of Congo. August I5, 1960 631
XXX
List of Items
Page
261 Remarks Upon Inspection of the Capsule Retrieved From
the Satellite Discoverer XIII. August I5, 1960 631
262 Message to President Makarios on the Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of Cyprus. August i6, g1960 633
263 The President's News Conference of August I17, g1960 633
264 Statement by the President on U.S. Achievements in Space.
August I 7, 1 960 643
265 Message to President M'ba on the Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of Gabon. August I 7, 1960 644
266 Letter Accepting Resignation of Henry Cabot Lodge as
U.S. Representative to the United Nations. August i9,
1 960 645
267 Special Message to the Congress on the Sugar Quota of the
Dominican Republic. August 23, 1960 646
268 The President's News Conference of August 24, 1960 647
269 Statement by the President on the 40th Anniversary of the
Women's Suffrage Amendment. August 26, 1960 658
270 Statement by the President Concerning Mutual Security
Appropriations. August 26, g1960 659
271 Letter to the Majority and Minority Leaders of the Senate
on Mutual Security Appropriations. August 26, 1960 66o
272 Letter to the Speaker and to the Minority Leader of the
House of Representatives on Mutual Security Appropriations. August 26, 1960 66i
273 Message to President Po Sun Yun of Korea. August 29,
1 960 662
274 Message to Prime Minister Chang Myon of Korea. August
29, 1 960 662
275 Letter to Judge E. Barrett Prettyman Requesting Him To
Serve as Chairman of the President's Conference on Administrative Procedure. August 29, 1960 663
276 Remarks at the Assembly Session of the American Bar
Association. August 29, 1960 663
XXXI
List of Items
Page
277 Message to the King of Jordan on the Death of Prime
Minister Hazza al-Majali. August 30, g960 667
278 Remarks to a Group of Republican Candidates for Congress.
August 31, 1960 667
279 Remarks at the Fifth International Congress on Nutrition.
September i, I96o 668
280 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Authorizing the Payment of Subsidies to Producers of Lead and Zinc. September 2, I960 671
28I Letter to the Chairman, Civil Aeronautics Board, Concerning International Local Service to Regina, Saskatchewan.
September 2, I960 673
282 Statement by the President: Labor Day. September 5,
I960 674
283 Remarks at the Dedication of a New Building at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, Fort McNair. September 6, I960 674
284 The President's News Conference of September 7, I960 677
Statement by the President Concerning Soviet Action in
Supplying Aircraft and Other Military Equipment to the
Congo 677
285 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Concerning the Marking of Imported Articles and Containers. September 7,
I960 687
286 Message for the SEATO Day Ceremonies at Bangkok. September 8, I960 688
287 Remarks at the Dedication of the George C. Marshall Space
Flight Center, Huntsville, Alabama. September 8, I960 689
288 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for the Relief of Raymond Baurkot. September 9, I960 692
289 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Amending the Bankruptcy Act. September 9, I960 693
XXXII
List of Items
Page
290 Remarks at the Opening of the Republican Campaign,
Friendship International Airport Near Baltimore. September I2, 1960 694
291 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for the Relief of Eric
and Ida Mae Hjerpe. September I4, I960 697
292 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for the Relief of H. P.
Lambert Company, Incorporated, and Southeastern Drilling
Corporation. September 14, 1960 698
293 Statement Recorded for the Opening of the United Community Campaigns. September I5, 1960 699
294 Exchange of Letters Between the President and Prime Minister Ikeda of Japan. September I6, I960 699
295 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Raising Support Prices for Butterfat and Manufacturing Milk. September i6, 1960 70I
296 Statement by the President Concerning the Attendance of
Chiefs of State and Heads of Government at the U.N. General Assembly. September 17, I960 702
297 Statement by the President on the Signing of the Treaty
Between Pakistan and India Relating to the Waters of
the Indus River. September 19, I960 703
298 Remarks to Members of the American Nationalities for
Nixon-Lodge. September 19, I960 704
299 Statement by the President: National Science Youth Month.
September 20, 1960 705
300 Statement by the President: The Jewish High Holy Days.
September 21, 1960 706
30I Message to the Fourth General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency. September 21, 1960 706
302 Address Before the I5th General Assembly of the United
Nations, New York City. September 22, I960 707
303 Remarks at a Luncheon for Latin American Delegates to
the U.N. General Assembly, New York City. September 22,
I960 720
XXXIII
60295-61- 3
List of Items
Page
304 Address in Philadelphia Before the American Institute of
Certified Public Accountants. September 26, 1960 721
305 Remarks in Philadelphia to a Group of Eisenhower Exchange Fellows. September 26, 1960 725
306 Address at the Golden Jubilee Dinner of the National Conference of Catholic Charities, New York City. September 26, 1960 728
307 Joint Statement Following Meeting With Prime Minister
Macmillan To Discuss the Situation Before the United Nations. September 27, 1960 732
308 Toasts of the President and the Crown Prince of Japan.
September 27, 1960 733
309 Address in Chicago at the 1 960 Victory Fund Dinner Rally.
September 29, 1960 734
310 Remarks at the Polish-American Congress in Chicago.
September 30, 1960 737
311 Message to the People of the Federation of Nigeria on the
Occasion of Their Independence. October i, 1960 741
312 Joint Statement Following Meeting With Prime Minister
Macmillan and Prime Minister Menzies. October 2, 1960 742
313 Letter in Reply to a Proposal for a Meeting of the President
and Chairman Khrushchev. October 2, 1960 742
314 Remarks to the 67th Annual Conference of the International
Association of Chiefs of Police. October 4, 1960 745
315 Remarks to a Group of Engineers From India Upon Completion of a Training Program in the United States. October 5, 1 960 747
316 Letter to Secretary Mitchell on Receiving Report on the
Effectiveness of the Labor-Management Act. October 7,
1 960 749
317 Toasts of the President and Prince Albert of Belgium.
October 7, 1960 750
XXXIV
List of Items
Page
318 Remarks to Regional Office and Hospital Managers of the
Veterans Administration. October 8, 1960 751
319 Remarks to Participants in the International Field Hockey
Festival. October ii, 1960 753
320 Remarks of Welcome to the King and Queen of Denmark
at the Washington National Airport. October i I, i960 755
321 Toasts of the President and King Frederik of Denmark.
October i i, 1960 756
322 Statement by the President Upon Receiving Fifth Annual
Report on the Rural Development Program. October I3,
I96o 759
323 Statement by the President: National Newspaper Week.
October 14, 1960 760
324 Remarks to the Heads of U.N. Delegations From New
African Nations and Cyprus. October 14, 1960 760
325 Remarks at the Tree-Planting Ceremony at the White
House on the President's 70th Birthday. October 14, 1960 763
326 Remarks at the City-County Building in Detroit. October
1 7, 1 960 765
327 Remarks in Detroit to a Group of Business and Professional
Women. October I7, g1960 766
328 Address in Detroit at the National Automobile Show Industry Dinner. October 1 7, 1 960 769
329 Remarks at a Republican Rally at the Minneapolis-St. Paul
International Airport. October i8, 1960 778
330 Remarks at the Dedication of the Hiawatha Bridge, Red
Wing, Minnesota. October i 8, 1960 780
331 Statement by the President Concerning the Agreement With
Canada on the Water Resources of the Columbia River
Basin. October 19, 1960 784
332 Address in San Francisco to the Commonwealth Club of
California. October 20, 1960 784
xxxv
List of Items
Page
333 Remarks in San Diego Before the Inter-American Congress
of Municipalities. October 2I, i960 793
334 Remarks Broadcast to the Mexican People, Ciudad Acunfia,
Mexico. October 24, I960 796
335 Joint Declaration by the President and President Lopez
Mateos Concerning the Construction of Amistad Dam.
October 24, I960 797
336 Address in Houston Before the Faculty and Students of Rice
University. October 24, i960 798
337 Telegram Accepting Invitation To Address a Rally of the
Nixon for President Committee of Pennsylvania. October
25, i960 8o6
338 Message to President Diem on the Fifth Anniversary of the
Independence of Viet-Nam. October 26, I960 807
339 Toasts of the President and the Prime Minister of Malaya.
October 26, 1960 8o8
340 Address at Ceremonies Honoring the Memory of Woodrow
Wilson, Staunton, Virginia. October 27, I960 8io
341 Address in Philadelphia at a Rally of the Nixon for President
Committee of Pennsylvania. October 28, I960 815
342 Statement by the President Regarding the U.S. Naval Base
at Guantanamo, Cuba. November i, i960 822
343 Statement by the President Concerning the Agreement
Reached in the Railway Industry. November i, 1960 822
344 Remarks Recorded for a Telecast Sponsored by the Independent Television Committee for Nixon and Lodge. November i, I960 823
345 Remarks at a Rally in Garden City, New York. November 2, 1960 824
346 Remarks in New York at a Rally at the Westchester County
Airport. November 2, I960 826
347 Remarks at a Rally in Herald Square, New York City.
November 2, 1960 829
XXXVI
List of Items
Page
348 Address at a Republican Rally in the New York Coliseum.
November 2, 1960 83I
349 Letter to Dr. Milton S. Eisenhower on the Occasion of His
Resignation From Two Advisory Committees. November 3,
I960 834
350 Address in Cleveland at a Rally in the Public Square.
November 4, I96o 836
35i Remarks at a Republican Men's Luncheon in Cleveland.
November 4, I960 84I
352 Remarks in Cleveland at a Reception of Republican
Women. November 4, I960 843
353 Remarks Upon Arrival in Pittsburgh. November 4, I960 845
354 Address in Pittsburgh at a Dinner Sponsored by the Allegheny County Republican Executive Committee. November 4, I960 846
355 Radio and Television Remarks on Election Eve. November 7, I960 852
356 Telegrams of Congratulations to the President- and Vice
President-Elect. November 9, I960 857
357 Telegrams to Vice President Nixon and to Henry Cabot
Lodge. November 9, I96o 857
358 Letter to Secretary Mueller Concerning Participation in the
New York World's Fair of I964-65. November I2, I960 858
359 Exchange of Messages Between the President and President
Garcia on the Occasion of Philippine-American Day. November I4, 1960 859
360 Statement by the President on the Entrance Into Sea Duty
of the Polaris Submarine George Washington. November 15, I960 86o
361 Letter to Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe on the Occasion of His Investiture as Governor General of the Federation of Nigeria.
November I6, I960 86o
XXXVII
List of Items
Page
362 The President's News Conference at Augusta, Georgia.
November i6, 1960 86i
363 Statement by the President on Making Public a Report by
the Science Advisory Committee. November 20, g1960 866
364 Exchange of Messages Between the President and President Toure of Guinea Regarding U.S. Policy Toward the
Congo. November 26, 1960 867
365 Statement by the President Upon Completion of the Mission
of Secretary Anderson and Under Secretary Dillon to West
Germany. November 28, g1960 868
366 Exchange of Messages Between the President and Prime
Minister Ikeda on the Election in Japan. November 28,
1 960 870
367 Exchange of Messages Between the President and Prime
Minister Nash of New Zealand. November 30, g1960 870
368 Exchange of Messages Between the President and President Ydigoras Fuentes on U.S. Naval Aid to Guatemala.
December 2, 1960 871
369 Joint Statement by the President and President-Elect Kennedy. December 6, 1960 872
370 Proclamation 3382: Civil War Centennial. December 7,
1 960 873
371 Letter to Cardinal Spellman Concerning Aid to Cuban
Refugees. December 9, i960 875
372 Statement by the President on the Death of Meyer Kestnbaum. December 14, 1960 875
373 Exchange of Messages Between the President and Prime
Minister Holyoake of New Zealand. December i6, 1960 876
374 Statement by the President Upon Issuing Proclamation Fixing the Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero. December i6, g1960 877
375 Citation Accompanying the National Security Medal Presented to Robert Murphy. December 19, 1960 878
XXXVIIi
List of Items
Page
376 Letter to Secretary Mueller Concerning U.S. Participation in the New York World's Fair of 1964-65. December 20, g1960 878
377 Presidential Citation Honoring James Forbis Brownlee.
December 21, 1960 879
378 Statement by the President on Appointing the Presidential
Railroad Commission. December 22, 1960 88o
379 Message to President Kubitschek on the Occasion of the
Ceremonies in Brazil Honoring the Dead of World War II.
December 22, 1960 88o
380 The President's Certification as to His Forbidding Disclosure
to Congress of Certain Documents Relating to Aid to
South American Countries. December 23, 1960 88x
381 Remarks at the Pageant of Peace Ceremonies. December 23, 1960 884
382 Memorandum to the Secretary of the Army on the Operation of Steamships by the Panama Canal Company. December 24, 1960 885
383 Statement by the President Upon Issuing Proclamation Relating to Petroleum Imports. December 24, 1960 886
384 Letter Accepting Resignation of Leo A. Hoegh as Director,
Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization. December 30,
1 960 887
385 Letter Accepting Resignation of Arthur E. Summerfield as
Postmaster General. January I, 1961 888
386 Statement by the President Concerning Commercial Use of
Communication Satellites. January I, 1961 889
387 Letter Accepting Resignation of Frederick H. Mueller as
Secretary of Commerce. January 2, 1961 890
388 Statement by the President on Terminating Diplomatic
Relations With Cuba. January 3, 1 961 891
XXXIX
List of Items
Page
389 Statement by the President Following Announcement of
Recipients of the President's Award for Distinguished Federal Civilian Service. January 3, 1961 892
390 Message to Tuanku Syed Putra, Paramount Ruler of the
Federation of Malaya. January 4, 1961 893
391 Letter Accepting Resignation of Ezra Taft Benson as Secretary of Agriculture. January 5, 1961 893
392 Statement by the President: The Centennial of the American Civil War. January 5, I961 894
393 Letter to Alan T. Waterman on Receiving Report of the
National Science Foundation. January 6, 1961 895
394 Letter to Archibald J. Carey, Jr., Regarding Report of the
President's Committee on Government Employment Policy.
January 6, 1961 896
395 Remarks at a Luncheon Honoring the President Given by
the Republican National Committee. January 6, 1961 897
396 Remarks at Troop Review Ceremonies, Fort Gordon,
Georgia. January 7, I96I 898
397 Letter Accepting Resignation of Thomas S. Gates as Secretary of Defense. January 8, 1961 899
398 Remarks at Opening Session of the White House Conference
on Aging. January 9, 1961 900
399 Message to General Cemal Gursel on the Occasion of the
Opening of the Turkish Constituent Assembly. January 9,
196I 901
400 Letter Accepting Resignation of George B. Kistiakowsky as
Special Assistant to the President for Science and Technology. January 9, 1961 902
40I Letter Accepting Resignation of James P. Mitchell as Secretary of Labor. January 9, 1961 903
402 Letter Accepting Resignation of Fred A. Seaton as Secretary
of the Interior. January 9, 1961 903
XL
List of Items
Page
403 Remarks at the Vice President's Birthday Party. January 9,
1961 904
404 Remarks Upon Receiving the Big Brother of the Year
Award. January i 0, 1 961 905
405 Remarks Upon Receiving the Hoover Medal Award.
January I 0, 1 961 906
406 Letter Accepting Resignation of Maurice H. Stans as
Director, Bureau of the Budget. January i i, 1961 909
407 Statement by the President on Receiving Report of the
President's Committee on Government Contracts. January
II, 1961 910
408 Memorandum Concerning the International Phase of the
Large Irregular Air Carrier Investigation. January 12,
1961 9II
409 Letter Accepting Resignation of Christian A. Herter as Secretary of State. January 1 2, 1 961 9 12
410 Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union.
January 12, 1961 913
4" Letter Accepting Resignation of William P. Rogers as
Attorney General. January 13, 1961 931
412 Letter Accepting Resignation of Gordon Gray as Special
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.
January 1 3, 1 961 932
413 Letter Accepting Resignation of Arthur S. Flemming as
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare. January I5,
i96i 933
414 Annual Budget Message to the Congress: Fiscal Year 1962.
January i6, 1961 934
415 Letter Accepting Resignation of Robert B. Anderson as Secretary of the Treasury. January 1 6, 1 961 1 028
416 Remarks at the Signing of the Columbia River Basin Treaty
With Canada. January 17, 1961 1029
60295-61-4
XLI
List of Items
Page
41 I7 Citation Presented to General Melvin J. Maas. January I 7,
1961 1030
418 Statement by the President on the Sugar Act. January I 7,
1961 1031
419 Special Message to the Senate Transmitting the Columbia
River Basin Treaty With Canada. January I7, 1961 1032
420 Special Message to the Congress Transmitting Agreement
With Italy for Cooperation on Uses of Atomic Energy for
Mutual Defense. January 17, 1i961 1034
421 Farewell Radio and Television Address to the American
People. January 17, 1961 1035
422 The President's News Conference of January 1 8, 1961 1040
423 Annual Message Presenting the Economic Report to the
Congress. January i8, 1961 1050
424 Message to the Congress Transmitting the Third Annual
Report on U.S. Aeronautics and Space Activities. January
i8, 1961 1053
425 Citation Accompanying the Medal of Freedom Presented to
James H. Douglas. January i8, 1961 1054
426 Citation Accompanying the Medal of Freedom Presented
to Thomas S. Gates. January i8, 1961 1055
427 Citation Accompanying the Medal of Freedom Presented
to Gordon Gray. January i8,i 1961 1056
428 Citation Accompanying the Medal of Freedom Presented
to Christian A. Herter. January i 8, 1961 1057
429 Citation Accompanying the Medal of Freedom Presented
to George B. Kistiakowsky. January i 8, 1961 Io058
430 Citation Accompanying the Medal of Freedom Presented
to General Andrew J. Goodpaster. January 18, 1961 1059
431 Statement by the President on Releasing a Report on Cuban
Refugee Problems. January i 8, 1961 I 059
XLII
List of Items
Page
432 Statement by the President Upon Signing Proclamation
Modifying Petroleum Import Control Program. January
18, 1961 Io6o
433 Letter to Arthur S. Flemming Concerning the President's
Advisory Committee on Government Organization. January I8, 1961 Io6I
434 Letter to Secretary Gates Concerning the Effect of the
President's Directive on Balance of Payments. January 18,
1961 1o62
435 Letter to the Director, Bureau of the Budget, Upon Receiving Reports on Government Operations. January 19, 1961 Io63
436 Memorandum Concerning the Trans-Pacific Route Case.
January 19, 1961 1064
XLIII
Dwight D. Eisenhower
I960-6I
I (I Letter to the Attorney General on Receiving
His Report on Deceptive Practices in Broadcasting
Media. January i, I960
[ Released January I, 1960. Dated December 31, I959 ]
Dear Mr. Attorney General:
Thank you for the informative report relating to deceptive practices in
broadcasting media which you prepared at my request and submitted to
me on December 30, 1959.
The report indicates that there may be further developments and that
the governmental bodies concerned have not completed all of the action
which they may be considering. I would therefore appreciate it if you
continued to follow the matter for me. Please advise me of developments
and report your recommendations from time to time as you consider it
appropriate.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: "The Report to the President by tices in Broadcasting Media" was pubthe Attorney General on Deceptive Prac- lished by the Government Printing Office
(54 PP., 1959).
2 tI Exchange of New Year Greetings Between the
United States and the Soviet Union.
January 4, I960
Nikita S. Khrushchev
Chairman, Council of Ministers, U.S.S.R.
Kliment Efremovich Voroshilov
Chairman, Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, U.S.S.R.
On behalf of the American people, I thank you for your kind New
Year's message. I share the hope which you have expressed for a
further improvement in the relations between our two countries. The
QI 2
Public Papers of the Presidents
United States seeks the achievement of a just and lasting peace in a world
where all questions are settled by peaceful means alone. I can assure
you that my Government will continue its best efforts to reach that goal.
Please accept my good wishes for you and your families and the people of
the Soviet Union for the coming year.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message from Mr. Khrushchev
and Mr. Voroshilov follows:
On the eve of the New Year we send
to you, Mr. President, and to the people
of the United States of America sincere
greetings and best wishes from the peoples
of the Soviet Union and from ourselves
personally. It is possible to note with
deep satisfaction that in the past year
there were undertaken joint efforts in the
search of ways for closer relations of our
States, for ensurance of such a situation
in which the unresolved international
questions would be decided by peaceful
means only. Entering the New Year, we
would like to hope sincerely that these
joint efforts will guarantee a new triumph
of reason, and that a start will be made
to solve the most important problem of
our times-the general and complete disarmament and the liberation of mankind
from the burden of armament.
Let this New Year be the year of a
further improvement in the relations between our countries. The realization of
this hope which is so dear to the hearts
of both the Soviet and American peoples
would undoubtedly bring nearer the time
when, thanks to the efforts of both countries, the relations between them could be
built on the foundation of enduring
friendship and mutually advantageous cooperation for the good of our nations, for
the good of peace in the entire world. It
is exactly in this way that we evaluate the
meaning of exchange visits by the leading
statesmen of both countries. These meetings make it possible to ensure that historical turning point in the relations between our countries, as well as in the
international situation as a whole, which
leads to the deliverance of all people from
the dread of a new war.
With best wishes for happiness and
health to you personally and to your entire family.
N. KHRUSHCHEV
K. VOROSHILOV
The messages were released at Augusta,
Ga.
3 4J Statement by the President on the Death of
Representative Simpson of Pennsylvania.
January 7, 1960
IT IS with profound regret that I have learned this morning of the
passing of Representative Richard M. Simpson, a veteran and distinguished legislator who for many years has courageously and conscientiously served his District, the Nation and the Republican Party.
Mrs. Eisenhower and I join Americans all across the country in extending deepest sympathy to his family. His passing is a grievous loss to
our nation, and a personal loss to me.
2
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
NOTE: Representative Simpson had served as chairman of the House Republican
Congressional Committee since I953.
4 e Annual Message to the Congress on the State
of the Union. January 7, i960
[ Delivered in person before a joint session]
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 86th Congress:
Seven years ago I entered my present office with one long-held resolve
overriding all others. I was then, and remain now, determined that the
United States shall become an ever more potent resource for the cause of
peace-realizing that peace cannot be for ourselves alone, but for peoples
everywhere. This determination is shared by the entire Congress-indeed, by all Americans.
My purpose today is to discuss some features of America's position, both
at home and in her relations to others.
First, I point out that for us, annual self-examination is made a definite
necessity by the fact that we now live in a divided world of uneasy equilibrium, with our side committed to its own protection and against
aggression by the other.
With both sides of this divided world in possession of unbelievably
destructive weapons, mankind approaches a state where mutual annihilation becomes a possibility. No other fact of today's world equals this
in importance-it colors everything we say, plan, and do.
There is demanded of us, vigilance, determination, and the dedication
of whatever portion of our resources that will provide adequate security,
especially a real deterrent to aggression. These things we are doing.
All these facts emphasize the importance of striving incessantly for a
just peace.
Only through the strengthening of the spiritual, intellectual, economic
and defensive resources of the Free World can we, in confidence, make
progress toward this goal.
Second, we note that recent Soviet deportment and pronouncements
suggest the possible opening of a somewhat less strained period in the
relationships between the Soviet Union and the Free World. If these
pronouncements be genuine, there is brighter hope of diminishing the
3
Public Papers of the Presidents
intensity of past rivalry and eventually of substituting persuasion for
coercion. Whether this is to become an era of lasting promise remains
to be tested by actions.
Third, we now stand in the vestibule of a vast new technological ageone that, despite its capacity for human destruction, has an equal capacity to make poverty and human misery obsolete. If our efforts are wisely
directed-and if our unremitting efforts for dependable peace begin to
attain some success-we can surely become participants in creating an
age characterized by justice and rising levels of human well-being.
Over the past year the Soviet Union has expressed an interest in
measures to reduce the common peril of war.
While neither we nor any other Free World nation can permit ourselves to be misled by pleasant promises until they are tested by performance, yet we approach this apparently new opportunity with the
utmost seriousness. We must strive to break the calamitous cycle of
frustrations and crises which, if unchecked, could spiral into nuclear
disaster; the ultimate insanity.
Though the need for dependable agreements to assure against resort
to force in settling disputes is apparent to both sides yet as in other issues
dividing men and nations, we cannot expect sudden and revolutionary
results. But we must find some place to begin.
One obvious road on which to make a useful start is in the widening
of communication between our two peoples. In this field there are, both
sides willing, countless opportunities-most of them well known to us
all-for developing mutual understanding, the true foundation of peace.
Another avenue may be through the reopening, on January twelfth, of
negotiations looking to a controlled ban on the testing of nuclear weapons.
Unfortunately, the closing statement from the Soviet scientists who met
with our scientists at Geneva in an unsuccessful effort to develop an
agreed basis for a test ban, gives the clear impression that their conclusions
have been politically guided. Those of the British and American scientific representatives are their own freely-formed, individual and collective
opinion. I am hopeful that as new negotiations begin, truth-not political
opportunism-will be the guiding light of the deliberations.
Still another avenue may be found in the field of disarmament, in which
the Soviets have professed a readiness to negotiate seriously. They have
not, however, made clear the plans they may have, if any, for mutual
4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
inspection and verification-the essential condition for any extensive
measure of disarmament.
There is one instance where our initiative for peace has recently been
successful. A multi-lateral treaty signed last month provides for the exclusively peaceful use of Antarctica, assured by a system of inspection. It
provides for free and cooperative scientific research in that continent, and
prohibits nuclear explosions there pending general international agreement on the subject. The Treaty is a significant contribution toward
peace, international cooperation, and the advancement of science. I
shall transmit its text to the Senate for consideration and approval in the
near future.
The United States is always ready to participate with the Soviet Union
in serious discussion of these or any other subjects that may lead to peace
with justice.
Certainly it is not necessary to repeat that the United States has no
intention of interfering in the internal affairs of any nation; likewise we
reject any attempt to impose its system on us or on other peoples by
force or subversion.
This concern for the freedom of other peoples is the intellectual and
spiritual cement which has allied us with more than forty other nations
in a common defense effort. Not for a moment do we forget that our own
fate is firmly fastened to that of these countries; we will not act in any
way which would jeopardize our solemn commitments to them.
We and our friends are, of course, concerned with self-defense. Growing out of this concern is the realization that all people of the Free World
have a great stake in the progress, in freedom, of the uncommitted and
newly emerging nations. These peoples, desperately hoping to lift themselves to decent levels of living must not, by our neglect, be forced to seek
help from, and finally become virtual satellites of, those who proclaim
their hostility to freedom.
Their natural desire for a better life must not be frustrated by withholding from them necessary technical and investment assistance. This is
a problem to be solved not by America alone, but also by every nation
cherishing the same ideals and in position to provide help.
In recent years America's partners and friends in Western Europe and
Japan have made great economic progress. Their newly found economic
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strength is eloquent testimony to the striking success of the policies of
economic cooperation which we and they have pursued.
The international economy of I960 is markedly different from that of
the early postwar years. No longer is the United States the only major
industrial country capable of providing substantial amounts of the resources so urgently needed in the newly-developing countries.
To remain secure and prosperous themselves, wealthy nations must
extend the kind of cooperation to the less fortunate members that will
inspire hope, confidence and progress. A rich nation can for a time,
without noticeable damage to itself, pursue a course of self-indulgence,
making its single goal the material ease and comfort of its own citizensthus repudiating its own spiritual and material stake in a peaceful and
prosperous society of nations. But the enmities it will incur, the isolation
into which it will descend, and the internal moral and physical softness
that will be engendered, will, in the long term, bring it to disaster.
America did not become great through softness and self-indulgence.
Her miraculous progress and achievements flow from other qualities far
more worthy and substantial-adherence to principles and methods consonant with our religious
philosophy
-a satisfaction in hard work
-the readiness to sacrifice for worthwhile causes
-the courage to meet every challenge to her progress
-the intellectual honesty and capacity to recognize the true path of
her own best interests.
To us and to every nation of the Free World, rich or poor, these qualities are necessary today as never before if we are to march together to
greater security, prosperity and peace.
I believe the industrial countries are ready to participate actively in
supplementing the efforts of the developing countries to achieve progress.
The immediate need for this kind of cooperation is underscored by the
strain in our international balance of payments. Our surplus from foreign business transactions has in recent years fallen substantially short of
the expenditures we make abroad to maintain our military establishments
overseas, to finance private investment, and to provide assistance to the
less developed nations. In I959 our deficit in balance of payments
approached $4 billion.
Continuing deficits of anything like this magnitude would, over time,
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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impair our own economic growth and check the forward progress of the
Free World.
We must meet this situation by promoting a rising volume of exports
and world trade. Further, we must induce all industrialized nations of
the Free World to work together in a new cooperative endeavor to help
lift the scourge of poverty from less fortunate nations. This will provide
for better sharing of this burden and for still further profitable trade.
New nations, and others struggling with the problems of development,
will progress only if they demonstrate faith in their own destiny and
possess the will and use their own resources to fulfill it. Moreover,
progress in a national transformation can be only gradually earned; there
is no easy and quick way to follow from the oxcart to the jet plane. But,
just as we drew on Europe for assistance in our earlier years, so now do
those new and emerging nations that have this faith and determination
deserve help.
Over the last fifteen years, twenty nations have gained political independence. Others are doing so each year. Most of them are woefully
lacking in technical capacity and in investment capital; without Free
World support in these matters they cannot effectively progress in
freedom.
Respecting their need, one of the major focal points of our concern is
the South Asian region. Here, in two nations alone, are almost five
hundred million people, all working, and working hard, to raise their
standards, and in doing so, to make of themselves a strong bulwark against
the spread of an ideology that would destroy liberty.
I cannot express to you the depth of my conviction that, in our own
and Free World interests, we must cooperate with others to help these
people achieve their legitimate ambitions, as expressed in their different
multi-year plans. Through the World Bank and other instrumentalities,
as well as through individual action by every nation in position to help,
we must squarely face this titanic challenge.
All of us must realize, of course, that development in freedom by the
newly emerging nations, is no mere matter of obtaining outside financial
assistance. An indispensable element in this process is a strong and continuing determination on the part of these nations to exercise the national
discipline necessary for any sustained development period. These qualities of determination are particularly essential because of the fact that
the process of improvement will necessarily be gradual and laborious
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rather than revolutionary. Moreover, everyone should be aware that the
development process is no short term phenomenon. Many years are required for even the most favorably situated countries.
I shall continue to urge the American people, in the interests of their
own security, prosperity and peace, to make sure that their own part of
this great project be amply and cheerfully supported. Free World decisions in this matter may spell the difference between world disaster and
world progress in freedom.
Other countries, some of which I visited last month, have similar needs.
A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations which are
prepared to assist in the development effort. During the past year I have
discussed this matter with the leaders of several Western Nations.
Because of its wealth of experience, the Organization for European
Economic Cooperation could help with initial studies. The goal is to enlist all available economic resources in the industrialized Free Worldespecially private investment capital. But I repeat that this help, no
matter how great, can be lastingly effective only if it is used as a supplement to the strength of spirit and will of the people of the newly-developing nations.
By extending this help we hope to make possible the enthusiastic enrollment of these nations under freedom's banner. No more startling
contrast to a system of sullen satellites could be imagined.
If we grasp this opportunity to build an age of productive partnership
between the less fortunate nations and those that have already achieved
a high state of economic advancement, we will make brighter the outlook
for a world order based upon security, freedom and peace. Otherwise,
the outlook could be dark indeed. We face what may be a turning point
in history, and we must act decisively.
As a nation we can successfully pursue these objectives only from a
position of broadly based strength.
No matter how earnest is our quest for guaranteed peace, we must
maintain a high degree of military effectiveness at the same time we are
engaged in negotiating the issue of arms reduction. Until tangible and
mutually enforceable arms reduction measures are worked out, we will
not weaken the means of defending our institutions.
America possesses an enormous defense power. It is my studied conviction that no nation will ever risk general war against us unless we
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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should be so foolish as to neglect the defense forces we now so powerfully
support. It is world-wide knowledge that any nation which might be
tempted today to attack the United States, even though our country might
sustain great losses, would itself promptly suffer a terrible destruction.
But I once again assure all peoples and all nations that the United States,
except in defense, will never turn loose this destructive power.
During the past year, our long-range striking power, unmatched today
in manned bombers, has taken on new strength as the Atlas intercontinental ballistic missile has entered the operational inventory. In fourteen
recent test launchings, at ranges of over 5,000 miles, Atlas has been striking on an average within two miles of the target. This is less than the
length of a jet runway-well within the circle of total destruction. Such
performance is a great tribute to American scientists and engineers, who
in the past five years have had to telescope time and technology to develop
these long-range ballistic missiles, where America had none before.
This year, moreover, growing numbers of nuclear-powered submarines
will enter our active forces, some to be armed with Polaris missiles. These
remarkable ships and weapons, ranging the oceans, will be capable of
accurate fire on targets virtually anywhere on earth. Impossible to
destroy by surprise attack, they will become one of our most effective
sentinels for peace.
To meet situations of less than general nuclear war, we continue to
maintain our carrier forces, our many service units abroad, our always
ready Army strategic forces and Marine Corps divisions, and the civilian
components. The continuing modernization of these forces is a costly
but necessary process, and is scheduled to go forward at a rate which will
steadily add to our strength.
The deployment of a portion of these forces beyond our shores, on land
and sea, is persuasive demonstration of our determination to stand
shoulder-to-shoulder with our allies for collective security. Moreover, I
have directed that steps be taken to program our military assistance to
these allies on a longer range basis. This is necessary for a sounder
collective defense system.
Next I refer to our effort in space exploration, which is often mistakenly
supposed to be an integral part of defense research and development.
First, America has made great contributions in the past two years to
the world's fund of knowledge of astrophysics and space science. These
discoveries are of present interest chiefly to the scientific community; but
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they are important foundation-stones for more extensive exploration of
outer space for the ultimate benefit of all mankind.
Second, our military missile program, going forward so successfully,
does not suffer from our present lack of very large rocket engines, which
are so necessary in distant space exploration. I am assured by experts
that the thrust of our present missiles is fully adequate for defense
requirements.
Third, the United States is pressing forward in the development of
large rocket engines to place much heavier vehicles into space for exploration purposes.
Fourth, in the meantime, it is necessary to remember that we have only
begun to probe the environment immediately surrounding the earth.
Using launch systems presently available, we are developing satellites to
scout the world's weather; satellite relay stations to facilitate and extend
communications over the globe; for navigation aids to give accurate bearings to ships and aircraft; and for perfecting instruments to collect and
transmit the data we seek. This is the area holding the most promise for
early and useful applications of space technology.
Fifth, we have just completed a year's experience with our new space
law. I believe it deficient in certain particulars and suggested improvements will be submitted shortly.
The accomplishment of the many tasks I have alluded to requires the
continuous strengthening of the spiritual, intellectual, and economic
sinews of American life. The steady purpose of our society is to assure
justice, before God, for every individual. We must be ever alert that
freedom does not wither through the careless amassing of restrictive controls or the lack of courage to deal boldly with the giant issues of the day.
A year ago, when I met with you, the nation was emerging from an
economic downturn, even though the signs of resurgent prosperity were
not then sufficiently convincing to the doubtful. Today our surging
strength is apparent to everyone. I 960 promises to be the most prosperous
year in our history.
Yet we continue to be afflicted by nagging disorders.
Among current problems that require solution are:
-the need to protect the public interest in situations of prolonged
labor-management stalemate;
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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-the persistent refusal to come to grips with a critical problem in one
sector of American agriculture;
-the continuing threat of inflation, together with the persisting
tendency toward fiscal irresponsibility;
-in certain instances the denial to some of our citizens of equal protection of the law.
Every American was disturbed by the prolonged dispute in the steel
industry and the protracted delay in reaching a settlement.
We are all relieved that a settlement has at last been achieved in that
industry. Percentagewise, by this settlement the increase to the steel companies in employment costs is lower than in any prior wage settlement
since World War II. It is also gratifying to note that despite the increase
in wages and benefits several of the major steel producers have announced
that there will be no increase in steel prices at this time. The national
interest demands that in the period of industrial peace which has been
assured by the new contract both management and labor make every
possible effort to increase efficiency and productivity in the manufacture
of steel so that price increases can be avoided.
One of the lessons of this story is that the potential danger to the entire
Nation of longer and greater strikes must be met. To insure against such
possibilities we must of course depend primarily upon the good commonsense of the responsible individuals. It is my intention to encourage
regular discussions between management and labor outside the bargaining table, to consider the interest of the public as well as their mutual
interest in the maintenance of industrial peace, price stability and economic growth.
To me, it seems almost absurd for the United States to recognize the
need, and so earnestly to seek, for cooperation among the nations unless we
can achieve voluntary, dependable, abiding cooperation among the important segments of our own free society.
Failure to face up to basic issues in areas other than those of labotmanagement can cause serious strains on the firm freedom supports of
our society.
I refer to agriculture as one of these areas.
Our basic farm laws were written 27 years ago, in an emergency effort
to redress hardship caused by a world-wide depression. They were continued-and their economic distortions intensified-during World War II
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in order to provide incentives for production of food needed to sustain
a war-torn free world.
Today our farm problem is totally different. It is that of effectively
adjusting to the changes caused by a scientific revolution. When the
original farm laws were written, an hour's farm labor produced only onefourth as much wheat as at present. Farm legislation is woefully out-ofdate, ineffective, and expensive.
For years we have gone on with an outmoded system which not only
has failed to protect farm income, but also has produced soaring, threatening surpluses. Our farms have been left producing for war while America
has long been at peace.
Once again I urge Congress to enact legislation that will gear production more closely to markets, make costly surpluses more manageable,
provide greater freedom in farm operations, and steadily achieve increased
net farm incomes.
Another issue that we must meet squarely is that of living within our
means. This requires restraint in expenditure, constant reassessment of
priorities, and the maintenance of stable prices.
We must prevent inflation. Here is an opponent of so many guises
that it is sometimes difficult to recognize. But our clear need is to stop
continuous and general price rises-a need that all of us can see and feel.
To prevent steadily rising costs and prices calls for stern self-discipline
by every citizen. No person, city, state, or organized group can afford to
evade the obligation to resist inflation, for every American pays its
crippling tax.
Inflation's ravages do not end at the water's edge. Increases in prices
of the goods we sell abroad threaten to drive us out of markets that once
were securely ours. Whether domestic prices, so high as to be noncompetitive, result from demands for too-high profit margins or from increased
labor costs that outrun growth in productivity, the final result is seriously
damaging to the nation.
We must fight inflation as we would a fire that imperils our home.
Only by so doing can we prevent it from destroying our salaries, savings,
pensions and insurance, and from gnawing away the very roots of a free,
healthy economy and the nation's security.
One major method by which the Federal government can counter
inflation and rising prices is to insure that its expenditures are below its
revenues. The debt with which we are now confronted is about 290
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
billion dollars. With interest charges alone now costing taxpayers about
93/2 billions, it is clear that this debt growth must stop. You will be glad
to know that despite the unsettling influences of the recent steel strike, we
estimate that our accounts will show, on June 30, this year, a favorable
balance of approximately $2oo million.
I shall present to the Congress for i96i a balanced budget. In the
area of defense, expenditures continue at the record peace-time levels of
the last several years. With a single exception, expenditures in every
major category of Health, Education and Welfare will be equal or greater
than last year. In Space expenditures the amounts are practically
doubled. But the over-all guiding goal of this budget is national neednot response to specific group, local or political insistence.
Expenditure increases, other than those I have indicated, are largely
accounted for by the increased cost of legislation previously enacted.'
[I repeat, this budget will be a balanced one. Expenditures will be 79
billion 8 hundred million. The amount of income over outgo, described
in the budget as a Surplus, to be applied against our national debt, is
4 billion 2 hundred million. Personally, I do not feel that any amount
can be properly called a "Surplus" as long as the nation is in debt. I prefer
to think of such an item as "reduction on our children's inherited mortgage." Once we have established such payments as normal practice, we
can profitably make improvements in our tax structure and thereby truly
reduce the heavy burdens of taxation.
[In any event, this one reduction will save taxpayers, each year,
approximately 2 hundred million dollars in interest costs.]
This budget will help ease pressures in our credit and capital markets.
It will enhance the confidence of people all over the world in the strength
of our economy and our currency and in our individual and collective
ability to be fiscally responsible.
In the management of the huge public debt the Treasury is unfortunately not free of artificial barriers. Its ability to deal with the difficult
problems in this field has been weakened greatly by the unwillingness of
the Congress to remove archaic restrictions. The need for a freer hand
in debt management is even more urgent today because the costs of the
undesirable financing practices which the Treasury has been forced into
are mounting. Removal of this roadblock has high priority in my
legislative recommendations.
At this point the President interpolated the two paragraphs shown in brackets.
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Still another issue relates to civil rights.
In all our hopes and plans for a better world we all recognize that
provincial and racial prejudices must be combatted. In the long perspective of history, the right to vote has been one of the strongest pillars of a
free society. Our first duty is to protect this right against all encroachment. In spite of constitutional guarantees, and notwithstanding much
progress of recent years, bias still deprives some persons in this country
of equal protection of the laws.
Early in your last session I recommended legislation which would help
eliminate several practices discriminating against the basic rights of Americans. The Civil Rights Commission has developed additional constructive recommendations. I hope that these will be among the matters to be
seriously considered in the current session. I trust that Congress will thus
signal to the world that our Government is striving for equality under law
for all our people.
Each year and in many ways our nation continues to undergo profound
change and growth.
In the past 18 months we have hailed the entry of two more States of
the Union-Alaska and Hawaii. We salute these two western stars
proudly.
Our vigorous expansion, which we all welcome as a sign of health and
vitality, is many-sided. We are, for example, witnessing explosive growth
in metropolitan areas.
By I975 the metropolitan areas of the United States will occupy twice
the territory they do today. The roster of urban problems with which
they must cope is staggering. They involve water supply, cleaning the
air, adjusting local tax systems, providing for essential educational, cultural, and social services, and destroying those conditions which breed
delinquency and crime.
In meeting these, we must, if we value our historic freedoms, keep
within the traditional framework of our Federal system with powers divided between the national and state governments. The uniqueness of
this system may confound the casual observer, but it has worked effectively
for nearly 200 years.
I do not doubt that our urban and other perplexing problems can be
solved in the traditional American method. In doing so we must realize
that nothing is really solved and ruinous tendencies are set in motion by
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
yielding to the deceptive bait of the "easy" Federal tax dollar.
Our educational system provides a ready example. All recognize the
vital necessity of having modern school plants, well-qualified and adequately compensated teachers, and of using the best possible teaching
techniques and curricula.
We cannot be complacent about educating our youth.
But the route to better trained minds is not through the swift administration of a Federal hypodermic or sustained financial transfusion. The
educational process, essentially a local and personal responsibility, cannot
be made to leap ahead by crash, centralized governmental action.
The Administration has proposed a carefully reasoned program for
helping eliminate current deficiencies. It is designed to stimulate classroom construction, not by substitution of Federal dollars for state and
local funds, but by incentives to extend and encourage state and local
efforts. This approach rejects the notion of Federal domination or control. It is workable, and should appeal to every American interested in
advancement of our educational system in the traditional American way.
I urge the Congress to take action upon it.
There is one other subject concerning which I renew a recommendation I made in my State of the Union Message last January. I then advised the Congress of my purpose to intensify our efforts to replace force
with a rule of law among nations. From many discussions abroad, I am
convinced that purpose is widely and deeply shared by other peoples and
nations of the world.
In the same Message I stated that our efforts would include a reexamination of our own relation to the International Court of Justice.
The Court was established by the United Nations to decide international
legal disputes between nations. In I946 we accepted the Court's jurisdiction, but subject to a reservation of the right to determine unilaterally
whether a matter lies essentially within domestic jurisdiction. There is
pending before the Senate, a Resolution which would repeal our present
self-judging reservation. I support that Resolution and urge its prompt
passage. If this is done, I intend to urge similar acceptance of the Court's
jurisdiction by every member of the United Nations.
Here perhaps it is not amiss for me to say to the Members of the Congress, in this my final year of office, a word about the institutions we
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respectively represent and the meaning which the relationships between
our two branches has for the days ahead.
I am not unique as a President in having worked with a Congress controlled by the opposition party-except that no other President ever did
it for quite so long! Yet in both personal and official relationships we
have weathered the storms of the past five years. For this I am grateful.
My deep concern in the next twelve months, before my successor takes
office, is with our joint Congressional-Executive duty to our own and to
other nations. Acting upon the beliefs I have expressed here today, I
shall devote my full energies to the tasks at hand, whether these involve
travel for promoting greater world understanding, negotiations to reduce
international discord, or constant discussions and communications with
the Congress and the American people on issues both domestic and
foreign.
In pursuit of these objectives, I look forward to, and shall dedicate
myself to, a close and constructive association with the Congress.
Every minute spent in irrelevant interbranch wrangling is precious time
taken from the intelligent initiation and adoption of coherent policies for
our national survival and progress.
We seek a common goal-brighter opportunity for our own citizens
and a world peace with justice for all.
Before us and our friends is the challenge of an ideology which, for
more than four decades, has trumpeted abroad its purpose of gaining
ultimate victory over all forms of government at variance with its own.
We realize that however much we repudiate the tenets of imperialistic
Communism, it represents a gigantic enterprise grimly pursued by leaders
who compel its subjects to subordinate their freedom of action and spirit
and personal desires for some hoped-for advantage in the future.
The Communists can present an array of material accomplishments
over the past fifteen years that lends a false persuasiveness to many of
their glittering promises to the uncommitted peoples.
The competition they provide is formidable.
But in our scale of values we place freedom first-our whole national
existence and development have been geared to that basic concept and
are responsible for the position of free world leadership to which we have
succeeded. It is the highest prize that any nation can possess; it is one
that Communism can never offer. And America's record of material
accomplishment in freedom is written not only in the unparalleled prosi6
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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perity of our own nation, but in the many billions we have devoted to
the reconstruction of Free World economies wrecked by World War II
and in the effective help of many more billions we have given in saving
the independence of many others threatened by outside domination.
Assuredly we have the capacity for handling the problems in the new era
of the world's history we are now entering.
But we must use that capacity intelligently and tirelessly, regardless of
personal sacrifice.
The fissure that divides our political planet is deep and wide.
We live, moreover, in a sea of semantic disorder in which old labels no
longer faithfully describe.
Police states are called "people's democracies."
Armed conquest of free people is called "liberation."
Such slippery slogans make more difficult the problem of communicating true faith, facts and beliefs.
We must make clear our peaceful intentions, our aspirations for a
better world. So doing, we must use language to enlighten the mind,
not as the instrument of the studied innuendo and distorter of truth.
And we must live by what we say.
On my recent visit to distant lands I found one statesman after another
eager to tell me of the elements of their government that had been borrowed from our American Constitution, and from the indestructible ideals
set forth in our Declaration of Independence.
As a nation we take pride that our own constitutional system, and the
ideals which sustain it, have been long viewed as a fountainhead of
freedom.
By our every action we must strive to make ourselves worthy of this
trust, ever mindful that an accumulation of seemingly minor encroachments upon freedom gradually could break down the entire fabric of a
free society.
So persuaded, we shall get on with the task before us.
So dedicated, and with faith in the Almighty, humanity shall one day
achieve the unity in freedom to which all men have aspired from the
dawn of time.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: This is the text of the document 2d sess.).
which the President signed and trans- The Address as reported from the floor
mitted to the Senate and the House of appears in the Congressional Record of
Representatives (H. Doc. 241, 86th Cong., January 7, I960 (vol. io6, p. 135).
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5 4T Letter to Senator Cooper on Federal
Programs and Activities in Aid of Chronic Labor
Surplus Areas. January 8, I 960
Dear John:
In response to your letter of December 3I, I959, I assure you that I
share your deep concern in respect to areas with substantial and persistent
unemployment.
I trust that it will hearten you and others to know that fourteen agencies of the Executive Branch have been contributing either direct or
indirect assistance in such areas. The scope of these undertakings has
been steadily enlarged. Last year I directed an intensification of these
Federal efforts, which, I hope, will provide further help for existing local
business and in creating job opportunities and attracting new businesses
to these areas.
The substance of existing Federal programs and activities in chronic
labor surplus areas range from specialized technical assistance in fields
such as area development, small business enterprise, employment counseling and surveys, financial assistance programs of loans and grants for
urban renewal, public facilities, state and local industrial development
corporations, the procurement of goods and services and construction of
government facilities.
In magnitude of impact, the defense and civilian procurement programs are impressive in their contribution to the economies of virtually
all of the labor surplus areas.
Among specific examples that have been reported to me, reflecting both
the extent and diversity of Federal assistance, are the following:
i. In the last fiscal year when unemployment was a widespread problem, 42.5% of the total procurement awards of the Department of Defense were made in labor surplus areas-temporary and chronic.
2. Of these total awards by the Department of Defense, set asides
specifically reserved for labor surplus areas amounted to $96 million.
3. Two large operational offices of the Bureau of Census, Department
of Commerce, have been placed in labor surplus areas (Jeffersonville,
Indiana, and Parsons, Kansas) to prepare for the censuses of population
and agriculture.
4. A total of 21 urban renewal projects have been approved by the
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Housing and Home Finance Agency in chronic labor surplus areas.
These involve $58 million in Federal grant funds; 17 projects are under
contract for execution and four are in the planning stage.
5. During the 15 month period ending October I, I959, the General
Services Administration placed procurement contracts totaling over $408
million with suppliers in all labor surplus areas. This represents 62.3%o
of the total dollar value of contracts awarded during this period.
These examples indicate that the benefits resulting from the Federal
contribution in surplus labor areas have been widespread and substantial.
Other programs and activities to improve community economic conditions are underway or planned. Two activities in particular deserve
mention:
I. A new lending authority of the Small Business Administration provided for by the Small Business Investment Act of 1958 allows the making
of mortgage loans (up to $250,000) to state and local development companies for local projects which assist small business. The Act also provides for the licensing of Small Business Investment Companies to provide
equity capital and long-term debt funds to small business concerns.
Already 24 loans to state and local development corporations amounting
to $2.7 million have been approved, and 57 small business investment
companies have been licensed.
2. Action has been taken to establish closer working relations between
Federal programs and state and local efforts. The Office of Area Development in the Department of Commerce has been channelling Federal
technical assistance to state and local groups, including industrial development corporations. This office acts as a clearinghouse on the methods
and experiences of communities which have successfully coped with their
economic problems.
Increased strength was added to Federal programs last year through
creation of an Interdepartmental Committee to Coordinate Federal Area
Assistance Programs. This committee has been coordinating the numerous diversified undertakings of the Departments and agencies in urban-industrial regions and now is intensifying these joint efforts.
Members of the Committee include the Under Secretary of Commerce,
Chairman; the Deputy Postmaster General; the Under Secretary of Interior; the Under Secretary of Agriculture; the Under Secretary of Labor;
the Under Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare; the Assistant
Secretary of Defense (Supply & Logistics); the Administrator of the Gen
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Public Papers of the Presidents
eral Services Administration; the Administrator of the Federal Aviation
Agency; the Administrator of the Small Business Administration; the
Administrator of the Housing and Home Finance Agency; the Director
of the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization; the Special Assistant to
the President for Public Works; and a member of the Council of Economic Advisers.
This Committee complements the long-established Committee for
Rural Development Program with which it is working in close
cooperation.
Our policy is twofold: Efficient coordination among Federal agencies
and full cooperation by these Federal agencies with state and local governments and private individuals and organizations that seek to help areas
with substantial and persistent unemployment.
The national economy is at a very high level. We all want people in
areas with chronic unemployment to share more in this overall prosperity.
Through joint Federal, local and private efforts, which help these areas
to help themselves, considerable improvement in regional economic conditions has been realized. Through more intensified efforts of the Federal coordinating committee above described, which I believe meets the
purpose suggested by your bill, I anticipate that additional industrial
activity can be stimulated and more job opportunities made available.
In addition, as you well know, I have repeatedly urged that the Congress pass legislation which I have specifically proposed to assist areas of
urgent need. This legislation would give the government additional authority and finances to help these areas once again to become fully productive elements in the national economy. I am hopeful that the
Congress will soon approve my recommendations in this regard.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Senator Cooper of Kentucky was chronic unemployment concerning the
the ranking minority member of the Sen- programs of Federal agencies. The letter
ate's Special Committee on Unemploy- was released with the President's reply.
ment Problems, and the sponsor of a reso- On April 20, i960, the White House
lution providing for an interagency task released a preliminary report by the Inforce to formulate plans for the devel- terdepartmental Committee to Coordinate
opment of the economic potential of Federal Urban Area Assistance Programs.
underdeveloped regions. His letter of The report, entitled "Federal Programs of
December 31, 1959, emphasized the need Assistance to Labor Surplus Areas" (55
for informing communities in areas of pages), is in the form of a manual, with
20
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
index, for use by local officials or private the Federal Government in resolving labor
organizations seeking the cooperation of surplus area problems. See also Item 176.
6 4I Special Message to the Congress on Removal
of the Interest Rate Ceiling on Government Bonds.
January I2, I960
To the Congress of the United States:
As I said in my State of the Union Message, the Treasury is being
prevented from taking debt management actions that are fully consistent
with the public interest because of the artificial interest rate ceiling on
new Treasury medium-term and long-term issues.
In a special message to the Congress on June 8, I959, I urged the removal of this archaic restriction on flexible debt management. Congressional inaction on that request has resulted in a much more rapid
increase in short-term debt than would otherwise have occurred. As a
result, short-term Treasury borrowing costs have risen to the highest levels
in several decades and the ability of debt management to operate in a
manner consistent with sound principles of sustained economic growth
has been seriously undermined.
I deem it imperative, therefore, that this restrictive ceiling be removed.
I am asking the Secretary of the Treasury to transmit to the Congress
proposed legislation designed to attain this objective.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
7 eI The President's News Conference of
January I3, i960
THE PRESIDENT. I have no announcements.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, there have
been demands that this country protest and try to block Russia's announced plans to use the central Pacific to test a powerful new missile.
How do you feel about this?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I didn't know it was moon missile. Somebody
said larger propulsive engines; isn't it?
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Mr. Arrowsmith: I think that's it.
THE PRESIDENT. The United States has always claimed the right in
the high seas to use areas there for valid scientific experiment, and has, in
doing so, notified everybody concerned, and then taken the proper measures to warn away from the areas involved anyone that might be damaged.
We did this in the central Pacific. We have assumed that this was
within the meaning and spirit of international law; and if there is any
contrary view, why, it would have to be, I think, studied in that context
as to the requirements of international law.
Therefore, it would seem very unusual for us to make a protest when
we have done the same thing ourselves and intend to do it again.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Mr. President, what
do you think of the revived suggestion, this time from former President
Truman, that you take some ranking Democrats with you to the May
summit meeting? Are you considering such a thing?
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, I am not commenting on anybody else's suggestion. It is a thing that always comes up whenever there
is any international conference. Indeed, so far as I know, it has always
been the practice, where there was any prospect of any treaties to be
signed, to bring somebody of the opposite party into these conferences,
particularly from the Senate, so that when the matter of confirmation
came up there could be someone to explain the details of the agreements.
Now, I have never looked at the composition. As a matter of fact,
during the Casablanca and Teheran and Yalta and Potsdam conferences,
I have no idea whether there were any Republicans there. I wasn't interested in those days whether a man was a Republican or a Democrat.
But there are, of course, certain circumstances where you could say
such-and-such a thing is valuable. It is one of those things that is never
forgotten and is kept in mind. Certainly if there came up an occasion
when you would believe that there was something that might come to a
head, whether it be a treaty signed, I would certainly think it would be
a good idea to have others along.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President,
two questions about your December trip. You were acclaimed by millions of people, perhaps more people than anyone else in history. Have
you had a chance to ponder the meaning of this and, two, can you tell us
anything about the substance of your talk with Mr. Nehru?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, the first part, I think, is very simple. I believe
22
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(J 7
that there have been a lot of people through the nations that I visited,
that were a little bit of the belief that they have been accused of being
unfriendly of the American; they have an opposite feeling and they
wanted to express it. I believe it is just that simple. Certainly so many
young people never knew of an old soldier of World War II-they were
too young for that; they didn't come out for any personal thing particularly, although, of course, some of the older ones and some of them who
may have been friends and associates of mine in the war did.
Largely this was an attempt to express for the United States some
affection and respect for American efforts to promote a peaceful world.
Now, I could say only this about my conversations with Mr. Nehru:
I talked to many people, and I wouldn't be at liberty to talk about the
specific subjects. The talks with him were not only interesting; particularly those when we were alone were very instructive to me and I think
showed a very splendid grasp of the situation, particularly in the areas in
which he is so deeply involved.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, could you tell us
your reaction to the withdrawal of Governor Rockefeller and the resulting
semiautomatic candidacy of Vice President Nixon?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I was just as much astonished as you were.
By the way, he tried to call me up and to give me some advance information. I believe he was very much annoyed because he had given the thing
for release at 6:30, and it was released at 2; and so he called me after it
was already on my desk in the form of the ticker tape.
I would just say that I was just as astonished as anybody else, but I
just take his statement at face value and that's that.
I do agree that it does give a certain atmosphere of no competition,
you might say, on the nomination. [Laughter]
Q. William Knighton, Jr., Baltimore Sun: Mr. President, under those
circumstances, however, do you feel you want to give a formal declaration
of support to the Vice President before the convention?
THE PRESIDENT. You know, the only thing I know about the Presidency the next time is this: I can't run. [Laughter] But someone has
raised the question that were I invited, could I constitutionally run for
Vice President, and you might find out about that one. I don't know.
[Laughter]
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: Mr. President,
in a speech last summer you advocated help to the Middle East in
development.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
The first stage of the Aswan Dam in Egypt has now begun with Soviet
help. Are you considering offering help from us to Egypt in further
stages of the Aswan Dam?
THE PRESIDENT. We are trying to do that now, Mrs. Craig, through the
World Bank.
The World Bank today, in my opinion, is the most knowledgeable instrument that belongs to the West to bring about, first, the probable value
of these various public works, and on top of that the best way to go into
it, to support the thing.
For example, you will remember when we were into the Aswan business, the dam business-[laughter]-well, I don't want to be accused of
profanity around here-[laughter]-we at that time had the World Bank
as the central affair.
We were to put in a certain amount of money, Britain was to put in a
certain amount of money; and so we have gone pretty well on that theory,
that they have got a very fine engineering exploratory service. Then, of
course, this special Fund of the United Nations is doing a very fine job
in what you might call the pre-exploratory efforts. All in all, I would
say we would look at the Aswan Dam in the same way we would anything
else-from that basis.
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Speaking of Vice
President Nixon, sir, could you comment on his role in the steel settlement,
and tell us how you feel about the settlement itself?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it's a very simple affair, really. We'd had this
long deadlock, and then there was no evidence of progress even after the
invocation of the injunctional proceedings under Taft-Hartley. So, it
seemed that possibly new personalities to act as some kind of mediators
between the contending parties might be helpful; and I asked Mr.
Mitchell, with Mr. Nixon, to act in that capacity.
Now, they were deadlocked; they would not come together, would not
reach an agreement. So, finally, these people, acting as mediators, by
going to each side separately and working-apparently a very intensive
area of working and a period of working-proposed a solution that was
somewhere between the two positions.
There are certain facts that ought to be noted. Mr. Blough very properly said this was not an agreement forced by anybody; it was forced by
circumstances. Two of the important circumstances were these: the can
and the aluminum contracts had already been solved and written; the
24
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
other one was that all of the information to both sides was that the workers
were absolutely going to reject what had been advertised as the last offer
of the companies.
You are in that kind of a position when they brought this forwardthis proposal. Any idea that there was threat or pressure brought to
bear upon the companies is silly.
First of all, I don't know what pressure you could bring of a practical
nature. Both sides did, on the contrary, voluntarily accept this solution.
They did so, first of all, saying that there would be no immediate price
rises-the first time it has happened, by the way, in any steel contract that
I know of since World War II; secondly, if the can or the aluminum
contracts had been applied-their terms, been applied-to steel, this
would have been a higher settlement than the compromise settlement
that was reached. So the final word on the thing was, at least the hope
was expressed, that if the kind of cooperation that they now believe could
be expected between labor and the companies was pursued vigorously
we might indeed avoid any price rises as a result of this contract.
Of course there are other influences always at work; for example,
higher taxes in OASI, as they come in, and all the rest of it. But that
was the thing that happened, and it is the whole story as far as I know it.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Sir, Gen. Maxwell
Taylor, in his new book, is proposing a single Chief of Staff for all the
services, and a much larger defense budget of something like $50 to $55
billion a year. Could you give us your views with regard to both those
points?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I should think he has the right to his own
opinion.
Q. Sarah McClendon, Manchester (N.H.) Union Leader: Sir, there
seems to be sort of an attitude of kissing off defense adequacy, the subject
even in your State of the Union Message; and your Republican leaders,
as they came out of the White House yesterday, they seemed to think any
question of adequacy here is partisanship.
Now, isn't this more of a serious situation? This Polaris submarine
you referred to in your State of the Union Message, you said we would
have some entering with missiles into the active forces this year. Do you
mean "some" means one or more?
THE PRESIDENT. Wait just a minute. Are you asking a question or
making a speech?
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Mrs. McClendon: I am asking two questions, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. O.K.
Q. Mrs. McClendon: Two questions, sir; with an introduction.
One is, is it not more serious, this question of adequacy of defense more
serious, than just to kiss it off as a partisan matter; and, two, will the submarines, the nuclear submarines, with the missile that we get this year,
be more than one?
THE PRESIDENT. I am not exactly certain as to the time each one of
these comes off the ways. I know, and I think the budget shows, how
many have been authorized each year. They know that the testing of
the Polaris missile is going ahead, and the last one, the very last one that
they have just had, has been successful.
I don't take it very kindly-the implied accusation that I am dealing
with the whole matter of defense on a partisan basis.
First of all, I don't have to be partisan; and, second, I want to tell you
this: I've spent my life in this, and I know more about it than almost
anybody, I think, that is in the country, because I have given my life to
it, and on a basis of doing what is good for the Government and for the
country.
I believe that the matter of defense has been handled well and efficiently
in the proposals that will be before the Congress within a matter of a day
or so; and I think those people that are trying to make defense a partisan
matter are doing a disservice to the United States.
Q. David Kraslow, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, the Cuban
Government apparently has rejected another protest concerning the illegal seizure and confiscation of American property. Does the administration plan to take any steps beyond the sending of notes to secure equity
for American property owners?
THE PRESIDENT. In this particular stage of this particular problem, I
don't think it would be best to comment at the moment as to the things
that may be available to us.
Q. Don Oberdorfer, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, you asked
the Congress to study the recommendations of the Commission on Civil
Rights in your State of the Union Message. Do you agree with the majority of the Commissioners that a law is needed to provide Federal
registrars when Negroes are denied the right to register or vote?
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, I don't even know whether it is
constitutional.
26
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I 7
What the Commissioners said: this was one plan that they thought
might have some measure of validity and, therefore, they wanted to study
it.
Now, the way I feel about this civil rights, we have one bill that was
put in last year in which extensive hearings have been had; and I should
like to see the Congress act decisively on this particular proposal, and
such other proposals that now become almost controversial from the moment that they are presented would not enter into the process of examining and passing the bill that was already put before the Congress.
What I am trying to get at is, I have no objection to the study of the
others. As a matter of fact, I want to study them because I would like to
see what everybody thinks about it. My big problem is, though, let's get
this bill already proposed on which they have had hearings, let's get that
acted on.
Q. Roscoe Drummond, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President,
you have said on more than one occasion that you thought that there
were a number of Republican leaders who would be qualified to be the
presidential nominee. I would like to ask whether you think it is accurate to say that the Republican leaders in the main do not welcome a
contest for the presidential nomination, as has been said, and what do, you
think of that statement?
THE PRESIDENT. I suppose you refer to the statement of Mr. Rockefeller-I mean in his announcement-in which he said, I think, those controlling the party-something of that kind. Now, if we are talking about
political leaders, some of them have no position in the hierarchy of Republican machinery; that is, they are not members of the National Committee, they are not State or county chairmen, or anything of that kind.
All I have said is this: there are a number of them that I think are very,
very highly qualified people. I have said this ever since I954, I guess.
But I do not know whether they welcome any contest or not.
I am sure of this: some of the leaders think that any contest is good
because of whipping up interest, even if they know, or think they know,
who is going to win. But I suppose there are other ways; for example, in
'56 it seemed to be perfectly well known, once I accepted, that I was
going to be the nominee, and I don't see that it hurt that election particularly. [Laughter]
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Mr. President, in recent days the
papers have been carrying a statement from a former British Prime Min
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27
Public Papers of the Presidents
ister, Mr. Eden, highly critical of the United States foreign policy, particularly in Indochina and that general area, critical of Mr. Dulles.
Well, the way we operate, as you well know, is not to disclose papers
that would confirm or throw light on our position at that time.
THE PRESIDENT. Yes.
Q. Mr. Belair: I wonder if in the present instance you might make it
possible for us to receive some guidance so that the public could get the
true picture of what really happened?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course, I do not comment on memoirs, and
I must say at times there has been a bit of provocation. [Laughter]
I think here that, as an official matter, I wouldn't do it. But remember this: Secretary Dulles was a very forceful man. He could very
well talk about possibilities and ask people about possibilities that might
by them be considered as proposals, when they were not meant that at
all. It was to put out an idea and study it.
I do know this, that there was never any plan developed to be put into
execution in the particular instance that has been talked about.
Now, on the other hand, I must say this: I have known Mr. Eden for
many years, from the very beginning of World War II. I have known
him in positions of responsibility, and he is not an irresponsible person.
So I think whatever he is doing, he is writing the story as he believes it
to be.
Q. Mr. Belair: What I was wondering, Mr. President, was whether
you would look sympathetically on-I mean I understand you could not
possibly comment on this business-but would you look sympathetically on
some authorized person in, say, the State Department, advising the press
and supporting the contrary view, if there is a contrary view?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Belair, I would have to talk to them. I
hadn't thought of that, but I will talk to them about it.
Q. Edward T. Folliard, Washington Post: Mr. President, to go back
to the question of defense, some critics of the administration's defense
program are saying that in talks with Chairman Khrushchev, you would
be at a disadvantage because of the prospect that the United States will
be second best in the missile field. Do you think that argument has any
merit, Mr. President?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, let's put it this way: such an argument as that
presupposes that I come to any conversation in the feeling of inferioritythat I am a little bit frightened. I assure you I am not.
28
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960 q 7
I believe in the United States power, and I believe it is there not to be
used but to make certain that the other fellow doesn't use his. I am not
in the slightest degree disturbed by such a possibility as you speak of.
Q. L. Edgar Prina, Washington Star: From what your Air Chief General White said at the Press Club Monday, he believes that the virtual
cancellation of the B-70 program was a budgetary decision, certainly not
an Air Force decision, and he indicated that he might make his views
known on Capitol Hill. Do you have any comment on it?
THE PRESIDENT. I will say this: it is certainly not a budgetary decision
because there is money in the budget and, as I pointed out, there was a
surplus that I hoped we could pay off some of our debts.
It was my conviction as to the necessity for particular weapons at a
particular time. The B-7o, as an operational weapon, is going to take
a long time to produce, and we certainly ought to be in a pretty strong
position in many other ways before those years elapse.
Q. Ronald W. May, Madison (Wis.) Capital Times: Mr. President,
Representative Kastenmeier of Wisconsin has suggested that there might
be a change in our traditional policy of not using chemical, germ, or
poison gas warfare first. He said that Army people have indicated that
they believed that maybe we should change our policy and use these first,
either in a large war or even in a small war. Is this true?
THE PRESIDENT. I will say this: no such official suggestion has been
made to me, and so far as my own instinct is concerned, is to not start such
a thing as that first.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post Dispatch: Can you tell us how
you reached the $4.2 billion surplus for fiscal i96i?
THE PRESIDENT. Easily; $84 billion of revenue, and 79.8 of expenditures.
Now, we did it on this basis, Mr. Brandt: we took a $5 I 0 billion GNP.
Already, we are accused that it is too conservative. I saw one in a financial page the other day, a guess of 524; I saw where several bankers
said 54.
We made ours 5 IO; and on the basis of such a GNP and our tax rates,
why, it was very simple to get a pretty accurate estimate of our expected
revenues. Of course, we are hopeful that the Congress will see the wisdom of the recommendations we have made in the expenditure side, and
by that means we hope to have that much to put on the debt.
Q. Mr. Brandt: I can see how you get your 84, but how do you get the
79.8?
29
M 7 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. I put that-yes, I said that in the State of the Union
Message. It is the total amount of the budget.
Q. Mr. Brandt: Is that variable?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, look: now, let's don't pretend that anyone has
got a sacrosanct judgment on something that reaches i8 months ahead.
Of course, there are going to be some needs that are increased, and some
that probably are decreased-hopefully. But that is our best guess at
this time.
A budget, after all, is not a paper that you go to jail on if you happen
to be a little bit wrong. A budget is an estimate, a plan for expenditures
and revenues, and you get your balances on that basis.
But I do point out that it is absolutely necessary that we have savings
to put on this debt that we are passing on to someone else; and possibly
we seem to think it will be all right for us and them to increase it. I
think the kind of alleged economist that says that the United States can
afford to keep piling this debt on and on and on is not one to be very
highly respected as an economist.
Q. Lillian Levy, National Jewish Post: Mr. President, it is reported
that our authorities in Berlin have put a lid on press information and
requests about officials in the Bonn Government accused of former Nazi
affiliations. The excuse offered is that this information might be embarrassing to the Bonn Government. Would you comment on such a
reason for a news ban?
THE PRESIDENT. You will have to go to the State Department. I
haven't heard any such thing as this. I thought it was all in the papers;
at least I have read in the papers about the things that have been going
on; so I think you will have to go to the State Department.
Q. Miss Levy: Well, the report was in the Post this morning that press
requests for such information are being turned down by our military
authorities who have records of Nazi, of officials in the Bonn Government
who are accused of former Nazi affiliation.
THE PRESIDENT. That is a very "iffy" question. But I assure you of
this, that a local military commander is not going to get into political
affairs and give out information that has to do about the politics of
individuals or anybody else. This is not his business, and while there may
be reports of this kind that come to the Defense Department and are
passed on to State, the last thing I would think of any local military
commander would be to get into any such thing as that.
30
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- from 10:33 to II:02 o'clock on Wednesdred and seventy-seventh news conference day morning, January 13, 1960. In atwas held in the Executive Office Building tendance: 253.
8 eI Letter to Gordon Gray Designating Him
Chairman of the Operations Coordinating Board.
January 13, 1960
Dear Mr. Gray:
I hereby designate you Chairman of the Operations Coordinating
Board, vice Mr. Robert D. Murphy, to perform duties in accordance with
Executive Order I 07o00 dated February 25, 1957, as amended, in addition
to your other duties. I know that you are thoroughly familiar with the
work of the OCB through your service as a member of the Board since
July 1958. In view of your continuing responsibility as the principal
supervisory officer of the work of the National Security Council in formulating national security policies including those assigned by me to the
OCB for coordination, you are in a position to provide impartial and objective guidance and leadership to the Board.
This new assignment is one step which I feel should be taken toward
enabling the President to look to one office for staff assistance in the
whole range of national security affairs.
I reiterate the importance I attach to the Board's responsibilities.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Gray was serving as Special Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs.
9 e Letter to Karl G. Harr, Jr., Concerning His
Duties With the Operations Coordinating Board.
January 13, 1960
Dear Mr. Harr:
I have today designated Mr. Gordon Gray, Chairman of the Operations Coordinating Board, vice Mr. Robert D. Murphy. Under this new
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Public Papers of the Presidents
arrangement I will look to Mr. Gray to give impartial and objective leadership and guidance for the work of the OCB as well as the work of the
National Security Council and its Planning Board.
Within the framework of your duties as my Special Assistant, you are
requested henceforth to make a special contribution to two major areas
of the Operations Coordinating Board's work in addition to continuing to
discharge your responsibilities with respect to the normal work of the
OCB. The first of these is in taking the lead in initiating new proposals
to the Board for actions within the framework of national security policies
in response to opportunity and changes in the situation. The second is
in placing particular emphasis on seeing that Board actions implementing
national security policies contribute fully to the climate of foreign opinion
the United States is seeking to achieve in the world.
You will, of course, continue as Vice Chairman of the OCB and I will
expect you to continue to present OCB reports to the National Security
Council as you have been doing since your appointment as my representative on the Board in March 1958.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Harr was serving as Special Assistant to the President for Security
Operations Coordination.
I o I Special Message to the Congress on
Transfers From the Department of Defense to the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration.
January 14, I960
To the Congress of the United States:
In pursuance of the provisions of section 302 of the National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958 I transmit herewith a transfer plan headed
"Making certain transfers from the Department of Defense to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration." This message, together
with the transfer plan, constitutes the report to the Congress, relative to
the transfers, as required by the provisions of section 302.
Under the National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958, the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) has primary responsi32
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e 10
bility for the Nation's program of space exploration. The Department
of Defense has responsibility for the Nation's defense program, including
the development and operation of space vehicles for defense purposes.
I have recently reviewed the needs and requirements of the two agencies
in their respective fields. It is clear that NASA, in order to carry on a
vigorous and effective program for the exploration of space, both manned
and unmanned, requires boosters for space vehicles greatly exceeding the
thrust of any boosters now available. Furthermore, there is at present
no clear Department of Defense requirement for such very large boosters.
For this reason I assigned sole responsibility for development of space
vehicle boosters of very high thrust to NASA last November. In carrying
out this responsibility NASA will be fully responsive to specific requirements of the Department of Defense for the development of very large
boosters for future military missions. At the same time the Department
of Defense and NASA will continue with a coordinated program for the
development of boosters based on the current intercontinental ballistic
missile (ICBM) and the intermediate range ballistic missile (IRBM) and
growth versions of those missiles.
On the basis of this assignment of responsibility the National Aeronautics and Space Administration has assumed technical direction of the
Saturn booster project which was previously under the direction of the
Department of Defense. This booster which promises to increase greatly
the Nation's ability to explore space is being developed by the Army Ballistic Missile Agency and will soon constitute the major workload of the
Development Operations Division of that Agency.
The foregoing reflects the pertinent arrangements as they now exist. I
have concluded that it is in the best interest of the Nation to take another
step at this time-to provide NASA with an organization capable of and
equipped for developing and operating large space vehicle boosters and
conducting related research. This can be done by transferring to NASA
the Development Operations Division of the Army Ballistic Missile
Agency and certain supporting personnel. At the same time it is recognized that the Army must continue to be able to discharge its responsibilities for development of missile systems. The transfer plan forwarded
herewith is designed to accomplish these purposes.
In carrying out the transfer plan every effort will be made to prevent
the dislocation or disruption of ongoing missile or space vehicle projects.
The development of military weapons systems and related programs, cur33
( 0 I Public Papers of the Presidents
rently being worked on by the Development Operations Division, will be
continued by the Army, utilizing the skills of the transferred personnel as
requested by the Army, on a reimbursable basis.
The transfer of personnel, property, and funds, under the plan, will be
accomplished in such manner as to serve the objectives I have outlined.
I urge the Congress to allow the transfer plan transmitted herewith to
take effect.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The plan entitled "Making Cer- March i5, i960. It is published in the
tain Transfers from the Department of De- Federal Register of March I6 (25 F.R.
fense to the National Aeronautics and 2151) and in the 1960 Supplement to
Space Administration" became effective on title 3 of the Code of Federal Regulations.
I I yC Special Message to the Congress
Recommending Amendments to the National
Aeronautics and Space Act. January I 4, I 960
To the Congress of the United States:
I recommend that the Congress enact certain amendments to the National Aeronautics and Space Act of I958 to clarify management responsibilities and to streamline organizational arrangements concerning the
national program of space exploration.
Prior to establishment of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, the Department of Defense had been responsible for all of the
nation's space activities, including those of a nonmilitary nature such as
the Vanguard satellite project designed for United States participation in
the scientific activities of the International Geophysical Year. When the
new agency came into existence, with the duty of carrying out a program
of space exploration, it became necessary to transfer the nonmilitary projects, with their supporting facilities and personnel, to the new agency
from the Department of Defense. The Act empowered the President to
make such transfers. I exercised this authority on October I, 1958, when
I transferred to NASA responsibility for Project Vanguard and certain
other space-related projects previously under the direction of the Department of Defense. I exercised it for the second time on December 3, I958,
when I directed the transfer to NASA of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory at
Pasadena, California. And today I am transmitting a report advising the
Congress of my intention to transfer to NASA the Development Opera34
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q II
tions Division of the Army Ballistic Missile Agency. The authority
granted to the President has thus been used to center in NASA direction
of all of the nation's nonmilitary space activities, and to provide NASA
with the facilities and personnel needed to carry out this task.
The Act, however, contains a number of provisions which tend to obscure the responsibility of NASA for planning and directing a national
program of space exploration and peaceful space activity. For example,
there is inherent in it the concept-which I believe to be incorrect-of a
single "comprehensive program" of space activities embracing both civilian and military activities, and it implies that a multiplicity of unnamed
agencies might have responsibility for portions of such a program.
In an effort to deal with these problems, the Act established a scheme
of organization of considerable complexity. First, Section 2oi (e) of the
Act imposes upon the President an unusual degree of personal responsibility for developing this "comprehensive" space program and of surveying its operations in detail. Second, the Act established the National
Aeronautics and Space Council and gave it the sole function of advising
the President with respect to the performance of his statutory duties.
Third, it made provision for a Civilian-Military Liaison Committee,
which was given no other duty than providing a channel of advice and
consultation between NASA and the Department of Defense.
I have become convinced by the experience of the fifteen months since
NASA was established that the Act needs to be amended so as to place
responsibility directly and unequivocally in one agency, NASA, for planning and managing a national program of nonmilitary space activities.
This requires, first of all, elimination of those provisions which reflect the
concept of a single program embracing military as well as nonmilitary
space activities. In actual practice, a single civil-military program does
not exist and is in fact unattainable; and the statutory concept of such a
program has caused confusion. The military utilization of space, and the
research and development effort directed toward that end, are integral
parts of the total defense program of the United States. Space projects
in the Department of Defense are undertaken only to meet military requirements. The Department of Defense has ample authority outside the
National Aeronautics and Space Act of I958 to conduct research and
development work on space-related weapons systems and to utilize space
for defense purposes; and nothing in the Act should derogate from that
authority.
35
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Public Papers of the Presidents
I am also convinced that it is no longer desirable to retain in the Act
those provisions which impose duties of planning and detailed surveying
upon the President. We have come to the end of a transitional period
during which responsibilities for a broad range of activities were being
shifted to NASA from the Department of Defense and NASA's capabilities for discharging those responsibilities were being developed. From
now on it should be made clear that NASA, like the Department of Defense in the military field, is responsible in the first instance for the
formulation and execution of its own program, subject, of course, to the
authority and direction of the President.
With the repeal of the statutory enumeration of Presidential duties, the
National Aeronautics and Space Council should be abolished, since its
only function is to advise the President in the performance of those duties.
The repeal would not, however, affect another provision of the Act which
provides that the Administrator of NASA and the Secretary of Defense
may refer to the President for decision those matters concerning their respective areas of responsibility on which they are unable to reach agreement. This provision should be retained in the law.
The Civilian-Military Liaison Committee should also be eliminated.
The statute should go no further than requiring that NASA and the Department of Defense advise, consult, and keep each other fully informed
with respect to space activities within their respective jurisdictions; it
should not prescribe the specific means of doing so.
Finally, the Act should contain safeguards against undesirable duplication by NASA and the Department of Defense in developing the major
tools of space exploration. Although a civilian space exploration program
is clearly distinguishable from the military utilization of space for defense
purposes, both NASA and the Department of Defense may have similar
or identical requirements for launch vehicles used to propel and guide
spacecraft into orbit about the earth or toward other celestial bodies. I
propose that the Act be amended to provide that the President shall assign responsibility for the development of each new launch vehicle, regardless of its intended use, to either NASA or the Department of Defense.
Responsibility for development of the new vehicle should in no way
determine responsibility for its use in space activities.
Amended as I have recommended, the National Aeronautics and Space
Act of 1958 would become the organic act of an independent civilian
agency having a well defined statutory responsibility for which it is an36
Dwight D. Eisenhower, Ig960o
e I3
swerable to both the President and to Congress.
I have requested the Administrator of the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration to transmit to the Congress draft legislation incorporating the foregoing recommendations, and I urge that they be
enacted by the Congress at the earliest possible date.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
I 2 4e Letter to T. Keith Glennan, Administrator,
National Aeronautics and Space Administration,
on High Thrust Space Vehicles. January 14, 1 960
Dear Dr. Glennan:
As we have agreed, it is essential to press forward vigorously to increase
our capability in high thrust space vehicles.
You are hereby directed to make a study, to be completed at the earliest
date practicable, of the possible need for additional funds for the balance
of FY 1960 and for FY 1961 to accelerate the super booster program for
which your agency recently was given technical and management
responsibility.
Consistent with my decision to assign a high priority to the Saturn
development, you are directed, as an immediate measure, to use such
additional overtime as you may deem necessary on this project.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The White House announced on year i961 appropriation request for NASA
February i, at Denver, Colo., that as a re- adding $113 million to accelerate progress
sult of Dr. Glennan's study the President on Saturn and other elements of the Nahad approved an amendment in the fiscal tion's super booster program.
1 3 e1 Annual Budget Message to the Congress:
Fiscal Year 1 961. January i 8, 1 960
To the Congress of the United States:
With this message, transmitting the Budget of the United States for the
fiscal year 1961, I invite the Congress to join with me in a determined
37
Public Papers of the Presidents
effort to achieve a substantial surplus. This will make possible a reduction in the national debt. The proposals in this budget demonstrate that
this objective can be attained while at the same time maintaining required
military strength and enhancing the national welfare.
This budget attests to the strength of America's economy. At the same
time, the budget is a test of our resolve, as a nation, to allocate our resources prudently, to maintain the Nation's security, and to extend economic growth into the future without inflation.
In highlight, this budget proposes:
i. Revenues of $84 billion and expenditures of $79.8 billion, leaving
a surplus of $4.2 billion. This surplus should be applied to debt reduction, which I believe to 'be a prime element in sound fiscal policy for the
Nation at this time.
2. New appropriations for the military functions of the Department
of Defense amounting to $40.6 billion, and expenditures of $4i billion.
These expenditures, which will be slightly higher than the i960 level, will
provide the strong and versatile defense which we require under prevailing
world conditions.
3. Increased appropriations (including substantial restoration of congressional reductions in the i960 budget), and a virtual doubling of expenditures, for nonmilitary space projects under the National Aeronautics
and Space Administration. This furthers our plans to keep moving ahead
vigorously and systematically with our intensive program of scientific
exploration and with the development of the large boosters essential to the
conquest of outer space.
4. Nearly $4.2 billion in new appropriations for mutual security programs, an increase of about $950 million above appropriations for the
current year, with an increase of $ioo million in expenditures. This increase in program is needed to accelerate economic and technical assistance, chiefly through the Development Loan Fund, and to strengthen
free world forces, in particular the forces of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, with advanced weapons and equipment.
5. A record total of expenditures, $I.2 billion, for water resources projects under the Corps of Engineers and the Bureau of Reclamation. In
addition to funds for going work, this amount provides for the initiation
of 42 new high-priority projects, which will require $38 million in new
appropriations for i96i, and will cost a total of $496 million over a period
of years.
38
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960 (I 13
6. Substantially higher expenditures in a number of categories which
under present laws are relatively uncontrollable, particularly $9.6 billion
for interest; $3.9 billion to help support farm prices and income; $3.8
billion for veterans compensation and pensions; and $2.4 billion in aid to
State and local governments for public assistance and employment security activities. The aggregate increase in these relatively uncontrollable
expenditures is more than $ I billion over 960.
7. Research and development expenditures of $8.4 billion-well over
one-half of the entire Nation's expenditures, public and private, for these
purposes-in order to assure a continuing strong and modern defense and
to stimulate basic research and technological progress.
8. Recommendations for prompt legislative action to increase taxes on
highway and aviation fuels, and to raise postal rates. These measures are
needed to place on the users a proper share of the rising costs of the Federal airways and postal service, and to support the highway program at
an increased level.
9. Recommendations to extend for another year present corporation
income and excise tax rates.
10. A constructive legislative program to achieve improvements in
existing laws relating to governmental activities and to initiate needed
actions to improve and safeguard the interests of our people.
In short, this budget and the proposals it makes for legislative action
provide for significant advances in many aspects of national security and
welfare. The budget presents a balanced program which recognizes the
priorities appropriate within an aggregate of Federal expenditures that
we can soundly support.
I believe that the American people have made their wishes clear: The
Federal Government should conduct its financial affairs with a high sense
of responsibility, vigorously meeting the Nation's needs and opportunities
within its proper sphere while at the same time exercising a prudent discipline in matters of borrowing and spending, and in incurring liabilities
for the future.
BUDGET TOTALS
During the present fiscal year we have made encouraging progress in
achieving sound fiscal policy objectives. The deficit of $I2.4 billion in
fiscal I959, which was largely caused by the recession, is expected to be
followed by a surplus of $217 million in the current year. To safeguard
this small surplus, I am directing all Government departments and agen39
(I 13
Public Papers of the Presidents
cies to exercise strict controls over the expenditure of Federal funds.
Even so, the slender margin of surplus can be attained only if economic
growth is not interrupted.
For the fiscal year 196 I, I am proposing a budget surplus of $4.2 billion
to be applied to debt retirement. In my judgment this is the only sound
course. Unless some amounts are applied to the reduction of debt in
prosperous periods, we can expect an ever larger public debt if future
emergencies or recessions again produce deficits.
In times of prosperity, such as we anticipate in the coming year, sound
fiscal and economic policy requires a budget surplus to help counteract
inflationary pressures, to ease conditions in capital and credit markets,
and to increase the supply of savings available for the productive investment so essential to continued economic growth.
The budget recommendations for 1961 lay the groundwork for a sound
and flexible fiscal policy in the years ahead. A continuance of economic
prosperity in 1962 and later years can be expected to bring with it further
increases in Federal revenues. If expenditures are held to the levels I am
proposing for 1961 and reasonable restraint is exercised in the future,
higher revenues in later years will give the next administration and the
next Congress the choice they should rightly have in deciding between
reductions in the public debt and lightening of the tax burden, or both.
Soundly conceived tax revision can then be approached on a comprehensive and orderly basis, rather than by haphazard piecemeal changes,
and can be accomplished within a setting of economic and fiscal stability.
Budget expenditures in 1961 are estimated at $79.8 billion, which is
$1.4 billion more than the 1960 level. The total increase is attributable to
(I) an increase of more than $I billion in relatively uncontrollable expenditures for farm price supports fixed by law, interest on the public debt,
veterans compensation and pensions, and public assistance grants, and
(2) an increase of about $500 million in expenditures because of commitments made in prior years for Federal housing programs, for civil
public works projects and other construction, for loans under the mutual
security program, and for other programs.
New activities and expansion of certain other programs have been included on a selective basis of need. These increases are offset by reductions in other existing programs, including the proposed elimination of the
postal deficit.
New obligational authority recommended for the fiscal year 1961 totals
40
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960 q I3
$79.4 billion. This is $306 million less than the amounts already enacted
and recommended for i960, and $401 million less than estimated expenditures in 196I.
Budget receipts under existing and proposed legislation are expected
to rise substantially to $84 billion in i96i. This compares with the
revised estimate of $78.6 billion for i960 and actual receipts of $68.3
billion in I959.
MANAGEMENT OF THE PUBLIC DEBT
Achievement of the proposed budget surplus will provide an opportunity to offset part of the deficits incurred in the fiscal years I 958 and I 959
largely because of the recession. The corresponding reduction of the
public debt will reduce Government competition with private industry,
individuals, and State and local governments for investment funds and
will help ease the pressure on interest rates. Along with the recommended removal of the interest rate ceiling on long-term Federal debt,
this will help hold down budget expenditures for interest, which now
amount to almost one-eighth of the whole budget.
Statutory debt limit.-It is estimated that the public debt, which stood
at $284.7 billion on June 30, I959, will be $284.5 billion on June 30,
i960, and will decline to $280 billion at the end of fiscal i96i. Thus,
the budget surplus estimated for fiscal I96i will permit the Government
to end the year with desirable operating leeway within the permanent
debt limit of $285 billion. However, the fluctuating seasonal pattern in
receipts will again require a temporary increase in the debt limit during
the fiscal year i96i, since the present temporary limit of $295 billion expires on June 30, I 960. It is expected that the request for a new temporary limit will be for less than the present $295 billion if the Congress
accepts my budgetary proposals.
Interest ceiling.-Effective management of a debt of this size requires
a reasonable distribution among securities maturing at different times.
Three-fourths of all marketable Treasury securities outstanding today
come due in less than five years, of which $8o billion will mature in less
than a year. As long as the rate that would have to be paid on newly
issued bonds exceeds the present statutory ceiling of 4Y4 %, it is impossible
to issue and sell any marketable securities of over five years' maturity.
Exclusive reliance on borrowing in a limited sector of the market is an
expensive and inefficient way to manage the debt. Inflationary pressures
4I
(I I 3 Public Papers of the Presidents
increase as the volume of short-term and hence highly liquid securities
mounts, especially if these securities are acquired by commercial banks.
Further, effective monetary policy becomes more difficult when the Treasury has to refinance often. To make possible prudent and flexible management of the public debt, to permit sale of a modest amount of intermediate and longer term bonds when market conditions warrant such
action, and to keep the average maturity of the debt from constantly
shortening, it is imperative that the Congress immediately act to remove
the 42-year-old 4/4% limitation on interest rates on Government securities maturing after five years.
BUDGET RECEIPTS
Estimated budget receipts of $84 billion in the fiscal year 1961 assume
a high and rising level of economic activity in calendar year 1960. Specifically, this revenue estimate is consistent with an increase in the gross
national product from about $480 billion for calendar I 959 to about $5 10
billion for calendar 1960. Personal incomes and corporate profits are
expected to rise considerably beyond last year's levels, which were depressed somewhat by the long duration of the steel strike. The accompanying table shows the sources of Government receipts for the fiscal
years 1 959, 1 960, and 1 96 1.
BUDGET RECEIPTS
[Fiscal years. In billions]
I959 96o0 i961
Source actual estimate estimate
Individual income taxes........................... $36. 7 $40. 3 $43. 7
Corporation income taxes....................... 17. 3 22. 2 23. 5
Excise taxes..................................... 8. 5 9. I 9. 5
All other receipts................................... 5. 8 7. 0 7. 3
Total...................................... 68.3 78. 6 84. o
The estimates for 1961 assume ( I ) extension of present tax rates and
(2) the adoption of modifications recommended last year for certain tax
laws. These are summarized in the following paragraphs.
Extension of present tax rates.-In order to maintain Federal revenues,
it is necessary that the present tax rates on corporation profits and certain
excises be extended for another year beyond their scheduled expiration
date of June 30, 1960. The scheduled reductions in the excise tax rates
42
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
I I3
on transportation of persons and the scheduled repeal of the tax on local
telephone service, which were enacted in the last session of the Congress,
should be similarly postponed.
Improvement of the tax system.-The recent tax revision hearings of
the Ways and Means Committee have provided valuable information
bearing on changes in the tax laws. The Treasury will continue to work
in cooperation with the committees of the Congress in developing sound
and attainable proposals for long-range improvement of the tax laws.
As the development of a comprehensive tax revision program will take
time, the Congress should consider this year certain changes in the tax
laws to correct inequities. These include amendments of the laws on
taxation of cooperatives, now before the Congress, and a number of technical changes on which the Treasury Department has been working with
committees of Congress. There is also before the Congress an amendment to prevent unintended and excessive depletion deductions resulting
from the computation of percentage depletion allowances on the selling
price of finished clay, cement products, and mineral products generally;
unless the problem is satisfactorily resolved in a case now pending before
the Supreme Court, the need for corrective legislation in this area will
continue.
Under existing law, administration of the depreciation provisions is
being hampered by the attempts of some taxpayers to claim excessive
depreciation before disposing of their property. If gain from the sale
of depreciable personal property were treated as ordinary income, the
advantage gained in claiming excessive depreciation deductions would
be materially reduced and the taxpayer's judgment as to the useful life
of his property could more readily be accepted. Accordingly, I recommend that consideration be given to a change in the law which would
treat such gain as ordinary income to the extent of the depreciation deduction previously taken on the property.
Aviation fuel taxes.-To help defray the cost of the Federal airways
system, the effective excise tax rate on aviation gasoline should be
promptly increased from 2 to 4%2 cents per gallon and an equivalent
excise tax should be imposed on jet fuels, which now are untaxed. The
conversion from piston engines to jets is resulting in serious revenue losses
to the Government. These losses will increase unless the tax on jet fuels
is promptly enacted. The revenues from all taxes on aviation fuels should
be credited to general budget receipts, as a partial offset to the budgetary
43
q I 3 Public Papers of the Presidents
costs of the airways system, and clearly should not be deposited in the
highway trust fund.
Changes in fees and charges.-The cost of other Federal programs
which provide measurable special benefits to identifiable groups or individuals should be recovered through charges paid by beneficiaries rather
than by taxes on the general public. Whenever feasible, fees or charges
should be established so that the beneficiaries will pay the full cost of the
special services they receive. To help accomplish this purpose, I have
directed that further work be done by the departments and agencies on a
carefully defined inventory of Federal services which convey such special
benefits. In the meantime, the Congress is requested to act favorably on
the postal rate proposals described in this message and on a number of
other specific proposals now pending before it or planned to be submitted
this year for increased fees or charges for special services.
ESTIMATED SAVINGS TO THE GENERAL TAXPAYERS FROM MORE
CHARGES
[In millions]
Proposal
Increase postal rates......................................
Support highway expenditures by highway-user taxes:
Replace future diversion of general excise taxes to trust fund
with increased motor fuel tax or other user charges........
Transfer financing of forest and public land highways to trust
fund................................................
Charge users for share of cost of Federal airways:
Increase taxes on aviation fuels.........................
Transfer aviation fuel taxes from highway trust fund to general
fund................................................
Revise fees for noncompetitive oil and gas leases.............
Recover administrative costs of Federal crop insurance........
Increase patent fees.......................................
Increase miscellaneous fees now below costs.................
Total savings.....................................
ADEQUATE FEES AND
Fiscal
year
i96i
$554. 0
Full
annual
effect
$554. 0
850. 0
39.0
36. o
72.0 88.o
17.0................
3. 7
8. 0
693. 7
20. 0
14. 0
6.4
3. 7
8.9
I, 581. 0
RECEIPTS FROM AND PAYMENTS TO THE PUBLIC
The program of responsible fiscal policy represented by a balanced
budget with a substantial surplus is reinforced by an even greater surplus
of total cash receipts from the public over cash payments to the public.
44
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
In this more comprehensive measure of Federal financial activity, obtained by consolidating budget, trust fund, and certain other Federal
transactions, receipts from the public are estimated at $I02.2 billion in
1961 and payments to the public at $96.3 billion, resulting in an excess of
$5.9 billion of receipts.
This excess of receipts will be used to repay cash the Government has
previously borrowed from the public. Repayment of such debt owed to
the public will be greater than the amount of public debt retired, because
the Government trust funds are expected to add to their holdings of public
debt securities to the extent that trust fund receipts exceed trust fund
expenditures. This will reduce the debt held by the public in like amount
by shifting ownership to the trust funds.
For the fiscal year 1960, on the other hand, an excess of payments to
the public of $542 million is estimated, despite the anticipated budget
surplus of $217 million. This situation reflects the fact that total disbursements of trust funds will exceed their receipts in I960, notably in
the old-age and survivors insurance, unemployment, and highway trust
funds.
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RECEIPTS FROM AND PAYMENTS TO THE PUBLIC
[Fiscal years. In billions]
1959 1960 1961
actual estimate estimate
Receipts from the public........................ $8I. 7 $94. 8 $102. 2
Payments to the public........................... 94. 8 95. 3 96. 3
Excess of payments over receipts........... - 13. I -. 5.........
Excess of receipts over payments........................... -.. 5.9
REVIEW OF MAJOR FUNCTIONS
The following sections of this message discuss the legislative and budget
recommendations for 1961 in terms of the major purposes which they
fulfill. The following table compares the estimated expenditures for each
of the nine major functional categories with the actual figures for 1959
and the latest estimate for 1960.
The expenditure totals for 1960 and 1961 include expenditures under
both existing and proposed legislation. The allowance for contingencies
is intended to provide for unforeseen increases in existing programs, and
for proposed new programs not separately itemized.
45
tewlston Public Library
Lewiston, Maine
(l I3
Public Papers of the Presidents
BUDGET EXPENDITURES
[Fiscal years. In millions]
1961
1 959 1 960 Percent
Function actual estimate Estimate of total
Major national security............... $46, 426 $45, 650 $45, 568 57. I
International affairs and finance............ 3, 780 2, o66 2, 242 2. 8
Commerce and housing................... 3) 421 3, 002 2, 709 3. 4
Agriculture and agricultural resources.. 6, 529 5, I 13 5, 623 7. 0
Natural resources...................... I, 669 I, 785 I, 938 2. 4
Labor and welfare.................... 4 421 4, 441 4, 569 5. 7
Veterans services and benefits.............. 5, 174 5, 157 5, 471 6. 9
Interest.............................. 7) 67i 9, 385 9, 585 12. 0
General government.....................i, 606 I, 711 I 911 2. 4
Allowance for contingencies............................ 75 200. 3
Total............................ 80, 697 78) 383 79, 8i6 100. 0
The figures for 1 961 I allocate to the separate programs for the first time
the dollar equivalent of expenditures for U.S. Government programs of
foreign currencies received from the sale abroad of surplus U.S. agricultural commodities under Public Law 480.
MAJOR NATIONAL SECURITY
Our national objective remains as before-peace with justice for all
peoples. Our hope is that the heavy burden of armaments on the world
may be lightened.
But we should not delude ourselves. In this era of nuclear weapons
and intercontinental missiles, disarmament must be safeguarded and
verifiable. The problems involved in achieving reductions of armaments
with safety and justice to all nations are tremendous. Yet we must face
up to these problems, for the only alternative is a world living on the edge
of disaster.
While seeking the true road to peace and disarmament we must remain
strong. Our aim at this time is a level of military strength which, together with that of our allies, is sufficient to deter wars, large or small,
while we strive to find a way to reduce the threat of war. This budget,
in my judgment, does that.
Expenditures of the Department of Defense in 1961 will continue to
emphasize the modernization of our Armed Forces. Military assistance
for our allies under the mutual security program will also reflect the grow46
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig960
( 13
ing importance of modern weapons and missiles in the continued strengthening of the free world defense forces. The Atomic Energy Commission
is continuing its weapons programs on a high level and will move forward
with research and development on the peaceful applications of atomic
energy. Expenditures for stockpiling and for expansion of defense production will decline further, since most of the stockpile objectives have
been met.
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE-MILITARY.-New appropriations of $40,577 million are recommended for the military functions of the Department of Defense for 1961. Expenditures in 1961 are estimated at
$40,995 million. These amounts exclude funds for the development of
the Saturn space project which I have proposed be transferred to the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration.
MAJOR NATIONAL SECURITY
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obli- gational
I 959 1 960o 1961 authority
actual estimate estimate for 1961
Program or agency
Department of Defense-Military:
Military functions:
Military personnel:
Present programs............... $I i, 80I $i i, 959
Proposed legislation, retirement
pay.............................................
$12, 124 1 $1 I, 813
22
Operation and maintenance.......
Procurement......................
Research, development, test, and
evaluation....................
Construction......................
Revolving funds.................
Subtotal......................
Military assistance.................
Atomic energy......................
Stockpiling and expansion of defense
production........................
Total.........................
10,o 384 10, 137 10, 321
14,410 I3,) 943 I3, 602
2, 859
I, 948
-169
41, 233
2, 340
2, 541
312
46, 426
3, 68o
I, 670
-444
40, 945
i, 8oo
2, 675
230
45, 650
3, 9I7
I) 359
-350
40, 995
I,) 750
2, 689
I34
45, 568
24
10, 527
I3, o85
3, 9IO
I) i88
30
40, 577
2, 000
2, 666
39
2 45, 282
1 Additional obligational authority available by transfer: $350 million.
2 Compares with new obligational authority of $45,517 million enacted for 1959 and
$44,749 million (including $25 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations) estimated for i960.
47
Public Papers of the Presidents
Strategy and tactics of the U.S. military forces are now undergoing one
of the greatest transitions in history. The change of emphasis from conventional-type to missile-type warfare must be made with care, mindful
that the one type of warfare cannot be safely neglected in favor of the
other. Our military forces must be capable of contending successfully
with any contingency which may be forced upon us, from limited emergencies to all-out nuclear general war.
Forces and military personnel strength.-This budget will provide in
the fiscal year i96i for the continued support of our forces at approximately the present level-a year-end strength of 2,489,000 men and
women in the active forces. The forces to be supported include an Army
of I4 divisions and 870,000 men; a Navy of 8I7 active ships and 6i9,000
men; a Marine Corps of 3 divisions and 3 air wings with 175,000 men;
and an Air Force of 9i combat wings and 825,ooo men.
If the reserve components are to serve effectively in time of war, their
basic organization and objectives must conform to the changing character
and missions of the active forces. Quality and combat readiness must
take precedence over mere numbers. Under modern conditions, this is
especially true of the ready reserve. I have requested the Secretary of
Defense to reexamine the roles and missions of the reserve components
in relation to those of the active forces and in the light of the changing
requirements of modem warfare.
Last year the Congress discontinued its previously imposed minimum
personnel strength limitations on the Army Reserve. Similar restrictions
on the strength of the Army National Guard contained in the i960 Department of Defense Appropriation Act should likewise be dropped. I
strongly recommend to the Congress the avoidance of mandatory floors
on the size of the reserve components so that we may have the flexibility
to make adjustments in keeping with military necessity.
I again proposed a reduction in the Army National Guard and Army
Reserve-from their present strengths of 400,000 and 300,000, respectively, to 360,ooo and 270,000 by the end of the fiscal year ig6i. These
strengths are considered adequate to meet the essential roles and missions
of the reserves in support of our national security objectives.
Military personnel costs.-About 30% of the expenditures for the
Department of Defense in i96i are for military personnel costs, including
pay for active, reserve, and retired military personnel. These expenditures are estimated to be $i2.i billion, an increase of $187 million over
48
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
1960, reflecting additional longevity pay of career personnel, more dependents, an increased number of men drawing proficiency pay, and
social security tax increases (effective for the full year in 1961 compared
with only 6 months in I960). Retired pay costs are increased by $94
million in 1961 over 1960, partly because of a substantial increase in the
number of retired personnel. These increased costs are partially offset by
a decrease of $56 million in expenditures for the reserve forces, largely
because of the planned reduction in strength of the Army Reserve components during 1961.
Traditionally, rates of pay for retired military personnel have been
proportionate to current rates of pay for active personnel. The 1958
military pay act departed from this established formula by providing
for a 6% increase rather than a proportionate increase for everyone
retired prior to its effective date of June i, 1958. I endorse pending
legislation that will restore the traditional relationship between retired
and active duty pay rates.
Operation and maintenance.-Expenditures for operating and maintaining the stations and equipment of the Armed Forces are estimated to
be $10.3 billion in I96I, which is $I84 million more than in 1960. The
increase stems largely from the growing complexity of and higher degree
of maintenance required for newer weapons and equipment.
A substantial increase is estimated in the cost of operating additional
communications systems in the air defense program, as well as in all programs where speed and security of communications are essential. Also,
the program for fleet modernization will be stepped up in 1961 causing
an increase in expenditures. Further increases arise from the civilian
employee health program enacted by the Congress last year.
Other factors increasing operating costs include the higher unit cost of
each flying hour, up I i % in two years, and of each steaming hour, up
I5%. In total, these increases in operating costs outweigh the savings
that result from declining programs and from economy measures, such as
reduced numbers of units and installations, smaller inventories of major
equipment, and improvements in the supply and distribution systems of
the Armed Forces.
In the budget message for 1959, and again for 1960, I recommended
immediate repeal of section 6o0 of the Act of September 28, I951 (65
Stat. 365). This section prevents the military departments and the Office
of Civil and Defense Mobilization from carrying out certain transactions
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involving real property unless they come into agreement with the Committees on Armed Services of the Senate and the House of Representatives.
As I have stated previously, the Attorney General has advised me that this
section violates fundamental constitutional principles. Accordingly, if it
is not repealed by the Congress at its present session, I shall have no alternative thereafter but to direct the Secretary of Defense to disregard the
section unless a court of competent jurisdiction determines otherwise.
Basic long-line communications in Alaska are now provided through
Federal facilities operated by the Army, Air Force, and Federal Aviation
Agency. The growing communications needs of this new State can best
be met, as they have in other States, through the operation and development of such facilities by private enterprise. Legislation has already been
proposed to authorize the sale of these Government-owned systems in
Alaska, and its early enactment is desirable.
Procurement, research, and construction.-Approximately 45 % of the
expenditures for the Department of Defense are for procurement, research,
development, and construction programs. In 196 I, these expenditures are
estimated at $18.9 billion, compared to $19.3 billion in 1960. The decreases, which are largely in construction and in aircraft procurement, are
offset in part by increases for research and development and for procurement of other military equipment such as tanks, vehicles, guns, and
electronic devices. Expenditures for shipbuilding are estimated at about
the same level as in 1960.
New obligational authority for 1961 recommended in this budget for
aircraft procurement (excluding amounts for related research and construction) totals $4,753 million, which is $I,390 million below that enacted for 1960. On the other hand, the new authority of $3,825 million
proposed for missile procurement (excluding research and construction)
in 1961 is $581 million higher than for 1960. These contrasting trends
in procurement reflect the anticipated changes in the composition and
missions of our Armed Forces in the years ahead.
The Department of Defense appropriation acts for the past several
years have contained a rider which limits competitive bidding by firms
in other countries on certain military supply items. As I have repeatedly
stated, this provision is much more restrictive than the general law, popularly known as the Buy American Act. I urge once again that the
Congress not reenact this rider.
The task of providing a reasonable level of military strength, without
50
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
endangering other vital aspects of our security, is greatly complicated by
the swift pace of scientific progress. The last few years have witnessed
what have been perhaps the most rapid advances in military technology
in history. Some weapons systems have become obsolescent while still
in production, and some while still under development.
Furthermore, unexpectedly rapid progress or a technological breakthrough on any one weapon system, in itself, often diminishes the relative
importance of other competitive systems. This has necessitated a continuous review and reevaluation of the defense program in order to redirect resources to the newer and more important weapons systems and
to eliminate or reduce effort on weapons systems which have been overtaken by events. Thus, in the last few years, a number of programs
which looked very promising at the time their development was commenced have since been completely eliminated. For example, the importance of the Regulus II, a very promising aerodynamic ship-to-surface
missile designed to be launched by surfaced submarines, was greatly
diminished by the successful acceleration of the much more advanced
Polaris ballistic missile launched by submerged submarines.
Another example is the recent cancellation of the F-io8, a long-range
interceptor with a speed three times as great as the speed of sound, which
was designed for use against manned bombers in the period of the midI960's. The substantial progress being made in ballistic missile technology is rapidly shifting the main threat from manned bombers to missiles. Considering the high cost of the F-i o8 system-over $4 billion for
the force that had been planned-and the time period in which it would
become operational, it was decided to stop further work on the project.
Meanwhile, other air defense forces are being made effective, as described
later in this message.
The size and scope of other important programs have been reduced
from earlier plans. Notable in this category are the Jupiter and Thor
intermediate range ballistic missiles, which have been successfully developed, produced, and deployed, but the relative importance of which
has diminished with the increasing availability of the Atlas intercontinental ballistic missile.
The impact of technological factors is also illustrated by the history of
the high-energy fuel program. This project was started at a time when
there was a critical need for a high-energy fuel to provide an extra margin
of range for high performance aircraft, particularly our heavy bombers.
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Continuing technical problems involved in the use of this fuel, coupled
with significant improvements in aircraft range through other means,
have now raised serious questions about the value of the high-energy
fuel program. As a result, the scope of this project has been sharply
curtailed.
These examples underscore the importance of even more searching
evaluations of new major development programs and even more penetrating and far-ranging analyses of the potentialities of future technology.
The cost of developing a major weapon system is now so enormous that
the greatest care must be exercised in selecting new systems for development, in determining the most satisfactory rate of development, and in
deciding the proper time at which either to place a system into production or to abandon it.
Strategic forces.-The deterrent power of our Armed Forces comes
from both their nuclear retaliatory capability and their capability to conduct other essential operations in any form of war. The first capability
is represented by a combination of manned bombers, carrier-based aircraft, and intercontinental and intermediate range missiles. The second
capability is represented by our deployed ground, naval, and air forces
in essential forward areas, together with ready reserves capable of effecting early emergency reinforcement.
The Strategic Air Command is the principal element of our long-range
nuclear capability. One of the important and difficult decisions which
had to be made in this budget concerned the role of the B-7o, a longrange supersonic bomber. This aircraft, which was planned for initial
operational use about I965, would be complementary to but likewise
competitive with the four strategic ballistic missile systems, all of which
are scheduled to become available earlier. The first Atlas ICBM's are
now operational, the first two Polaris submarines are expected to be operational this calendar year, and the first Titan ICBM's next year. The
Minuteman solid-fueled ICBM is planned to be operational about midi963. By 1965, several or all of these systems will have been fully tested
and their reliability established.
Thus, the need for the B-7o as a strategic weapon system is doubtful.
However, I am recommending that development work on the B-7o airframe and engines be continued. It is expected that in i963 two prototype aircraft will be available for flight testing. By that time we should
be in a much better position to determine the value of that aircraft as a
weapon system.
52
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
( I 3
I am recommending additional acquisitions of the improved version of
the B-52 (the B-52H with the new turbofan engine) and procurement
of the B-58 supersonic medium bomber, together with the supporting
refueling tankers in each case. These additional modern bombers will
replace some of the older B-47 medium bombers; one B-52 can do the
work of several B-47's which it will replace. Funds are also included in
this budget to continue the equipping of the B-52 wings with the Hound
Dog air-to-surface missile.
In the coming fiscal year additional quantities of Atlas, Titan, and
Polaris missiles also will be procured. I am recommending funds for
3 additional Polaris submarines to be started in the coming fiscal year
and for the advance procurement of long leadtime components on 3
more-making a total of 15 Polaris submarines and the appropriate
number of missiles. Funds to continue the development and to initiate
production of the first operational quantities of the Minuteman are also
included in this budget.
Thus, four strategic ballistic missile systems will be in development and
production during the coming fiscal year. These, together with the
manned bomber force, the carrier-based aircraft, the intermediate range
ballistic missiles, and the tactical aircraft deployed abroad, ensure our
continued capability to retaliate effectively in the event of an attack upon
ourselves or our allies.
In order to ensure, insofar as practicable, the safety and readiness of
these forces, we have substantially completed the dispersal of Strategic
Air Command aircraft and the construction of alert facilities. These
measures will permit a large portion of all our manned bombers and supporting tankers to get off the ground within I5 minutes after receiving
warning of an attack.
I have also authorized the Department of Defense to begin to acquire
a standby airborne alert capability for the heavy bombers. This will
entail the procurement of extra engines and spare parts, and the training
of the heavy bomber wings with the ability to conduct an airborne alert.
It is neither necessary nor practical to fly a continuous airborne alert at
this time. Such a procedure would, over a relatively short period of
time, seriously degrade our overall capability to respond to attack. What
I am recommending is a capability to fly such an alert if the need should
arise and to maintain that alert for a reasonable period of time until the
situation which necessitated it becomes clarified.
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Attention is also being given to the safety and readiness of our landbased strategic missile forces. Except for the first several squadrons,
strategic missiles will be dispersed in hardened underground sites. Measures are also being taken to shorten the reaction time of liquid-fueled missiles. The Minuteman, because it will be solid fueled, will have a quick
reaction time and will lend itself to mobile use. The solid-fueled Polaris
to be carried in submarines at sea is by its very nature highly invulnerable.
Air defense forces.-Much progress has been made in increasing the
effectiveness of the North American Air Defense Command organized
in I957 as an integrated command of the United States and Canadian
forces. The U.S. military elements-consisting of parts of all of our
armed services-are integrated with Canada's Air Defence Command for
maintaining an air defense capability for the entire North American
Continent.
While we pay increasing attention to the growing threat of a potential
enemy's ballistic missiles we should not lose sight of the fact that for the
time being the manned bomber is the major threat. Although some $ I 7
billion has already been invested in defense systems against manned bombers, excluding the cost of personnel and operation and maintenance, certain segments have yet to be completed. These were described in the
Department of Defense air defense plan presented to the Congress last
year. The funds recommended in this budget will substantially complete
the programs outlined in that plan. Specifically, the last major elements
of the Nike-Hercules surface-to-air missile program will be financed in
i96i and the Bomarc interceptor missile program will approach completion. The related radar warning, electronic control, and communication systems will also be further equipped and modernized.
In response to the increasing missile threat, we are pressing to completion a new system for the detection of ballistic missile attack-the
ballistic missile early warning system. Construction has been under way
for the last two years and the first segment is expected to be in operation
in about a year.
To provide for an active defense against ballistic missile attack, I am
recommending the continued development of the Nike-Zeus system, but
it will not be placed in production during the coming fiscal year during
which further testing will be carried out.
The Nike-Zeus system is one of the most difficult undertakings ever
attempted by this country. The technical problems involved in detecting,
54
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 4T I3
tracking, and computing the course of the incoming ballistic missile and
in guiding the intercepting Zeus missile to its target-all within a few
minutes-are indeed enormous.
Much thought and study have been given to all of these factors and it
is the consensus of my technical and military advisers that the system
should be carefully tested before production is begun and facilities are
constructed for its deployment. Accordingly, I am recommending sufficient funds in this budget to provide for the essential phases of such
testing. Pending the results of such testing, the $I37 million appropriated
last year by the Congress for initial production steps for the Nike-Zeus
system will not be used.
Sea control forces.-Control of sea and ocean areas and sea lanes of
communication is an integral element in the maintenance of our national
security. The naval forces which carry the primary responsibility for this
mission will consist of 817 combatant and support ships, I6 attack carrier
air groups, I i antisubmarine air groups, and 41 patrol and warning air
squadrons.
From new construction and conversion programs started in prior years,
the Navy will receive during fiscal year I 96 I an unusually large number
of modern ships. These will include the fifth and sixth Forrestal-class
attack carriers, the first nuclear-powered cruiser, nine guided missile destroyers, seven guided missile frigates, and six nuclear-powered submarines. Three more Polaris ballistic missile submarines and a converted
guided missile cruiser will also be commissioned.
For the coming fiscal year I am recommending the construction of 20
new ships and conversions or modernizations of I5 others. Included
among the new ships is an attack carrier. It is planned to construct this
carrier with a conventional rather than a nuclear powerplant.
While it is generally agreed that a nuclear-powered attack carrier has
certain military advantages, such as extended range and endurance at
high sustained speeds, these advantages are not overriding as in the case
of a submarine. In a submarine, nuclear power provides the critical advantage of almost unlimited operation, submerged at high speeds. This
enables nuclear-powered submarines to carry out missions which no conventionally powered submarine, no matter how modem, could accomplish.
The advantages of nuclear power with respect to the carrier, however,
are not comparable. The primary requirement in a carrier is up-to-date
facilities to operate, safely and effectively, the most modern naval aircraft.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Use of a conventional powerplant will in no way prevent a carrier from
functioning as a completely modern and mobile base for fleet aircraft for
its foreseeable life. The additional $130 million which a nuclear-powered
carrier would cost can be used to much greater advantage for other purposes. I therefore strongly urge the Congress to support this request for
a conventionally powered aircraft carrier.
Tactical forces.-Elements of the ground, naval, and air forces comprise the tactical forces which are available to deal with cold war emergencies and limited war situations, in addition to performing essential
tasks in the event of general war. Recommendations made in this budget
provide funds for modernization and improvement in the effectiveness of
our tactical forces.
Increased emphasis has been given in this budget to improving the
mobility and firepower of the 14 Army divisions and other active combat
elements of the Army and the 3 Marine Corps divisions. Additional
quantities of new rifles and machineguns employing the standard NATO
ammunition will be procured, as will combat and tactical vehicles of all
kinds, including the new M6o tank, the MI 13 armored personnel carrier,
self-propelled howitzers, trucks and jeeps. In recognition of the value of
artillery in both nuclear and nonnuclear warfare, an entire new family
of self-propelled artillery is introduced with this budget. This new artillery is lighter, more mobile, and, utilizing new ammunition, will have
greater range than that of types currently available.
The Army and Marine Corps will also buy a wide variety of guided
missiles and rockets such as: Sergeant, Honest John, Little John, and
Lacrosse for medium and close range ground fire support; Davy Crockett
for an integral infantry-unit close-range atomic support weapon; and
Hawk and Redeye for defense of field forces against air attack. Army
aircraft procurement proposed for 1961 is more than 35% higher than
for the current year, and includes funds for surveillance aircraft and for
utility and medium cargo helicopters.
The tactical forces of the Army are supported by the tactical air wings
of the Air Force which will also be provided with an increased capability
under these budget recommendations. Funds are provided for increased
procurement of F-Io5 supersonic all-weather fighter bombers. These
aircraft, with their low-altitude handling characteristics and large carrying capacities for both nuclear and nonnuclear weapons, will strengthen
significantly the air support available to the Army ground units.
56
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I I 3
The three Marine divisions are tactically supported by three Marine
aircraft wings, which will also receive quantities of new aircraft.
Military assistance.-The ability of the free world to deter aggression
depends on the combined strength and determination of many countries.
The total forces of the countries receiving aid under the military assistance
program include about 5 million Army troops, 2,200 combatant ships,
and over 25,ooo aircraft, about half of which are jet. These forces make
a vital contribution to the security of the free world, including the United
States.
A committee of distinguished private citizens, the President's Committee to Study the United States Military Assistance Program, conducted
an extensive and comprehensive analysis of the mutual security program
during the last year. I have previously transmitted the reports of the
Committee to the Congress. Many of the significant findings and recommendations of this group have been put into effect by the executive
agencies; others are in the process of implementation. The military assistance program has been budgeted in i96i with other activities and
programs of the Department of Defense, and major changes are being
made in the management, organization, and programing of military
assistance.
Last spring I mentioned the possibility of requesting a supplemental
appropriation as suggested by the Committee largely to expedite modernization of NATO forces. However, in view of the time factor involved in securing a separate authorization and appropriation for i960,
a supplemental request this year is not practical.
The new obligational authority of $2 billion recommended for fiscal
year I 96 I for the military assistance program will provide the training and
quantities of materiel required to support the forces in the countries receiving aid. Because of the long leadtime required for many items,
procurement must be started in i96i in order to provide the necessary
deliveries in future years. During recent years, deliveries have been
maintained only by drawing down the backlog of undelivered items by
an amount ranging from $500 to $800 million per year. The backlog
has now been reduced to the point where adequate deliveries in the future
must depend on new appropriations.
The defense of Western Europe in this era of modern weapons is costly
and must be accomplished through the combined efforts of all NATO
countries. Many of these countries have now assumed the financial re57
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Public Papers of the Presidents
sponsibility for producing or purchasing conventional arms and equipment which the United States previously supplied. At the same time,
the 1961 military assistance program squarely faces the pressing need for
new and costly weapons for which the free world still looks for help from
the United States. In addition, it provides for an intensified training
effort to assure effective use and maintenance of the new equipment by
allied forces.
This budget also provides for military assistance to countries which
are building defenses against aggression and subversion in other parts of
the world. These countries border on aggressive regimes, or are confronted with strong internal subversive elements. Many of them have
joined in mutual defense organizations such as the Southeast Asia
Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the Central Treaty Organization
(CENTO), or with the United States in bilateral defense agreements.
Assistance to these countries, most of which are in the Near East and the
Far East, emphasizes primarily the strengthening of conventional forces
in keeping with the nature of the threat in each area.
ATOMIC ENERGY ACTIVITIES.-In 1961 the expenditures for the Atomic
Energy Commission are expected to remain at the 1960 level of about $2.7
billion. Substantial increases for research and development activities will
be offset by reductions in procurement of uranium ore concentrates from
United States and Canadian producers. These reductions will bring ore
supplies into better balance with production requirements.
Development and production of nuclear weapons in 1961 will remain
at the high levels of previous years. The vigorous development of military reactors for a variety of propulsion and power uses will continue.
When the land-based prototype reactor for a destroyer is placed into operation in 1961 along with four other naval prototype reactors now
operating, nuclear powerplants will be available for major types of naval
combatant ships. Emphasis in naval reactor development in 1961 will
be placed primarily on development of improved and longer lived reactor
fuel. The development of nuclear ramjet engines for missiles, of nuclear
aircraft engines, and of nuclear electric powerplants for use at remote
military bases will be carried forward.
Peaceful uses of atomic energy.-Expenditures in 1961 for development
of civilian electric power from atomic energy are estimated at $250 million. Of this amount, $185 million is for research and development and
$65 million is for construction of civilian power reactors and related
58
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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development facilities. The estimated expenditures include amounts
from proposed new appropriations of $40 million for assistance to private
and public power groups in developing and building demonstration nuclear powerplants, and alternatively for such direct Government construction as may be considered necessary. The number, type, and size
of reactors built and the nature of the assistance provided will be determined by the Commission after considering the state of technology and
the cooperation proposed by industry.
Expenditures by the Commission for research in the physical and life
sciences in I96I will again increase substantially to over $2IO million.
This level of research will help the United States to continue its leadership in the study of the behavior of the basic matter of the universe and
the effects of radiation on man and his environment. The largest part of
the increase will be used to place in operation in the next i8 months
three new particle accelerators in the multibillion electron-volt energy
range, including the alternating gradient synchrotron at Brookhaven
National Laboratory.
In support of the civilian space program, the Atomic Energy Commission will continue development of nuclear-powered rockets and small,
long-lived nuclear power sources for space vehicles. Development work
on thermonuclear power and on applications of nuclear explosives to a
variety of civilian uses will continue in I 96 I.
STOCKPILING AND DEFENSE PRODUCTION EXPANSION.-Most of the objectives for the stockpile of strategic and critical materials have been met.
Receipts of materials under contracts to promote expansion of defense
production are continuing at a reduced rate, as the number of such contracts still in effect declines. Hence, expenditures for stockpiling and
expansion of defense production are estimated to decline from $230 million in I 960 to $ I 34 million in I 96 I.
Amendments to outstanding contracts are now being negotiated where
practicable, so as to minimize the delivery of materials no longer required
for stockpiling. Arrangements are also under way to dispose of materials
excess to stockpile objectives whenever disposal will not seriously disrupt
markets or adversely affect our international relations.
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND FINANCE
The United States is continuing to support programs to maintain
world peace and to improve economic conditions throughout the free
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world. In helping to improve economic conditions, we are being joined
in larger measure by our friends in the free world who have now reached
a high level of prosperity after recovering from the ravages of war. Accordingly, multilateral programs are being expanded. At the same time,
the pressing need for economic development requires the continuation of
substantial economic assistance under the mutual security program.
Expenditures for international affairs and finance are estimated to
be $2.2 billion in the fiscal year i96i. This amount is $I77 million
higher than estimated expenditures for 1960, mainly because of larger
disbursements by the Development Loan Fund under prior commitments.
MUTUAL SECURITY PROGRAM.-Through the mutual security program
as a whole the United States helps promote stability and economic growth
in less-developed countries and helps strengthen the defenses of the free
world. For these purposes new obligational authority of $4,175 million
is recommended in fiscal year i96i, an increase of $949 million over
the amount enacted for i960 (of which $700 million is for military
assistance). Expenditures are estimated to be $3,450 million, an increase of $ I oo million over I 960.
The military assistance portion of this program is carried in the Department of Defense chapter and has been discussed in the major national
security section of this message. Economic assistance is discussed in the
following paragraphs in this section.
Development Loan Fund.-The Development Loan Fund was established in I957 in order to provide capital to less-developed countries, when
capital is not available from other sources. The capital is provided on
favorable terms, often including the option to repay in the borrower's own
currency. By the end of the fiscal year i960, the Fund will have made
commitments for an estimated I48 loans totaling some $1,400 million.
More than three-fourths of the projects it is financing are for roads, railroads, electric power generation, and industry, including industrial development banks. Because many of these projects require several years
for construction, expenditures have thus far been relatively small. However, in the fiscal year I96i they are estimated to be $300 million, an increase of $I25 million over i960. New obligational authority of $700
million is requested for I96I, an increase of $I50 million over the amount
enacted for i960. This will provide the loan funds essential to our foreign policy objective of assisting in the economic growth of the lessdeveloped countries of the free world.
6o
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q I3
Technical cooperation.-Technical and administrative skills are no less
important for the newly developing countries than capital. Through the
technical cooperation program, American experts are sent abroad to transmit the skills required in a modem economy and foreign technicians are
brought to the United States for training.
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND FINANCE
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Budget expenditures
1959 960 I 96
actual estimate estimate
Program or agency
Economic and technical development:
Mutual security-economic:
Development Loan Fund................
Technical cooperation...................
Defense support........................
Special assistance.......................
O ther.................................
Contingencies..........................
Subtotal, mutual security-economic.....
International Monetary Fund subscription...
Inter-American Development Bank.........
Export-Import Bank......................
Emergency relief abroad and other.........
Conduct of foreign affairs:
Administration of foreign affairs............
Philippine claims:
Present program........................
Proposed legislation.....................
Other...................................
Foreign information and exchange activities:
United States Information Agency..........
Department of State, exchange of persons....
President's special international program.....
Total................................
$66
i69
88I
257
120
30
I, 524
1, 375
390
II3
$I75
I70
740
250
I 05
I I0
I, 550
80
-56
I40
$300
I75
730
255
11o
I30
I, 700
-7
I31
Recommended
new obligational
authority
for I961
$700
2o6
724
268
10I
I75
2, I75..................
I I6
2II 205 197 205
24
2
5
49
3
109 I o I124
22 24 36
8 7 8
3, 780 2, o66 2, 242
49
2
I24
36
9
1 2, 715
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $6,982 million enacted for 1959 and
$2,697 million (including $49 million of anticipated supplemental appropriations) estimated for 1960. The 1959 authorization included $3,175 million for the International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development and $1,375 million for the International
Monetary Fund.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
MUTUAL SECURITY PROGRAM
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obligational
1959 1 960 1961 authority
Program actual estimate estimate for I 961
Military assistance.......................... $2, 340 $I, 8oo00 $i, 750 $2, 000
Economic (including technical) assistance........I, 524 I, 550 I, 700 2, 175
Total, mutual security................. 3, 864 3, 350 3, 450 1 4, 175
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $3,448 million enacted for I959 ($1,515
million military, $1,933 million economic) and $3,226 million enacted for 1960 ($1,300
million military, $1,926 million economic).
For the fiscal year 1961, new obligational authority of $206 million is
requested, which is $25 million over the amount enacted for i960, in
order to permit an increase in the bilateral programs. It will also permit
a higher contribution to the United Nations technical assistance program
and the related special fund; as other governments increase their contributions for the United Nations programs, the United States contribution, which is two-fifths of the total, also increases.
Defense support.-Many of the less-developed countries participating
in the common defense maintain large military forces whose cost imposes
a severe strain upon their limited economic resources. In order to help
maintain political and economic stability and to prevent the cost of necessary defensive forces from unduly hindering economic development, the
United States provides economic aid principally by supplying commodities for consumption and raw materials and machinery for industrial
production. For the fiscal year 1961, new obligational authority of $724
million is requested, an increase of $29 million over the amount enacted
for 1960.
Special assistance.-New obligational authority of $268 million is requested for economic assistance to promote economic and political stability
in various countries of the free world where the United States is not supporting military forces, and for certain other special programs. In several
instances, this assistance indirectly relates to military bases maintained by
the United States.
The appropriation recommended for special assistance in 1961 is $23
million above the amount enacted for 1960. Additional programs are
62
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
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proposed to help improve conditions in Africa, largely for education, public health, and administration.
Increased funds will also be devoted to certain worldwide health programs in conjunction with the World Health Organization of the United
Nations. The largest of these is the malaria eradication program, now in
its fourth year. In addition numerous public health projects are supported through technical cooperation.
Other mutual security programs.-Other programs include assistance
to refugees and escapees; grants of atomic research equipment, including
reactors, to the less-developed countries for training and research in nuclear physics; support of the NATO science program; and the United
States contribution to the United Nations Children's Fund. For the fiscal
year I961, new obligational authority of $IoI million is requested, an
increase of $I million above the amounts enacted for I960.
Contingencies.-Experience has shown that economic and military assistance is also required in some international situations which cannot be
foreseen or for which it is not possible to estimate in advance the specific
amount needed. To cover situations of this type, new obligational authority of $175 million is requested.
OTHER ECONOMIC AND TECHNICAL DEVELOPMENT.-More resources
from countries of the free world are being channeled into economic
development by increasing the capital funds of international organizations. In the past year the capital of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was doubled and that of the International
Monetary Fund increased by half.
The Inter-American Development Bank, with planned total resources
of $i billion, including $450 million from the United States, is expected
to begin operations before the close of this fiscal year. Expenditures of
$80 million are estimated in the fiscal year 1960 as the first installment
of the U.S. cash investment in the Bank. In addition, guarantee authority of $200 million will be made available, on the basis of which the
Bank can sell its bonds to private investors.
Last October the Governors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development unanimously approved in principle a U.S.
proposal for an International Development Association, which will be
closely affiliated with the Bank. Under this proposal, the Association
will make loans on more flexible terms than the Bank is able to offer
under its charter, such as loans repayable in the currency of the borrow63
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ing country. In addition, it is expected that the charter of the Association will contain provisions under which a member could provide to the
Association, for use in lending operations, other member country currencies which it holds. The draft charter of the Association is being prepared and will probably be submitted to the member governments early
this year. Legislation authorizing U.S. participation and making financial provision for membership will be transmitted to the Congress at the
appropriate time.
Private investment.-The United States is trying to encourage more
reliance on private enterprise in foreign economic development. During
the past year, the Department of State and the Business Advisory Council
of the Department of Commerce have both completed special studies on
ways to increase the role of private investment and management abroad.
Tax treaties, with investment incentive clauses, are now being negotiated
with many countries. More trade missions are being sent abroad. Several of the less-developed countries are opening business information offices
in this country. As a result of these various activities, more private investment in the less-developed areas should be forthcoming. To provide an
additional incentive, U.S. taxation of income earned in the less-developed
areas only should be deferred until repatriated.
Export-Import Bank.-The oldest Federal agency specializing in foreign lending and the largest in terms of foreign loan volume is the ExportImport Bank. In the fiscal year I96I the Bank plans to devote an increasing share of its program to transactions which support economic
development abroad. At the same time the Bank plans to finance its
operations without requiring net budgetary expenditures by encouraging
more participation by private lenders in its loan program and by using
funds obtained from repayments on its large outstanding portfolio.
Eligibility for assistance.-Amendments to the Battle Act to revise the
eligibility requirements for assistance to certain countries are pending
before the Congress. It is highly desirable that they be enacted.
CONDUCT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.-The Department of State is making
plans to strengthen further the administration of foreign affairs in the
fiscal year i96i. The disarmament staff is being expanded in preparation for discussions on disarmament soon to begin in Geneva and for the
continuation of the negotiations on the suspension of nuclear tests. Language training programs will also be expanded. New diplomatic and
consular posts will be opened in Africa, Latin America, South Asia, and
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
Eastern Europe. For these and other activities, new obligational authority of $205 million is requested for the fiscal year i96i.
Legislation is recommended to remove certain reservations on acceptance by the United States of jurisdiction of the International Court
of Justice (the World Court).
Legislation will be requested for payment in the fiscal year i96i of
certain war damage claims of the Philippine Government against the
United States in the amount of $73 million. These claims will be partially offset by an amount, now estimated at approximately $24 million,
owed to the United States by the Philippine Government. Pending legislation should be enacted in fiscal year i960 to authorize compensation of
$6 million to displaced residents of the Bonin Islands.
FOREIGN INFORMATION AND EXCHANGE ACTIVITIES.-New obligational
authority totaling $i68 million is requested for foreign information and
exchange activities in the fiscal year i96i. The United States Information Agency plans to expand its programs in Africa and Latin America,
including construction of a new Voice of America transmitter in Africa.
The Agency will make greater use of the growing number of television
facilities overseas. The expansion of domestic radio transmitting facilities, begun last year in order to improve oversea reception, will continue.
Exchanges of key persons with about 8o other countries will be increased,
with special emphasis on leaders and teachers.
COMMERCE AND HOUSING
The improvements made in recent years in Federal programs for outer
space exploration, aviation, highways, the postal service, housing, urban
renewal, and small business will be further extended by this budget.
Expenditures for all commerce and housing programs in the fiscal year
i96i are estimated at $2.7 billion, which is $293 million less than the
estimated expenditures for i960. Proposed legislation to provide adequate postal rates will reduce sharply the net budget expenditures of the
Post Office Department. Expenditures for other programs, however,
especially space exploration and the promotion of aviation, will increase
substantially.
SPACE EXPLORATION AND FLIGHT TECHNOLOGY.-The National Aeronautics and Space Administration is carrying forward the nonmilitary
space projects started by the Department of Defense and has initiated
additional programs that will lay the foundations for future exploration
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and use of outer space. Estimated expenditures of $6oo million during
the fiscal year i96i, nearly double the expenditures in i960, will carry
forward the programs now under way and those becoming the agency's
responsibility in I96I. Appropriations of $802 million for I96I, together
with anticipated supplemental appropriations for i960 of $23 million to
restore substantially the Congressional reduction in the space program
last year, are recommended to finance these programs. Legislation is
being submitted to authorize the appropriations required for i96i and
to provide permanent authorization for later years.
I am assigning to this new agency sole responsibility for the development of space booster vehicles of very high thrust, including Project
Saturn. This assignment includes the transfer of certain facilities and
personnel of the Army Ballistic Missiles Agency. With the imminent
completion of the Jupiter missile project this outstanding group can concentrate on developing the large space vehicle systems essential to the
exploration of space. Certain amendments to the National Aeronautics
and Space Act of I958 will be proposed to clarify the organization and
streamline the management of the space programs.
At the present time Soviet scientists have the advantage in the weight
of the payloads that they can hurl into space. This weight advantage
stems from the earlier start of the Soviet development of very large rocket
boosters that they considered necessary for their intercontinental ballistic
missile program. Because of the relatively advanced state of our nuclear
warheads, however, we were able, after a much later start, to develop an
effective ICBM using a smaller rocket booster.
Our space programs are based on a systematic and technically sound
approach to the complicated scientific and engineering problems involved.
This approach will assure continued demonstrable achievements. Project Mercury has a high priority and we should be ready to attempt actual
manned space flights within the next two years. Progress on the development of very high thrust engines and the vehicles to use them will make
it possible, in the not too distant future, to launch much larger space
vehicles and thus extend the conquest of space.
For the near future satellites and space probes will continue to depend
primarily on Thor and Atlas missiles as boosters, with the Delta and
Agena upper stages providing improved performance and reliability.
These vehicles will make possible a wide variety of highly useful scientific
experiments which will provide essential information for future explora66
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960 1 13
COMMERCE AND HOUSING
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obligational
I959 I960 196I authority
Program or agency actual estimate estimate for 1961
Space exploration and flight technology....... $I45 $325 $6oo $802
Promotion of aviation:
Federal Aviation Agency................... 441 567 68i 717
Civil Aeronautics Board................. 53 60 69 72
Promotion of water transportation:
Department of Commerce................. 200 257 263 299
Coast Guard............................. 229 276 281 285
Panama Canal Company.................... 7 4 14.........
Provision of highways......................... 30 45 1 3 (1)
Postal service:
Public service costs................................ 37 49 49
Postal deficit.............................. 774 567 554 554
Proposed rate revisions................................... - 554 554
Community development and facilities:
Urban Renewal Administration............ 77 197 172 305
Other...................................... 3 39 31 27
Public housing programs..................... 97 130 148 159
Other aids to housing:
Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation:
Under present legislation................. -41 -50 -57........
Proposed premium increase............................. -28.........
Federal Housing Administration............ - 51 -76 -120.........
Federal National Mortgage Association...... 842 56 I I I 150
College housing loans....................... 180 86 148.........
Veterans housing loans...................... 13 230 -i2.........
Farm housing loans and other.............. 43 -I22 36 I I
Other aids to business:
Small Business Administration.............. I07 102 120 66
Proposed area assistance legislation.................... I 57
Other................................... 32 48 48 64
Regulation of commerce and finance.......... 58 58 64 66
Civil and defense mobilization................ 46 56 68 76
Disaster loans and relief..................... 8 8 8.........
Total................................ 3, 42I 3, 002 2, 709 2 3) 204
1 Reflects proposed financing of Federal-aid highways in national forests and public
lands from highway trust fund.
2 Compares with new obligational authority of $2,929 million enacted for 1959 and
$3,789 million (including $7I million of anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for 1960.
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tion of outer space by manned and unmanned vehicles. Somewhat later
the Centaur project will provide an Atlas-boosted space vehicle with
further improved capabilities and establish the technology of very high
energy propulsion for space vehicles. In all of these projects, the success
of the space vehicle launchings depends on a strong continuing program
of supporting research and ground testing.
TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION.-The detailed review of transportation problems and policies which I requested last year is now
nearing completion in the Department of Commerce. This study should
provide a sound basis for administrative actions and for legislation that
may be needed to assure adequate and balanced growth of all branches of
the Nation's transportation system.
Aviation.-Primarily because of the airways modernization program
now under way, expenditures of the Federal Aviation Agency will increase by $I 14 million to an estimated $681 million in fiscal year 196.
New obligational authority of $7I7 million is requested mainly for procurement and operation of radar equipment, airport landing aids, communications, and other facilities needed to handle the rapidly growing
volume of air traffic safely and efficiently and for establishment and enforcement of air safety standards. Research and development activities
are being accelerated to insure the further improvements in equipment
and techniques required to meet future aviation needs.
The Federal Aviation Agency is already making increasing use of military facilities, and steps are under way to achieve a closer integration of
air defense and civil air traffic control networks. Over the next few years
the Agency will also assume traffic control functions now performed by
military personnel at airbases throughout the world, with significant savings in cost.
Expenditures for subsidy payments to the airlines by the Civil Aeronautics Board are estimated at $69 million in 1961, an increase of $3
million, or 80%, over the $38 million actually spent in I958. Almost all
of the subsidy will go to local service airlines, including helicopter operations in three major metropolitan areas and intra-Alaska service. This
rise and the prospect of even higher subsidies in the future make necessary
the consideration of proposals to reduce the dependence of these airlines
on the Government.
Airway user charges.-Consistent with the principle that special beneficiaries of Government programs should pay the cost of those benefits, the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
users of the Federal airways should ultimately be expected to pay their
full share of rising capital and operating costs. Accordingly, the effective
tax on aviation gasoline should be raised from 2 to 4Y2 cents per gallon
and the same tax should also be levied on jet fuels, which are now taxfree. Receipts from all aviation fuel taxes should be retained in the
general fund rather than transferred to the highway trust fund as at
present. These actions will increase revenues to the general fund by an
estimated $89 million in fiscal year i961.
Promotion of water transportation.-Expenditures of the Department
of Commerce to aid water transportation will be sharply higher in both
i960 and i96i than in 1959, primarily because of higher levels of payments required under past commitments for ship operating and construction subsidies. A supplemental appropriation of $32 million will be
requested for the current year to meet increased operating subsidy obligations caused by lower earnings of the shipping industry and to permit
prompt payment of subsidies accrued.
Efforts to maintain a U.S. merchant fleet adequate, along with the
ships of our allies, to meet national defense requirements are seriously
hampered by high operating costs. To preserve the capability of our
merchant fleet without placing an undue burden on the taxpayer will
require willingness by ship operators, maritime labor, and the Government to explore and adopt new solutions.
This budget provides for expanded work on advanced ship designs
that could bring sharply reduced operating costs. By extending the operation of war-built vessels, which comprise more than 70% of the subsidized fleet, over a somewhat longer period, the results of this research
can be more fully exploited in replacement plans. The Secretary of Commerce is also undertaking a special study of sailing requirements and
competitive conditions of maritime trade routes and services, in the hope
of discovering opportunities to increase the benefits flowing from the
public investment in this area.
I repeat the request made last year that the 3 %2 % interest rate ceiling
on ship mortgage loans made by the Maritime Administration be replaced by authority to charge the Government's full cost for such loans.
Work will continue on widening sections of the Panama Canal from
300 to 5oo feet to facilitate the movement of increased ship traffic.
Largely as a result of this program and the increased disbursements for
the $20 million Balboa Bridge, which is being built to fulfill a treaty
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commitment with the Republic of Panama, expenditures of the Panama
Canal Company in i96i will be $ io million higher than in i960.
Highways.-Federal payments of $2,728 million from the highway
trust fund in i96i will enable the States to proceed with construction
of the Interstate System at a level consistent with the pay-as-you-build
principle established by the Highway Revenue Act of I 956 and reaffirmed
by the Congress in I959. Last year I recommended that highway fuel
taxes be increased by i I2 cents per gallon for a period of five years to
meet estimated expenditure requirements. The Congress after months
of delay enacted an increase of only i cent for less than two years.
As a result of both the delay and the failure to provide the full amount
of revenue requested, the roadbuilding program has been slowed below
a desirable rate of progress. The apportionments to the States for future
construction had to be reduced and a plan had to be established to time
reimbursements to the States so that the trust fund could be kept in
balance. By timely action and planning, however, potential failures to
reimburse States promptly for want of funds in the trust fund have been
avoided, and equitable and proportionate programs in every State have
been established.
I urge the Congress again to increase the highway fuel tax by another
one-half cent per gallon and to continue the tax at 472 cents until June
30, I964. This will permit the construction program for the Interstate
System to proceed at a higher and more desirable level. I request repeal
of the diversion of excise taxes enacted last year for the period July i,
196I, to June 30, I964. New reports giving estimates of the cost of
completing the Interstate System and recommendations on the allocation
of costs among future highway beneficiaries will become available in I 96 1.
At the appropriate time, further recommendations will be made to the
Congress for the ensuing conduct and financing of the program.
A temporary advance of $359 million from the Treasury to the trust
fund was necessary in fiscal i960 to balance out the monthly flow of
revenues and expenditures within the fiscal year, but this will be repaid
by June 30, i960. A similar temporary advance of $200 million will be
required in the fiscal year i96i, repayable before the end of that year.
During this session of the Congress, funds should be authorized for
I962 and i963 for regular Federal-aid highway programs and for forest
and public lands highways. In view of the limited resources available
to the trust fund and the priority requirements of the Interstate System,
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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it is recommended that authorizations for the regular programs for each
of these years be reduced to $900 million from $925 million provided for
I96I. Annual authorizations of $33 million for forest highways and $3
million for public lands highways are also recommended.
Finally, I again request that the financing of forest and public lands
highways be transferred from the general fund to the highway trust fund.
Most of these highways are integral parts of the Federal-aid systems, and
they should be financed in the same way.
Postal service.-The Post Office Department is intensifying its efforts
to improve service and to hold down the persistent postal deficit while
handling a growing volume of mail. Initial steps have been taken to
mechanize mail processing and to reduce serious congestion at major
distribution centers. Ultimately, modern mail processing plants will be
established in all principal urban areas to assure prompt and efficient
deliveries.
The Postal Policy Act of 1958 established the policy that postal rates
should be adjusted whenever necessary to recover postal expenses, excluding the costs of certain public services as fixed by appropriation acts.
Over the past I3 fiscal years, I947-59, the Federal budget has had to
finance postal deficits totaling $6.8 billion, which is almost half of the
increase in the national debt during that time. At the average rate of
interest on the outstanding debt the taxpayers are paying well over $200
million annually in interest for the unwillingness of the Congress to take
timely action to increase postal rates.
For fiscal 196I, a postal service deficit of $554 million is estimated with
postage rates now in effect or scheduled, after designating $49 million as
attributable to public services. Rate increases enacted in 1958 were
substantially less than needed to meet the deficit at that time and made
no allowance for the pay increase for postal employees then enacted.
Since then, increased railroad rates (up $55 million), costs of modernization (up $80 million), and the new employee health insurance program
($39 million) have widened the gap between revenues and expenditures.
Accordingly, legislation is again proposed to increase first-class and
airmail rates by I cent and to raise other rates and fees by enough to
cover the postal deficit. I urge the Congress to act promptly on these
proposals, which will be submitted in the near future.
HOUSING AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT.-I have presented to each of
the past two sessions of the Congress a comprehensive program of legisla
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tion for the Government's housing and community development programs. Some of these recommendations were enacted in the Housing
Act of I959. This year, legislation will be requested only for the authority necessary to continue important existing programs and provide necessary flexibility in interest rates. The authorization of additional funds
for these programs should be subject to appropriation action.
Urban renewal.-In the decade since Federal grants were first authorized, urban redevelopment has become recognized as essential to the future vitality of our cities, and planning has been initiated on 647 projects
in 385 communities. However, only 26 projects have been completed.
An additional 355 projects for which Federal funds have been obligated
are now under way, but progress on many of these has been slow.
The budget, accordingly, places major emphasis on accelerating program progress. Sixty-five projects are scheduled for completion in i960
and i96i. At the same time, the number of projects under way is expected to increase from 355 at the end of I 959 to 5 i0 at the end of i961.
The acquisition of land for these projects in i96i is estimated at more
than double, and the sale of land to redevelopers at nearly triple, the 1959
amounts. As a result of the increased rate of activity, a supplemental
appropriation of $50 million will be necessary in the current year to pay
capital grants for projects nearing completion under prior contracts.
Since the Housing Act of I959 provided new contract authority for capital grants of $350 million for i960 and $300 million for i96i, no additional obligational authority will be necessary for this program for i96i.
Public facility loans.-The authority of the Housing and Home Finance
Agency to borrow $ioo million from the Treasury for loans to small
communities for needed public facilities will be exhausted early in i96i.
An additional $20 million will be required to meet loan applications
through the end of the fiscal year i96i. Legislation is recommended to
authorize the provision in annual appropriation acts of this amount and
such future increases as may be necessary.
Public housing programs.-By the end of fiscal year i96i, about
500,000 federally-aided public housing units will be occupied and an
additional I25,000 units will be under contract for Federal contributions.
In the allocation of new contracts authorized in the Housing Act of i959
emphasis is being given to projects which will be constructed in the near
future. The I959 act authorized 37,ooo added units of public housing,
to be available until allocated. Accordingly, no additional authorization
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I I 3
is requested. Increases of $i8 million in i96i expenditures result primarily from rising Federal contributions to local authorities under past
contracts.
Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation.-The share accounts of savings and loan associations insured by the Federal Savings
and Loan Insurance Corporation have increased fivefold over the past
i0 years. With a continuation of this rate of growth, the insurance reserve of the Corporation cannot reach levels commensurate with the
mounting insurance liability without an increase in the present premium
rate. I am, accordingly, recommending legislation to restore the higher
premium rate in effect prior to I949, to remain in force until the reserve
exceeds i % of the share accounts and borrowings of insured institutions.
At the same time, the statutory goal of a reserve equal to 5%7 of such accounts and borrowings exceeds potential needs and should be reduced to
2%. In addition, the Corporation should be given authority to borrow
from private sources, both to increase the available sources of funds to
levels adequate to meet any temporary borrowing needs and to reduce its
potential dependence upon the Federal Government.
Insurance of private mortgages.-The mortgage insurance programs of
the Federal Housing Administration will continue in i96i to underwrite
a substantial share of the mortgages on residential housing. While it is
difficult to forecast mortgage insurance requirements, the general mortgage insurance authorization of the Federal Housing Administration now
appears to be adequate to meet demands for mortgage insurance until the
next Congress is in session.
Sharp fluctuations in the demand for mortgage insurance during recent
years have caused the funds available for personnel under appropriation
act limitations to be inadequate in periods of heavy demand to provide
the staff required by the Federal Housing Administration for prompt
service on applications. Supplemental funds are usually not made available in time to meet this problem. To correct this situation, appropriation language is being requested to permit use of additional income for
such expenses when actual demand exceeds the budget estimate.
Legislation should also be enacted to extend the authority for insurance
of loans on home improvements. This program, which makes a major
contribution to modernization of existing homes, would otherwise expire
on October I, i960.
Last year legislation was recommended to provide some flexibility in
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maximum interest rates on mortgages originated under the housing loan
and guarantee programs of the Veterans Administration and under certain mortgage insurance programs of the Federal Housing Administration. The action taken by the Congress was inadequate, and some of
these programs are now seriously hampered by their inability at present
maximum interest rates to attract adequate private capital. The Veterans Administration should be given the same flexibility to adjust its
interest rates to market conditions which is now possessed by the Federal
Housing Administration in its basic mortgage insurance programs. In
addition, the maximum interest rate of 4Y25% on insured mortgages on
armed services family housing should be removed.
Veterans housing loans.-The direct housing loan program of the Veterans Administration, which has been extended several times, terminates
July 25, i960, and I am asking for no further authorization. At that
time, over $i billion of loans will be outstanding, and the program will
have provided over I50,000 loans to veterans. There is no longer justification for continuing this readjustment program.
Mortgage purchases.-The authority of the Federal National Mortgage Association to borrow from the Treasury to purchase mortgages
under its special assistance program will be exhausted during i961. I
am recommending legislation which would permit future increases in
authorizations to be subject to appropriation review. An additional
$I50 million is requested for i96i for this program. The additional
funds will be used chiefly to buy mortgages on housing in urban renewal
areas, on housing for the relocation of displaced families, and on housing
for the elderly.
Special assistance for these mortgages is intended to be transitional,
and an increasing proportion of total financing should in the future be
obtained from private sources. With annual financing requirements in
excess of $i billion already in sight for these programs, the need can be
met only with the full and active support of local communities and private
financial institutions.
At the same time, mortgage purchases by the Association's secondary
market operations trust fund will continue at high levels. Expenditures
for such purchases are estimated at $I,047 million in i960 and $975 million in i96i. These purchases will be almost wholly financed through
the sale of debentures to the public and the purchase of common stock
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
9 13
by mortgage sellers. Budget expenditures of $50 million, however, will
be necessary for the additional Treasury purchases of the preferred stock
of the Association required to support the mortgage purchase program.
College housing.-No additional authorizations are proposed for the
existing college housing direct loan program. The housing needs of our
colleges and universities represent only a part of the need for new university facilities of all types. These needs should be considered as a whole
and within the framework of the general problems of education. I have,
accordingly, recommended the termination of the college housing program and the enactment of legislation authorizing a new program of
grants and loan guarantees for college facilities, to be administered by
the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (discussed under
labor and welfare programs).
SMALL BUSINESS.-The increase in financial assistance to small businesses under the Small Business Investment Act of 1958 will continue in
1961. I recommend the enactment of legislation previously proposed to
the Congress to encourage the formation of additional investment companies by liberalizing the authority of these companies, thus expanding
the supply of private capital available to small businesses. Other loans
by the Small Business Administration will continue at a high level, but less
new obligational authority is recommended because repayments on outstanding loans will increase. Efforts to assist small businesses in obtaining a fair share of Federal Government procurement and surplus property
will also continue. In order to facilitate small business financing, the
Securities Act of 1933 should be amended to extend the privilege of simplified filings to a wider range of security issues.
AREA ASSISTANCE.-Despite the rapid economic recovery in the Nation as a whole, unemployment remains high in a relatively small number
of local areas. The chronic problems in these communities reflect primarily basic changes in consumer buying habits, production methods,
and industry location patterns. Some localities and States have properly
taken the initiative in measures designed to meet these problems. In
addition, the Department of Commerce, with the cooperation of 13
other Federal agencies, is intensifying existing Federal programs to encourage and support this local initiative. More help is required. Therefore, for the past four years, I have requested expanded legislative
authority, primarily for loans and grants, to supplement existing Federal,
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State, and local programs. Prompt enactment of this legislation is important. The budget includes an estimated $57 million in appropriations
as the initial amount necessary to provide the proposed additional Federal
aid.
REGULATION OF COMMERCE AND FINANCE.-The general growth of the
economy, newly legislated responsibilities, and the increased complexity
of the problems which confront the regulatory agencies require increases
in funds for most of them. The largest single increase in this category
will permit the Federal Communications Commission to make a thorough
study of ultrahigh frequency television to determine whether channels in
this range can be used to meet the needs of the expanding television
industry.
I again recommend legislation to strengthen the antitrust laws, including extending Federal regulation to bank mergers accomplished through
the acquisition of assets, requiring businesses of significant size to notify
the antitrust agencies of proposed mergers, empowering the Attorney
General to issue civil investigative demands in antitrust cases when civil
procedures are contemplated, and authorizing the Federal Trade Commission to seek preliminary injunctions in merger cases where a violation
of law is likely.
CIVIL AND DEFENSE MOBILIZATION.-Preparations for nonmilitary defense have been seriously hindered by the unwillingness of Congress to
provide appropriations to carry out programs authorized by the I958
amendments to the Federal Civil Defense Act. Funds are again being
requested for i96i, as well as in a supplemental appropriation for i960,
to help States and localities strengthen their full-time civil defense organizations. Increased funds are also required to finance greater purchases
of radiological instruments for donation to the States; for expansion of
the emergency preparedness activities of other Federal agencies; and to
carry on the national fallout shelter policy.
In accordance with the national fallout shelter policy, the Federal
departments and agencies have been directed to include fallout shelters
when appropriate in the design of new buildings for civilian use, and
funds for such shelters are included in the budget requests of the various
agencies. In addition, the budget of the General Services Administration
includes $6 million for a new fallout shelter program at certain Federal
relocation sites and in some existing Federal buildings.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES
In the fiscal year I96I, Federal programs for agriculture will again
have a heavy impact on the budget, primarily because of continued high
agricultural production and the past unwillingness of the Congress to
make appropriate modifications in the long-established price support laws.
The longer unrealistic price supports are retained, the more difficult it will
be to make the adjustments in production needed to permit relaxation of
Government controls over farm operations.
Last year I proposed to the Congress urgently needed legislation relating
to price supports. Very little of that program was enacted. I recommend that the Congress give this important matter early consideration.
Particularly urgent now is legislation to put wheat price supports on a
more realistic basis. Stocks of wheat are continuing to rise in spite of our
efforts to move wheat abroad through the International Wheat Agreement, sales for foreign currencies, and grants to disaster victims and
needy people. The carryover of wheat stocks is expected to rise to almost
1.4 billion bushels by July I, i960, an amount that would provide for
more than two years of domestic consumption without any additional
production.
The wheat surplus problem has been a long time in the making and
cannot be solved overnight. In fact, wheat legislation enacted in this
session cannot be made applicable before the i96i crop. The fact that
any significant effect on the budget would be delayed until the fiscal
year I962 underlines the need for prompt action at this session of the
Congress.
Authority to bring additional land into the conservation reserve expires after the i960 crop year. Legislation is proposed to extend this
authority through the i963 crop year and to expand the program by increasing the basic limitation on the amount of payments that may be made
in any calendar year from $450 million to $6oo million. Specific authority will be requested for the Secretary of Agriculture to give special
consideration, in allocating conservation reserve funds, to those States
and regions where curtailment of production of wheat or other surplus
commodities is consistent with long-range conservation and productionadjustment goals. The rental rates needed to induce farmers to withdraw cropland from production under the conservation reserve depend
on the income prospects from farming, which in turn are a reflection of
the levels of price supports. Therefore, the future authorization for the
conservation reserve program should not be increased above the I960
level unless needed price support legislation is enacted for wheat.
77
Public Papers of the Presidents
AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Program or agency
Stabilization of farm prices and farm income:
Commodity Credit Corporation-price support, supply, and purchase programs.......
Commodity Credit Corporation-special activities (other than acreage reserve of the
soil bank):
Public Law 480.........................
International Wheat Agreement...........
National Wool Act......................
Other.................................
Soil bank-acreage reserve:
Program total..........................
Under CCC special activities...........
Removal of surplus agricultural commodities..
Sugar Act..............................
Other...................................
Subtotal............................
Financing rural electrification and rural telephones..................................
Financing farm ownership and operation:
Farm Credit Administration................
Farmers Home Administration..............
Conservation of agricultural land and water
resources:
Conservation reserve:
Existing program total...................
Under CCC special activities...........
Proposed legislation.....................
Agricultural Conservation Program Service:
Program total..........................
Under CCC special activities...........
Soil Conservation Service (including watershed
protection and Great Plains program)......
Research and other agricultural services........
Total, agriculture and agricultural resources.............................
Budget expenditures
1959 I960 I96I
actual estimate estimate
$2, 775 $1, 828 $2, 279
I, 022
48
20
347
673
(64)
I41
67
34
5, 126
I, 055
49
94
243
6
(5)
IIO
74
4I
3, 499
1, 172
68
70
124
IIO
78
48
3, 95o
Recommended
new obligational
authority
for 1961
$I, 250
88i
49
51
423
271
74
47
3, 046
315 334 355 200
5 6 8
246 236 221
2
216
I75
(4)......
365
(30)......
362
32
362
32
246 244 233 243
(7) (I) (-I2).........
I25
29I
130
298
I37
325
136
333
14, 570
6, 529 5, I 3 5, 623
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $5,42I million enacted for I959 and
$5,099 million (including $704 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for I960.
78
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q I3
Estimated expenditures for agricultural programs in fiscal I 96I are
$5.6 billion, which is $510 million more than the estimate for the current
year but $907 million less than was spent in I959. Total new authority
to incur obligations requested for agriculture and agricultural resources
in i96i is $4.6 billion. This amount includes $I.3 billion to restore, to
the extent necessary, the capital impairment of the Commodity Credit
Corporation resulting from previous price support losses and $I.4 billion
to reimburse the Corporation for estimated costs and losses through the
fiscal year i960 of other programs financed through that agency.
Stabilization of farm prices and farm income.-Most of the recent
year-to-year variations in expenditures for agriculture and agricultural
resources reflect changes in expenditures for price supports and other programs to stabilize farm prices and farm income. During the five fiscal
years, I955-59, Federal spending for these programs has accounted for
70% to 8o% of the total for all agricultural programs. In the fiscal year
i96i, these programs are estimated to cost $3.9 billion, an increase of
$450 million over i960, but a decrease of $I.2 billion from I959.
Under present laws, price support expenditures for agricultural commodities cannot be controlled through regular budgetary processes. They
are the result, mainly, of the loans and commodity purchases that the
Commodity Credit Corporation is required to make, and the other priceand income-supporting programs that the Corporation is required to
finance, under existing laws. These expenditures reflect the volume of
production, consumption, and exports of price-supported commodities,
which, in turn, are influenced by such uncertain factors as the weather
and domestic and foreign economic conditions.
The budget estimate for i96i reflects the residual effect of the large
1958 and I959 crops and assumes that yields on price-supported crops
for the i960 crop year will be in line with recent averages; also exports
of farm commodities in the fiscal year i96i may be down somewhat
from the high level expected in I960.
The Sugar Act expires on December 3I, I960. To give sugar producers maximum time for production planning, action should be taken
early in the present session of the Congress to continue this program.
We are continuing to use our surplus agricultural production in many
ways for constructive purposes overseas through the "food for peace"
program. Under the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act of I954 (Public Law 480), surplus wheat, cotton, corn, rice, and
79
e I3
Public Papers of the Presidents
other commodities are being sold abroad for foreign currencies. These
currencies are used principally as loans or grants for the economic development and common defense in foreign countries, and to a lesser extent
to finance various U.S. programs abroad. Surplus commodities are also
being given to foreign governments for emergency relief needs and to
private relief organizations in support of their programs abroad; over 60
million needy people benefited this past year from these donation programs. Last year the executive branch proposed certain amendments
which, if enacted, would have made this surplus disposal program more
effective. It is recommended that the Congress again consider these
amendments.
Rural electrification and telephones.-About 96% of our farms now
have central station electric service, as compared with i i% in 1935.
The expanding use of power in the areas served by electric cooperatives
financed by the Rural Electrification Administration continues to require
substantial amounts of new capital every year to provide additional generating capacity and heavier transmission and distribution facilities.
More than one-half of the total power sales by the REA system are made
to rural industrial, recreational, and other nonfarm customers. These
nonfarm users now comprise over 80% of the new customers being added.
The Rural Electrification Administration currently finances the capital
needs of the cooperatives by borrowing from the Treasury at the statutory
interest rate of 27%o and relending at the same rate. Legislation is proposed under which REA would (a) borrow from the Treasury at not to
exceed the average rate of interest payable by the Treasury on recently
issued long-term marketable obligations, and (b) make future electric
and telephone loans at the same rate plus one-fifth of i % to cover administrative expenses and estimated losses. Legislation now before the Congress to place the operations of this agency on a revolving fund basis
should also be enacted.
It is vital, looking ahead, that legislation be developed to enable telephone as well as electric borrowers to obtain funds from a mutually
owned financing institution to meet the needs for the future growth of
these borrowers. Under this longer range plan, loans would also be
available from the Rural Electrification Administration to meet special
circumstances. The Secretary of Agriculture will work with REA cooperatives and other interested parties in developing such a proposal.
Farm ownership and operation.-In I961, new direct loans and ad80
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
ministrative expenses of the Farmers Home Administration are proposed
in an amount equal to estimated collections on outstanding loans. Loans
are made to borrowers who are unable to obtain credit from other sources
at interest rates currently prevailing in their communities in order to
finance farm ownership and enlargement, farm operations, and soil and
water conservation. Direct loans for farm ownership and soil and water
conservation are supplemented with private loans insured by the Federal
Government.
The present authority of the Secretary of Agriculture to make loans to
farmers and ranchers is the cumulative result of the enactment of many
separate laws over a long period of years. The legislation now before the
Congress to simplify, consolidate, and improve the authority of the Secretary of Agriculture to make these types of loans should be enacted. Also,
the pending legislation to require the States to share a greater part of the
costs of farm disaster relief assistance should be enacted.
Conservation of agricultural resources.-Expenditures under the conservation reserve program are expected to be $394 million in the fiscal
year i96i. Of this amount $362 million will be needed to fulfill commitments incurred in the crop years I956 through i960 under existing
authority, and $32 million will be used for conservation practice payments and additional operating expenses under proposed legislation to
extend this program for three years. Under the proposed legislation it is
planned to add about 9 million additional acres to the program during
the I 96 I crop year, bringing the total at the end of that crop year to about
37 million acres. Increases in expenditures required for the i96i crop
year program will occur mainly in I 962 and later fiscal years.
In both the I 959 and I 960 appropriation acts, the Congress maintained
the agricultural conservation program at levels which far exceeded my
recommendations. As a result, expenditures of the Agricultural Conservation Program Service are estimated to be $244 million in i960 and $233
million in i96i. The advance authorization for the i96i agricultural
conservation program, which will affect primarily fiscal year i 962 expenditures, should be limited to $ioo million. The lower program recommended, together with other public aids for soil and water conservation,
will meet the Nation's high-priority conservation needs.
Federal policy on cost-sharing assistance in the future should be concentrated on conservation measures which will foster needed shifts to less
intensive uses of cropland, and assistance should be eliminated for prac8i
Public Papers of the Presidents
tices which increase capacity to produce agricultural commodities already
in surplus supply. Continuation of cost sharing for output-increasing
practices would directly conflict with the recommended expansion of the
conservation reserve program under which cropland is removed from
production.
New obligational authority of $43 million is recommended for the
upstream watershed programs, including $28 million for projects under
the Watershed Protection and Flood Prevention Act. Of this amount,
$5 million is provided to initiate construction on projects involving an
estimated total Federal cost of $29 million.
New obligational authority of $Io million is requested for the Great
Plains conservation program, the same as for I960. Under this program conducted in designated counties of the Io Great Plains States, the
Federal Government provides cost-sharing and technical assistance to
farmers who enter into long-term contracts to make needed adjustments
of land use on their farms.
Research and other agricultural services.-Expenditures for research,
education, and other agricultural services, exclusive of programs financed
with foreign currencies, will be about $8 million higher in the fiscal year
1961 than in 1960. This amount will provide increased support for the
research programs on pesticide residues and on industrial uses of farm
commodities. It will also provide increased support for the rural development program which is making an important contribution to the solution
of the economic problems of rural areas arising out of technological
changes in agriculture and inadequate employment opportunities.
In addition, it is estimated that $19 million will be spent in 1961 for
the purchase of foreign currencies, obtained from the sale of surplus farm
commodities, to be used for research and market development work
abroad. This compares with approximately $I2 million in foreign currencies to be used for this purpose in 1960.
NATURAL RESOURCES
The recommendations in this budget for Federal natural resource programs take into account their great importance to the Nation's economic
growth and security.
The estimated total of $I.9 billion to be spent in the fiscal year 1961
for natural resources is more than has been spent for this purpose in any
previous year. The increase of $152 million over 1960 is predominantly
for water resources programs.
82
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
Water resources.-The Corps of Engineers and the Bureau of Reclamation will spend an estimated $i.2 billion in the fiscal year i96i to construct, maintain, and operate flood control, navigation, irrigation, power,
and related projects. This record total includes, in addition to operating
costs, $965 million to continue construction on projects started in i960 or
prior years, $i2 million for advance planning, and $i8 million for the
first-year expenditures on 42 proposed new starts. These new projects, as
well as three new construction starts by the Tennessee Valley Authority
and one by the International Boundary and Water Commission, are recommended in this budget in the interest of balanced development of water resources.
For the Corps of Engineers, appropriations (as distinct from the expenditures previously discussed) of $2I million are required for starting
31 new projects and for an additional number of smaller projects costing
less than $400,000 each. The estimated commitments for these new
projects total $30I million. Appropriations of $6 million for i96i are
recommended for the Bureau of Reclamation to begin construction on six
projects with total estimated commitments of $ I 84 million, and $ i i million for loans which will be used by local groups to start work on five small
reclamation projects.
I again recommend that the Congress authorize the FryingpanArkansas project in Colorado.
To carry forward the joint development of the waters of the Rio
Grande, construction should be started on the Amistad (Diablo) Dam,
in accordance with the treaty of February 3, I944, between the United
States and Mexico. I urge the Congress to enact promptly the legislation
now needed to authorize negotiation of an agreement for this construction. Funds will be requested for the U.S. share of the first-year cost of
this project following enactment of the legislation. Provision is made in
this budget to begin modification of the lower Rio Grande levee system.
Under legislation enacted during the past session, the Tennessee Valley
Authority plans to issue an estimated $I I5 million of revenue bonds in
i96i. These funds will be used to help finance construction of a second
unit in the Paradise steam powerplant and of other units under way, including new generating capacity in the eastern part of the TVA area.
The Authority will start construction of the Melton Hill project for navigation and power. In accordance with this administration's policy, and
as authorized under the Tennessee Valley Authority Act as amended by the
60295-61 ~9
83
( I 3 Public Papers of the Presidents
recently enacted revenue bond legislation, the power facilities portion of
this project will be financed from net power proceeds and revenue bonds,
and the remaining portion will be financed from appropriations. With
the completion of the Wilson lock, the present lock at Wheeler Dam will
be a bottleneck for shipping on the Tennessee River. Appropriations are
therefore recommended for 1961 to begin construction of a new lock at
Wheeler Dam.
NATURAL RESOURCES
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Program or agency
Land and water resources:
Corps of Engineers........................
Department of the Interior:
Bureau of Reclamation..................
Power marketing agencies...............
Indian lands resources.................
Public domain and other................
Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation..............................
Tennessee Valley Authority...............
Federal Power Commission.................
Department of State and other.............
Mineral resources...........................
Forest resources.............................
Recreational resources.......................
Fish and wildlife resources..................
General resource surveys and other...........
Total...............................
Budget expenditures
1959 1960 1961
actual estimate estimate
$779 $860 $9IO
Recommended
new obligational
authority
for 1 961
$936
246
33
57
33
5
7
7
5
7I
201
86
68
6o
i, 669
234
40
62
36
7
35
7
6
66
223
87
70
53
I, 785
300
40
57
40
314
40
4I
38
4
73
8
9
64
222
87
7I
53
I, 938.........
21
8
9
63
I9I
54
68
53
1 i, 836
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $1,742 million enacted for 1959 and
$2,538 million (including $32 million of anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for 1960.
Research for converting sea water and brackish water into fresh water,
carried on cooperatively by the Department of the Interior and nonFederal groups, has progressed to the point where some processes are in
the development stage. Construction will begin in 1960 at Freeport,
Tex., on a demonstration plant for conversion of sea water, and $1.5
million is recommended in the 1961 budget for the Federal cost of build
84
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960o
(I I 3
ing the first brackish water plant as well as a second sea water plant.
Advance planning will be completed in i96i on two additional demonstration plants.
Cost-sharing on flood protection projects.-It is essential that legislation be promptly enacted to establish a consistent basis for cost-sharing
on projects which provide flood protection benefits. At the present time,
the various Federal agencies responsible for flood protection operate under
different and confusing cost-sharing standards. The non-Federal contributions vary from zero to over 6o%. This intolerable situation should
be corrected. Legislation now before the Congress would require generally that identifiable non-Federal interests receiving flood protection
benefits bear at least 30% of the costs of flood protection. The value of
lands, easements, and rights-of-way contributed locally would be included
as part of this non-Federal share. The cost of operation and maintenance would also be a State or local responsibility.
Mineral resources.-Amendments to the Helium Act were recommended last year to carry out a long-range plan for conserving helium.
This lightweight nonflammable gas is important to the Nation's atomic
energy and missile programs, and known deposits of it are extremely
limited. Under the legislation proposed, private industry would be encouraged to finance, build, and operate plants which would make helium
available for conservation by the Department of the Interior. Prompt
enactment is needed to check the waste of this essential gas.
The Bureau of Mines will continue its research on improved methods
of production and utilization of coal and other minerals. Legislation is
again recommended to grant authority to the Secretary of the Interior
to contract for coal research, thus allowing the Secretary to use outside
scientific resources to assist the coal industry.
Other resource programs.-In the fiscal year i96i, programs for conserving and developing the resources of the public domain and Indian
lands will be carried on at about the I 960 levels. Although total expenditures for forest resources are estimated at about the same level in i96I
as in i960, some increases are provided in i96i to carry forward the
long-range program of the Forest Service for conservation and development, including added facilities and services to accommodate campers
and picnickers. It is expected that these increased expenditures will be
offset by a decrease in the unusually large 1960 outlays for fighting forest
fires.
85
( 13
Public Papers of the Presidents
Receipts from the timber, grazing, and mineral resources on these
public lands are estimated to increase to a total of over $400 million in
1961, including revenues from mineral leases on the Outer Continental
Shelf. To obtain a more adequate return for use of federally-owned resources, legislation is again recommended to revise the fee schedule for
noncompetitive oil and gas leases on public domain lands.
In the interest of improving efficiency and providing convenience for
the non-Federal parties concerned, certain functions with respect to land
and timber exchanges should be transferred from the Secretary of the
Interior to the Secretary of Agriculture by legislation embodying the basic
provisions of Reorganization Plan No. I of 1959, which was disapproved
by the Congress. In these exchanges, the Government obtains nonFederal lands in exchange for national forest lands administered by the
Secretary of Agriculture or for timber on such lands. This legislation is
needed to simplify the work relating to these land exchanges.
Each year more of our citizens use and enjoy the national parks. Expenditures of $86 million estimated for the National Park Service in 1961
for recreational resources will provide for additional urgently needed facilities and services for visitors, for maintenance and operation of the
present facilities, and for selective acquisition of lands to add to existing
park areas.
Before it is too late we should take steps to preserve, for public benefit,
part of the remaining undeveloped shore areas. I hope, therefore, that
the Congress will enact during this session the legislation proposed in the
last session to permit the Secretary of the Interior to select and acquire
for the national park system three areas which would be of national
significance because of their outstanding natural and scenic features, recreational advantages, and other public values.
Contract authority is available to finance planned construction of parkways, roads, and trails in the national parks and forests and on Indian
lands during 196I. Beginning in 1962, this construction should be financed by direct appropriations, and the budget so contemplates.
Recent legislation increased the fee charged to hunters of migratory
birds and earmarked these revenues for acquisition of lands for refuges
and nesting areas. In 1961 land acquisitions from these revenues will be
four times those of the current year. Other proposed increases in expenditures for fish and wildlife resources are mainly for fishery research.
86
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I I 3
LABOR AND WELFARE
Budget expenditures for labor and welfare programs in the fiscal year
i96i are estimated to reach an all-time high of $4.6 billion, of which
three-fourths will take the form of grants to States and localities. The
total expenditures are estimated to be $i28 million more than for the
current year. The largest increase is for promotion of public health,
mainly for research and hospital construction, as a result of much larger
appropriations by the Congress in previous years. Significant increases
are also estimated for the support of basic research provided by the National Science Foundation and for the defense education and public assistance programs of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.
Budget expenditures for labor and welfare programs will be more than
double the amount a decade ago. During the same period, trust fund
expenditures for these programs, including social security and unemployment compensation, will have quintupled to an estimated $i6.2 billion in i96i.
New obligational authority recommended for i96i totals $4.5 billion,
about the same as for 1960 but $356 million more than forI959. Reductions from i960 are recommended in the grant-in-aid programs for
assistance to schools in federally-affected areas, for hospital construction,
and for waste treatment works construction. Larger appropriations are
proposed for other presently authorized activities in the fields of science,
vocational rehabilitation, education, welfare, and health. In addition, a
number of new programs are recommended to meet important national
needs, particularly in the education and labor fields.
In the last several years great strides forward have been made in the
social security, welfare, and health fields. The Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare is continually reviewing the various programs in
these fields for the purpose of determining where improvements should
be made. As needs for improvement are found, appropriate recommendations will be made.
EDUCATION AND RESEARCH.-Our Nation seeks to foster a climate of
freedom and creativity in which education, the arts, and fundamental
science can flourish. The Federal Government helps in the attainment
of these objectives through programs for support of basic research, aid to
educational institutions, and training assistance to individuals in various
fields important to the national interest. In this budget I recommend
87
Public Papers of the Presidents
LABOR AND WELFARE
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
new obligational
Budget expenditures
Program or agency
Promotion of education:
National Science Foundation, science education...................................
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare:
Defense education program...............
Assistance to schools in federally-affected
areas................................
Vocational education and other...........
Other, primarily Bureau of Indian Affairs....
Promotion of science, research, libraries and
museums:
National Science Foundation, basic research..
Department of Commerce:
Bureau of the Census....................
National Bureau of Standards and other....
Other...................................
Labor and manpower:
Temporary extended unemployment compensation.................................
Grants for administration of employment service and unemployment compensation....
Other...................................
Promotion of public health:
National Institutes of Health, research grants
and activities...........................
Grants for construction of health research facilities....................................
Hospital construction grants................
Grants for construction of waste treatment
facilities...............................
Other...................................
Public assistance............................
Correctional and penal institutions............
Other welfare services:
School lunch and special milk programs......
Other...................................
Total................................
I1959 I960 I96I authority
actual estimate estimate for i961
$5I $54 $59 $70
78 134 170 171
I
2i6
63
6o
234 207
67 67
6o 62
I 71
69
65
55 71 101 122
23
12
27
447
306
91
91
22
37
-7
323
99
36
33
50
29
50
45
3II
124
326
126
265 364
23 26
136 144
390 400
29 25
i6i 126
36
243
I, 969
39
218
6I1
4, 421
45
271
2,o56
46
234
7I
4, 44I
45
279
2, o087
48
234
76
4 569
20
276
2 087
57
225
79
'4, 538
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $4,182 million enacted for 1959 and
$4,543 million (including $22 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations) estimated for 1960.
88
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
q I3
increased appropriations for high-priority education and research programs and enactment of new legislation to authorize additional aids to
education.
I am recommending repeal of the provision of the National Defense
Education Act that prohibits payments or loans from being made to any
individual unless he executes an affidavit that he does not believe in or
belong to any organization that teaches the illegal overthrow of the Government. This affidavit requirement is unwarranted and justifiably
resented by a large part of our educational community which feels that
it is being singled out for this requirement.
Education.-Expenditures for the education-aid programs authorized
by the National Defense Education Act of 1958 will increase sharply in
196i. During the current school year more than I00,000 students from
1,368 colleges, about four times the number of students last year, are expected to borrow from college loan funds to which the Government makes
repayable advances. A supplemental appropriation of nearly $ I o million
is proposed to enlarge this loan program for I960. A small increase in
appropriations is recommended for I96I pending further experience on
the rate at which loans will be made to students. Increases are also
proposed for fellowships for prospective college teachers; for grants to
States for science, mathematics, and foreign language teaching equipment; for research in the educational use of television and other media;
for contracts with universities for training of counselors and for foreign
language training; and for grants to States for vocational training in
occupations requiring scientific skills.
Appropriations of $70 million are requested for aids to science education programs administered by the National Science Foundation, an
increase of $3 million over the amount provided in I960.
The budget includes the same aggregate amount for vocational education programs as was appropriated this year, but with shift in emphasis.
The need for Federal assistance in the vocational education programs
begun in 1917 for the purpose of stimulating training in agriculture, home
economics, industrial trades, and distributive occupations is not as great
as for promotion of training in new science-age skills. Thus as increased
funds for training needs in new skills are provided under the National
Defense Education Act, Federal assistance for the older programs is being
reduced by a corresponding amount.
Appropriations recommended for 1961 to assist school districts whose
89
Q I 3 Public Papers of the Presidents
enrollment comes partially from children whose parents work or reside on
Federal property are $54 million below those enacted for I960 and are
in line with requirements under legislation proposed by the administration last year. The appropriation recommended for these programs is
the maximum which I believe should be provided. The substantial increase in Federal employment during World War II, which led to the
enactment of this legislation in I950, has been superseded by a relatively
stable Federal establishment. In many cases, the presence of Federal
installations in the communities adds to rather than detracts from the
revenue base for the support of schools. This is particularly true where
parents employed by the Government live on private property which is
subject to State and local taxation even though they earn their income on
nontaxable Federal property. The proposed legislation would discharge
more equitably the Federal responsibility in these districts, and its prompt
enactment by the Congress is recommended.
The pressing need now is not for aid to federally-affected districts on
the basis initiated in I950 but for general aid to help localities with
limited resources to build public schools. Despite encouraging progress
in the rate of school construction, many school districts are still finding
it difficult to avoid overcrowding and double sessions as enrollments
continue to mount. Moreover, increasing secondary school enrollments
require facilities which are much more costly than elementary school
classrooms. Last year the administration recommended legislation authorizing annual Federal advances to local school districts to pay up to half
the debt service (principal and interest) on $3 billion of bonds to, be
issued in the next five years for school construction. This legislation is
designed to stimulate, not supplant, additional State and local effort.
Affirmative action should be taken this year on that proposal.
Congressional approval of the administration's proposals for aid to
higher educational institutions is also essential. The enrollment growth
facing colleges and universities from I960 to 1975 brings a need for additional academic, housing, and related educational facilities. To help
colleges finance the construction required, the administration's proposal
would authorize Federal guarantees of $I billion in bonds with interest
subject to Federal taxation, and would provide Federal grants, payable
over 20 years, equal to 25% of the principal of $2 billion of bonds. This
program would provide aid on a much broader basis, and result in the
construction of much larger total amounts of college facilities per dollar
90
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I I 3
of Federal expenditures, than the present more limited college housing
loan program which should be allowed to expire.
Basic research.-To provide a strong foundation of fundamental scientific knowledge for the Nation's future advancement, this budget provides,
in various functional categories including major national security, expenditures totaling more than $6oo million for support of basic research in I 96 I.
Appropriations of $1 i2 2 million are recommended for support of basic
research by the National Science Foundation, an increase of $34 million
over i960. The total includes $79 million for basic research projects
and $I5 million for grants to universities for modernization of graduate
level laboratories under a program initiated in i960. Increased support is also provided for scientific work of the Bureau of Standards, including funds for two new laboratories, as a first step in the construction
of completely new facilities for the agency.
Oceanography.-Federal support of oceanography and related marine
sciences is being substantially augmented by several agencies under a
long-range program developed by the Federal Council on Science and
Technology to strengthen the Nation's effort in this field. This program
stems from a study undertaken by the National Academy of Sciences at
the request of several agencies. The expansion of oceanographic research
will be undertaken by the Navy, the Departments of Commerce and the
Interior, and the National Science Foundation. Funds are provided for
the construction of new vessels and the replacement of obsolete vessels,
and for increased support for research by private institutions.
Government statistical services.-Adequate and timely national statistical information is essential for recording and appraising the performance
of the Nation's economy, and for formulating public and private policies.
Activities planned in various agencies for the fiscal year i96i will help
close significant gaps in our statistical information and make improvements in current data. Obligations for these purposes in the various
functional categories of the budget are estimated at $62 million, including
$20 million for the decennial census and other periodic statistical
programs.
This budget includes funds for tabulating and processing basic economic and demographic data collected through the Eighteenth Decennial
Census, and for the final publication of the results of the I958 censuses
of business, manufactures, and mineral industries. Other recommendations include the initiation of a new series on the service trades and the
60295-61 10
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improvement of data on retail trade, on consumer prices, on health, on
crop and livestock production, and on State and local government
finances.
LABOR AND MANPOWER.-Last year the administration recommended
and the Congress enacted much-needed legislation designed to protect
workers and the public from racketeering, corruption, and abuse of democratic processes which had been disclosed in the affairs of a few labor
unions. To assure effective and efficient administration of this new law,
the budget recommends supplemental appropriations in I960 for the
National Labor Relations Board and the newly established Bureau of
Labor-Management Reports in the Department of Labor. Increased
appropriations are proposed for both agencies for I96I. Additional
funds needed by the Department of Justice will be requested later when
requirements can be better determined.
Appropriations of $326 million are requested in the fiscal year 1961 for
grants to the States to administer the Federal-State employment security
system with its network of I,8oo offices throughout the country. These
grants are now financed from an earmarked Federal tax and the transactions involved increase both budget receipts and expenditures, even
though these funds cannot be used for general Government purposes.
Legislation proposed by the administration last year for financing this
program through the unemployment trust fund should be enacted.
Amounts equal to the proceeds from this tax could then be placed directly
in the trust fund from which the necessary grants could be appropriated
and an adequate balance could be maintained as a reserve for employment security purposes. The administration of the program would then
be financed in essentially the same way as other major social insurance
programs.
The job placement services and unemployment compensation payments
provided through the State employment security offices are important for
a smoothly operating free labor market in a growing economy. These
services and payments provide also for security against economic hardship for the work force covered by the system. I again urge the enactment of legislation to extend unemployment compensation to some 3 million workers, primarily those employed in small enterprises. Some States
have recently made encouraging progress in increasing the duration and
level of benefits, but more needs to be done and additional States should
take these steps.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I I a
Action is needed to strengthen the financial position of the unemployment compensation system. Although the reserves of most States proved
adequate in the past recession, a few were and still are in a precarious
condition. Moreover, reserve funds in most States have fallen behind
the growth in payrolls during the last decade, and in certain States could
be inadequate in the event of future economic distress. I have asked the
Secretary of Labor to make a study of this problem and to report to me his
conclusions.
Previously proposed amendments to strengthen the basic authority in
the Welfare and Pension Plan Disclosure Act should be enacted, and the
protection of the Fair Labor Standards Act should be extended to several
million additional workers in accordance with previous recommendations.
Legislation is likewise again proposed to assure equal pay for equal work,
and to strengthen and improve laws governing hours of work and overtime pay on direct Federal and certain federally-aided construction
projects.
PUBLIC HEALTH.-Advances in medical technology and the spread of
private health insurance have played important roles in raising the level
of health services for our rapidly growing population. At the same time,
the growing demand for better health care has contributed to shortages
of facilities, medical and scientific manpower, and supporting health workers, as well as to the rising cost of medical and hospital services.
In order to deal effectively with these developments, the Federal Government has expanded its public health programs and is actively seeking
solutions to the Nation's health problems. Expenditures in the fiscal
year i96i are estimated to total $904 million, which is $53 million more
than in i960 and nearly three times the level five years earlier. The
largest part of the increase is for medical research and training of research
workers through programs of the National Institutes of Health, for which
the estimated expenditures of $390 million in i96i will be four times as
great as five years ago. Expenditures for hospital construction grants
are estimated at $ I 6 I million in I 96 I, a threefold increase during the
same period.
The Department of Health, Education, and Welfare will insist on maintaining high standards in determining the acceptability of medical research
projects for Federal support. As I indicated last August in approving
the I960 appropriations for the Department, it is essential that Federal
grants for these projects be so administered that medical manpower is not
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unduly diverted from other pressing needs and that Federal funds are not
substituted for funds from private sources. The i960 appropriation of
$400 million for the National Institutes of Health will not be entirely
committed this year even with advanced funding of certain training programs. I am recommending that i96i appropriations to the National
Institutes of Health continue at the high level of I 960.
The recommended appropriation for the Hill-Burton hospital construction program for i96i is consistent with the levels achieved by this program before the I958 recession. It will assure that sufficient new general
hospitals can be financed to keep pace with population growth, cover
current obsolescence rates, and provide for 6,ooo new beds to reduce the
backlog of needs. The remainder of this program, covering diagnostic
and other special facilities, would approximate the 1959 and i960 levels.
The i96i appropriation proposed for construction of waste treatment
facilities is the same as that requested for i960. It represents the maximum amount which I believe is warranted for a construction program
which is and should remain primarily a State and local responsibility.
Larger appropriations are proposed for other health programs where
present or impending needs create urgent priorities. Emerging health
problems of increasing seriousness to our population arise from the complexities of the environment in which we live. To cope with the farreaching problems of environmental health on a more systematic and
intensive basis, this budget provides substantial increases to the Public
Health Service for air pollution, water pollution, and radiological health
control activities. These increases for radiological health, together with
the stepped-up activity by the Atomic Energy Commission and other
agencies, will permit a greatly intensified effort by the Federal Government in this field. In order to provide for more effective Federal air
and water pollution control activities, the Secretary of Health, Education,
and Welfare will make legislative recommendations to strengthen the
enforcement provisions of the Water Pollution Control Act and to authorize greater Federal leadership in combating air pollution.
Rapid technological developments in the production, processing, and
marketing of foods, drugs, and other products likewise underline the
necessity for more research and action for the protection of the consumer.
To meet this need, the budget continues to emphasize an orderly expansion of the Food and Drug Administration, expenditures for which will be
more than double those five years ago.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
( I3
SOCIAL INSURANCE AND OTHER WELFARE.-The social security insurance system now provides basic protection against loss of income from
death, disability, and retirement to about 85% of our labor force. Another 8% are covered under the railroad retirement system and other
public retirement systems.
Social security and public assistance.-At the present time io million
of the i6 million people aged 65 and over are receiving monthly old-age
or survivors insurance benefits. This vast insurance system, which will
pay $I I.7 billion in old-age, survivors, and disability benefits to I4.6 million people of all ages in I96I, is administered at a cost of about 2 % of
the social security taxes.
Our social insurance and public retirement systems provide basic protection to the worker and his family. For those who have no such protection and whose incomes are insufficient to meet basic needs, the Federal
Government shares, through grants to the States, in providing four
categories of public assistance payments. These are (I) old-age assistance, (2) aid to the blind, (3) aid to dependent children, and (4) aid
to the permanently and totally disabled. In i96i, the Federal share for
payments, made to an estimated monthly average of 5.9 million beneficiaries, will total an estimated $2.i billion, or about 58% of the total
Federal-State-local public assistance expenditures. This contrasts with
Federal expenditures of $I.I billion, representing a Federal share of 52%,
for payments to 4.9 million individuals in I 950.
Public assistance has long been recognized as primarily a responsibility
of the State and local governments, because need for these payments in
individual cases can best be determined at the local level. I am particularly concerned about the growing Federal share, especially because
it tends to weaken this sense of State and local responsibility.
While we are spending hundreds of millions for aid to the needy, there
are large gaps in our knowledge of the causes of dependency and of the
best ways to alleviate or prevent it. I believe that appropriations to
initiate a program of research and demonstration projects designed to
identify and alleviate these causes are highly necessary and I have so
recommended in this budget.
Military service credits.-It has long been recognized that military
service should be counted towards the rights of employees under the
various public retirement programs. Likewise, where employees are not
required to make payroll contributions during military service, the trust
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Public Papers of the Presidents
funds from which benefits based on such service are paid should be reimbursed by the Government. However, the Federal Government should
not, as required under the Railroad Retirement Act, pay more than the
true cost of such benefits or pay to both the railroad retirement account
and to the old-age, survivors, and disability insurance trust funds for the
same military service benefits.
Accordingly, I repeat my earlier recommendation that the Federal Government should reimburse the railroad retirement account only for the
actual added cost of benefits resulting from military service. Pending
action on legislation dealing with substantial overpayments found by the
Comptroller General, no provision is made in this budget for further
Federal military service payments to either the railroad retirement account or the old-age, survivors, and disability insurance trust funds.
Other welfare services.-This budget includes recommended appropriations for vocational rehabilitation totaling $72 million for the fiscal
year i96 I, primarily for grants to help the State agencies rehabilitate an
estimated 93,000 individuals, about 6 % more than in i960.
Grants to all school systems in the States through the school lunch
and special milk programs of the Department of Agriculture are estimated
at $234 million in 196I, approximately the same as in 1960. These programs will provide improved diets for i i.8 million children, on the average, in I 96 I. The I 96 I amount is in addition to the commodities which
are distributed to the schools through the disposal programs classified in
this budget under agriculture and agricultural resources.
The health, employment, income, and other needs of the increasing
number of elderly people in our population can be met only through the
combined efforts and cooperation of private, local, State, and Federal
organizations and agencies. The White House Conference on Aging,
to be held in January i96i, and the State conferences which precede it
should help point the way toward more productive and satisfying living
for our aged citizens.
The realization of our aspirations for a better society in the years to
come will in large measure depend upon the way in which our children
and youth are prepared to realize their maximum potential. This will
be the vital concern of the White House Conference on Children and
Youth, which will be held in March I 960 and through which private and
public organizations will endeavor to bring their wisest and most expert
counsel together on this vitally important matter.
96
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
VETERANS SERVICES AND BENEFITS
Expenditures for veterans programs are estimated to rise by $314 million to $5.5 billion in i961, chiefly because of additional pension cases
and higher pension rates, both authorized by the Veterans' Pension Act of
I959. The increase for pensions, amounting to $438 million, will be
partly offset by a decrease of $I28 million in readjustment benefit
expenditures.
Programs of the Veterans Administration, providing compensation and
pension, medical, and readjustment benefits for the Nation's veterans,
rank fourth in size among all Government functions in this budget. Total
expenditures for these programs, as presently authorized, will continue
to increase in future years as our veterans advance in age. The 23 million
living veterans, together with the dependents and survivors of veterans,
comprise a total of 81 million people, a considerable proportion of whom
are potential recipients of one or more types of benefits.
This country has provided a wide range of benefits and services for
war veterans and their families to meet needs resulting from military
service. Disability and death compensation benefits have been provided
for veterans who were injured in the service or for their survivors. The
Servicemen's and Veterans' Survivor Benefits Act of I956 improved the
death benefit structure both for wartime and peacetime servicemen. In
I957, general disability compensation rates were increased by IO%, and
a still larger increase was enacted in the basic rate for the totally disabled.
A first-rate hospital and medical care program is also being provided.
During the past year a long-range policy for stabilizing the Veterans
Administration's hospital program at 125,000 beds has been established,
and beginning with the 196I budget a 12-year hospital modernization
program is being initiated that will ultimately cost $900 million.
The 2I million veterans who served during World War II or the
Korean conflict were eligible for benefits from the highly successful readjustment programs. For the I6 million World War II veterans the GI
bill provided unemployment and self-employment compensation payments
to 9.7 million veterans; education and training benefits to 8.4 million
veterans; and loan assistance to 5 million veterans for the acquisition or
improvement of homes, farms, and businesses. Except for the loan guarantee and direct loan programs, which will terminate on July 25, 960,
the World War II readjustment benefits have essentially expired. Similar readjustment programs, which will continue into 1965 for veterans of
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Public Papers of the Presidents
the Korean conflict, have already provided 2.3 million veterans with
education and training benefits and 700,000 with loans. The special unemployment compensation program for Korean conflict veterans which
ends in 1961 has aided 1.3 million veterans. No further extension or
liberalization of these benefits is needed.
The long-standing veterans pension program also provides special assistance to war veterans for needs not arising from military service. The
Veterans' Pension Act of I959 was an important step in the modernization of the program. It eliminated the disparity in eligibility for pensions
between the widows of World War I veterans and those of later wars, and
provided higher benefits for all persons who could demonstrate need under
a new sliding scale income test. No further liberalization of the laws
concerning pensions for non-service-connected disability is proposed.
In addition to the special veterans programs, a great majority of veterans participate in the general social security, health, and welfare programs which are financed wholly or in part by the Federal Government.
In the future these general programs will provide with increasing adequacy for the economic security needs of our elderly population, of which
veterans and their widows will constitute a large and increasing proportion for several decades.
VETERANS SERVICES AND BENEFITS
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Budget expenditures
Program or agency
Readjustment benefits:
Education and training...................
Loan guarantee and other benefits..........
Unemployment compensation..............
Compensation and pensions:
Service-connected compensation............
Non-service-connected pensions.............
Burial and other allowances................
Hospitals and medical care..................
Hospital construction.......................
Insurance and servicemen's indemnities........
Other services and administration.............
Total................................
I959 1960 I961
actual estimate estimate
$574 $445 $3I6
I33 II5 I24
44 8...
Recommended
new obligational
authority
for 1961
$286
I24
2, o66
I, 716
58
933
75
49
i68
1 5, 476
2, 070
I, 153
52
875
45
35
193
5, I74
2, 071
I, 278
58
906
6o
36
i8o
5, I57
2, o66
I, 716
58
928
63
31
i69
5, 471
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $5,I25
$5,176 million (including $II4 million in anticipated
estimated for 1960.
98
million enacted for 1959 and
supplemental appropriations)
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
E 13
Readjustment benefits.-Readjustment assistance is expected to decline
significantly from 1960 to 1961, primarily because of the reduction in
the number of veterans of the Korean conflict participating in educational or vocational training programs. An average of 225,000 veterans
will receive training in 1961, compared to 325,000 in 1960 and 425,000
in I959. Educational benefits for war orphans, which were enacted in
1956, are expected to total over $17 million in 1961.
Peacetime ex-servicemen are recognized as being in a different category
from wartime veterans because of the different conditions under which
they serve. Those who serve in peacetime undergo fewer rigors and
hazards than their combat comrades. The disruption of their educational plans and careers is minimized under peacetime selective service
procedures. While on active service they now receive substantial pay
and benefits, and they return to civilian life under more favorable conditions after receiving valuable training while in service.
To discharge its responsibility to peacetime ex-servicemen, the Federal
Government has provided unemployment compensation, employment
service and reemployment rights, and service-connected disability or death
compensation. One additional benefit should be added to these in accord
with my earlier recommendations: a program of vocational rehabilitation
for those with substantial service-connected disabilities. On the other
hand, I oppose the establishment of special educational and loan guarantee programs for peacetime ex-servicemen. Such benefits are not justified
because they are not supported by the conditions of military service.
Moreover, they would be directly contrary to the incentives which have
been provided to encourage capable individuals to make military service
a career.
Compensation and pensions.-Expenditures for compensation for service-connected disabilities and deaths will show only a minor change in
1961. A reduction in the number of World War I and II veterans on
the rolls will be offset somewhat by the addition of veterans of the Korean
conflict and peacetime ex-servicemen. Compensation Will be paid for
an estimated 2.4 million cases during 1961.
The net impact of the 1959 law governing non-service-connected pensions is to add several hundred thousand new cases to the rolls at an estimated additional cost of $284 million in 1961 and an estimated cumulative cost of $9 billion during the next 40 years. Expenditures are also
increasing because of the growing number of World War I veterans
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reaching age 65. Approximately 40% of all World War I veterans over
65 are now receiving pensions. An average of i.9 million veterans and
families of deceased veterans are expected to receive pensions in i96i;
this is 26% more than in i960 and 38% morethan in I959.
Hospital and medical services.-The budget includes $928 million of
expenditures in I 96 I for hospital and medical care for veterans. The increase of $22 million from i960 is to continue improvements in the
staffing and quality of service in the hospitals and to meet the higher
costs of hospital and medical care generally. Hospital and domiciliary
care will be provided during the year for an average of I4I,25o beneficiaries per day, and a total of 2,300,000 veterans will receive medical or
dental care for service-connected disabilities in outpatient clinics.
Hospital construction.-As a first step toward an orderly i2-year program for modernization of existing veterans' hospital facilities, an appropriation of $75 million is proposed for I96I. Of this total, $53 million is
for construction of replacement hospitals at Cleveland, Ohio (8oo beds);
Washington, D.C. (700 beds); and Martinez, Calif. (5oo beds). The
remainder is for a large number of modernization projects.
Administration.-The general operating expenses of the Veterans Administration are expected to decline approximately 7 % in I96I, reflecting
decreased workloads in loan and educational programs, improved administrative procedures particularly in insurance operations, and the
application of modem electronic equipment to recording and paying veterans benefits.
INTEREST
Interest payments are estimated to rise $200 million to $9.6 billion in
the fiscal year I96I. These payments, almost entirely for interest on the
public debt, represent I 2 % of budget expenditures.
For a year and a half now, market rates of interest have been increasing, reflecting inflationary pressures, the high level of investment demands in our economy and heavy Federal borrowing required by the
1958 and I959 budget deficits. The rise in market rates requires the
Treasury to pay higher interest on securities issued to refinance the heavy
volume of maturing obligations, which were issued when interest rates
were lower.
It is imperative that the Congress lift the present legal ceiling of 4 4 %
on interest rates on all Government obligations having maturities of more
than five years. Otherwise, interest payments could rise even more
I00
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960o
q I3
INTEREST
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obligational
I959 I960 I96I authority
Item actual estimate estimate for 1961
Interest on public debt...................... $7, 593 $9, 300 $9, 500 $9, 500
Interest on refunds of receipts................... 70 75 75 75
Interest on uninvested funds......................9 9 o 10I
Total................................ 7, 671 9, 385 9, 585 9, 585
sharply. The current interest rate on shorter term securities is now
higher than on long-term bonds, and the continued need to limit financing to the short-term market tends to raise interest rates more than if the
financing could be spread over both the short- and long-term markets.
GENERAL GOVERNMENT
Expenditures for general government activities are estimated to rise by
$200 million to $i.9 billion in the fiscal year 1961, primarily because of
increased construction of Government buildings and a new appropriation
to the civil service retirement fund required by law.
Federal financial management.-There is growing evidence that a considerable amount of revenue is lost annually to the Government because
of the failure of some individuals and businesses to report fully the income which they have received. The existence of such a condition seriously weakens the integrity of our tax system, and places an unfair share
of the total tax burden upon the vast majority of citizens who conscientiously report all of their taxable income. This budget includes an increase of $29 million for the Internal Revenue Service, primarily to
strengthen its enforcement programs, including initiation of an electronic
computer system. I urge its approval as the first step in a long-range
plan to prevent this revenue loss. The additional costs should be recovered many times through increased tax collections in later years.
General property and records management.-The efficient and economical operation of many Federal agencies is hindered by inadequate
office space, much of which is rented. Accordingly, new obligational
authority of $185 million is recommended for fiscal year 1961 for the
planning and construction of additional general office space. Although
IOI
Public Papers of the Presidents
no funds for such construction were appropriated for 1960, expenditures
will rise in 1961 as outlays for new construction are added to those for
construction initiated in prior years. In addition, the estimate for the
legislative functions includes increased expenditures for a new office building for the House of Representatives.
GENERAL GOVERNMENT
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obli- - gational
1959 1960 1961 authority
Program or agency actual estimate estimate for 1961
Legislative functions.......................... $10 2 $I2I $146 $95
Judicial functions............................ 47 50 53 53
Executive direction and management..............12 13 14 14
Federal financial management................... 566 560 591 595
General property and records management..... 291 384 432 469
Central personnel management and employment
costs.................................... 205 I98 251 251
Civilian weather services...................... 46 52 58 63
Protective services and alien control.............. 216 2i8 229 230
Territories and possessions, and the District of
Colum bia................................ 89 96 126 124
Other general government....................... 30 20 I2 15
Total.................................... i, 606 I,71 I I 9I 1 I, 9I10
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $1,795 million enacted for 1959 and
$1,645 million (including $7 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations) estimated for 1960.
The General Services Administration, in collaboration with other agencies, has developed a new program for improved use of excess personal
property by Federal agencies, and faster, more efficient disposal of surplus
property. This involves more effective screening of such property and
simplifying the procedures under which agencies are advised of its availability for other uses.
Central personnel management.-The Civil Service Commission and
the Bureau of the Budget have recently recommended a long-range policy
on financing the civil service retirement system. I hope the Congress will
speedily enact these recommendations, which would assure continued
availability in the fund of the full amount of the net accumulations from
employee contributions and establish a definite basis for meeting the Gov
102
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
ernment's share of the costs consistent with the principle that its full faith
and credit support the authorized benefits.
A new appropriation of $46 million for payments to the civil service
retirement fund is requested for i96i to finance the costs of new or increased benefits enacted in I 958 for certain widows or widowers of former
Federal employees and for certain retired employees. The law provides
that these particular benefits cannot be continued after July i, i960, unless such an appropriation is made. Recipients of these benefits should
enjoy the same assurance of uninterrupted payment as do other annuitants of the civil service retirement system, and the Federal liability in
their case is not different from that for other benefits under this program.
Accordingly, I recommend that the Congress consider, in connection with
the legislation referred to in the preceding paragraph, authorizing the
civil service retirement and disability fund to bear the future cost of these
particular benefits without a specific appropriation.
The budget provides approximately $I20 million to pay the Government's share of the Federal Employees Health Benefits Act of I959,
which becomes effective in the fiscal year i96i, and which will provide
opportunity for approximately 2 million employees and 2.4 million dependents to have reasonable protection against the cost of both basic and
major health care. This program will add substantially to employee
fringe benefits, which in the aggregate now compare very favorably with
those provided to employees in private industry.
In I958 immediately following enactment of a io% general salary
increase for Federal civilian employees, I proposed to the Congress a review of all compensation systems in the three branches of the Federal
Government, directed toward adoption of an equitable employee compensation policy. This recommendation was renewed in my budget
message for the i960 fiscal year.
It has been more than 30 years since a thorough-going review has been
made of the manner in which the Federal Government compensates its
employees. There are now dozens of pay plans in the executive branch
alone. Review and coordination of the excessive number of pay plans
now in existence are the most effective means of removing inequities
which adversely affect the Government's ability to recruit and retain
qualified personnel in some fields. Continued patching of individual
Federal salary systems in not satisfactory as a substitute for a comprehensive Federal pay policy, which should be developed either by authorI03
Public Papers of the Presidents
izing a Joint Commission such as I proposed or by some other equally
effective means. Pending development and adoption of such a comprehensive policy, a general pay raise would be unwarranted, unfair to the
taxpayers of the United States, and inequitable as among employees
compensated under different and unrelated pay systems.
The budget estimates for the Post Office Department assume legislative action to continue that part of the 1958 salary increase for postal
field service employees which expires on January 20, 1961.
Civilian weather services.-Appropriations totaling $63 million are
recommended for the fiscal year 1961 for the Weather Bureau. The $12
million increase over the amounts enacted for 1960 will permit expanded
research, weather observation, and forecasting services. These improvements are necessary primarily to keep pace with advances in air traffic
controls. Research projects include intensive investigation of hurricanes
and tornadoes, and the development of a semiautomatic system for the
collection and analysis of weather data.
Hawaii.-Our Union was greatly strengthened in I959 by the admission of the States of Alaska and Hawaii. As in the case of Alaska,
comprehensive legislation will be necessary to enable Hawaii to take its
place as the equal of the other 49 States. Recommendations will be transmitted to the Congress concerning those changes needed in Federal laws
in order to bring Hawaii under the same general laws, rules, and policies
as are applicable to the other States.
Territories, Possessions, and District of Columbia.-Completion of
action on statehood for Alaska and Hawaii makes it all the more urgent
that legislation to provide home rule for the District of Columbia be
enacted without delay. Both equity and efficiency require that the people of the Nation's Capital be given a voice in their own local government and that the role of the Federal Government be limited to matters
of Federal concern.
Legislation will shortly be proposed to the Congress to establish a Government corporation to develop an improved mass transportation system
in the National Capital metropolitan area, pending creation of an interstate agency to assume this responsibility.
To foster further development of democratic institutions and in keeping with the growth of local self-government, action should be taken to
authorize the Virgin Islands and Guam to be represented in the Congress through nonvoting resident commissioners.
I04
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q I3
Intergovernmental relations.-There are many problems requiring attention of the recently established Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations. Foremost among these are the problems of allocation
of tax sources among various levels of government and rapid growth of
metropolitan areas.
An aspect of intergovernmental relations requiring attention in both
the legislative and executive branches involves a series of court decisions
permitting local taxation of federally-owned property in the hands of contractors and leaseholders. This matter should be resolved in the context
of the broader subject of Federal payments in lieu of taxes.
Other recommendations.-Legislation enacted in the last session of
Congress to amend the immigration and nationality laws failed to cover
several significant proposals, including modification of the quota system.
Prompt action is needed on these remaining items.
To strengthen the Government's hand in restraining inflationary forces,
I urge that the Employment Act of 1946 be amended to make reasonable
price stability an explicit goal of Federal economic policy, coordinate with
the goals of maximum production, employment, and purchasing power
now specified in that Act.
I urge the Congress to enact the remaining six points of the civil rights
program that I recommended last year. The Civil Rights Commission,
extended for an additional two years by the last session of Congress, continues its important work and has developed additional constructive recommendations, particularly for protecting the right of every citizen to
vote. I hope these recommendations will also be earnestly considered by
the Congress.
I also recommend that the Congress create additional Federal judgeships, as proposed by the Judicial Conference, and strengthen Federal
laws against organized crime.
Legislation will be submitted to increase the authorization for appropriations for the Commission on International Rules of Judicial Procedure
in order that it may complete its work successfully.
It is important that legislation now before the Congress be enacted to
provide reimbursement to Americans for certain property damage in Europe and the Far East during World War II for which compensation has
not previously been authorized.
I again recommend that a system be devised for suitable recognition in
the United States for distinguished achievement in various fields of
endeavor.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
IMPROVEMENTS IN BUDGETING, ORGANIZATION, AND MANAGEMENT
The decisions made by Government are vital to so many aspects of our
national life that improvement of the procedures through which these
decisions are made should be a continuing major goal. A substantial
number of important specific steps can and should be taken to improve
these practices.
Revisions in authorization and appropriation procedure.-Contract
authority and authorizations to spend from debt receipts in basic legislation outside the appropriation process are generally inconsistent with
sound standards of budget practice. The recommendations being placed
before the Congress in this budget are based upon the principle that authority to make budget obligations and expenditures, whether financed
from receipts or borrowing, should be granted by the Congress only in
appropriation acts.
The Congress has shown a growing tendency to require the annual
enactment of authorizing legislation before appropriations may be made.
Space programs, some mutual security programs, military and atomic
energy construction in this budget, and much of defense procurement
beginning in fiscal I962, will require separate authorizations before appropriations can be considered. Under this procedure these programs receive a duplicating review each year. At the same time the value of
legislative consideration and expression of long-range program objectives
and amounts is largely lost, and agency personnel devote an inordinate
amount of time to the congressional process at the expense of effective
administration of the continuing program. I hope the Congress will find
it possible generally to make authorizing legislation cover program
requirements for longer periods of time.
In the interest of good government, methods to expedite the authorization and appropriation processes should be found. In order to facilitate
early consideration, and also to show the Government program more
fully, this budget includes specific proposed appropriations for a number
of programs for which authorizing legislation must also be renewed. In
most of these cases, proposals for such legislation will be submitted in a
very short time. This procedure should be an improvement over the
past practice of delaying submission of detailed estimates until the renewing legislation has been enacted.
Before the executive budget is presented to Congress annually, the
most careful consideration is given to the relationships of spending to
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
( I3
receipts and borrowing, and to relative priorities of various programs.
When the budget reaches the Congress, however, its consideration is
usually fragmented because of the distribution of responsibilities among
the various committees and subcommittees. I believe that the Congress
should find means by which it can more effectively examine the budget
as a whole and base its actions on the overall fiscal situation.
Provision for item veto.-In passing the Alaska and Hawaii statehood
acts, the Congress again recognized the value of an item veto by a chief
executive by approving provision for its use in their State constitutions.
Forty-one State Governors now have item veto authority. Many Presidents have recommended it, but the Congress has not yet granted the
President of the United States that power. I again recommend it.
Control of foreign currencies.-The Government receives from its operations considerable quantities of foreign currencies each year. Much
of this currency is earmarked for grants to and loans in the country concerned, and some is available for programs of the U.S. Government. In
many countries the currencies available to us are needed for conducting
normal U.S. operations, yet such use is prevented in some cases by statutes or by the international agreements under which the currencies are
received.
As a result of a detailed study, this budget includes provisions to bring
under budget and appropriation controls all foreign currencies available
for U.S. agency operations which are received from the sale of surplus
agricultural commodities. This change will not alter total appropriations or expenditures, but will increase those of the agencies using the
currencies and decrease those of the Commodity Credit Corporation. Accordingly, I intend that no more allocations be made for uncontrolled use
after the current fiscal year except for country grants and loans committed
in international agreements, and I recommend that at an appropriate time
the Congress remove from the laws the provisions which permit uncontrolled use for other purposes. I am also instructing that in future negotiations of international agreements we endeavor to avoid restrictions
which would limit our ability to apply normal budget and appropriation
controls to the use of those currencies which are earmarked for U.S.
agency operations.
Improved funding for public enterprises.-Major business-type activities of the Government should, with few exceptions, operate on a selfsustaining basis. Their budgets and accounts should permit ready
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Public Papers of the Presidents
comparison of their expenses and revenues. They should have simplicity
in their financing structure and the flexibility in expenditures necessary to
meet unforeseen business conditions, but should be expected to keep their
obligations and expenditures within the resources provided by Congress
for that purpose, and should be subject to annual review and control by
the Congress. Accordingly, I recommend that the Rural Electrification
Administration, the Farmers Home Administration, the Bureau of Reclamation, the power-marketing agencies of the Department of the Interior,
and the loan guarantee programs of the Veterans Administration be
financed through revolving funds. Similar recommendations may be
made in due time for other business-type activities.
Legislation is again being recommended to bring under budget review
the activities of those few Government corporations which are now
exempt from such review, but possess authority to draw money from the
Treasury or to commit the Treasury for future expenditures. This can
best be done by including them under the budget provisions of the Government Corporation Control Act.
Revision of budget presentation.-In this budget more than half of
the 626 appropriation accounts of the executive branch have been presented on a cost basis. The remaining appropriations, including those
for the Department of Defense, will be converted to this basis as soon as
possible. This budget also provides for accrued expenditure limitations
for I2 appropriations, in accordance with legislation enacted in 1958.
Such limitations are recommended to permit closer congressional control
over annual expenditures.
The customary totals of budget receipts and budget expenditures are
distorted by the inclusion in both of interest and other payments by public
enterprise funds to the general fund of the Treasury. Such interfund
payments amounted to $355 million in the fiscal year 1959, and are estimated at $737 million for i960 and $779 million for i96i. While this
duplication does not affect the amount of the budget surplus or deficit, it
does overstate the size of the budget receipts and expenditures. To correct this it is planned that such amounts, while still shown within the
figures for the affected agencies, will be eliminated from budget totals in
financial statements on Government operations beginning with the fiscal
year i96i. I also plan to present the i962 budget so as to remove this
duplication. However, in order to preserve full comparability with previous budgets, no such adjustments are shown in the amounts in this docuI08
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
ment. If adjustments had been made, the net totals would appear as
follows:
ADJUSTED BUDGET TOTALS, EXCLUDING INTERFUND PAYMENTS
[Fiscal years. In billions]
1959 I 960 I96I
actual estimate estimate
Budget receipts................................. $67. 9 $77. 9 $83. 2
Budget expenditures................................80. 3 77. 7 79. 0
Budget deficit............................. I 2. 4.................
Budget surplus............................................ 2 4. 2
Strengthening of organization and management.-From the beginning
of this administration I have placed emphasis on obtaining the best possible executive ability in the administration of the widespread and diverse
activities of the Federal Government and on providing the best organizational structure in which officials can carry out their responsibilities. This
continued emphasis is essential not only to operate the complex machinery
of government effectively, but also to meet the constant flow of new
problems of organization and management.
In recent years several major organizational improvements have been
made, including the establishment of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, the Federal Aviation Agency, and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, as well as new organizational structures for defense programs and for civilian and defense mobilization
activities. The many actions taken on recommendations of the two
Hoover Commissions have also resulted in more efficient administration.
The Reorganization Act of I 949, as amended, under which numerous
executive agencies and functions have been reorganized, contains a limitation of June I, 1959, for the transmittal of reorganization plans by the
President to the Congress. Accordingly, this authority is not now available. I urgently recommend that this cutoff date be removed in order
to permit continued use of that act by me and by my successor in improving the management and organization of the executive branch.
The search for better management and operations is a never-ending
process. Like all large organizations, the Federal Government continues
to have management problems. For example, property management offers an enormous challenge, and in the past year greater attention has
been focused on it. Application of new data-processing techniques to
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Government operations is under constant study. The Post Office Department is improving its operations by installing modern methods of mail
handling and transportation. The Treasury Department is using up-todate data-processing equipment to achieve more effective administration
of disbursements and revenue collection. These are but a few of many
examples, and this budget provides for further improvements.
At my request, the heads of all Government agencies will give renewed
emphasis to the review of management procedures and operating activities
to make sure that the most moder methods, techniques, and equipment
are in use. All agency heads have been encouraged to continue to search
for the best practices in other Government agencies, in business, or in industry, to apply them in their own agencies to the extent possible during
the term of this administration, and to leave to their successors a legacy
of plans for further improvement.
The plans presented in this budget meet the Nation's immediate needs
and will support continuing sound economic growth in the future. The
achievement of these plans, however, will in the last analysis depend on
the people themselves.
I believe our people have the determination to hold expenditures in
check, to pay their own way without borrowing from their children, to
choose wisely among priorities, and to match sound public policy with
private initiative. It is that determination which is the key to continued
progress and sound growth with security. It is that determination which
reinforces the recommendations I have made.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: As printed above, the following grams and highlight summaries; (2) refhave been deleted: (I) illustrative dia- erences to special analyses appearing in
the budget document.
I14 4I Toasts of the President and Prime Minister
Kishiof Japan. January 19, 1960
Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Foreign Minister, and distinguished guests:
It is a very great personal honor to welcome here in Washington the
Prime Minister of Japan and his associates in government. They are
here to sign, with us, a treaty of mutual cooperation and security.
I 10
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
qI I4
This year is the centennial of an occasion very similar to this one. A
predecessor of mine, 0oo years ago, welcomed to this city the first Japanese diplomatic mission to the United States-indeed, the first diplomatic
mission that in modern times the Japanese had sent abroad.
During those hundred years, tremendous changes have taken place.
In our technology, in science, the changes have been such as to be revolutionary. And in the thinking of our two peoples, there has been likewise
a great change. We have come to the realization that we were not, each
of us, truly independent of ourselves and of others, but that there is among
the nations-certainly the nations of the free world-a great and growing
interdependence.
In I860 Japan was just emerging from an isolation centuries old and
almost complete in its character. The United States was living in an
isolation of a different kind. We were so protected by two vast ocean
areas that we had no real interest in the rest of the world, and certainly
felt ourselves to be immune from the quarrels and struggles and problems
and even the privations that others experienced.
We have come a long way from that time. In 1960, our two countries
represented here today are leaders in an effort to bring the free nations of
the world into a closer cooperation through which they may achieve a
better security for themselves and for realizing for all people the peace in
freedom that they seek.
The signing of this treaty this afternoon will, all of us hope, mark one
significant step in progress toward that goal.
I am hopeful that all of you present, after we have had our coffee in
the Blue Room, will be guests at that signing, which will take place in the
East Room immediately after we leave the Blue Room.
It has been a particular delight for me to have Mr. Kishi, an old friend
of mine, here representing his country this morning. We had a chance,
because of this visit, to remark upon the tremendous changes, the tremendous progress that has been made in the last 2 years between the relations
of our two countries. We agreed that there is ground for great confidence
that these relations will be sound and will grow ever stronger.
Now of course, for both of us, it would have been a little bit more enjoyable and possibly even more profitable to have had these conversations
on the golf course. But in spite of the uncooperative character of the
season, we did have these talks and both of us agreed that they have been
not only interesting but fruitful.
III
Public Papers of the Presidents
And it is in that belief and conviction that I propose a Toast to the
Monarch whose able Prime Minister is our honored guest today.
Gentlemen, and Madam, will you please join me in raising our glasses
to His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan.
NOTE: The President proposed this toast
at a luncheon in the state dining room
at the White House at 2: o6 p.m. In his
opening words he referred to Aiichiro
Fujiyama, Japanese Minister of Foreign
Aff airs. In the closing paragraph the
words "and Madam" referred to Madam
Harue Yamashita, Member of the Japanese House of Representatives.
An unofficial translation of Prime Minister Kishi's response follows:
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and other
honorable guests:
Today I and my associates have the
privilege of discussing political affairs with
the President, for which I offer thanks
from the bottom of my heart. Further,
the President's generous Toast has touched
me deeply, for which I am also thankful.
In the two and a half years which have
passed since I first met with the President
to discuss matters of mutual concern and
mutual cooperation, we have seen great
progress toward achieving a position of
equality and mutual trust. That we have
done so is a blessing for the peoples of
both our countries. Moreover, it also
contributes in a great degree toward the
achievement of that peace in the world
which all peoples wish for.
We all know that the President works
constantly, with all of his energies, toward achieving peace in the world, with
justice and freedom. Not only we in
Japan, but the peoples of the entire world
are well aware of this, and we all praise
you for your activities, Mr. President. We
pray for your success in your purposes.
As the President has already explained,
my purpose in coming to the United
States at this time is to sign the new
treaty of mutual cooperation and security
between Japan and the United States.
But this year, as the President has also
indicated, marks the end of the first century since the first amicable diplomatic
contact between our two countries.
Throughout that hundred years, never
with the exception of a brief few do I
believe that we have had relations of anything less than a mutually profitable nature. I hope that in the coming hundred
years that we will achieve even more progress toward a new relationship based on
trust and cooperation.
I think that what we are doing today
is significant for both the peace of the
world and for the prosperity of the peoples of the world. I hope that our friendship continues in this way through the
next century, without even a few years
such as those which blotted our relations
in the past.
I hope that the work we do here today
will gain for us more than the hundred
years of peaceful and cooperative relations that my predecessors gained. I
know that we will continue to work hard
to achieve this.
In reply to the remarks of the President, I would like to thank him from the
bottom of my heart. I would like to toast
the health of the President, and pray that
he may continue to work so energetically
for the peace of the world and for the
prosperity of all of the American people.
Thank you.
I 12
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q i6
I 5 eI Remarks at the Signing of the Treaty of
Mutual Cooperation and Security Between Japan
and the United States. January i 91 I 960
THE SIGNING TODAY of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and
Security between Japan and the United States is truly a historical occasion
at which I am honored to be present. This treaty represents the fulfillment of the goal set by Prime Minister Kishi and myself in June of I957
to establish an indestructible partnership between our two countries in
which our relations would be based on complete equality and mutual
understanding. The treaty likewise reflects the closeness and breadth of
our relations in the political and economic as well as security fields.
It is equally fitting that the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security should be signed in the hundredth year after the first treaty between
our two countries came into effect. On May 22, i86o, the first Japanese
delegation to the United States exchanged ratifications of the Treaty of
Amity and Commerce between our two countries. The subsequent
hundred years have brought unbelievable progress and increasing prosperity to both our countries. It is my fervent hope that the new treaty
signed today will usher in a second hundred years of prosperity and peace
in freedom which the peoples of our countries and of all countries so
earnestly desire.
NOTE: The ceremony was held in the East in Philadelphia in I86o commemorating
Room at the White House following the the arrival of the first Japanese diplomatic
luncheon in honor of Prime Minister mission.
Kishi. The text of the treaty and related On the following day the White House
documents are published in the Depart- announced that Prime Minister Kishi had
ment of State Bulletin (vol. 42, p. 184). invited the President to visit Japan on the
At the conclusion of the ceremony occasion of the Japanese-American CenPresident Eisenhower presented Prime tennial, and that the President had acMinister Kishi with a reproduction of the cepted the invitation and would visit
original medal struck at the U.S. Mint Japan about June 2o.
i 6 e1 Joint Statement Following Discussions With
Prime Minister Kishi of Japan. January I 9, I 960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States and the Prime Minister of
Japan conferred at the White House today prior to the formal signing of
the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the
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Public Papers of the Presidents
United States. Their discussions were devoted chiefly to a broad and
comprehensive review of current international developments, and to an
examination of Japanese-American relations. Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs Fujiyama and American Secretary of State Herter also took
part in the White House talks. Later the Prime Minister and his party
conferred with the Secretary of State on matters of mutual concern to the
two countries.
The President and the Prime Minister first discussed the international
situation. The President told the Prime Minister of the profound impression made upon him during his recent trip to South Asia, the Near
East, Africa and Europe by the overwhelming desire throughout these
areas for early realization of the goals of the United Nations, international
peace, respect for human rights, and a better life. In discussing the
international situation, the President stated his determination to exert
every effort at the impending Summit meeting to achieve meaningful
progress toward these goals. The Prime Minister expressed full agreement and support for the President's determination.
In this connection, the President and the Prime Minister agreed that
disarmament, with the essential guarantees of inspection and verification,
is a problem of urgent and central importance to all nations, whose resolution would contribute greatly to reducing the burden of armaments and
the risk of war. They expressed the further hope that early agreement
can be reached on an adequately safeguarded program for the discontinuance of nuclear weapons tests. They concluded that the world is
entering a period affording important opportunities which they have
every intention of exploring most seriously, but only on the basis of tested
performance not merely promises. Both leaders recognized that all of
man's intellect, wisdom and imagination must be brought into full play
to achieve a world at peace under justice and freedom. They expressed
the conviction that, during this period and particularly until all nations
abide faithfully by the purposes and principles of the UN and forego the
resort to force, it is essential for free nations to maintain by every means
their resolution, their unity and their strength.
II.
The President and the Prime Minister considered the security relationship between the United States and Japan in the light of their evaluation
II4
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e I6
of the current international situation and declared that this close relationship is essential to the achievement of peace in justice and freedom. They
are convinced that the partnership and cooperation between their two
nations is strengthened by the new treaty which has been drawn up on the
basis of the principles of equal sovereignty and mutual cooperation that
characterize the present relationship between the two countries. Both
leaders look forward to the ratification of the treaty and to the celebration this year of the centennial of Japan's first diplomatic mission to the
United States as further demonstrations of the strength and continuity of
Japanese-American friendship.
In reviewing relations between Japan and the United States since their
last meeting in June of I957, the President and the Prime Minister expressed particular gratification at the success of efforts since that time to
develop the new era in relations between the two countries, based on common interest, mutual trust, and the principles of cooperation.
Both the President and the Prime Minister looked ahead to continued
close cooperation between the two countries within the framework of the
new Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security. They are convinced
that the treaty will materially strengthen peace and security in the Far
East and advance the cause of peace and freedom throughout the world.
They are convinced also that the treaty will foster an atmosphere of mutual confidence. In this connection, the Prime Minister discussed with
the President the question of prior consultation under the new treaty.
The President assured him that the United States Government has no
intention of acting in a manner contrary to the wishes of the Japanese
Government with respect to the matters involving prior consultation under
the treaty.
The President and the Prime Minister also discussed the situation in
Asia. They reaffirmed their belief that they should maintain close contact and consultation with relation to future developments in this area.
They agreed that Japan's increasing participation in international discussion of the problems of Asia will be in the interest of the free world.
m.
The President and the Prime Minister agreed that the expansion of
trade among free nations, the economic progress and elevation of living
standards in less developed countries are of paramount importance, and
will contribute to stability and progress so essential to the achievement of
peace in the world.
60295-61 11 II5
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Public Papers of the Presidents
The President and the Prime Minister exchanged views on the European economic and trade communities and on the role that can be played
by the industrialized free world countries in the economic development
of the less developed areas. Both leaders called particular attention to
the urgent desire of peoples in the less developed areas of the world for the
economic advancement without which they cannot preserve their freedom.
They stressed the role which increasingly must be played by the industrialized nations of the free world in assisting the progress of the less developed areas. The President particularly referred to the increasing role
the Japanese people are playing in the economic development of free Asia.
In considering economic relations between the United States and Japan, the President and the Prime Minister recognized that trade between
their two nations is of great benefit to both countries, noting that the
United States is the largest purchaser of Japanese exports, and Japan is
the second largest buyer of American goods. They expressed gratification at the growth of mutually profitable trade between the two countries.
They reaffirmed their conviction that the continued and orderly expansion of world trade, through the avoidance of arbitrary and new unnecessary trade restrictions, and through active measures to remove existing
obstacles, is essential to the well-being and progress of both countries.
The Prime Minister stressed the importance of the United States and
Japan consulting on a continuing basis with regard to economic matters
of mutual interest. The President expressed full agreement to this view.
IV.
The President expressed his particular gratification that the Prime
Minister could come to Washington on this occasion so important in
United States-Japanese relations. The Prime Minister expressed his
appreciation for the opportunity to meet again with the President.
The President and the Prime Minister agreed that their talks will contribute to the continued strengthening of the United States-Japanese
partnership.
I i6
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
I I7
17 41 Annual Message Presenting the Economic
Report to the Congress. January 20, I960
To the Congress of the United States:
I present herewith my Economic Report, as required by Section 3 (a) of
the Employment Act of 1946.
The Report was prepared with the advice and assistance of the Council
of Economic Advisers and of the heads of the executive departments and
independent agencies directly concerned with the matters it discusses. It
summarizes the economic developments of the year and the steps taken in
major areas of economic policy to promote the sound expansion of employment, production, and income. It also puts forward a program for
the year I960 which, in the context of present and prospective economic
conditions, would effectively implement the purposes of the Employment
Act.
The major conclusions and recommendations of the Report are set forth
below, in part in the words of the Report itself.
By the first quarter of 1959, the recovery that started early in 1958 had
already carried production and income to levels higher than ever before
attained in the American economy. A considerable further advance was
scored during the remainder of I959, despite the deep effect of the
I I6-day strike in the steel industry.
The Nation's output of goods and services in the fourth quarter of 1959
was at an annual rate of $482 billion. When adjusted for price changes,
this rate of output was 32 percent higher than the rate attained in the
corresponding period in 1958. By December 1959, total employment had
reached a record level, 66.2 million, on a seasonally adjusted basis. And
personal income payments in December were at an annual rate of $39I
billion, $24 billion greater than a year earlier. After adjustment for increases in prices, the rise in total personal income in I959 represented a
gain of nearly 5 percent in the real buying power of our Nation.
As we look ahead, there are good grounds for confidence that this
economic advance can be extended through I960. Furthermore, with
appropriate private actions and public policies, it can carry well beyond
the present year.
However, as always in periods of rapid economic expansion, we must
avoid speculative excesses and actions that would compress gains into so
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Public Papers of the Presidents
short a period that the rate of growth could not be sustained. We must
seek, through both private actions and public policies, to minimize and
contain inflationary pressures that could undermine the basis for a high,
continuing rate of growth.
Three elements stand out in the Government's program for realizing
the objectives of high production, employment, and income set forth in
the Employment Act: first, favorable action by the Congress on the recommendations for appropriations and for measures affecting Federal revenues presented in the Budget for the fiscal year i 96i; second, use of the
resulting surplus, now estimated at $4.2 billion, to retire Federal debt;
third, action by the Congress to remove the interest rate limitation that
currently inhibits the noninflationary management of the Federal debt.
Numerous additional proposals, many of which are described in Chapter
4 of the Economic Report, will be made to supplement the Federal
Government's existing economic and financial programs.
Following the budget balance now in prospect for the fiscal year i960,
these three elements of the I 960 program will strengthen and be strengthened by the essential contributions to sustainable economic growth made
through the policies of the independent Federal Reserve System. Fiscal
and monetary policies, which are powerful instruments for preventing
the development of inflationary pressures, can effectively reinforce one
another.
But these Government policies must be supplemented by appropriate
private actions, especially with respect to profits and wages. In our
system of free competitive enterprise and shared responsibility, we do not
rely on Government alone for the achievement requires a blending of suitgrowth. On the contrary, that achievement requires a blending of suitable private actions and public policies. Our success in realizing the
opportunities that lie ahead will therefore depend in large part upon the
ways in which business management, labor leaders, and consumers perform their own economic functions.
A well-informed and vigilant public opinion is essential in our free society for helping achieve the conditions necessary for price stability and
vigorous economic growth. Such public opinion can be an effective safeguard against attempts arbitrarily to establish prices or wages at levels
that are inconsistent with the general welfare. Informed public opinion is
also necessary to support the laws and regulations that provide the framework for the conduct of our economic affairs.
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
( I8
Further progress is needed in establishing a broad public understanding of the relationships of productivity and rewards to costs and prices.
It would be a grave mistake to believe that we can successfully substitute
legislation or controls for such understanding. Indeed, the complex relationships involved cannot be fixed by law, and attempts to determine
them by restrictive governmental action would jeopardize our freedoms
and other conditions essential to sound economic growth.
Our system of free institutions and shared responsibility has served us
well in achieving economic growth and improvement. From our past
experience, we are confident that our changing and increasing needs in
the future can be met within this flexible system, which gains strength
from the incentive it provides for individuals, from the scope it affords
for individual initiative and action, and from the assurance it gives that
government remains responsive to the will of the people.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message and the complete re- nomic Report of the President, i960"
port (243 pages) are published in "Eco- (Government Printing Office, i960).
i 8 eI Remarks to Participants in the Young
Republican National Leadership Training School.
January 20, i960
Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:
It is indeed a most unexpected and a very welcome reception that
you have given me. I expected to find a bunch of desks and people
having their pads and pencils out and working here in a sort of office. I
don't know why I didn't expect it was a luncheon.
In a very few months we are going to come to a great decision in
America. That decision has to be made by the electorate-the adult
citizens of the United States.
My life has been largely spent in affairs that required organization.
But organization itself, necessary as it is, is never sufficient to win a
battle.
The first thing I would like to speak to you about is the cause, the
purpose, for which you struggle. You have to believe something with
your whole souls or you will never be effective in a political or any other
I I9
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Public Papers of the Presidents
campaign. You have to believe that government has a certain relationship to its citizen, certain responsibilities toward that citizen, including
the responsibility to let the citizen alone when there should be no interference. You have got to understand how this kind of concept can
translate into your daily and local problems; and then you must believe
that this is the most important thing at this moment to get done.
I don't think that I need to say anything about the enthusiasm with
which you do this. Your very presence here attests to the enthusiasm you
have for the venture in which you are already launched. But we need,
then, in the kind of organizations that I have known, to know why we
are fighting, what we are fighting for-and to have leaders to organize and
crystallize these thoughts, these ideals, these purposes, make them plain to
the entire group, and then organize it so that it is invincible.
This is what I know you are doing. You are here as leaders. Organization should be carried down to the last detail. If we as Republicans
don't make certain that every citizen, be he Democrat, Independent, or
Republican, has had the opportunity to hear our explanation, then to that
extent we have failed. If we are incapable of bringing to him at least
the sense of the earnestness of our own convictions, we have likewise failed.
If he is so rooted in tradition or preconception, or just plain stubbornness
that he doesn't recognize your wisdom, why that's too bad. There are
some like that, of course.
But you must make sure that you give your story to this man in the
best way you possibly can.
The last thing is these leaders. I would hope that every one of you
would put your whole selves, your whole souls, into the matter of seeing
that the people you put in the positions of leadership-not merely the man
you nominate for President, or for Governor, or county chairman or State
chairman-but the person you select as a precinct worker, right down
the line-have an organization, a purpose for which to work, and the
leaders, including yourselves, to make this whole thing effective.
Finally, let's not forget this one thing: just hard work-hard work in
recruiting.
Many years ago there was a Kansas farmer boy. His name was
Bristow. He had one great act to his credit at least: he appointed me
to West Point. [Laughter] But he was not a great speaker-there was
nothing brilliant about him.
One day a colleague, comparing him with another, said this man was
120
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
a racy, speedy horse; he was showy, fast, and handy. He said Bristow
was more a Clydesdale-he was made for draft work-he did the heavy
work. But he said he noticed that whatever Bristow went after he
achieved. Just the plain ability to stay in, day after day, carrying the
burden, never quitting, is one of the things that Bristow was famous for.
And he said one little thing that is going to be the last word I say to you.
He said, "Just remember this: in public life moral and political courage
cannot be attained after you enter that service. You must have it before,
if you are going to do your part in sustaining the moral and political courage of the nation itself."
I have talked far longer than I meant. I just can't tell you how
grateful I am to each of you for what you are doing to keep up and
preserve moderate government, and to get the kind of candidates you
can support-not only you support, because you are Young Republicans,
but that you can get a lot of other people to support. I don't mean
that they have to be matinee idols. You have an example right in front
of you where that wasn't important-but I do say they must be leaders,
people who believe with their whole hearts in what you are working forand then we will win.
Good luck to you. I will see a lot of you, I hope, here and there in
the months to come until we can have another victory celebration in
early November.
Goodbye and good luck.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Willard eration, presented a citation to the PresHotel in Washington. At the conclusion ident on behalf of the faculty of the
of his remarks, Ned Cushing, Chairman Young Republican National Leadership
of the Young Republican National Fed- Training School.
I 9 4J Remarks at the Annual Midwinter Meeting
of the National Association of Real Estate Boards.
Yanuary 25, I 960
President Udall, and ladies and gentlemen:
I have been talking to your President about this group, about the hour
that you had to get up this morning in order to be at breakfast on time,
and about the work you are doing. I noticed that he kept stressing that
this is bipartisan. He apparently was afraid I was going to make a po
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litical speech. And you know, I am, because I am going to try to convince
those people who are of another persuasion-so far as political parties
are concerned-that what President Udall has been talking about and
that what I have been talking about is to their interest. I should like to
see them all banded together, and therefore, as they go out the door this
morning, I would like to see them take another little oath of allegiance
to the proper party and get behind these things.
One of the reasons that I was anxious to come is because I know of your
work in the great effort to prevent the debasement of our currency. But
I am not going to talk about that kind of program and the ones that are
related to it particularly. What I want to talk about is something a little
broader and a little deeper.
I know you people know all the risks there are to inflation because of
excessive Federal spending. If we indulge in fiscal irresponsibility and
irresponsible debt management, you know what it means. Therefore,
I am not going to waste your time. What I am going to try to talk about
is this: our mission-as people who do understand-is to inform others
who are going along in a sort of cloud, believing that one party or another
has all the virtues and the other none, or who are completely uninterested,
particularly if registering and taking part in political action interferes with
their golf or their shooting or any other recreation.
I believe the greatest problem in America today is not simply keeping
our currency from being debased and eroded. It is the need of understanding, the understanding of the United States about the issues that we
face.
People who oppose budgets that are balanced say, "Well, you think
more of a balanced budget than you do about the education of some poor
lad out in Kansas."
If you say anything about America's responsibility for giving real leadership in the world in order that we may have an opportunity to see people
follow the course of freedom-living in freedom-and maintain themselves against any kind of incursion from an atheistic philosophy, we see it
attacked by saying "giveaway programs."
To my mind there is nothing that can be more futile, and nothing
that can be more indicative of an abysmal ignorance-if there is no
demagoguery in it at all, but just ignorance-than to say that the
programs the United States carries out in the world are "giveaway
programs."
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
y I9
Do we want peace? Do we want the free world strong, or do we not?
I was reading a history of the United States by a man named Muzzey,
and he talks about the amount of investment capital that flowed into
our country in the fifties to seventies which was largely responsible for
the tremendous expansion in our continent during those years. In i873
there was a sudden money panic in Austria, and it spread in Europe, and
suddenly there was no capital coming into the United States. This
country was in a panic. From i873, really, to i879 it never came out
of it.
We in our turn have the chance to help people invest properly, in
their own freedom, in their own dignity, in their own security. If we
don't do something like this, those people are going to be abandoned,
and we are going to pay the bill in a very, very much higher currency
than the mere dollars that we lend to them-or indeed at times grant
to them-in order to keep this kind of peaceful program working and
operating in the world.
We need, of course, other countries-other industrial countries.
What I am getting at is this: do you learn the facts? And, as you talk
the facts, supporting the Government in economy, in efficiency, and
preserving our dollar, are you taking these other great issues and getting
your friends-all of the other realtors in the world that you can get
hold of-and letting them see what the issues are?
That is the biggest problem today, because if the United States is
informed-even if you have to do it by injection-our people will make
the right decisions. There is no question about that.
We have had some of the difficult questions in the last few years
brought to the people through the help of bodies such as this-for
example, economy last year, and before that, the reorganization of
the Defense Department. As quickly as people became aroused, there
was no question about what Congress would do.
So, first, I think my message is: congratulations for what you are
doing-and the expression of the hope that you will go even a little
deeper into the relationship of the United States Government with you,
with your community, with your State, and with other nations. It
isn't good enough to say, "Oh, well, so and so is Secretary of State, or so
and so is Director of the Budget, or Secretary of the Treasury, so we
can just forget it."
We have to know.
60295-61 12
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You have to give your honest convictions, not because a man is a
Democrat or a Republican or even a Populist or anything else. You
have to do it because you believe something. And if you believe it on
the basis of facts-and you can make enough other people believe those
same facts-you will have in your hands the mightiest force there is
in the United States: an informed public opinion.
I come here because I know your record up to this point, and I hear
your program being discussed as to what you are going to be doing next
year. So I just come here to ask you: work harder, deeper, wider, for
one cause only-the United States of America.
I am very proud that I have been asked to come to see you this morning. I am really, truly complimented that I find so many ladies have
found it possible to get up this time of the morning to come to such a
meeting.
Thank you all very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke at the May- ing words he referred to James M. Udall,
flower Hotel in Washington. In his open- President of the Association.
20 4T Statement by the President on the Occasion
of the 8oth Birthday of General of the Army Douglas
MacArthur. Yanuary 26, i960
AS GENERAL OF THE ARMY Douglas MacArthur reaches four score
years of a life that in service and in distinction has had few equals in all
our history, I speak for every citizen in expressing to him warm felicitations
and the wish that he may have many more years of fruitful and rewarding
activity.
For more than a half century of active military service, in both World
Wars and the Korean conflict as well, General MacArthur's name has
been a symbol of courage, of patriotism, and of inspired generalship. Together these earn him a foremost place in the hearts of our people, and in
the annals of our military endeavors. I value most highly my own years
of service with this great leader and soldier. With Americans everywhere, I salute General MacArthur on his eightieth birthday.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
I 21I
21 I ( The President's News Conference of
January 26, I960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning. I am ready for questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Mr. President, the
Cuban Premier, Fidel Castro, recently has stepped up the character and
intensity of his attacks on the United States, and the American Government is apparently very concerned about this, as reflected in your meeting yesterday with Secretary Herter and Ambassador Bonsai.
What, if anything, can you do about this situation, Mr. President?
Do you feel that specific action is required by the American Government
to preserve its position against these Castro attacks?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you are perfectly correct. We are concerned
and, more than that, we are perplexed. We don't know really the foundation of these accusations that are made not only by the Prime Minister
but appear in the publications in Cuba.
Now, we have had these conferences with Secretary Herter and Ambassador Bonsai, trying to understand more about the motives and what
they are really hoping to do. Over the last 2 days, now, with Mr. Herter
and Mr. Bonsai, we have prepared a written restatement of our policy,
as of now, concerning Cuba. It's in written form and you will get it.
[Addresses Mr. Hagerty] Where is it?
Mr. Hagerty: Outside.
THE PRESIDENT. Outside?
Mr. Hagerty: Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Right outside the door. You can get a copy.
So it explains our position and exactly what our policy is in the
circumstances.1
Q. J. Anthony Lewis, New York Times: Mr. President, in your State
of the Union Message you made reference to the Civil Rights Commission proposals and said they deserved a thorough study. Since then, the
Attorney General has been studying them and reportedly thinking of some
alternative ideas. Do you have anything now that you can say about
the proposals?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes. The Attorney General has another plan that he
thinks, within the framework of existing law, will improve very much
1See Item 22.
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the procedures that have been followed. It is somewhat technicalexactly what the jurisdiction and the action possible for judges to take.
So I would suggest, to get the thing exactly so it is not subject to
misinterpretation, you should go to him; because it is a legalistic amendment that it would be difficult for me to describe in detail.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post: Mr. President, the last
few days there has been some dispute over Secretary Gates with reference
to estimates of Soviet military capabilities, and he has expressed the
idea that we have changed our estimate from one based on capability
to one based on intention. Could you tell us whether you, yourself,
have had a part in this? Could you give us your thinking as a soldier
on the reliability of an estimate that takes intentions into consideration?
THE PRESIDENT. I don't think it's exactly correct-what you are now
giving as a premise of your question. There was a premise to the effect
that you just now suggest contained in a question put to Mr. Gates; he
rather ignored that, and therefore his statements were subject to misinterpretation. Certainly his meaning was subject to misinterpretation.
Frankly, what is really happening is that we have better estimates
than we had in the past in this field.
Let me call your attention to a little bit of history. Only 3 or 4 years
ago there was a great outcry about the alleged bomber gap in favor of
the Russians, and there was a great deal of talk about it and, actually,
I think we got more-a billion dollars or something like that, $900
million more-for bombers that year than I asked for. Subsequent
intelligence investigation showed that that estimate was wrong and that,
far from stepping up their production of bombers, the, Soviets were
diminishing it or even eliminating that production.
Now, I think that we should never talk about an argument between
intention and capability. Both of these things are, of course, necessary
when you are making any intelligence estimate.
Let me point this out: we've got all of the power that would be necessary to destroy a good many countries. We have no intention of using it.
And the whole world knows that.
We also know a number of things about the Soviets. Naturally we
think that our intentions, stated intentions, are more trustworthy than
those of people hostile to us.
I do say that this whole business of intelligence, of producing intelligence and an intelligence estimate, is a very intricate and a very complex
i26
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
C2 HI
thing. You cannot take any one basis, any one channel of thought, to
make a proper estimate on which a government or a commander can
act.
I would just say this: I think that Mr. Gates will find ways of clarifying exactly what he meant; because, in my opinion, he is a very splendid
civil servant.
Q. William McGaffin, Chicago Daily News: Mr. President, in view
of the international prestige at stake, why are we not moving with a
greater sense of urgency to catch up with Russia in the field of space
exploration?
THE PRESIDENT. Just start at that again. How did you start it, how
did you start that question?
Q. Mr. McGaffin: I said, in view of the international prestige at stake.
THE PRESIDENT. Is it?
Q. Mr. McGaffin: Well, sir, do you not feel that it is?
THE PRESIDENT. Not particularly, no. We have got a record in 5
years in space exploration that is not only admirable, but I think is one to
be proud of.
The Soviets have made some very spectacular achievements, but I
don't think that we should begin to bow our heads in shame, because in a
few years we have gotten up and gone past them in many fields of this
work, when they have been working on it ever since I945.
So I would think that once in a while we ought just to remember that
our country is not asleep, and it is not incapable of doing these things;
indeed, we are doing them.
Now, I don't deny that this spectacular achievement more excites
the public imagination than does the good, hard, steady work of the
scientists that are keeping satellites in the air and getting from them
information all the time. It is more spectacular, and it has more effect
on the casual reader. But in the actual examination of these two programs, I think we've got a pretty good record.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Mr. President, since we last met,
the former British Prime Minister, Mr. Eden, has had another recollection, this one about Suez. And he says that the decision to go into Suez
by Britain and France was made in June, or many months before the
October going in, and that you, sir, were privy to that decision.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't like to comment on memoirs. As I
have said, I think, here several times, Mr. Eden is a very good friend
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of mine, been one for years, and I had great confidence in him.
Now I do recall this about the decision-or not decision, the action at
Suez. As a matter of fact, I'll tell you one or two footnotes of history
that might be interesting. I made it clear that the United States was
going to stand by its interpretation of United Nations policy and the
Charter. This meant that we would apply this to anybody, those that
we thought our closest friends as well as those that we thought were in
another category.
At about this time-I have forgotten just exactly at what time the invasion started
Q. Mr. Belair: October, wasn't it?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, sometime in early October, Mr. Eban was
going back to Israel for a short time. He came in to see me. And I told
him I'd hoped that he would not allow any misinterpretation of sentiment
in this country to sway him. Particularly because of possible Jewish
sympathy for what seemed to be an intention building up around the
mobilization of Israel at that time, I hoped he would not allow this to
sway his judgment as to what this administration would do in doing its
very best to prevent any outbreak of hostilities and the, you might say,
settlement of international issues by force.
I told him that if he thought that this would have any iota of influence
on the election or that that would have any influence on me, he should
disabuse his mind about it.
In addition to that, both Foster Dulles and I went to great pains to
show to Britain and to France what we would do under that set of circumstances. As far as the decision itself was concerned, for the 2 weeks
just prior to the action, Foster Dulles told me, there wasn't a single item
that came in from the British Foreign Office; as a matter of fact, he referred to it as "a blackout of news."
Now, that is all I recall from this time.
I am not trying to impugn anybody else's memory or anybody's interpretation of the facts as they were then. We had telephone calls-transAtlantic-in order to try to keep this thing on the rails. But that was
our own attitude; that I know.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Mr. President, two other
points on Mr. Belair's question.
First, were there recordings of the telephone calls back and forth between Washington and London at that time; and, secondly, are you
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
QI 21
putting in train any kind of historical, orderly way of gathering the historical material of the last 8 years together?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you know, Mr. Reston, for a good many years
I've tried personally to keep a diary. And every evening I find that I
have been a little-bit too tired, and I was going to do it tomorrow morning.
Some of these calls were occasionally from my own room. It just struck
me that I'd better get hold of Mr. Eden or someone else and talk to him,
Mr. Churchill, or someone. I cannot recall for sure whether I always
came back and gave the gist-I'm sure I always told it verbally to Secretary Dulles.
Now, as far as it can be done through my official acts, and even in
conversations, there is an orderly record made. For example, one of the
types of correspondence that is going to the Presidential Library that will
be built to take my papers will be Foster Dulles' personal notations of
the conversations between ourselves, because that was a personal thing
between him and me. All the others of his papers, as you know, are going
to the Dulles Wing of the Princeton Library, as they properly should.
He himself made that decision, and it is in his will. And his executors
have the direction to keep those.
There are a thousand other things we keep over here in the White
House. The Secretary, and my own personal secretary, people like that,
keep a record. The trouble is it gets so voluminous until you get experts
to winnow it down, it's going to be a very difficult thing to do.
Q. Mr. Reston: How far did you get with that diary, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Me?
Q. Mr. Reston: Yes.
THE PRESIDENT. I started, as I recall, in Panama in 192 I, and I found
that, from time to time, as I looked back, oh, I'd find three or four notes
over the period of 5 years; and I decided that it wasn't very much.
[Laughter]
Q. Harold R. Levy, Newsday: Sir, aside from any thought of economic reprisal against Cuba, it has been suggested that our present sugar
quota system should be dropped, or at least modified, to permit free competition among producing nations. Do you think such a step would be
feasible or desirable?
THE PRESIDENT. As I say, I refer you to my statement as to what our
policy is.
But I do want to say this: the American people still have the greatest
I29,
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Public Papers of the Presidents
affection and the greatest interest in the Cuban people. We are not going
to be party to reprisals or anything of that kind. At this moment it is
not our time to do it, and certainly we are not going to intervene in their
internal affairs. But when you read the whole statement, if you have
further questions, why, come back to the next press conference and I'll
be glad to try to answer them.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, Mr. Gates has said that
he did not make the intelligence decisions and he was not a member of
the United States Intelligence Board which uses this intent, or approach.
And then when we went to get the names of the U.S. Intelligence Board,
we were told that two members had recently been added, about the time,
I believe, they started making this new type of approach. But we couldn't
get the names. Don't you think that the American people have the right
to know who is making these decisions that may affect their security?
THE PRESIDENT. I hadn't thought of this question at all. I'll askQ. Mrs. McClendon: Well, could you ask them to get those names?
THE PRESIDENT. No, no; I won't say that. I'll just ask them what the
procedure is.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: The joint congressional committee on your Economic Report has made a voluminous study
and report which differs somewhat from your Economic Report. This
brings up the question of your National Goals Commission, because they
apparently established some goals. What is the status of your Goals
Commission, and will they make a similar study?
THE PRESIDENT. The study I am talking about is, first of all, to be
bipartisan, and that I could not say for the kind of economic report to
which you have just referred. This is to be bipartisan, done by scholars
and experienced people. I hope that, at long last, we've gotten the thing
on the rails and it will get to business. I am disappointed that its report
necessarily will not be available in the time that I would hope it could
have been, but it has been a long-term job getting it done.
Now, I just point out about this report 1 which I hear is coming out
this noon: always before, it has been the practice that, after the Joint
Economic Committee gets the President's report and recommendation,
they hold hearings; and then they make a report. Well, they're doing
it this time without hearings, apparently.
1 Senate Report I152, 86th Congress (Government Printing Office, i960).
I30
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
q 21
Q. Rutherford M. Poats, United Press International: Sir, while we
appreciate that you have not announced, and therefore presumably not
made your plans as to additional travel in the Far East, I wonder whether
you can tell us now what your thinking is about the desirability and your
own personal hopes as to whether you can extend your travels to visit
some of the other countries which have invited you in that area.
THE PRESIDENT. This is a big point: time. How can you, during
the time that the Congress is in session, how can you so stretch this time
as not to get into difficulty in your own country?
Now, we have jet planes and all that sort of thing, but let us take this
one point. A bill comes in; frequently, although I am kept informed
while I am here what is going on, I have to sign it or refuse to sign it in
a matter of 2 hours before the final minute for the action. If I'm gone
too long, I run into the difficulty of not having the benefit of that kind
of consultation and, therefore, my own constitutional duties are to that
extent neglected.
While I can make certain provisions, and always have been able to
do so, to hold some of these bills before they leave the Capitol and come
to the White House, this is not a process that ought to be usual. And so
the thing becomes a question of time.
Naturally, as long as I am going to be in the Far East, I should like
to go to a number of places. Some of the people are old friends of mine.
But the visit that I talked about was made possible only by the authority
of the Soviet Government to permit my leaving it by the eastern exit.
That makes it possible for me to go at least to Tokyo.1
Beyond that, I haven't studied the thing in detail.
Q. Spencer Davis, Associated Press: Mr. President, further along that
line, is there a possibility of a second trip out to the Far East when time
permits?
THE PRESIDENT. You know one thing-come next July there is no one
going to be interested in what my visits are, either you people or anybody
else. [Laughter]
Q. Donald H. Shannon, Los Angeles Times: Going back to Mr.
1 On January 17 the White House announced that as a result of personal exchanges
between the President and Chairman Khrushchev it had been agreed that the President
would visit the Soviet Union June I0-I9, I960. On January 20 the White House
announced that the President would visit Japan about June 20. On April 12 a further
release stated that the President's visit to Japan would take place June I9-23, and
that he would make a brief visit to Korea on June 22.
3 I
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Public Papers of the Presidents
McGaffin's question about space exploration, Mr. President, you distinguished between space exploration and defense in your State of the Union
Message, but a great many people feel that the subjects are not really
distinguishable. I wonder if you could say something along your-your
views, how you divide them up?
THE PRESIDENT. I doubt that I can say anything more than I said in
my State of the Union Message, because I assure you that I worked 3
months on that, and it represents my very definite, fixed conclusion.
These things are different. They are for different purposes.
Now, no one has ever denied that if the Defense Department can find
some space activity that can contribute to its defense, well, quite naturally,
we'd exploit it. But the difference between space activity as such and
defense is really quite marked, and not nearly as confused as it is, for
example, between, say, Air Force and Navy and the Navy and the Army,
and all of the three of them put together.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, I'd like to get
back to your earlier answer to the question about civil rights. Without
getting into the technicalities of what the Attorney General is working on,
is the alternative that he is proposing an alternative to the Federal registrars proposal or to the civil rights bill that now is bottled up in the House
Rules Committee?
THE PRESIDENT. Oh no, he's not making-we stand by the recommendations we've already made. But he thinks he's got a scheme that
will make the insurance of the voting right more firm, and that is the
thing you should talk to him about so then you know exactly what he's
got in mind.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: Mr. President,
our railroads complain that they suffer from competition with Government-subsidized shipping, aviation, highway transport. Now, if we are
planning to put the Minuteman and other solid fuel missiles on railroad
cars as mobile launching pads, how are we going to save the railroads
from being ruined by this competition and not here when we need them?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I thought your question was a pretty good one
until you got the Minuteman in it. [Laughter] No one knows exactly
how those things will happen now.
No one could be more concerned than I am about the railroads. I
think that they are governed by antiquated laws and regulations; and,
frankly, I think some of the trouble is their own.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960(
(e 2 1
In the great golden days of the seventies and early eighties, when everybody could get rich by either building a railroad or pretending he was
going to and selling stock-if you will read in some of the parts of those
late sixties and early seventies, you will find it mostly scandal-well, everybody wanted an independent railroad. I think our railroad systems are
proliferated into so many different independent things-of course, everybody likes to be president, don't forget that-so you've got these things
that are not always economic and efficient. But even allowing for that,
I believe we ought to have a real overhaul of all the regulations and the
controls, and give them a chance to be prosperous.
I guess 4 years ago now, I had a Cabinet meeting that proposed, in a
transportation report, just something of that order. As a matter of fact,
my transportation committee remains alive.
I am all for some reform in this whole thing in the railroads, I assure
you.
Q. Thomas N. Schroth, Congressional Quarterly: Speaking of next
July, sir, last Saturday the Democrats had a great many attacks to make
on your administration, and particularly on Vice President Nixon. One
of them called him a "juvenile delinquent." Do you care to comment
on the remarks of the Democrats last Saturday?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I couldn't comment except to laugh.
Q. William H. Y. Knighton, Jr., Baltimore Sun: Mr. President, at
the last press conference, you yourself raised a very interesting point when
you suggested that we get an opinion whether a second term President
should run for Vice President.
THE PRESIDENT. Not "should"-I said "could."
Q. Mr. Knighton: Could-yes, sir; could. We can't get an official
opinion in our status, but you can. Have you, and if you can run, will
you? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. I'll tell you this much-I'll be more like these nonrunning candidates; I'll be cagey-the afternoon of that press conference,
there was a note on my desk saying a report from the Justice Department-I don't know whether the Attorney General himself signed this,
but the report was, it was absolutely legal for me to do so. That stopped
it right there, as far as I'm concerned.
Q. William J. Eaton, United Press International: Mr. President, there
was a great deal of criticism of the Taft-Hartley law during the steel
dispute. Do you plan to ask Congress to revise the emergency procedures
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of that law to deal more adequately with major strikes?
THE PRESIDENT. I have asked the Attorney General, the Secretary of
Commerce, Secretary of Labor, and the Chairman of the Economic Advisers to study this matter thoroughly, so that in some timely fashion, if
there is anything I should or could do, I'd like to know.
Q. Lillian Levy, National Jewish Post and Opinion: Mr. President,
a clause was written in the last appropriation legislation empowering you
to withhold aid to foreign countries which discriminate against American
citizens on the basis of race or creed. Are you contemplating taking such
action against countries that have continually so discriminated, or do you
have another remedy that you think would be more effective?
THE PRESIDENT. I have seen no specific case of this kind brought before me on my desk for a long time, and I'll just have to take a look before
I can state what my policy will be, for this reason: these exceptions are
written in the law so as to put the specific cases before the President and
make him decide whether or not such-and-such a thing is to the best
interests of the United States.
Now quite frequently such a decision has to conflict with, you might
say, the normal or general policy. You have to do it because of specific
cases. That is all I can say, because I don't know the cases you are
talking about this morning.
Q. Miss Levy: I was referring specifically to Saudi Arabia, which for
several years has discriminated against our citizens.
THE PRESIDENT. I think the recommendation of the State Department
would be-I'd stop there and then if they have anything to tell me, why,
I'll be glad to take it up again.
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- from IO:31 to I I:oi o'clock on Tuesday
dred and seventy-eighth news conference morning, January 26, 1960. In attendwas held in the Executive Office Building ance: 235.
22 tJ Statement by the President Restating
United States Policy Toward Cuba.
January 26, i960
SECRETARY HERTER and I have been giving careful consideration
to the problem of relations between the Governments of the United States
'34
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
and Cuba. Ambassador Bonsal, who is currently in Washington, shared
in our discussions. We have been, for many months, deeply concerned
and perplexed at the steady deterioration of those relations reflected
especially by recent public statements by Prime Minister Castro of Cuba,
as well as by statements in official publicity organs of the Cuban Government. These statements contain unwarranted attacks on our Government and on our leading officials. These attacks involve serious charges
none of which, however, has been the subject of formal representations
by the Government of Cuba to our Government. We believe these
charges to be totally unfounded.
We have prepared a re-statement of our policy toward Cuba, a country
with whose people the people of the United States have enjoyed and
expect to continue to enjoy a firm and mutually beneficial friendship.
The United States Government adheres strictly to the policy of nonintervention in the domestic affairs of other countries, including Cuba.
This policy is incorporated in our treaty commitments as a member of
the Organization of American States.
Second, the United States Government has consistently endeavored to
prevent illegal acts in territory under its jurisdiction directed against other
governments. United States law enforcement agencies have been increasingly successful in the prevention of such acts. The United States
record in this respect compares very favorably with that of Cuba from
whose territory a number of invasions directed against other countries
have departed during the past year, in several cases attended with serious
loss of life and property damage in the territory of those other countries.
The United States authorities will continue to enforce United States laws,
including those which reflect commitments under Inter-American treaties,
and hope that other governments will act similarly. Our Government
has repeatedly indicated that it will welcome any information from the
Cuban Government or from other governments regarding incidents occurring within their jurisdiction or notice, which would be of assistance
to our law enforcement agencies in this respect.
Third, the United States Government views with increasing concern
the tendency of spokesmen of the Cuban Government, including Prime
Minister Castro, to create the illusion of aggressive acts and conspiratorial
activities aimed at the Cuban Government and attributed to United States
officials or agencies. The promotion of unfounded illusions of this kind
can hardly facilitate the development, in the real interest of the two
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peoples, of relations of understanding and confidence between their governments. The United States Government regrets that its earnest efforts
over the past year to establish a basis for such understanding and confidence have not been reciprocated.
Fourth, the United States Government, of course, recognizes the right
of the Cuban Government and people in the exercise of their national
sovereignty to undertake those social, economic and political reforms
which, with due regard for their obligations under international law,
they may think desirable. This position has frequently been stated and
it reflects a real understanding of and sympathy with the ideals and
aspirations of the Cuban people. Similarly, the United States Government and people will continue to assert and to defend, in the exercise of
their own sovereignty, their legitimate interests.
Fifth, the United States Government believes that its citizens have
made constructive contributions to the economies of other countries by
means of their investments and their work in those countries and that
such contributions, taking into account changing conditions, can continue
on a mutually satisfactory basis. The United States Government will
continue to bring to the attention of the Cuban Government any instances
in which the rights of its citizens under Cuban law and under international law have been disregarded and in which redress under Cuban law
is apparently unavailable or denied. In this connection it is the hope of
the United States Government that differences of opinion between the
two governments in matters recognized under international law as subject
to diplomatic negotiations will be resolved through such negotiations.
In the event that disagreements between the two governments concerning
this matter should persist, it would be the intention of the United States
Government to seek solutions through other appropriate international
procedures.
The above points seem to me to furnish reasonable bases for a workable
and satisfactory relationship between our two sovereign countries. I
should like only to add that the United States Government has confidence
in the ability of the Cuban people to recognize and defeat the intrigues
of international communism which are aimed at destroying democratic
institutions in Cuba and the traditional and mutually beneficial friendship between the Cuban and American peoples.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
([ 23
23 Ii Address in Los Angeles to the Nationwide
Republican "Dinner With Ike" Rallies.
January 27, I960
Mr. Vice President, Chairman Morton, fellow Republicans, and all
other supporters of good government:
First, may I thank the Los Angeles audience here for the warmth of
your personal welcome. I am deeply grateful. And I must say a word
to all those workers, all those good Republicans that made this dinner
such a success and started this year off as a good Republican one. And
on top of that, I am overwhelmed by the verbal tributes that have come
from my friends and associates and that we have heard over the television.
It is indeed a proud moment for me.
Before leaving early in December for a tour of foreign nations, I received a letter from a young lady, who lives in Arvada, Colorado. It
reads:
"My dear Mr. President,
"I have just turned 21 years of age. I am now old enough to vote
and mature enough to take part in political elections.
"My problem is, which party am I best suited to serve. I thought you
would be able to help me by telling me what the Republican Party stands
for. What are its goals and in what way may I help it to achieve them?"
Since that time, her letter has been much on my mind. Thinking
about this evening's program, I asked friends to invite her and her husband
to the Denver dinner, in the hope that I may convince her that she wants
to be a Republican. So-Shirley Jean, to you, and I trust, to all other
young or undecided voters I can reach, here is my answer.
First of all-I am sure what you mean to ask is not what party you
can best serve, but rather through what party you can best serve your
country.
I start by observing that no party, at any one time, embraces all of
the policies and beliefs any of us might deem ideal. Yet a major party,
through its platforms, programs, record, and leaders, takes on a character
and appearance of its own before the public.
Tonight, we are concerned with Republican beliefs-with what Republicans have accomplished, particularly over the past 7 years-and with
how we are trying to perform the tasks ahead.
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Republican conviction, since the days of Lincoln, has always held that
people are supreme. Our party first came into power to bring equal
protection of the law to our people.
Republicans insist that the personal, political, and economic freedoms
of the individual are his most precious possessions and are inseparable.
If any one of these is lost, eventually all others must disappear. Never
should a citizen transfer any of his own rights and responsibilities to
government, except in those cases where necessity clearly demands. Indeed, the first and more sacred responsibility of government is to help
people protect their inalienable individual freedoms. Now these convictions form the foundation of the entire Republican structure of political
doctrine and practice.
It is true that government has to do many things which, individually,
we cannot do for ourselves. So, for example, local governments provide
police protection and street maintenance. But the principle still holds
true; governments must refrain from unnecessary meddling in the daily,
normal problems of living and working.
Now today one of the sharpest controversies in public life is centered
on economic freedom. Many feel that economic life has become so
complicated that individuals and private business cannot function fairly
and profitably. They hold that economic progress now depends largely
upon Federal intervention and Federal appropriations.
Republicans flatly reject the argument that the Nation can pump its
way to permanent prosperity by an outpouring of Federal dollars. We
are opposed to those extremists who argue that the Federal Government
should become the master mechanic of our economy-with sweeping
authority to tinker with the free processes of the competitive enterprise
system. That system provides the best possible protection to our own
personal and political freedoms and to individual opportunity. Moreover,
it is the most productive system ever devised.
Only when an activity is operated most efficiently as a practical national monopoly should it be a Federal responsibility, as for example,
interstate highways and the handling of the mails. But the production
of the automobiles on the highways, or the stationery we use in the mails,
should always be privately done.
Now we go to a second basic Republican doctrine. A healthy, free
society requires a wide diffusion of power and responsibility. Power
belongs to all the people, and citizens should never permit its excessive
I38
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
concentration in any hands-industrial combines, labor groupments, or
even government.
Concentration of power is dangerous and susceptible to abuse. It
courts disaster for the individual.
Already too much power and responsibility-and tax money-have
drifted to Washington.
Therefore, in all those things that must be done by government we
strive to have the responsibility borne by local and State governments,
which are closest to the people.
But even adherence to this Republican conviction finds the Federal
Government carrying immense responsibilities. The list is a long one.
For example-the Government must develop a national defense in which
our citizens can have confidence. It must so manage its fiscal and financial affairs as to prevent the debasement of our currency, thus helping
to protect the citizens' savings, pensions, and insurance from erosive
inflation.
It must assist in developing water power; conserving and reclaiming
land resources; cooperating with States and institutions in education;
relieving hardships in areas where individuals are not able to find employment; in supporting medical, agricultural, and other research so that
American science and technology will be able to meet every challenge of
the future; helping eliminate the vast and difficult problems in agriculture
as well as the human and material blight that is imposed upon many of
our cities by crowded slums; developing a cooperative program among
Federal, State, and city authorities to reduce the hazards of travel on
America's skyways. There are dozens of other Federal responsibilities.
And for this reason the National Government owes it to every citizen
to see that all of these approved programs-some of them costing billions
of dollars-are performed efficiently and economically. Integrity in
Government is mandatory.
The Republican record in all these things is one to merit the confidence
of every American citizen.
Let us look at specific cases:
Providing an effective defense is a vital service that the Federal Government must perform in a world divided by opposing ideologies. This
is a nonpartisan subject-but of such vast importance that it is necessary
for us to take note of its administration these past 7 years.
The real test is to provide security in a way that effectively deters agI39
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gression but does not itself weaken the values and institutions we seek to
defend. This demands the most careful calculation and balance, as well
as steadiness of purpose, not to be disturbed by noisy trumpeting about
dazzling military schemes or untrustworthy programs. Neither effort
nor expense has been spared to provide a sure defense. Moreover, we
have not wasted our strength or resources.
Because of our insistence upon adequacy and efficiency, our country
is, over-all, the strongest power on earth, both militarily and economically.
Nevertheless, America's unchanging goal for decades has been the pursuit of peace-through negotiation from a position of strength, in concert
with other nations that share our ideals.
We and our loyal friends are striving to make it possible for the new
or less industrialized nations to strengthen themselves economically and
where necessary, militarily-so that all of us together can live and prosper
in peace. These programs we call Mutual Security. They comprise part
of our whole effort to keep the free world strong, safe, and free. There
is no more vital program that is to be executed within the Federal
Government.
Reviewing the foreign field over these 7 years:
The independence of South Korea has been sustained. Iran was saved
for the free world.
The explosive situation in Trieste was resolved. Austria is now a free
nation. Stability has returned to Jordan and Lebanon.
Today, there is no war. The international atmosphere recently shows
signs of improvement.
Now we seek ironclad self-enforcing agreements on the grave issues
of nuclear test suspension, arms control, the status of Germany and Berlin.
Progress is slow and frustrations many, but we shall continue to approach
the task with patience, firmness, and candor.
Though national security and programs for strengthening the free world
are costly, we can provide for them adequately and can do so while keeping ourselves economically solvent and fiscally sound. But to do this we
must, first, make the national need our sole guide for expenditures. Extravagance and security are mutually hostile-and in prosperous times
like the present, only Federal extravagance can plunge us needlessly and
deeper into debt.
Republicans believe that America is tired of a constantly growing
debt-with annual bills for interest alone well over nine billion dollars.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o
( 23
We want to stop the cowardly habit of passing our own obligations as a
mortgage to our children. This is a first Republican determination.
So, when we consider a new Federal project, we ask ourselves whether
it is truly necessary, or does it merely serve the selfish desire of some particular group? Is it of such importance to the Nation as to justify either
an increase in taxes or an addition to our debt-which spurs a constant
rise in prices, and a cheapening of the currency.
Do we want or need to saddle the taxpayer with ever greater taxes?
And Republicans say No! And they have acted and are acting
accordingly.
This good Republican record extends into many fields. Consider
education.
Today, the Federal Government is aiding America's schools and colleges in many vital ways. Among these is a program for constructing
great numbers of additional classrooms, to supply great deficiencies.
But, again, the Republican policy is to help the States help themselvesnot to allow a Federal take-over of America's institutions of learning.
In agriculture our purpose is to assist the farmer in meeting adverse
conditions over which he has no control; flood, drought, and unreasonable fluctuations in the price of farm products. Antiquated legislation
in this field has built up huge and costly surpluses that depress prices and
rapidly grow unmanageable. Republicans have devised and supported
legislation to help correct these conditions, but the majority opposition in
Congress has prevented its passage. We want our farms to be run by
farmers, not Washington bureaucrats. And above all we want our farmers to receive their fair share of the Nation's income.
The Department of Health, Education, and Welfare has, in 6 years,
spent over one billion dollars in Federal aid for medical research seeking
to find cures for killing and crippling diseases. The discoveries made are
immediately available to any individual or group who can use them. At
the same time we are determined that the Federal Government is not
going to displace the family doctor.
This is just another example of Republican efforts-and there are
many others-to satisfy human needs, with government help where necessary, but not through government domination.
To pay for costly and highly publicized "phony" panaceas for all our
problems, many politicians seem to believe that money by the bale can
be printed without shrinking-a kind of Sanforized dollar! Well, we
know better!
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And it is the unshakable aim of the Republican Party to make certain
that your dollar will buy today and tomorrow as much as it did yesterday.
In the 7 years just preceding I953 our general price structure went up
an unconscionable 48%. In the 7 Republican years since 1953 the price
rise has been held to i o %. This record is one for every thinking citizen
to applaud, but it is not good enough-we Republicans propose to make
it better.
If we are to hold down prices, one thing we must do is avoid excessive
governmental spending so you may have more money for the things you
want for yourself.
The Republican program this year avoids any increase in the debt.
Next year that debt will be reduced by a substantial amount.
And remember-more Americans are working than ever before. Real
per capita income has never been higher. This is true prosperity. In
every way, America enters this new decade stronger than ever before.
One other point-Republicans have faith in America, her strength,
her destiny. Yet in late years, the tendency to disparage the unmatched
power and prestige of our country has become an obsession with noisy
extremists. Time and again we hear spurious assertions that America's
defenses are weak; that her economic expansive force can be sustained
only by Federal spending; that her educational and health efforts are
deficient. In this kind of preachment, political morticians are exhibiting
a breast beating pessimism in the American system.
Of this I am certain; America's economic strength is not in Washington, D.C., nor in public spending. It is in the creativeness and industry
and spirit of our people.
Fellow Republicans, our duty is to make certain that our party is always
better qualified than any other to guide our national destiny.
This involves a deep sense of individual responsibility.
In the great and divinely-ordained sweep of time, it is our children who
live at the forward edge of history. The future belongs to them and to
those who are to follow. We must not by our actions or inaction today,
tarnish the bright prospects for that future.
And so I close, Shirley Jean, with a postscript directed at a most vital
part of your question-what you can do to help achieve these Republican
goals.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
23
First, study carefully the great issues facing our Nation.
Second, see your precinct leader and volunteer for doing some of the
tasks he will have for you.
Next, make certain to register; don't let your husband and your friends
forget to register.
Fourth, bring all your enthusiasm to the business of getting able, personable, Republican candidates to run for public office.
Fifth, vote. Get everybody else to vote.
Sixth, every day of your life support your Nation in its search for a
peace with justice, and take an active part in preserving and strengthening those values that in America we place above all else-freedom,
equality of opportunity, and human dignity.
So doing, you will be a good Republican and a great citizen.
Thank you and good night.
[Following his formal address the President said:]
I have been asked to make an announcement. As one who has spent
a great deal of his life traveling back and forth to Europe and this country
and all over the world, I know only too well how wonderful it sounds in
a meeting of this kind to hear one of our traditional patriotic songs. As a
salute to our beloved country, I am going to ask Mr. Gordon MacRae
and his closed circuit cross-country chorus, the collegiate singers and the
Howard University Choir, and all of you seated in this great dinner across
the Nation, to stand and sing "God Bless America."
Mr. MacRae, would you please lead off.
[The President's response upon receiving a gold medal award follows:]
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and everybody here, both for my wife and
for myself.
This is indeed a great honor. The title of the medal itself is enough
to overwhelm one with emotion, and I know that my wife will share my
pride and my very great appreciation of this most generous-overgenerous act.
On the part of you, Mr. Chairman, and your organization, to all of
you-thank you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 7:40 p.m. The President was introduced by the
in the Pan Pacific Auditorium in Los An- Vice President, speaking in Chicago.
geles. The address was broadcast by U.S. Senator Thruston Morton of Kenclosed-circuit television to similar dinner- tucky, Chairman of the Republican Narallies in 83 cities. tional Committee, served as toastmaster,
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speaking in New York. The young lady bearing the inscription "Peace and Prosfrom Arvada, Colo., to whom the Presi- perity" was made by Harold Ramser,
dent referred, was Mrs. Shirley Jean Chairman of the Republican State CenHavens. tral Committee and of the Los Angeles
The presentation of the gold medal dinner.
24 e( The President's News Conference of
February 3, I960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning.
I have one correction I want to make for a statement I made in my
last press conference. I said that Ambassador Eban was actually in my
office when I made a particular statement about my attitude toward the
impending Suez crisis at that time. I have had the staff look up the
records. Actually, Foster Dulles came to my office at 6 o'clock in the
evening, stating that he was to see Mr. Eban in a few minutes, and I
made the same statement that I gave you last night [time] but I made
it to him. I had confused that incident from what I said then with other
visits, or at least another visit of Mr. Eban.
So, again, it shows that my memory, at least, is not perfect.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Some California Republicans seem to be rather surprised that you did not mention Vice President
Nixon in your Los Angeles speech. Now that Mr. Nixon seems to have
no opposition for your party's presidential nomination, do you intend to
stick to your announced policy of endorsing no one before the convention?
THE PRESIDENT. I admit that such a concern now seems to be a bit
academic. But it has been my policy, and I think it is a correct onewe're all human, and we don't know what is around the next corner.
I maintain that there are a number of Republicans, eminent men, big
men, that could fulfill the requirements of the position; and until the
nominations are in as a matter of history, why, I think I should not talk
too much about an individual.
I have so often, because of his close association with me, had opportunity and the occasion to express my admiration and respect for the
Vice President, I am quite sure at least he is not unaware of my sentiments in this regard.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Mr. President, the
burden of some recent statements on Capitol Hill, primarily by generals,
has been that we are well behind the Russians in missile development,
'44
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
( 24
with little or no prospect of catching up with them in the near future.
I'd like to ask you, sir, as far as man's effort to enter space, as well as the
development of military missiles, do you feel any sense of urgency in
catching up with the Russians?
THE PRESIDENT. I am always a little bit amazed about this business
of catching up. What you want is enough, a thing that is adequate. A
deterrent has no added power, once it has become completely adequate,
for compelling the respect of any potential opponent for your deterrent
and, therefore, to make him act prudently.
I saw Monday morning in the Congressional Record-just after I got
back from California-that day's Congressional Record had a statement
of America's history in missile development. It's a very comprehensive
one. I commend it to your attention to show what has been done-with
a very slow start and with a complete neglect for a period-in the period,
particularly in ICBM and IRBM development. And the record, I insist,
is one to be at least quite gratified about.
As I recall, for I960 there is, for missiles of all kinds, appropriated
$6,690 million. This, it seems to me, is getting close to the point where
money itself will [not] bring you any speed, any quicker development.
Q. Rowland Evans, Jr., New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President,
you mentioned the word "deterrent" in your answer to that last question. Yesterday, General Power said that our deterrent of heavy bombers
cannot be properly safeguarded unless it is put on a full air alert. You
discussed this with us before, but in view of General Power's testimony
yesterday, would you give your view on that question?
THE PRESIDENT. No; too many of these generals have all sorts of
ideas. But I do point this out: I have got the Secretary of Defense, whom
I trust, and who I know is honest in his study, analysis, and conclusions.
That is Secretary Gates. And beneath him, assisting him, is the Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff, whom I similarly trust; and the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, with those two, are my military advisers. I have been long
enough in the military service that I assure you that I cannot be particularly disturbed because everybody with a parochial viewpoint all over the
place comes along and says that the bosses know nothing about it.
Now, I don't think anyone's trying to impugn the patriotism and the
earnestness and the integrity of the group I have just mentioned. I think,
myself, they are the ablest people we could get. That's the reason they
were selected.
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Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: As the No. I Republican in
the country, sir, are you seriously concerned about the future and the
vigor of the Republican Party, and do you think the party needs more
crusaders?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I know it ought to have a lot more recruits.
[Laughter]
Now, you say vigorously, or whether I am concerned. I don't know
whether that's the right word. I am genuinely interested to see the Republicans telling their story more eloquently and better than they have
in the past, more often and on a more widespread basis, and to get these
recruits that we need.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, quite aside from
the military implications of the space race, I believe your head of the
USIA, George Allen, said recently before Congress that he feels we are
in a race to space with the Russians, whether we want to be or not, and
that also the United States prestige seems to be low because of our lag
behind the Russians.
Now, I think that last week you told us that you don't believe that the
international prestige of the United States is at stake in this race. I wonder
if you could straighten out that confusion.
THE PRESIDENT. I made a long trip; and certainly if there wasn't an
evidence that the prestige of America was rather high, then I was very
badly mistaken in my own conclusions. And I think that most of the
people of this group that went along with me, that they would have been
mistaken.
It is idle to say that just exactly as we like to see this country ahead
in every single activity that seems to us worthwhile, we want to see them
ahead in space. This is a spectacular area in which we are now working.
But let us remember this one thing: the reason for going into space,
except for those activities that are carried on by the Defense Department
as having some value to the security of the country, is purely scientific.
Therefore, you are not talking about racing them in finding the particular
items or in naming the particular course that you are going to run in this
race; you work out a proper and an appropriate plan of scientific exploration, and you follow it positively, rather than trying to follow along behind
somebody else.
Now, I have said time and again that because the Soviets are far ahead
in this very large booster and engine, that, so far as distant space exI46
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
ploration is concerned, they are going to be ahead in that regard for some
time, because it takes time to get that engine built.
Just taking over, this Saturn project from the Army: I have, after long
study by the space agency, determined that the amount of money that
we took over with that particular thing was not sufficient; and there's
another hundred million being devoted, or at least recommended for
devotion, to it. I believe it will be appropriated; and I believe that implies not only the determination of the United States to go ahead rapidly
with this thing, I believe that we can look forward at the proper time to
success.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: In the general
context of the so-called spirit of Camp David, do you think the fact that
the lend-lease talks came to nothing indicates anything about the general
Soviet desire to negotiate on outstanding issues?
THE PRESIDENT. Again, I must repeat myself. I wasn't aware of any
spirit of Camp David. I have heard it quoted a number of times, and I
think that it was originated by people other than ourselves. No one
denied that the talks there went on in an atmosphere that was personally
friendly. That's the only way the spirit of Camp David could be defined.
But I think that these difficulties, when in this instance the Soviets tried
to put two or three other problems together with the lend-lease talks, was
a typical maneuver and there was nothing done. But it doesn't mean
that sooner or later there won't be something done.
Q. William H. Knighton, Jr., Baltimore Sun: Mr. President, don't
you think the country ought to have the benefit of your advice as to who
you think the other Republicans are who could be President?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'll tell you what: there's a number of them,
and I am not going into the business of nominating people. That's not
my job. I want to make this very clear: I am not dissatisfied with the
individual that looks like he will get it, not by any manner of means. I
just simply say there's a number that could perform the duties of the
office with distinction.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: Mr. President,
there is concern in the Capital for fear you may feel it necessary to give
atomic information, or even actual custody of atomic weapons, to those
countries where we're going to have bases for nuclear weapons. Do you
want to do that and, if so, inasmuch as we took our bases out of France
60295-61 13
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on that quarrel with De Gaulle, would that mean we might put nuclear
bases back into France?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you've got about a three-barreled question
there.
But, Mrs. Craig, the law itself says what information the Executive can
give to particular nations, and it defines rather accurately the nations to
whom you can give this information. As far as giving away the bombs,
this cannot be done under existing law.
I do believe this: that where we are allied with other nations and we
are trying to arm ourselves in such a way as to make certain of our defense,
we should try to arm them in such methods and ways as will make that
defense more strong and more secure.
I would not ever, even if the law permitted, give away information that
was still, in our opinion, withheld from the Soviets themselves. But when
the Soviets have the information and know-how to do things, it's pretty
hard for me to understand why we don't do something with our allies,
as long as they themselves stand with us firmly in defending against the
probable aggressive intent of communism.
Q. Charles H. Mohr, Time Magazine: You made clear in an earlier
answer, Mr. President, how strongly you felt that SAC was not vulnerable
to being wiped out in an enemy attack. Since this is at the heart of the
current argument, I wonder if you could tell us whether you believe that
we would get strategic warning of any enemy missile attack or, if you
don't believe that, could you give us some of the reasons why you feel
that SAC is not vulnerable, in a period of 2 or 3 years, to a very crippling
blow.
THE PRESIDENT. If you will take the things that the Soviets could
probably do 3 or 4 years from now and then we sit right where we are
now and do nothing, well, that's a different story.
I just say this: I don't believe that anyone today can destroy all of our
capabilities for retaliation, and they cannot destroy today enough of
them that we couldn't retaliate very effectively to the point of destructiveness to them.
Now, as we go ahead, they will go ahead. But I would say that 3 years
from now, if we are working as hard as we do now, we are going to be
in the same relative position.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post: In view of your answer
to Mrs. Craig's question and the fact that the nuclear test negotiations
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
q( 24
at Geneva seem to be stalled, Mr. President, do you feel that it's becoming
really impossible to stop the spread of nuclear weapons to the so-called
"fourth" countries, or do you still look upon the test ban negotiations
as a way to do this? Are you prepared to keep on with the moratorium?
THE PRESIDENT. Of course, if you had real test bans that applied to
all nations, then the only way other nations could get weapons would be
through sale, transfer, or gift.
Of course, it concerns any thoughtful individual as to the problem of
the spread of these weapons to smaller and other nations, as the process
of their manufacture may become more simple and as just through, you
might say, the method of absorption the necessary know-how becomes
more widespread.
I am of the belief that, if you could have now a ban on all testing that
everybody could have confidence in, it would be a very, very fine thing
to stop this-for this very reason, if no other: it is a very expensive business, to begin with. The very first bomb we produced, I think, cost
America $2 billion or more before we ever had the very first one. Since
that time, although you'd have to look this up, I think our appropriations
have never been below $2 billion a year. So it is an expensive business.
Q. Mr. Roberts: Could I ask, sir, are you prepared, in face of the
difficulties at Geneva, to keep our negotiator there more or less indefinitely? You put the moratorium on sort of a day-to-day basis months ago.
THE PRESIDENT. I want to keep him there as long as there is the slightest
chance of success. We should get this kind of agreement as soon as we
can.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, where do you
expect to be and what do you expect to be doing one year from now?
THE PRESIDENT. I hope, out in the desert or down shooting quail in
Georgia-or maybe just sitting in a rocking chair.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Have you decided yet, Mr. President, in connection with the Panama Canal, what form of visible evidence
of titular sovereignty should be displayed over the canal?
THE PRESIDENT. I'll tell you, Mr. Belair, here is a question that, if it
had been asked me 3 years, I'd have known exactly what I would have
said. One of the earliest tours I had in my military service was in
Panama. I learned to know the people pretty well. I stayed there something over 3 years, I think, from '21 onward-6 years after I got out of
West Point.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
I think that not all of the difficulties that have come about have been
entirely because of their demands. It is perfectly true there was a treaty
made many, many years ago, more than 50, now. And the conditions
of that treaty were changed from time to time as the whole condition of
affairs in the world so demanded, just exactly like our Constitution has
been amended 22 times.
I think that at times, because we did buy the territory-and everyone
knows that the primary source of revenues for the Panamanian nation is
the wealth that is brought there through the canal operations-that we
suddenly decide that we must be a little bit too stern in our treatment of
them. They are people that are sensitive. I don't know exactly now
what you can do, because we have people that have suddenly gotten
themselves into a state that believes that even if you ever had, for example,
a flag flown as a courtesy to the nation in which titular sovereignty still
resides, that this would be a very, very great abdication of American rights
and responsibility. I think that this is getting a little bit beyond the rule
of reason, because the treaty says that the United States may act, and in
all respects can act, as if it were completely sovereign. Such language
means that there is a titular sovereignty in the other nation, in my
opinion.
So I haven't decided any particular thing.'
Q. David Kraslow, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, there seems
to be considerable pressure in Congress for amending the Social Security
Act this year. Can you tell us, sir, if the administration is planning to
recommend any changes in the Social Security Act and what those
changes might be, generally?
THE PRESIDENT. There is under consideration a possible change to run
up the taxes by a quarter of a percent to make greater provision for the
care of the aged.
There has been no conclusion reached in the administration; I have
not yet made any recommendation on it.
1 On April I 9 the White House announced at Augusta, Ga., that the President had
that day approved a nine-point program for improvement of relations between the
United States and Panama with reference to operations in the Canal Zone (Department of State Bulletin, vol. 42, p. 798).
Later, on September 17, the Associate Press Secretary to the President announced
that the President had "as a voluntary and unilateral decision on the part of the Government of the United States, approved and directed the flying of the flag of the
Republic of Panama together with the United States flag on a daily basis in Shaler's
Triangle in the Canal Zone."
150
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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Q. John Scali, Associated Press: Mr. President, of late, Premier
Khrushchev has started to talk, both publicly and privately, about Berlin
and the Soviet demand that the West sign a separate peace treaty with
East Germany. In his January I4 speech to the Supreme Soviet, he
said that, unless the West agreed to a separate peace treaty with East
Germany, the Soviets would go ahead and sign one with all the consequences that would flow from that. Now, do you regard such talk as
violating the understanding that you reached with him at Camp David
on the removal of threats from the Berlin situation?
THE PRESIDENT. I'll say this: at Camp David nor anywhere else did
he ever retreat from the statement that he had a right, if he so wanted,
to make a separate treaty with East Germany; bringing to everybody's
attention, of course, the fact that the West had made a special treaty
with West Germany. But when he adds that this would immediately —
when he talks about the consequences-make all of East Germany, including West Berlin, a sovereign, cutting it off from connections from the
West, well, that, of course, would be a very grave situation that would be
brought about.
Q. Carleton Kent, Chicago Sun-Times: Mr. President, the Senate
yesterday passed a proposed constitutional amendment which abolishes
the poll tax, gives the District of Columbia citizens the right to vote and
Governors the right to appoint temporary members of the House under
certain wartime conditions. How do you feel about this?
THE PRESIDENT. I think they make pretty good sense. Certainly I
would think the poll tax, where you abolish it only for Federal elections,
and to give the residents of the District the right to vote for the national
ticket, I think are reasonable and should be done.
The other one is one that I think is brought about by the realization of
the catastrophes that could occur if there should ever be the tragedy of
war.
Now, I might add I have a couple more that I think ought to be added.
I think Congressmen ought to be elected for 4 years, at the same time
with the President, that is, the lower House, so called, the House of
Representatives. I think also that the item veto should be an authority
of the President and so stated in the national Constitution; because I
know one thing: that would defeat pork barrels.
Q. Garnett D. Horner, Washington Star: Awhile ago, sir, while you
were talking about the atomic weapons and information to allies, I got
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Public Papers of the Presidents
the impression that you might lean toward favoring changing the law so
that you could provide allies with custody of weapons that Russia has or
knows how to make. Was that correct or wrong impression?
THE PRESIDENT. From the very beginning, from what I knew about
allied cooperation, and so on, I have always been of the belief that we
should not deny to our allies what your potential enemy already has.
We do want allies to be treated as partners and allies, and not as junior
members of a firm who are to be seen but not heard.
So I would think that it would be better, for the interests of the United
States, to make our law more liberal, as long as we classify our countries
as those that we are confident, by our treaties and everything else, they'd
stand by us, and stand by us in time of trouble.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: I would
like to pursue this discussion about our relative progress with the Soviet
Union from a different angle.
Have you considered the possibility that the American public may be
confused by a psychological aspect of our struggle with the Russians?
They may have more missiles than we. They did beat us to the moon.
Their rate of economic growth now is faster than ours, and they are,
net, turning out, for example, more trained engineers than we do. Now,
individually, none of these factors is decisive. But cumulatively, is it not
possible that a state of mind, a dangerous state of mind, is being created
under which we would be in a position or be forced into a position to
accept a posture of second-best in everything or anything.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think here and there you can find that in a
country as big as Russia you are going to be certainly second-best; didn't
they win the Olympic games last time?
Q. Mr. Morgan: I believe they did, sir, in many events.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, what did we do with that?
Let's remember this: if they find an athlete, they take him, and it's
a national responsibility to train him and build him up until he's the best
there is in the world, if they can make him such.
Now we have a free enterprise; we place above all other values our
own individual freedoms and rights; and we believe, moreover, that the
operation of such a system in the long run produces more, not only more
happiness, more satisfaction, and pride in our people, but also more
goods, more wealth.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
Let's remember that dictatorships have been very efficient. Time and
time again, look how we were overawed, almost, by Hitler's early yearsoverrunning Poland, and then overrunning the West, and going into
Africa. Of course, we talked about this great efficiency. This is
dictatorship.
If you take our country and make it an armed camp and regiment it,
why, for a while you might do it with great morale, too, if you could get
people steamed up like you did in wars; you might do this thing in very
greater tempo than we now are doing it.
Democracy, we hope, is an enduring form of government. We are,
therefore, trying to do these things at the same time we keep these values.
I would like to see our people-and I admit that they get disturbed
and probably at times alarmed about something, particularly when the
headlines give it an interpretation far beyond its true meaning, like hitting
the moon. I've heard people say, "Well, soon there'll be colonies on the
moon and they'll be shooting at the earth from the moon." I saw that
in one story.
Well, this is long after you and I will be gone; that, I'll assure you.
Now, what we should think about and talk about more in the world
are the values which we do treasure. They don't have them. And
since we believe that in the long run men do learn to have this same belief
about the same values, I believe that there is just as much of the seeds of
self-destruction in the Communist system as they claim is in ours-they
claim the inherent conflicts within our system are going to destroy it.
I think our people ought to have greater faith in their own system.
Let's remember, you people are the bosses of the American Governmentyou the people, by your votes and your representatives, and so what do
you want? All right, you can make the decisions. All you have to do is
to inform yourselves and you will make good decisions. And that is
exactly what we are doing, to say we want these things or we don't want
them. So let's just be sure that we don't kid ourselves that somebody
else, different from ourselves-because people in government are just you
people. All right, then it's your responsibility to make sure that you are
secure, that you are not alarmed and certainly not hysterical.
Q. Mr. Morgan: Then, sir, you don't feel that there is a basic danger
of defeatism under the present circumstances?
THE PRESIDENT. Put it this way: none in my soul; I'll tell you that.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- from 10:29 to II:02 o'clock on Wednesdred and seventy-ninth news conference day morning, February 3, i960. In atwas held in the Executive Office Building tendance: 225.
25 eT Citation Accompanying Awards for
Oceanographic Research. February 4, i960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States takes pleasure in presenting
awards to:
MR. JACQUES PICCARD
LIEUTENANT DON WALSH, U.S. NAVY
DR. ANDREAS B. RECHNITZER
LIEUTENANT LAWRENCE A. SHUMAKER, U.S. NAVY
CITATION:
For outstanding contributions to the United States and science in the
field of oceanographic research.
These officers and distinguished scientists are richly deserving of the
appreciation and acclaim of the Government and the people of the United
States. Their marked professional skill and resourcefulness, their scientific
studies and courageous efforts while conducting operations at great personal risk, culminated on 23 January i960 in a dive by the bathyscaph
Trieste to the unprecedented depth of 37,800 feet, the deepest spot on
the ocean floor known to man. This dive and others before it were made
in the interest of science and to collect data for the United States Navy
in this previously unexplored area of the earth. This, the first penetration
of the deepest parts of the ocean, impressively demonstrates that the
United States is in the forefront of oceanographic research.
As President of the United States, I extend the nation's recognition
and gratitude for your resourcefulness, courage and devotion to duty and
your contributions to our country and to all free men. I offer my personal
congratulations.
NOTE: The President presented the tenant Walsh, the Legion of Merit; to
awards in his office at the White House, Dr. Rechnitzer, the Distinguished Civilas follows: to Mr. Piccard, the Distin- ian Service Award; to Lieutenant Shuguished Public Service Award; to Lieu- maker, the Navy Commendation Ribbon
with Metal Pendant.
154
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19601
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26 4T Memorandum Concerning a Career
Executive Development Program in All
Departments and Agencies. February 5, I 960
To the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies:
Our government faces the possible loss of two-thirds of its top career
managers over the next ten years. A survey of 75I career officials in
grades GS-i6, I7 and i8, indicates that two out of every three will be
eligible for retirement during the next decade. Further, two out of every
five will be eligible for retirement by I963. In addition, of course, there
will be certain losses because of death, disability and resignation. This
situation emphatically and clearly points to the importance of instituting
a positive program which will assure the filling of the anticipated vacancies with persons of outstanding leadership ability, creative imagination
and sound judgment.
Upon each of us rests the responsibility for seeing to it that the critically
important functions of the top career management positions continue to
be carried out by persons of the highest competence. Nothing less will
satisfy our obligation to the American people for effective and efficient
administration of their government's programs.
To properly discharge this responsibility, careful planning will be
needed in each agency and on a government-wide scale. Employees with
executive potential in positions below the top career levels must be identified, trained and developed over a period of time to increase their
capacity to perform the complex functions of career managers.
The success or failure of our efforts to identify, select and develop
competent career managers will determine the future effectiveness of
government operations, both here and abroad. I have asked my Special
Assistant for Personnel Management to provide leadership to the departments and agencies in taking such steps as may be necessary to see to it
that we continue to have the best available executive talent for these top
civil service posts. He will work with you and the Civil Service Commission toward this goal.
In the last analysis, however, the results of the quest for topnotch administrators in the career service will depend on the steps each agency takes
to find persons of executive potential and to train and develop them for
60295-61 14
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Public Papers of the Presidents
the responsibilities that lie ahead. I know each of you shares my concern
that the ablest persons are selected for top career civil service positions.
I expect you to give personal leadership towards the achievement of this
objective within your organization.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: See also Items 27 and 28.
27 eI Memorandum Directing the Special
Assistant for Personnel Management To Provide
Leadership in the Career Executive Development
Program. February 5, i960
Memorandum for the Special Assistant to the President for Personnel
Management:
As you know, the government faces a continuing loss each year of some
of the executives filling the top career management positions.
To meet this problem, we must be assured a continuing supply of welltrained career employees to replace those leaving the service. The military
services, of course, have well-developed programs for the replacement of
top officers going out of the service. I understand the civilian services
generally have none.
While I fully realize that the same requirements and conditions do not
apply with equal force to the military and civilian services of government,
both must have an adequate and continuing supply of well-trained and
competent leaders and managers if they are to meet the demands of
today's world.
Career men and women are the backbone of any organization. Without able career managers, government, in particular, cannot function
effectively and efficiently.
I am most anxious that we, in this Administration, do our utmost to
see to it that the government has a sound program for the selection,
development and training of its career civil servants.
Therefore, as my Special Assistant for Personnel Management, you
will take the leadership in the development of a government-wide program
to meet this objective. With respect to positions in the competitive Civil
156
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
4f 28
Service, you will, of course, cooperate with and depend upon the Civil
Service Commission. In regard to other personnel systems, you will cooperate with the heads of the agencies concerned.
All department and agency heads are being advised of my concern in
this matter.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Eugene J. Lyons was serving as Personnel Management.
Special Assistant to the President for See also Items 26 and 28.
28 eI Memorandum to the Chairman, Civil
Service Commission, on the Career Executive
Development Program. February 5, I 960
Memorandum for the Chairman of the Civil Service Commission:
No area of personnel management is of greater importance to sound
administration than the selection and development of highly competent
career administrators. As an indication of my personal concern in the
matter I have sent the attached letter to the heads of all executive departments and agencies.
You will note that I have asked my Special Assistant for Personnel
Management to assume responsibility for providing leadership in instituting service-wide action programs and to cooperate with the Civil Service
Commission and the departments and agencies in stimulating better
executive selection and development programs within agencies.
Therefore, it is my wish that you work with The Special Assistant for
Personnel Management in devising methods for strengthening and coordinating existing programs and in developing new ones. As the operating arm for the largest segment of the Federal personnel management
field, the Commission will continue to provide assistance to the departments and agencies in strengthening their executive development
programs.
In this connection please review existing Civil Service programs concerned with recruitment and examining, position classification, career
and employee development and take whatever steps may be necessary
to strengthen them and to achieve maximum coordination.
In addition, the Commission will assemble periodically and report to
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Public Papers of the Presidents
me, information summarizing significant developments and progress
being made by the departments and agencies in this area.
Because of your own long-time interest in this phase of Federal personnel management, I am confident that I can depend on you to help to
make this program successful.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Roger W. Jones was serving as sion.
Chairman of the Civil Service Commis- See also Items 26 and 27.
29 eJ Letter to Dr. Henry Wriston on His
Acceptance of the Chairmanship of the Commission
on National Goals. February 7, I960
[ Released February 7, 960. Dated February 5, 1960 ]
Dear Henry:
I am glad to learn that you have agreed to accept the Chairmanship
of the Commission on National Goals, and that this study will be carried
forward through the American Assembly. As I have indicated in our
conversations, I am hopeful that the panel will develop a broad outline
of coordinated national policies and programs for the next decade and
longer, and that it will, in the process, set up a series of goals in various
areas of national activity.
While I would hope that your report could be completed before my
term of office is ended, I am far more concerned about the breadth and
depth of the study than in the exact timing of its completion. I am appending hereto a brief memorandum outlining in general terms some of
my reasons for requesting you to participate in this inquiry.
I should like to emphasize my desire that the inquiry be conducted free
of any direct connection with me or other portions of the Federal government. However, all Federal agencies will cooperate with you in any
way you may desire, as will my staff.
With many thanks for your willingness to undertake this important
assignment.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o 4I 30
NOTE: Dr. Wriston is president of the president. (See Item 86.)
American Assembly, an affiliate of Colum- For the President's memorandum conbia University. President Eisenhower cerning the Commission on National
had been closely associated with the As- Goals, together with a list of members, see
sembly during his term as the university's Item 30.
30 e Memorandum Concerning the Commission
on National Goals. February 7, i960
[ Released February 7, 1960. Dated February 5, 1960 ]
THE PRESIDENT'S hopes for the Commission were stated in his
State of the Union message in January, 1959, as follows:
"We can successfully sustain security and remain true to our heritage
of freedom if we clearly visualize the tasks ahead and set out to perform
them with resolution and vigor. We must first define these tasks and
then understand what we must do to accomplish them.
"If progress is to be steady we must have long-term guides extending
far ahead, certainly five, possibly even ten years... They must be goals
that stand high, and so inspire every citizen to climb always toward
mounting levels of moral, intellectual and material strength..."
The genesis of the study is rooted in our tradition and our history.
Ours is a land carved out of a hostile wilderness, populated by people
filled with a spirit of freedom and adventure, made strong by sheer
perseverance, and dominated always by strong moral and religious beliefs.
It was logical that for several generations we devoted all our energies
to growing-developing our vast lands and resources, building a way of
life. But the industrial revolution which we helped nurture has now
reached a stage that makes it impossible for us to live in isolation.
We are now the strongest nation on the earth. This fact brings with
it the realization that with power comes responsibility. We have found
ourselves in a position in which the entire Free World looks to us for leadership and help, in the first instance against an aggressive Communist conspiracy, supported by rapidly growing economic and military strength,
but more broadly in the worldwide struggle for realization of decent
conditions of life.
But behind these problems of our external relationships, lie the more
basic issues of realizing our own ideals for the development of American
society. Unless we can press forward toward these goals, in an era of
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Public Papers of the Presidents
vast technological change and development, we shall not be able to fulfill
our world role or, most basically of all, be true to ourselves and to the
ideals on which this nation is based.
The Commission on National Goals is being asked to identify the great
issues of our generation and describe our objectives in these various areas.
To do so will be to give us the basis for coordinated policies in both the
domestic and international areas.
One American aspiration is to develop a world in which all peoples
will be living at peace under cooperative policies with maximum standards of living and opportunity for all. But more specifically, the Commission undoubtedly will want to consider how within a framework of
free decision-making our economy can best be developed to meet the
Communist challenge and simultaneously progress toward established
goals. The Commission will also want to consider how our educational
and other social institutions can best be shaped to develop mind and spirit;
how individual well-being, health, and initiative can be nurtured without
undesirable centralization of authority and responsibility; and how the
various levels of our government can best contribute to the nation's
welfare.
Since a universal understanding of basic issues and goals is, in a free
government, necessary to its own perpetuation, one of the greatest accomplishments of the Commission could well be the outline of effective methods for producing this understanding.
The Commission has the opportunity to sound a call for greatness to a
resolute people, in the best tradition of our Founding Fathers. It is no
wonder that a nation so recently thrust into a position of world leadership
is sometimes bewildered by its new role. That we have emerged so rapidly and accepted so readily our position of leadership is but another proof
of our resilience. Now we must cast our eyes ahead toward the future.
Some obstacles along this path will be frightening. Many decisions we
must make are not easy. But through the haze of indecision one sees the
strong and vibrant image of a future America-where modern-day pioneers, with deep religious conviction, develop the richness of a free society,
where the dignity of each and every individual is recognized and his
ability to enjoy life is enhanced.
NOTE: A copy of the President's mem- Assembly, Graduate School of Business,
orandum was transmitted to each member Columbia University, who was designated
of the Commission. In addition to Dr. chairman, and Frank Pace, Chairman of
Henry Wriston, President of the American the Board, General Dynamics Co., Inc.,
i6o
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 (J 3I
who was designated vice chairman, the Science Monitor, and President, United
members as announced by the White States Chamber of Commerce; Colgate
House were: James Killian, President of Darden, former President of the Univerthe Corporation, Massachusetts Institute sity of Virginia and former Governor of
of Technology; Alfred Gruenther, Presi- Virginia; James Conant, former President
dent, American National Red Cross; Clark of Harvard and former Ambassador to the
Kerr, President, University of California; Federal Republic of Germany; George
Learned Hand, Retired United States Cir- Meany, President, AFL-CIO; and Crawcuit Judge for the 2d Circuit, New York; ford Greenewalt, President, E. I. DuPont
Erwin Canham, Editor-in-Chief, Christian de Nemours and Co., Inc.
3' I Remarks at Dedication of the Veterans of
Foreign Wars Memorial Building.
February 8, 1960
Mr. Chairman, Commander Feldmann, distinguished guests, comrades-inarms of past years, and friends:
It is an honor to participate in this moving tribute to American veterans, living and dead. The emblem of the Veterans of Foreign Wars,
here established, will be, I am told, perpetually lighted, symbolizing the
Nation's eternal gratitude for the service and sacrifice of those who served
its colors in the cause of freedom.
The struggle for freedom does not stop when the guns of war cease
firing. Nor will it stop so long as freedom is suppressed or threatened
anywhere in the world.
Freedom makes its rightful claim upon the daily life of everyone who
enjoys its benefits. No deed is too small to count. Every one of us contributes in his own way to the strength of America, and the strength of
this country is dedicated to the preservation of freedom.
So our efforts add up to more than simply our own health, our own
well-being and economic development. They answer the disbelieving
and the doubtful that in freedom man can achieve his rightful destiny;
and that men of all nations and races can live in dignity together as they
seek the common goal of peace with justice.
Our daily preoccupations too often divert us from our duty in the service of this noble cause. We accept freedom much as the air we breathe.
We lose sight of the connection between our own acts and the vigor of our
governmental representatives in preserving the values we deem priceless.
We tend to forget the high price that was paid for the privilege of living in
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Public Papers of the Presidents
freedom, and the price that would be exacted from all mankind if freedom should ever be allowed to shrivel and weaken in the earth.
This is why it is well for us to pause, to acknowledge our debt to those
who paid so large a share of freedom's price. As we stand here in grateful remembrance of the veterans' contributions we renew our conviction
of individual responsibility to live in ways that support the eternal truths
upon which our Nation is founded, and from which flows all its strength
and all its greatness.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at noon at resentative James E. Van Zandt of Pennthe site of the new national memorial on sylvania, chairman of the dedication
Maryland Avenue near the Capitol. In committee, and Louis G. Feldmann, Comhis opening words he referred to U.S. Rep- mander in Chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars.
32 UT Special Message to the Congress on
Agriculture. February 9, i960
To the Congress of the United States:
I urgently call attention, once again, to a most vexing domestic problem-the low net income of many of our farmers and excessive production
of certain farm products, largely due to economic distortions induced by
years of Federal interference.
We are most fortunate that our problem in agriculture is over-abundance rather than a shortage of food. But it defies common sense to
continue to encourage, at the cost of many millions of tax dollars, the
building of ever larger excess supplies of products that, as they accumulate,
depress farm prices and endanger the future of our farmers.
The wheat situation is particularly acute. Federal funds tied up in
wheat approximate $3 Y2 billion. Although this means that well over
thirty percent of the total funds invested in inventories and loans of the
Commodity Credit Corporation goes for wheat, this crop provides only
six percent of the cash receipts from sales of farm products. The government sustains a net cost of more than $i,ooo a minute-$ i,500,000 every
day-the year around, to stabilize wheat prices and income.
Day by day this program further distorts wheat markets and supplies.
Its only future is ever higher cost. Inexorably it generates ever larger
surpluses which must be expensively stored. Ultimately, if our governI62
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 32
ment does not act quickly and constructively, the danger is very real that
this entire program will collapse under the pressure of public indignation,
and thousands of our farming people will be hurt.
I think the American people have every right to expect the Congress to
move promptly to solve situations of this kind. Sound legislation is imperatively needed. We must quickly and sensibly revise the present program to avoid visiting havoc upon the very people this program is intended
to help. Every additional day of delay makes a sound solution more
difficult.
I have repeatedly expressed my preference for programs that will ultimately free the farmer rather than subject him to increasing governmental
restraints. I am convinced that most farmers hold the same view. But
whatever the legislative approach, whether toward greater freedom or
more regimentation, it must be sensible and economically sound and not a
political poultice. And it must be enacted promptly. I will approve any
constructive solution that the Congress wishes to develop, by "constructive" meaning this:
First, that price support levels be realistically related to whatever policy
the Congress chooses in respect to production control, it being recognized
that the higher the support the more regimented must be the farmer.
Second, that price support levels not be so high so as to stimulate still
more excessive production, reduce domestic markets, and increase the
subsidies required to hold world outlets.
Third, for reasons long expressed by the Administration, that we avoid
direct subsidy payment programs for crops in surplus; likewise, we must
avoid programs which would invite harmful counter measures by our
friends abroad, or which, while seeking to assist one group of farmers,
would badly hurt other farmers.
Within these three guidelines, I am constantly ready to approve any
one or a combination of constructive proposals. I will approve legislation which will eliminate production controls, or make them really
effective, or allow the farmers themselves to choose between realistic
alternatives. I am willing to gear supports to market prices of previous
years, or to establish supports in accordance with general rather than
specific provisions of law, or to relate price supports to parity.
I recognize that these observations are general in nature. They are
intentionally so in order to leave the Congress room for alternative constructive approaches to this problem. If the Congress should so act, I
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Public Papers of the Presidents
urge an orderly expansion of the Conservation Reserve Program up to
60,000,000 acres, with authority granted the Secretary of Agriculture to
direct the major expansion of this Program to areas of greatest need.
In connection with the expansion of the Conservation Reserve, the
Department of Agriculture stands ready to assist, if desired, with the development of sound legislative criteria governing the administration of
this program in the light of its experience gained through its operations
of the past four years.
As part of the Conservation Reserve Program, I would be willing to
accept an authorization, with proper safeguards, to the Secretary of Agriculture to make payments in kind in whole or in part for the reduction
of acreage devoted to crops in surplus and retirement of this acreage from
cultivation, provided measures are included to keep production below
total consumption while the payment-in-kind procedure is being used.
Lacking such safeguards, a payment-in-kind procedure would overload
the free market and thereby depress prices.
My views as regards the price support program for wheat are clear. I
prefer the following approach:
Acreage allotments and marketing quotas for wheat should be eliminated beginning with the 1961 crop-thus freeing the wheat farmersand thereupon price-support levels should be set as a percentage of the
average price of wheat during the three preceding calendar years. The
Secretary of Agriculture will furnish the Congress the details of this
approach.
Here I wish to comment somewhat more specifically on corn, a crop
tremendously important to many thousands of our farmers.
Just over a year ago, by a referendum margin of almost 3 to I, our
corn farmers decided upon a new program that liberalizes corn acreage
and adjusts corn price supports. This program is still new, and I believe
it would be wise to give it a chance to demonstrate what it can do. In
order to help the producers adjust to this new program, it is intended
to use the expanded Conservation Reserve Program to provide a voluntary
means of removing substantial acreage of corn and other feed grains from
production.
On the administrative side, I want briefly to mention three programs
highly important to agriculture.
The Food for Peace Program, initiated pursuant to my recommendations of last year, has been vigorously advanced. On my recent trip
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960o
41 32
abroad, I saw many constructive results from these efforts and the need
and opportunity for even greater use of this humanitarian program.
Clearly we should continue to do our utmost to use our abundance constructively in the world-wide battle against hunger. The law we enacted
in I954, known as Public Law 480 of the Eighty-Third Congress, has
been especially helpful to us in waging this battle.
Next, an aggressive Utilization Research Program is under way to
develop new markets and new uses for farm products. The I 96 I Budget
now before Congress recommends additional appropriations for utilization research, and additional local currencies being acquired under Public
Law 480 transactions will be devoted to this purpose.
A Coordinator for Utilization Research will shortly be named by the
Secretary of Agriculture with the sole mission of concentrating on finding
and promoting productive new uses for farm products.
The Rural Development Program, to assist rural people in low income
areas to achieve a better living, is also being accelerated.
This program, initiated in my 1954 Message, is now well beyond the
demonstration stage and is going steadily forward in 30 States and Puerto
Rico. Other States are now starting this important work. I have also
recommended more funds for this program in the pending Budget.
Finally, I repeat my conviction that the public, and farmers particularly, are entitled to sound legislative action on the problems I have mentioned. The Congress can act within a broad latitude of proposals and
still comply with the recommendations I have made.
If the Congress wishes to propose a plan as an alternative to the course
here recommended, so long as that plan is constructive, as I have indicated herein, I will approve it. The Department of Agriculture will
cooperate fully with Congressional Committees and with individual Members of Congress in helping to prepare such alternative programs as they
may wish to have considered.
The important thing for farmers, and for all other Americans, is for us
to act sensibly and to act swiftly.
I urge the Congress so to act in order that the farmers and public generally may plan accordingly.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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33 ~1 Remarks After Inspecting the Missile Test
Center, Cape Canaveral, Florida.
February i0, i960
WELL, it was an interesting day, and I have been wanting to come here
for a long time, so it's a trip that's another realization of an ambition.
Obviously, it is the most highly instrumented place you can imagine,
and certainly the personnel show every evidence of a high degree of
competence.
So from my viewpoint it was a very worthwhile trip, and I hope it has
been for you fellows.
Good luck to you.
NOTE: The President spoke at the airstrip Washington. His remarks were adbefore boarding a plane to return to dressed primarily to the reporters who
accompanied him.
34 tI The President's News Conference of
February I I, I 960
THE PRESIDENT. I have a statement, but you won't have to take notes,
because I believe there will be copies outside. This affects the negotiations for nuclear weapons tests at Geneva.
[Reading] The United States is today presenting in Geneva a proposal, involving the ending of nuclear weapons tests, to end the apparent
deadlock in the negotiations. This Government has stood, throughout,
for complete abolition of weapons testing subject only to the attainment
of agreed and adequate methods of inspection and control. The present
proposal is designed to end nuclear weapons tests in all the environments
that can now be effectively controlled.
It would end forthwith, under assured controls:
( i) all nuclear weapons tests in the atmosphere;
(2) all nuclear weapons tests in the oceans;
(3) all nuclear weapons tests in those regions in space where effective
controls can now be agreed to; and
(4) all nuclear weapons tests beneath the surface of the earth which
can be monitored.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
4f 34
This proposal will permit, through a coordinated program of research
and development, a systematic extension of the ban to the remaining
areas, especially those involving underground tests, for which adequate
control measures appear not to be possible now.
These are initial but far-reaching and yet readily attainable steps toward a complete ban on nuclear weapons tests. If adopted, they will
prevent increases in the level of radioactivity in the atmosphere and so
allay worldwide concern. They are steps which offer an opportunity to
consolidate the important progress made in the negotiations thus far. It
is our hope that the Soviet Union will join with us in this constructive
beginning.' [Ends reading]
Questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Mr. President, every
day the public is being subjected to a new chapter in the controversy over
the missile gap between this country and Russia. Now, this argument,
as you are well aware, is being waged in public by men who are supposed
to be expert in the defense requirements of the country. Is there anything
you can say to us today to explain this controversy to the public; and,
in this connection, sir, are you thinking of a nationwide speech on this
subject?
THE PRESIDENT. First of all, let me understand the first part of your
question, Mr. Smith. You say, "waged by people who are supposed to
be expert." Are you speaking now about the people of the Defense
Department?
Q. Mr. Smith: Of the Defense Department and on Capitol Hill, too,
sir.
THE PRESIDENT. I should think this: it would be fair to use the description "expert" with respect to the people in the Defense Department.
That is what they're for. [Laughter]
They do have different ideas, and the trouble of it is that because one
Chief or one Secretary or one individual or one technician, far down the
line, has a particular idea and exploits this idea and publicizes it highly,
1 On the same day the White House released a further statement, covering the same
ground but in somewhat greater detail. The statement noted that the new proposal
included provision for a program of joint research and experimentation by the United
Kingdom, the USSR, and the United States to improve the detection of small tests
underground and thus permit the extension of the ban to such tests. It also noted that
extensive research and experimentation was already under way in the United States to
improve detection instruments and techniques. The White House statement is printed
in the Department of State Bulletin (vol. 42, p. 327).
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Public Papers of the Presidents
that this, according to him, becomes the great judgment to be made in
the defense of this country.
Defense of this country is a very wide and comprehensive problem.
It is not decided by such a matter as can you make three or two particular
weapons in a particular week, or such numbers as that. It is a matter
that involves the study and investigations of many staffs, reaching many
months into the future.
So these struggles that you talk about among the people in the Defense
Department are those things that are brought about when they are required, apparently, and then leaks occur, as to their personal attitude
toward the particular weapon or the particular weapons system, and then
that becomes a matter of argument.
This I deplore, particularly the methods of publicizing it and making
it look like any one of these particular points is the real problem to solve
in America's defense.
I want to point out again-possibly I don't need to-that I have been
in the military service a long time. I am obviously running for nothing.
I want only my country to be strong, to be safe, and to have a feeling
of confidence among its people so they can go about their business. And
I just want to point out that in the decisions that I have to make-and
there are many of them-in the approval of such a system, that I have
heard all of the arguments, pro and con, in this individual type of an
opinion of which I have been speaking. I have done the best I can, and
I am doing it with one idea in mind only-America.
Q. Pat Munroe, Chicago American: Could you fill us in, sir, on the
Vice President's role in reshaping the farm message?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, this is the first that I have heard about him
reshaping it. I required that he read it, because there seems to be a great
probability that in the next few months he is going to be defending what
I believe, and the administration believes, is the best way to approach
this problem. Naturally, he is completely aware of everything that is
in the message, but this is the first I have heard of any reshaping.
Q. William McGaffin, Chicago Daily News: Mr. President, you're
nearing the end of your term, and you've had a good 7 years of experience with it. Could you tell us, sir, what you think will be the major
problems of the man who succeeds you and whether you think they will
be any more difficult than the problems that you've had to deal with?
THE PRESIDENT. I think what you are suggesting now is we have sort
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig96o
of an informal conversation, rather than any exposition of specific
problems.
The fact is that I think there are two things we must remember.
America has become a leader in the world. In many of these aspects
it is almost a decisive leader. This means that the problems that come
to the presidential desk-whether it's a small farm in Dickinson County,
Kansas, or a village problem somewhere, or urban renewal, or difficulty
in the Mideast or with the Russians, whatever-these things have to be
viewed in a broad world context, and then they have to be studied very
earnestly, both on their short-term and their long-term effects.
I don't believe that anyone can predict what the next President's
problems are really going to be. I have tried to describe, time and again,
the ones that I see as important as of this moment and the methods in
which I approach them. In so doing, I hope that I am helping to
establish a pattern for solving these problems in the manner of reasonable
men, never giving way to the so-called ultraliberal that has no other
purpose than to give your money away for some pet theory of his own,
and on the other hand, to repudiate reaction like you would the devil
and all his works.
You've just got to approach these things with the best advice, the best
knowledge, the best judgment that the individual or the occupant of the
chair can bring to bear, and then solve them. I will point out there is
one problem that is always with us, will never be properly or at least
perfectly solved, but which all of us must work at.
It is this. You people right here have a very big function to perform.
The biggest problem there is for the United States today is to make sure
that her own people-her own people-understand the basic issues that
face us, and form their own judgment. If we can inform these people
properly, then we can be sure that the health and vigor of the democracy
will solve them properly. Our great danger is that we are sometimes led
down blind alleys by demagogues, or we're too lazy to inform ourselves,
or we just say that some popular figure will solve them for us. We've
got to inform ourselves. This is the greatest problem. And if we ever
solve that one, we can do all the others without any difficulty.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post: Mr. President, in relation
to your statement about the test ban problem, I think there is one question that you left unanswered, and that is this. Assuming that the
Soviet Union would accept this proposal, during the period of the developI69
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Public Papers of the Presidents
ment of new techniques to extend the ban on certain of the underground
test problems, would the United States during that period resume underground testing?
THE PRESIDENT. It's a question that, of course, itself has not yet been
resolved. I have already told you that laboratory testing-not of weapons
testing, but of just the nuclear science-go on all the time. But when it
comes down to weapons testing, that is something that we would have to
decide with our own allies.
Q. Mr. Roberts: Would that be subject to negotiation as part of this
proposed agreement with the Russians?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, no. We are not going to make an agreement,
Mr. Roberts, when we can't know, when we cannot have any information
as to whether or not it will be carried out by the other fellow as well as
ourselves. That's what the problem is about. You see, we have been
asked, time and again, to stop all testing and, indeed, to eliminate all
bombs just by everybody unilaterally and voluntarily doing so. This is
the kind of a system we will not accept. We say there must be adequate
examination, verification, and enforcement.
Q. Charles W. Roberts, Newsweek: In connection with the first question asked you today, sir, when the congressional leaders came out of
your office on Tuesday, they said that they thought the hearings on
Capitol Hill concerning our defense-that some people, apparently running for office, had performed a disservice to the country and, furthermore, by undermining morale, that they had also breached security. Do
you accept both of these charges?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I didn't read them. I have heard them for the
first time right now.
I am trying to keep my own statements outside the partisan field. I
am trying to dedicate, as I have in the past, my efforts toward securing
the United States in the fields of foreign relations and in defense. I
think we should be big enough not to seek headlines. I think we should
be big enough to put our heads together and see if we can get a real
solution.
While I admit I have not specifically answered your question, I am
giving you my belief about the whole matter.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Mr. President, is there any ready
answer to published suggestions that it is somehow defeatist to spend not
quite so much money for defense or bigger defense and more and more
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 ( 34
for fancy tail fins and other things like that? That has been written
about lately.
THE PRESIDENT. I don't quite understand your question.
Q. Mr. Belair: Well, you see, the argument seems to suggest, sirand it came up yesterday at Canaveral-that much more could be spent,
for instance, on missile development, to put us nearer to where the Russians now are. The argument seems to ignore what you have already
said about our defense planning being based more on the adequacy of a
deterrent. But the argument attributes to you, sir, the view that in all
of these expenditures we must always have an eye on the budget, to maintain our fiscal responsibility, and that in emphasizing the need for a
balanced budget, we thereby hold down expenditures for these purposes
to a point that is not really necessary in our economy.
THE PRESIDENT. In this present case it would seem to me their argument is not too good, because I have put in the budget $4,200 million
for surplus.
Now, if anyone, by any kind of hysterical argument, is going to make
me say that fiscal responsibility in this country is not important; indeed,
if they can prove that you can continue to go deeper and deeper and
deeper into debt, without finally paying a very great cost in the Nation's
security, I'd like to see how they prove their case.
Now, that does not mean that any budget I've ever put up has been
put together on the basis of just achieving a balanced budget. I have
tried to calculate and form the judgments about the needs of the United
States, and I must say that I try to put need above pressure-group inducement, before local argument, before every kind of any pressure except
that that America needs. I don't believe in putting luxury and extravagance ahead of need. But having satisfied the need, I believe we should
go ahead with such policies and programs that the United States believes
will be helpful and are in keeping with our Constitution and our institutions, and at the same time get this fiscal business into such control that
we can have prosperity in the future as well as thinking we have it merely
when we begin to debase our currency.
Q. Lambert Brose, Lutheran Layman: Mr. President, last fall, in
connection with the TV quiz scandals, District Attorney Hogan stated
that more than Ioo00 people had committed perjury before a New York
State grand jury-I think it was New York State. I am sure the American people bear no personal malice toward these individuals, and maybe
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Public Papers of the Presidents
this is a State matter. But do you have any information, sir: one,
whether indictments will be brought-I think only one or two have-and,
two, if indictments are not brought, do you think this might undermine
confidence somewhat in our system of equal justice under law?
THE PRESIDENT. As you say, it obviously is a State matter.
Now, I don't think it's necessary here for me to stress the importance
I put on, you might say, public morality. I believe that public morality
finally became involved in this matter, and I think that every echelon of
government that may have a responsibility ought to be working on the
matter and see that it doesn't happen again.
Q. John Scali, Associated Press: Mr. President, Premier Khrushchev
had some very blunt things to say to Italy's President, Mr. Gronchi, this
week about world affairs generally. He talked about West Berlin, Germany, and Russia's power, generally. And among the things Mr. Khrushchev is quoted as saying is this: "Our flag is flying on the moon. This
means something. Is this not enough to prove the superiority of communism over capitalism?" What do you think of such remarks?
THE PRESIDENT. I think it's crazy.
I tried to point out to you the other day that in an industrial complex
of the strength of Russia's, with its vast territory and resources, its people,
and its great imaginative and competent scientists, that if it wants to put
all of its strength in a particular field of activity-and, remember,
secretly undertaken-of course it can come out with spectacular achievements. And let's not try to blind ourselves about it. But my contention
is we should not be hysterical when dictatorships do these things.
As a matter of fact, Hitler was rather successful in keeping secret from
many people the strength of the forces he actually had when he went in
I 939 into Poland, and how much he had with which to smash the Western
allies in Western Europe.
All of these things are possible, but they are not things that we should,
in what we believe is a broader and better type of civilization, let dismay us.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, in view of your own expressed philosophy that defense should not be a partisan issue, do you
not think it was wrong for six top officials of the Defense Department
to accept invitations to speak at fundraising "Dinners with Ike," planned
by the Republican Party?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't think so. As a matter of fact, are you
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
going to change all the traditions and the habits of America since we
formed two parties way back at the time of Jefferson and Hamilton?
Q. Mrs. McClendon: Well, sirTHE PRESIDENT. Now, just a minute, and I'll finish your question.
These people are politically appointed. They are not, and should not,
indulge in talking about the failures of others of which I personally, and
on both sides of the House, believe there have been many in years going
past. Certainly they did in the Indian wars, if we want to get back to a
place that is certainly nonpartisan. [Laughter]
For these people to report what they're doing and why they're doing
it and to show the reasoning in which they have reached their decisions
is far from harmful; it is helpful, in my opinion.
Q. John R. Gibson, Wall Street Journal: Mr. President, on the disarmament question, is it your feeling that the U.S., Britain, and Russia
pretty well have to reach an agreement on the nuclear test situation
before there is much chance for making any further headway on the
broader disarmament question, either at the io-nations meeting or at
the summit conference meeting?
THE PRESIDENT. I am not now trying to express the opinions of any
study group or any opinions other than my own. I believe that we are
probably tackling the most difficult of all problems in this disarmament
thing when we put all our attention on nuclear testing and nuclear use.
Here is something, our scientists have testified over the years, that even
if today you stop manufacturing plutonium and U-235, you could still
conceal such an amount of destructive power that, to start at this end
of the thing to establish the kind of inspection systems that are necessary, we are probably taking the most thorny thing and allowing that to
keep us from other places.
Now, in testing I think the program that we put forward today is a
good one and ought to lead finally to even a better one. But I think that
we should look at disarmament on such a broad scale that we can find
the areas where we can make progress, but not letting this one bar us
from some progress along the line. Only as we make progress of this kind
is there going to be a real lessening of tension.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, do you
have any new appraisal of our missile program on the basis of your visit
to Canaveral yesterday?
THE PRESIDENT. On that one I think, possibly except for some secret
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specification or something else, I think you people learned just exactly
as much as I did.
I would say this, as I said that day: I was impressed by the businesslike atmosphere in this whole facility. There seemed to be a minimum
of extravagance and luxury and a maximum of efficiency and competence
and real dedication to the problem at hand. I felt this: I came back
with a very much better feeling than I had before I went down there.
Q. Spencer Davis, Associated Press: The Chinese Communists, sir,
have said that they would not take part in any disarmament agreement
in which they had no hand in formulating. At what point, sir, do you
think they should come into a worldwide disarmament agreement?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it's perfectly clear that such a big territory and
such a great population could not be ignored when you are talking about
general disarmament. Once we can make any kind of progress between
the West and the Soviets and its satellites, I think that there will have to
be some kind of mechanism in which we can bring these people into some
kind of agreement, if it is going to be successful.
Q. M. Stewart Hensley, United Press International: Mr. President,
with respect to the nuclear test ban, you say that you are proposing to
ban the underground tests which can be verified. Is Ambassador Wadsworth going to, at the Geneva talks, put any specific level on that thing?
In other words, there's been disagreement between the Russians and our
scientists on this, whether it's below 20 kilotons, 3o kilotons, and so, forth.
Are you going to propose any specific threshold there, or is that a subject
for negotiation?
THE PRESIDENT. I think it is a subject for negotiation, but it will, of
course, have to go back finally to our technical people-what their conclusions are.
Q. Jack Raymond, New York Times: Mr. President, there have been
various figures published on Soviet-United States missile strength. Do
you believe that these have damaged the security of the country?
THE PRESIDENT. That what?
Q. Mr. Raymond: Do you believe these figures that have been published have damaged the security of the country, and do you expect to do
anything about that?
THE PRESIDENT. I don't think the figures mean a lot.
Q. Edward V. Koterba, United Features Syndicate: Mr. President,
somewhat in line with your reply to Mr. McGaffin, there have been some
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 34
published suggestions that you become an honorary Senator after your
term as President. What are your thoughts about accepting an official
job as advice-giver after i960?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would think that that's one of those questions
that the answer would have to await the offer.
Q. Earl H. Voss, Washington Star: Mr. President, if the Russians
accept your new proposal on nuclear tests, could you give us your evaluation of the effect this would have on nuclear weapons development? 1
have in mind particularly our theories which I understand have been
proved that, according to the "big hole" theory, large nuclear explosions
can be concealed.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, the very large ones, I don't think could be concealed, not practically, and certainly not periodically.
I would think this: the proposal, with all its ramifications, is going to
be studied and discussed. I think we should better wait to see what are
the objections and the supporting arguments that are brought forward
at Geneva before we try to make conclusions of exactly what the effect
will be. There could be all kinds of proposals, but all of them, as I see
it, would bring some kind of inspection that so far has not been agreed to
by the Soviets.
Q. Jerry O'Leary, Washington Star: Mr. President, the Senators
passed a $i,8oo million education bill with teachers' salaries as well as
buildings. Would you like to see the House scale that down some?
THE PRESIDENT. To go further than that, I would say this: I do not
believe the Federal Government ought to be in the business of paying a
local official. If we're going into that, we'll have to find out every councilman and every teacher and every other person that's a public official
of any kind, or public servant, and try to figure out what his right salary
is. I can't imagine anything worse for the Federal Government to be
into.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: Mr. President, speaking of public morality and basic issues as we have been today,
at the congressional "payola" hearings yesterday a disc jockey likened
the giving of gifts and money by record companies to these record spinners, as they're called, to the exercise of competing for a teacher's favors
with an apple. And he went on to say-I'm quoting his testimony from
the New York Times: "This seems to be the American way of life, which
is a wonderful way of life. It's primarily built on romance-I'll do for
you, what will you do for me?"
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On the eve of Lincoln's birthday, do you have any comments on those
things? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. I don't think that the shades of Lincoln would have
possibly any great approval for what I might think and say. But I'll tell
you this, that when we get to the place where the right of people to use
the airwaves, under license of Government, and then they can use this
just for personal gain over and above the purposes for which they're
hired, then I think there is public morality involved. And I think this
fellow, whoever he was, talking that way just hadn't thought through the
implications of the, let's say, the alibi that he was setting forth.
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- 10:30 to I i:oI o'clock on Thursday
dred and eightieth news conference was morning, February II, I960. In attendheld in the Executive Office Building from ance: 235.
35 eT Remarks Recorded in Observance of the
5oth Anniversary of the Boy Scouts of America.
February i2, i960
My fellow citizens:
I have long been interested and active in the Boy Scouts of America,
both as a member of its National Executive Board, and more recently as
its Honorary President. In that capacity, I have the special privilege of
calling upon our Nation to join in honoring the both anniversary of this
great youth movement.
For half a century the men who have led this virile movement have
been making a great and wise investment in time and energy voluntarily
given. The dividend they have reaped has been a rich one. Today the
Scouting movement counts a membership of 5 million boys and menand women, too. Over 30 million boys have been members since its
founding here in Washington just 50 years ago.
In thousands of churches, schools, meeting halls of all kinds, Scouts
and their leaders are rededicating themselves to the Scout Oath. These
32 words might well serve as an appropriate guide for good citizenship at
any age level"On my honor I will do my best to do my duty to God and my
country and to obey the Scout law; to help other people at all times; to
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
I 36
keep myself physically strong, mentally awake and morally straight."
The active and abiding interest of the adult citizens of this Nation is
important to the furtherance of this great movement. I ask that you
join with the Boy Scouts as they celebrate this anniversary by giving them
that active support-by your helping your son-or another's-to become
a Scout; by volunteering as an adult leader; by making available the resources needed.
Thank you very much.
36 61 Special Message to the Congress on the
Mutual Security Program. February 16, 1960
To the Congress of the United States:
A year ago in my message to the Congress on the Mutual Security Program, I described it as both essential to our security and important to
our prosperity. Pointing out that our expenditures for Mutual Security
are fully as important to our National Defense as expenditures for our
own forces, I stated that the Mutual Security Program is not only
grounded in our deepest self-interest but springs from the idealism of the
American people which is the true foundation of our greatness. It rests
upon five fundamental propositions:
(I) That peace is a matter of vital concern to all mankind;
(2) That to keep the peace, the free world must remain defensively
strong;
(3) That the achievement of a peace which is just depends upon promoting a rate of world economic progress, particularly among the peoples
of the less developed nations, which will inspire hope for fulfillment of
their aspirations;
(4) That the maintenance of the defensive strength of the free world,
and help to the less developed, but determined and hard working, nations
to achieve a reasonable rate of economic growth are a common responsibility of the free world community;
(5) That the United States cannot shirk its responsibility to cooperate
with all other free nations in this regard.
It is my firm conviction that there are only a few in the United States
who would deny the validity of these propositions. The overwhelming
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support of the vast majority of our citizens leads us inexorably to mutual
security as a fixed national policy.
The Mutual Security Program is a program essential to peace. The
accomplishments of the Mutual Security Program in helping to meet the
many challenges in the mid-2oth Century place it among the foremost
of the great programs of American history. Without them the map of
the world would be vastly different today. The Mutual Security Program
and its predecessors have been an indispensable contributor to the present
fact that Greece, Turkey, Iran, Laos, Vietnam, Korea and Taiwan, and
many nations of Western Europe, to mention only part, remain the home
of free men.
While over the past year the Soviet Union has expressed an interest
in measures to reduce the common peril of war, and while its recent
deportment and pronouncement suggest the possible opening of a somewhat less strained period in our relationships, the menace of Communist
imperialism nevertheless still remains. The military power of the Soviet
Union continues to grow. Increasingly important to free world interests
is the rate of growth of both military and economic power in Communist
China. Evidence that this enormous power bloc remains dedicated to the
extension of Communist control over all peoples everywhere is found in
Tibet, the Taiwan Straits, in Laos and along the Indian border.
In the face of this ever-present Communist threat, we must, in our
own interest as well as that of the other members of the free world community, continue our program of military assistance through the various
mutual security arrangements we have established. Under these arrangements each nation has responsibilities, commensurate with its capabilities,
to participate in the development and maintenance of defensive strength.
There is also increasing ability of other free world nations to share the
burden of this common defense.
Obviously, no one nation alone could bear the cost of defending all the
free world. Likewise, it would be impossible for many free nations long
to survive if forced to act separately and alone. The crumbling of the
weaker ones would obviously and increasingly multiply the threats to those
remaining free, even the very strongest.
Collective security is not only sensible-it is essential.
That just peace which has always been and which remains our primary
and common goal can never be obtained through weakness. The best
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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assurance against attack is still the possession and maintenance of free
world strength to deter attack.
The nations of Europe are increasingly assuming their share of the
common defense task. None of our NATO partners other than Greece,
Turkey, and Iceland now requires nor receives any economic assistance.
Indeed, in rising volume, these nations are now providing economic
assistance to others. Our NATO allies are also meeting their military
needs to an increasing degree; several major countries now require no
help. Our military programs in NATO countries today are largely designed and executed as joint cost sharing arrangements whereby vital
additional defense needs are met through mutual effort.
It is clear that while every possibility to achieve trustworthy agreements
which would reduce the peril of war must be explored, it would be most
foolish to abandon or to weaken our posture of common deterrent
strength which is so essential a prerequisite to the exploration of such possibilities. The need is for steadfast, undramatic, and patient persistence
in our efforts to maintain our mutual defenses while working to find solutions for the problems which divide the World and threaten the peace.
The Mutual Security Program is a program essential to world progress
in freedom. In addition to its mutual defense aspects, it also is the American part of a cooperative effort on the part of free men to raise the standards of living of millions of human beings from bases which are intolerably low, bases incompatible with human dignity and freedom.
Hundreds of millions of people throughout the world have learned that
it is not ordained that they must live in perpetual poverty and illness, on
the ragged edge of starvation. Their political leaders press the point
home. In a variety of ways this drive is moving forward by fits and starts,
often uncertain of its direction. It is sometimes involved in free world
struggle against Communism, sometimes not. It is clearly in the interests
of the United States that we assist this movement so that these countries
may take their places as free, independent, progressing and stable members of the community of nations. It is equally clear that it would be
against our interests if this forward movement were stifled or hindered.
The result would be to breed frustration and explosive threats to political
and economic stability in areas around the world.
Equally with military security, economic development is a common
necessity and a common responsibility. An investment in the develop
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ment of one part of the free world is an investment in the development
of it all. Our welfare, and the welfare of all free men, cannot be divided-we are dependent one on the other. It is for each of us, the strong
and the weak, the developed and the less developed, to join in the great
effort to bring forth for all men the opportunity for a rewarding existence in freedom and in peace. World economic expansion and increase
in trade will bring about increased prosperity for each free world nation.
New challenges, with corresponding opportunities, are now visible before us: the acceleration of the achievement of independence of peoples
in Africa; the growing restlessness in the less developed areas; and the
increasing potential for partnership and assistance to these areas as a result
of the continued growth of the now healthy economies of the industrialized Western European nations and of Japan, Canada and Australia.
Free World cooperation is becoming the watchword of this effort. In
the past year the capital of the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development was doubled and that of the International Monetary
Fund was increased by half. In addition, a United States proposal for
an International Development Association to be affiliated with the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development has been accepted
in principle and a draft charter recently has been submitted to member
governments. I expect to transmit to the Congress recommendations
on this matter in the near future. The industrialized nations of Europe,
together with Japan and Canada, are notably stepping up their participation in cooperative efforts among themselves and with the less developed countries to promote growth. Similar approaches will be discussed
at a meeting of representatives of a number of nations, to be held in Washington in March.
In our own Western Hemisphere society of nations, we are now joined
in a great new venture, the Inter-American Development Bank. This
new institution, formed in partnership with our neighboring nations,
should prove of immense value in promoting the more rapid development
of the member nations. Our participation in this joint effort is significant of the special interest which we have in the progressive development
of our neighbors. Together with the very considerable dimensions of
private and government investment taking place in the hemisphere, and
the mutually beneficial technical cooperation we have so long enjoyed
with our neighbors, it should serve to accelerate progress.
Thus the military and economic resources which we provide through
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
the Mutual Security Program to help create and maintain positions of
strength are properly to be regarded as what they are-investments in the
common defense and welfare and thus in our own security and welfare.
This is a Mutual Security Program.
Our concepts are sound, our policies of proven value, and our will to
meet our responsibilities undiminished and constant.
THE PROPOSALS FOR FISCAL YEAR 1961
The form and general structure of the Mutual Security Program for
fiscal year 1961 remains essentially that which has stood the test of experience. In the administration of the various mutual security programs,
changes have been instituted in organization, programming, and management controls. It was in part for the purpose of analyzing and making
recommendations for improving the administration of the program that
I appointed last year a distinguished group of citizens headed by General
Draper. Many of the recommendations that they made have already
been put into effect. We are constantly seeking additional management
improvements to meet the program needs and difficult problems of operating these diverse programs on a world-wide basis. The categories of
activity are the same as those with which the Congress is familiar. Adjustments in the nature and dimension of activity are proposed which
reflect and are responsible to the changes in the world scene, in the degrees
of need and of capability for self-help. These adjustments also are consistent with an analysis of future needs and of future changes and capability for self-help. This forward analysis was, in part, conducted in
conformance with the requirement of law that plans of future grant economic assistance be developed and presented to the Congress. The detailed plans and conclusions on future assistance will be submitted to the
Congress in the near future.
MILITARY ASSISTANCE
For Military Assistance I am requesting in the pending Department of
Defense budget an appropriation of $2 billion. This is more than was
requested, or than was provided for fiscal year I960. The request for a
larger appropriation is not made in order to increase the proportionate
share of United States participation in the common defense. Nor does it
reflect an intent to embark on a vast expansion of the military assistance
program.
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The amount requested for military assistance within the Defense budget
is in my considered judgment, and in that of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, a
need for our defense equally compelling and of equal importance with the
needs of our own services provided for elsewhere in the Defense budget.
The amount requested is the result of careful and detailed review of
the needs of our allies to enable them to maintain the level of combat
effectiveness made possible by previous military assistance and to provide,
mostly on a cost sharing basis, for certain essential force improvement
projects. Without adequate provision for maintenance, the monies previously spent would be largely wasted. And without force improvement,
without the provision of more advanced weapons, the free world forces
would inevitably fall behind in their ability to counter modernized
aggressor forces.
The fact, if it is a fact, of reductions in Soviet military manpower, does
not alter the need for the maintenance of our collective defense. Soviet
military power, as Mr. Khrushchev's own statements make clear, remains
great. Our plans have never attempted to match Soviet armed manpower; they have been and are designed to deter aggression. Of special
importance is the maintenance of a strong and effective deterrent posture
in the NATO alliance. As indicated earlier, the improving economic
position of Western Europe as a whole makes it possible for Europe to
share increasingly in the cost of the common defense, and for certain
major European countries to maintain their defense efforts without United
States assistance. At the same time, the requirements for modernization
and improvement are of such dimension that our participation in joint
cost sharing projects with certain European countries over the immediate
future is still essential. Provision for such contributions is included in the
proposed program.
The amount requested for fiscal i 96 I is consistent with the recommendations of the bipartisan committee of distinguished citizens headed by
General Draper, which I appointed last year to review our policies and
programs. This committee strongly urged the maintenance of a delivery
program of approximately $2 billion annually. In recent years, annual
deliveries have averaged about $2.2 billion. Deliveries in FY I 960, however, reflecting the reduced appropriations of recent years, will fall back
to $i.8 billion or less. Unexpended balances carried over from previous
years have now been reduced to a minimum and deliveries in future years
will closely approximate the annual appropriation level.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 36
In my considered judgment, an appropriation of $2 billion for FY 1961
is the minimum amount consistent with the maintenance of a firm and
adequate collective defense posture. Anything less in effect precludes
essential modernization and improvement of forces and limits us to a bare
maintenance program.
ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE
DEFENSE SUPPORT
For twelve of the nations with whom we are joined in collective or
mutual security arrangements, we have for some years been contributing
not only military resources required in the common defense but economic
resources in the measure needed to permit the maintenance of such defenses without incurring political or economic instability. This category
of resource contribution we term Defense Support-economic resources to
assure a defense posture. These 12 countries maintain forces of over
3,000,000 men, more than the total number in the United States Armed
Forces, and each of these underdeveloped countries, except for Spain, is
part of the exposed land and off-shore island belt that forms the immediate southern and eastern boundary of the Sino-Soviet empire. Requirements in this Defense Support category have decreased somewhat; for
fiscal year I96 I am requesting for these programs $724 million or $I I I
million less than I asked for last year. This reduced requirement reflects
in some measure a gradual but perceptible improvement in the economic
situations in these countries. More than half, 56 per cent, is for the three
Far Eastern countries of Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam which have the
common characteristics that they are divided countries facing superior
Communist forces on their borders, forces which the Communists previously have demonstrated their willingness to use, thereby compelling
these frontier nations to support armed forces far in excess of their unaided capacities to maintain. The amounts requested for these purposes
represent the least we can contribute and retain confidence that adequate
defenses will be maintained.
SPECIAL ASSISTANCE
Another category of international cooperation in the Mutual Security
Program is the provision of economic resources to other nations where
such resources are essential to the maintenance of their freedom and
stability. This category of cooperation we term Special Assistance. I
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am requesting $268 million for these purposes in fiscal year I96I. Such
provisions will enable us, for example, to continue aid to the young nations
of Morocco, Libya and Tunisia, to strengthen the stability of Jordan and
the Middle East, to combat the encroachment of Communist influence
in Afghanistan, and to undergird the economies in Bolivia and Haiti.
Special Assistance will also enable our continued participation in such
vital programs as the world-wide anti-malaria campaign.
AID TO DEVELOPMENT
The achievement of economic progress, of growth, depends on many
things. Through collective security arrangements, through defensive
measures, by giving military aid and defense support, we and other nations can achieve a measure of security and stability within which the
process of development is possible and can be fostered. The primary
and essential prerequisite internally is the determination to progress and
take the actions needed and to make the sacrifices required. No matter
how great the determination, however, there will remain tremendous
needs for both technical improvement and capacity and for development
capital. If a pace of development is to be achieved which will meet the
essential demands of these peoples, outside help is a necessity.
TECHNICAL COOPERATION
Through our long established program of Technical Cooperation and
by our contributions to the United Nations activities in the technical assistance field, we make a major contribution toward the satisfaction of
this thirst and need for growth in knowledge and technical capacity. The
Mutual Security Program proposed for Fiscal Year i96i continues these
vital activities and provides for the enlargement and extension of our
technical assistance programs in the newly emerging nations of Africa.
For bilateral technical assistance I request $I72.5 million; for our participation in United Nations technical assistance programs I ask $33.5
million; and to supplement our much larger bilateral program with our
neighbors to the south, I ask $I.5 million for the program of technical
assistance which we conduct in cooperation with them through the Organization of American States.
AFRICA
Of inescapable interest to the United States in the world today is the
increasing assumption of self-government by the peoples of the great ConI84
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
tinent of Africa, especially in the area South of the Sahara. This vast
area deserves and commands the full attention and assistance of the free
world if it is to develop its institutions and its economy under freedom.
While the needs of Africa South of the Sahara for development capital are
real and can be expected to grow, there is an imperative and immediate
requirement for increased education and training. The request for appropriations for Special Assistance includes an amount of $20 million for a
special program to be instituted for the improvement of education and
training in Africa South of the Sahara, with particular emphasis to be
given to the meeting of needs which are common to all the countries of
the area. It is my belief that this initial effort must grow significantly
in the immediate years ahead and complement similar efforts on the part
of other Free World nations so that the capacity of the new and other
developing nations in Africa to manage and direct their development can
be strengthened and increased rapidly and effectively. Without such
strengthening and development of education and training, the pre-conditions of vigorous economic growth cannot be established.
DEVELOPMENT LOAN FUND
In the field of development assistance, the Development Loan Fund is
proving to be an increasingly effective instrument for response to those
needs which cannot be satisfied from private investment, the World Bank
or other like sources. It has assisted in the installation of basic facilities,
such as power and transportation, necessary for growth in the less developed areas. Particularly important are the expanded activities of the
Development Loan Fund in the field of private enterprise. The Development Loan Fund is opening new opportunities to build an effective partnership with American private enterprise wherein the private resources
of the country can make an increased contribution to development in the
less developed nations. The history of the Development Loan Fund activity over the past two years indicates that the flow of such loan capital
has tended to respond to the degree of need and of capability. In other
words, those areas where the determination and the will to progress are
greatest and the capacity to use such resource effectively is the greatest,
have been the leading recipients of loan assistance from the Development
Loan Fund. I request $700 million for the Development Loan Fund for
use beginning in fiscal year I96I.
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SOUTH ASIA
Over the past two years a major share of Development Loan Fund
loans have been made to the two great nations of South Asia, India and
Pakistan, where half a billion people are deeply committed and irrevocably determined to develop and maintain institutions of their own
free choice, and to raise their standards of living to levels of decency.
The force and drive of this great effort is unmistakable; it warrants the
full and warm support of the free world. We have joined with other
nations in helping these countries; we envisage the total public and private
effort to assist South Asia not only continuing but expanding. An increased amount is expected to be devoted to this great cause from the
resources requested for the Development Loan Fund for Fiscal Year I 96I
as these countries increase even further their own self-help efforts.
THE INDUS BASIN DEVELOPMENT
A development of major significance in South Asia is the substantial
progress being made under the auspices of the World Bank to effect a
solution to the complex and difficult problem of the use of the waters of
the Indus River Basin as between India and Pakistan. Vital interests of
both countries are involved; the solution must involve a plan whereby the
waters, on which the agriculture, the food supplies, and the economies
of the region depend, can be equitably developed and shared. It is anticipated that an agreement on such a development plan may be reached
in the near future. Essential to its fruition is the willingness of nations
outside South Asia to assist in the development plan, the cost of which
cannot be borne by these nations unaided. Under World Bank auspices,
plans are being developed whereunder the Bank, British Commonwealth
nations, West Germany, and the United States will each contribute to the
costs of the development plan and the supervision and management of the
enterprise will be undertaken by the Bank. We propose to provide a
measure of assistance to this activity through the Mutual Security Program in fiscal year I 96 I and in subsequent years as needs arise. To assure
that we can effectively participate in this multilateral undertaking, I am
asking for authorization to exercise flexibility in the application of regulations normally applied to bilateral undertakings, if and when such exceptional action is required for this great project. The solution of this
troublesome international issue should be of great assistance in promoting
a peaceful and cooperative resolution of other divisive issues and eni86
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 q 36
courage a maximum concentration on the major goals of peace and
prosperity.
REPUBLIC OF CHINA
The Mutual Security Program can be expected also to be responsive
to the needs of other areas and countries as their determination and
capacity to employ development capital grows. We have received proposals from the Government of the Republic of China for an expanded
and accelerated program of economic reform and development to which
we are giving close and careful attention. The vigorous and skilled population on Taiwan, the record of growth in investment and output, the
very real potential for acceleration, offer a prospect for a convincing
demonstration that under free institutions a pace and degree of achievement can eventually be obtained in excess of that resulting under totalitarianism. For this purpose, we envisage the full employment of both
grant and loan assistance to hasten the day of ultimate viability and selfsustaining growth.
CONTINGENCY FUND AND OTHER PROGRAMS
In addition to the major categories of cooperation which I have mentioned, Military Assistance and Defense Support, Special Assistance,
Technical Cooperation and the Development Loan Fund, I am asking
also for a Contingency Fund of $I 75 million and for $ IO I million to continue a variety of small but important programs.
The Contingency Fund is an essential safeguard against the unforeseen or not wholly predictable need. The record of the past several years
clearly demonstrates its value as enabling prompt and effective response
to the altering course of international events.
The $IoI million requested for other programs will permit our continued participation in UNICEF, in refugee programs and in the foreign
programs for peaceful uses of atomic energy. It also will provide for
administrative costs to administer the economic and technical programs.
For the total Mutual Security Program I ask $4. 175 billion. The need
for these amounts has been examined and re-examined with great care in
the Executive Branch. I am entirely satisfied that the needs for which
funds are sought are needs which must be met and that the funds sought
are the most reasonable estimates of requirements we can produce. There
is no question but that the nation can afford the expenditures involved;
I am certain we cannot afford to ignore the needs for which they are
required.
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CONCLUSION
The United States is a privileged nation. Its citizens enjoy a measure
of prosperity and well-being and an extent of liberty under free institutions unequalled in the history of the world. Our ideals and our ideology
place upon us a responsibility for leadership and for cooperation with
other nations and other peoples which we accept willingly and with pride.
My recent travels impressed upon me even more strongly the fact that
free men everywhere look to us, not with envy or malice but with hope
and confidence that we will in the future as in the past be in the vanguard
of those who believe in and will defend the right of the individual to
enjoy the fruits of his labor in peace and in freedom. Together with
our fellow men, we shall not fail to meet our responsibilities.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
37 eT Memorandum on the 1960 Red Cross
Campaign. February I7, I960
[ Released February 17, i960. Dated February I6, I960 ]
Memorandum for the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies:
During the month of March, the American National Red Cross conducts its annual campaign for members and funds. This is one of the
three campaigns authorized within the Executive Departments and Agencies. However, those local Red Cross chapters that obtained financial
requirements through partnership in Federated Fund Campaigns will
not make their appeals at this time.
By Congressional Charter, the Red Cross is required to provide welfare
services to members of the Armed Forces and their families at home and
overseas. It maintains a program of Disaster Preparedness and Relief.
It offers other vital services in the fields of First Aid and Water Safety,
Home Nursing, and various youth training programs.
The American people have long provided the volunteers and the funds
that make this great work possible. I urge employees of the Federal Government and members of the military establishments to continue their
fine record in support of the Red Cross.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960 q 38
38 eT The President's News Conference of
February 17, i960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning. I am ready for questions.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, just before your trip in December, you went on nationwide television and radio
to discuss that tour. Do you plan to do the same thing in connection
with your South American tour and, if so, is there any possibility of your
talk dealing as well with national defense?
THE PRESIDENT. I'm expecting to make a television talk of I5 minutes
at 6:15 on Sunday evening. I'm leaving early Monday. The talk will
be in the general tone of the one that I made before I went to Asia, and
I would suppose that such items as security and strength and so on would,
of course, be included.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, in recent weeks,
spokesmen for the Navy seem to have admitted that it discriminates
against American ships in trade with Israel.
In the view of-judgment of-critics it does this by discouraging the
owners of such ships from bidding on transportation that involves the
use of Arab ports, because the Arabs refuse to accommodate the vessel.
The effect, these critics say, is to comply with the Arab boycott of Israel.
Would you say that this was in line with our foreign policy?
THE PRESIDENT. Certainly not within our policy. Right after the Suez
incident, you recall that the United States joined in saying that if the
operation of the canal was not so conducted as to be fair to the traffic
of all nations, that this should be a cause of action by the united group.
I believe this matter has been up in the United Nations; I know it haswell, I believe it has, put it that way. Certainly the United States has
always stood for that principle.
I didn't know about the incidents to which you refer, and I would
suggest you ask the Navy Department itself about that.
Q. Warren W. Unna, Washington Post: In this morning's paper, sir,
there is an account of an Air Force Reserve Training Manual which is
casting reflection on the integrity of the church and possible Communist
infiltration of it, as well as the people's right to know what is going on in
their Government. I wondered if you'd seen this, and if you have any
comment on it, sir?
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THE PRESIDENT. It was brought to my attention this morning. I understand the Secretary of Air found out about it very recently, that he has
recalled the thing and repudiates it as a statement of Air Force policy.
Q. Charles W. Roberts, Newsweek: Sir, in view of the increasing importance of the Vice Presidency and the ever-present possibility that he
might succeed to the Presidency, do you feel that the vice presidential
nominee of your party should be handpicked by the presidential nominee
as he has been traditionally in the past, or that there should be an open
convention, or that perhaps the vice presidential contenders compete in
State primaries?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wouldn't know any reason for them abstaining from competition in primaries.
One thing we must remember: if we are going to have this closer relationship between President and Vice President, which during these last
7 years has been rather violative of tradition, then these two have to be
people that are friends. They have to be people that have a certain
mutual respect. That comes about because of the fact that the presidential nominee has some say in who the vice presidential nominee is.
In my own case I don't mind telling you, in 1952 I put down a list of
men who would be completely acceptable to me. It was not a long one,
but it was certainly comprehensive, and I gave-turned over-to the
Convention, or the people in charge of it-I said you can take anybody
here and the Convention can have its nominations and so make and give
their decision.
There are a lot of factors of that kind in the thing, but I do believe
that only in few instances, probably, has there been any case where the
nominee, the presidential nominee, has complete authority in this matter.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Can you say, sir, whether in your
opinion the United States should pay more for Cuban sugar than the
price made available by that government to Russia?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you're getting into a question we've been studying a long time around this Government. The treaty with Cuba is one
of long standing, concerning their preferred position in our sugar market.
We must not forget that we want to be dealing in such a way that the
Cuban people, who are our friends, are treated justly and there is no
action taken that in the long run would be detrimental to them.
As I understand it from this latest report coming out of Mikoyan's
visit, the Cubans are proposing to sell sugar at the world price and, as
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960 1J 38
far as I can see, on more of a barter basis. We pay more than the world
price, and we pay in completely convertible currency, so that they have
complete freedom.
Now, there have been a number of traditional economic relationships
that have been either repudiated or disturbed or changed by the Cubans
in the last few months. I would hope that this whole thing can be worked
out so that the Cuban people will not suffer, and that the relationships
between those people and our people will remain firm.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, in your farm
message last week, you suggested to Congress that you would now be
willing to accept some things such as stricter controls that you seemed to
oppose before. Was that change prompted by, as some people suggested,
by the hope that it might help the Republicans win more votes in the
Farm Belt this year?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it wasn't done in that particular thing, but I
would hope that it would appeal to a lot of people and, therefore, get more
votes; of course I do.
The point is, last year I suggested two different methods; before that,
I have sent down time and again a rather detailed bill, list of recommendations, that I thought would help the situation. It has gone so
long and in such a bad way that no cure can be brought about rapidly,
nor in a revolutionary fashion. Everybody knows that.
So I put down what I preferred, but I said within certain guidelines
I would accept anything that didn't violate just good sense and trying to
get the matter better on the rails.
About controls, I said they must be realistically related to support prices.
And that has a very deep meaning in that phrase.
Q. Charles H. Mohr, Time Magazine: Mr. President, Chancellor
Adenauer has expressed anxiety that any new interim agreement on West
Berlin might erode the Western position there, and be worse than the
situation that now prevails. He also seems obviously worried about allied
intentions. What are those —
THE PRESIDENT. Allied what?
Q. Mr. Mohr: Intentions.
THE PRESIDENT. All right.
Q. Mr. Mohr: And May I6 is some time off, but can you talk any
about what these intentions are? And especially in view of the fact you
once called that situation abnormal.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. Of course the situation is abnormal. But this is what
would be my answer to your question: the three Western Powers of
Britain, France, and the United States, in a variety of ways keep in very
close touch and collaboration with the Government of the Federal Republic. We certainly expect, to go to the summit, that any views to be
expressed there will represent the common convictions of the four of us.
Now, that is all I can say in detail in that matter.
Q. Lambert Brose, Lutheran Layman: Mr. President, you referred
before to Mr. Mikoyan's visit to Cuba. And a month or two ago, J. Edgar
Hoover, talking about another famous Russian's visit to our country, said
that Mr. Khrushchev's visit had some effect in making Americans more
receptive to communism. Since it's the FBI's job to detect subversive
activities in this country, is Mr. Hoover perhaps understandably but
unduly sensitive and apprehensive in this matter, or do you think his
contention might have some merit?
THE PRESIDENT. I haven't talked to Mr. Hoover about the effect of
Mr. Khrushchev's visit. I have stayed in very close touch with him over
the years. He is a man for whom I have the greatest respect, not only
for his views but for him as a character, as a public servant.
Now, this is what I do know about his views: once I proposed that
we study a matter of just inviting a very great number of Russians, particularly students, into our country. He looked it over and said it would
not increase the difficulties in his department whatsoever.
What he thinks about this one, I don't know; I've never talked to him
about it.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, in view of Vice
President Nixon's troubles in his visit to Latin America, I wonder if the
Secret Service or any of our other organizations of that nature are particularly concerned about your personal safety during your trip to Latin
America and, if so, could you tell us what special measures they may have
taken?
THE PRESIDENT. On the contrary; they have said no word to me about
it. And, remember, the Secret Service limit their efforts to giving information and help to the local people. Our Secret Service have no authority in these sovereign countries, and certainly they couldn't widen or, by
their own volition, establish a more firm security establishment.
This is what I feel about it: in any place in the world you have some
elements that want to cause a little trouble and to show a little bit of dis
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courtesy. They might here. But when you've got a purpose that is
directed toward the vast bulk of the people that you meet, you just can't
worry about these things; and I don't think the Secret Service worries too
much about those. Certainly they haven't told me they do.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President,
we note that the father of your daughter-in-law is about to embark on a
career in Florida politics. I'm wondering, as another old Army man
who got into politics, if you had any friendly advice for Colonel Thompson.
[Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'll tell you, Mr. Scherer, I learned about this
this morning, because my wife seems to read the paper in which there
is this kind of news, so she called me in to read it to me. Now, that's all
I know about it. And I think if he wanted any advice from me, he'd
ask for it.
Q. John Scali, Associated Press: Mr. President, a few days ago France
exploded its first atomic bomb. Since then, there have been reports that
the French may explode a second one, and possibly a hydrogen device
later. Are you concerned by this French action, or do you regard it as
strengthening the overall defensive capacity of the West?
THE PRESIDENT. If you go back to 1947, one of the arguments that
Mr. Baruch presented in the United Nations, in the committee of which
he was the chairman, and to the Russians, that one of the great risks we
wanted to avoid was that of having many nations developing this kind
of a device, this kind of a weapon.
I think it's only natural that first Britain and then France have done
this, in the circumstances of life as we now understand them and know
them. I would hope that we could get the kind of agreements among
the larger nations, that have already done this thing to make sure that
other nations don't want to go into the expense of going into this kind
of an armament race, that would stop this whole thing in its tracks.
This is not easy. We must realize that this spirit of nationalism of
which we hear so much is not felt just by the underdeveloped nations,
the ones that the people want to be suddenly independent; it is felt by
all of us. The matters of pride and national prestige impel people to do
things, I think at times, that would not be necessary.
But I would say this, that our great hope is for agreement where we can
stop the thing where it is.
Q. M. Stewart Hensley, United Press International: Mr. President, in
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this connection the Russians yesterday at Geneva turned down the plan
you proposed last week to ban all tests except the smaller underground
ones. They countered with a proposal under which they would permit
Western inspection teams to make a limited number of checks of any
suspicious explosion in the Soviet Union. Do you think this means we're
getting closer together on this? What do you think about their counter?
THE PRESIDENT. First of all, as a practical measure, I thought the proposal we put forward was a very good one, and it would certainly establish a very good position while we went along with the technical and
political conversations that might lead toward the total ban that both
sides profess to want.
Now, the Soviet proposal does seem to change the criteria that they
are ready to observe, which would establish the need for inspection. But
when they say a limited number, obviously you've got a very long argument coming in, because now you get into the old numbers racket that
everybody seems to love so much; just exactly what is adequate would be
a very difficult thing.
I say this: it does seem to be a move away from a position that formerly looked completely rigid, and it certainly is going to be studied.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate: Mr. President, President George
Meany yesterday said that business groups and the Eisenhower administration have joined hands in raising quote, "the phantom of runaway
inflation" as a means of depressing wages. Do you care to comment on
this observation by Mr. Meany, and do you regard the whole problem of
wages, prices, and inflation as a fit subject for the forthcoming summit
conference on labor-management relations?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'm not going to comment on Mr. Meany's
remarks, one reason being that he makes his remarks in an entire speech;
I haven't read it, and therefore I don't know its context.
To accuse somebody else of bad faith, in my opinion, is just not a way
to win arguments. I try to take anybody's convictions and expressed
opinions and weigh them against facts and logic as I understand them.
I'm not trying to say that someone is guilty of pushing a particular doctrinaire position or doing anything else merely because, in this case, the
administration believes that we should have sound fiscal arrangements,
avoid deficits that we pass on to our children and therefore spur inflation.
Inflation, in the long run, in my mind, is a tremendous and always-present
difficulty and risk that we must face every day of our life, as long as we
live, in a free country.
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Q. Lillian Levy, National Jewish Post and Opinion: Mr. President,
in a speech recently, Senator Javits said that it would be in the best interests of this country to join with Israel in a mutual defense pact. He
pointed to the fact that Soviet arms and military personnel are flowing
into the middle east Arab countries, and expressed the view that a defense
pact with Israel would serve as a deterrent to any Soviet-inspired
or -encouraged Arab military action there. In view of present tensions in
the area, would you comment on Senator Javits' recommendation?
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, I didn't read this particular recommendation. I have heard similar ones from many people.
The United States, as a matter of policy, has never been a major supplier of arms for Israel and doesn't intend to be, nor to any other country
in the area.
As a matter of fact, I went to the United Nations and, making a talk
about the whole Mideast situation, said if these countries could get together in any kind of a program or plan for the economic development
of the whole region, the United States would be greatly interested in
dealing with the whole group.
Now, with regard to the allegations of the arms the Soviet are sending
in there; of course they have. We know they've been in that area, but
Israel has also been getting arms from Britain and France for a long
time. Frankly, I think we're sending arms to enough nations, really.
I think somebody else ought to carry a little responsibility.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Mr. President, there
is common speculation in the political community that there may be a
difference in approach toward public problems between you and Vice
President Nixon in the sense that Nixon would be more a man of action,
you more a man to wait until events developed to see whether action was
required.
He has stated recently, for example, that there should be a month-bymonth examination of our military posture and military-whether our
security in the military field is greater now.
Would you, based on your experience with Mr. Nixon, would you be
able to discuss or characterize any variations in approach that you might
have, as distinguished from his approach?
THE PRESIDENT. All of us are human, and consequently, I don't believe there are any two men in the world, or two individuals, who would
find exactly the same methods or use exactly the same procedures in trying to solve a difficult problem.
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Mr. Nixon has been close to me now for something over 7 years. In
all that time, I know of no occasion when he's been excluded from any
important group that is conferring for the making of policy or deciding
upon action, and never once that I know of has Mr. Nixon been at any
major variance with me.
I think I've made clear many, many times the great respect I have for
his capacities and for his character, and I would expect him to have some
kind of different methods. He doesn't work with people the way I do;
he has his own methods. I've had mine, developed probably over a good
many years, and possibly I think they're pretty good.
But I certainly have no thought of trying to guide him as to what he
will or should do.
One other comment to your question: far from waiting each month to
weigh defense requirements and defense production, we have the National
Security Council, in which nobody is barred from bringing up any fear
or any matter, any preoccupation on his mind, any anxiety or conviction.
Of course, we have to work by agenda, but everybody there is just as
free to express his opinion as a man can be. So the matter of reviewing
constantly our defensive requirements and measures we take to meet
them is a thing that is a day-by-day process.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. President, in
your mutual security message yesterday, you said that in March there
would be a meeting of representatives of many nations to study the pooling
of foreign aid. Could you tell us who will be at that meeting, what will
be their objective?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I can't tell you exactly at this moment; because
if the final charter for the meeting has been drawn up, why, I have not
yet read it.
I have visited a number of governments and individuals, talking about
this matter. I've found a very great concern about it, and everybody
feeling that there is a common responsibility.
There's one thought which I very definitely put into my message that
I believe we should talk about a little bit. It is this: we are not just a
mere group of industrialized and, say, relatively wealthy nations seeking
to give something or put something into another nation according to our
ideas of what will help them. I personally believe the whole free world
should be in a cooperative effort to raise the world economy. I believe
that, in doing the kind of thing that we are now talking about, we will
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
be raising our own prosperity, our own well-being, and our own security.
So, I believe that the smallest country can contribute something. As long
as it's got the will and the heart to do the major portion of the work itself
which must be done, it can increase its output of raw materials, all of the
things that it needs to get the foreign exchange which will enable it to
purchase from others. In the same way, we get a better market, but we
give them better markets all the time.
I really think this whole matter is not just of a group of, let's say, "have"
nations meeting to see how they will distribute the load that falls on them.
I think in the long run we must have a congress of all the free nations
where we can work this out.
Q. Mr. Brandt: Does that mean you are going to use the U.N. more
than you have done in the past?
THE PRESIDENT. To my mind, of course, the United Nations is something that should be strengthened. I think it's done good work in so
many areas; but there are, of course, difficulties because of its particular
composition. In any event, I want to get over the cooperation between
the primary user and the giver so that we will have an expanding world
economy, rather than just saying we are helping some particular group.
I really believe, again I must tell you, there is no program that the
United States is pursuing now that is so much to our own interests as
this one of mutual security. I realize it's the whipping boy for everybody
that wants to have another dam built or something else done in his area.
It's got the political appeal of just an ordinary clod out in the fieldnone; so therefore it makes a good whipping boy.
But if the United States as a whole can be waked up to our best interests,
this program will be supported generously.
Q. Sarah McClendon, Manchester (N.H.) Union Leader: Sir, our
Air Force sent a safety crew to Newfoundland to board the plane of
Mikoyan to see that he got safely to Cuba. Now, I realize, as the Air
Force says, that this is done for reciprocity; but why would we have to
send one of our Air Force crews into another country to board the plane
of a Russian official to see that he gets into a third country, so that he
can go down there and malign us? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Ma'am, I thought I kept rather closely in touch with
all the affairs of this Government. There are certainly many, and I think
I do in most of the important things. This is the first time I heard it. I
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commend you to Secretary Sharp; ask him what he thinks, why this is
done. I don't know.
Q. David Kraslow, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, will the administration's recommendations on the Sugar Act contain a provision designed specifically to deal with unfavorable developments in Cuba?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I say what we are doing now is studying the
program with everybody that is interested, both outside and inside Government, and that program is not yet ready to go to the Congress.
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews: Mr. President, two of the many
charges that your defense critics have made against you and your administration are that the administration has been complacent in advising
the people of the danger we face in world affairs. The other is that
economy may stand in the way of developing some weapon or a series of
weapons we may need.
Sir, do you believe that the administration has misled the American
people in any way, or that any money has been withheld from any
weapon we might need?
THE PRESIDENT. If anybody-anybody-believes that I have deliberately misled the American people, I'd like to tell him to his face what
I think about him. This is a charge that I think is despicable; I have
never made it against anyone in the world, and I wouldn't unless he
were in a bar of justice somewhere to be tried for something that was
intolerable.
I would like to see somebody-people like yourselves-take the whole
history of our defense organization from I945 until this minute, and see
what has been done. Frankly, this Nation unilaterally disarmed, and
it wasn't until the danger or the great surprise attack in Korea came
about that we started in the other direction. In almost every field of
development we were behind. We had to change our policy at that time,
back in I950, and from that time on, we sought one thing-adequacy;
adequacy in our power to deter and defend ourselves, and particularly
to help these areas which are so exposed to the menace of Communist
imperialism so that they may give a reasonable defense of themselves and
their lives and their rights, while their allies could come to their assistance.
This is what I believe we've been trying to do with all our might.
I get tired of saying that defense is to be made an excuse for wasting
dollars. I don't believe we should pay one cent for defense more than
we have to.
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But I do say this: our defense is not only strong, it is awesome, and it is
respected elsewhere.
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- 10:29 to 11:02 o'clock on Wednesday
dred and eighty-first news conference was morning, February I7, i960. In attendheld in the Executive Office Building from ance: 205.
39 e Special Message to the Congress
Recommending U.S. Participation in the
International Development Association.
February i8, i960
To the Congress of the United States:
I herewith submit to the Congress the Articles of Agreement for the
establishment of the International Development Association. I recommend legislation authorizing United States membership in the Association and providing for payment of the subscription obligations prescribed
in the Articles of Agreement.
The Association is designed to assist the less-developed countries of the
free world by increasing the flow of development capital on flexible
terms. The advisability of such an institution was proposed by Senate
Resolution 264 of 1958. Following this Resolution, the National Advisory Council on International Monetary and Financial Problems undertook a study of the question. The Council's conclusions and the favorable response of representatives of other governments who were consulted
during the course of the study have resulted in the Articles of Agreement
which satisfy the objectives of that Resolution and which I am submitting
herewith. The accompanying Special Report of the Council describes
the Articles in detail.
We all know that every country needs capital for growth but that the
needs are greatest where income and savings are low. The less-developed
countries need to secure from abroad large amounts of capital equipment
to help in their development. Some part of this they can purchase with
their current savings, some part they can borrow on conventional terms,
and some part is provided by private foreign investors. But in many
less-developed countries, the need for capital imports exceeds the amounts
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they can reasonably hope to secure through normal channels. The Association is a multilateral institution designed to provide a margin of finance
that will allow them to go forward with sound projects that do not fully
qualify for conventional loans.
In many messages to the Congress, I have emphasized the clear interest
of the United States in the economic growth of the less-developed countries. Because of this fundamental truth the people of our country are
attempting in a number of ways to promote such growth. Technical
and economic aid is supplied under the Mutual Security Program. In
addition, many projects are assisted by loans from the Export-Import
Bank, and we also participate with other free world countries in the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development which is doing
so much to channel funds, mainly from private sources, to the lessdeveloped areas. While we have joined with the other American Republics in the Inter-American Development Bank, there is no wide international institution which, like our Development Loan Fund, can help
finance sound projects requiring a broad flexibility in repayment terms,
including repayment in the borrower's currency.
Conceived to meet this need, the International Development Association
represents a joint determination by the economically advanced countries
to help accelerate progress in the less-developed countries. It is highly
gratifying that so many other free world countries are now ready to join
with us in this objective.
The Association is a cooperative venture, to be financed by the member
governments of the International Bank. It is to have initial subscriptions
totaling one billion dollars, of which the subscription of the United States
would be $320.29 million and the subscriptions of the other economicallystrong countries would be $442.78 million. The funds made available
by these countries would be freely convertible. The developing countries
would subscribe $236.93 million, of which ten per cent would be freely
convertible. Members would pay their subscriptions over a five year
period and would periodically re-examine the adequacy of the Association's resources.
The International Development Association thus establishes a mechanism whereby other nations can join in the task of providing capital to the
less-developed areas on a flexible basis. Contribution by the less-developed
countries themselves, moreover, is a desirable element of this new institution. In addition, the Association may accept supplementary resources
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
9 39
provided by one member in the currency of another member. Thus,
some part of the foreign currencies acquired by the United States primarily from its sales of surplus agricultural commodities may be made
available to the Association when desirable and agreed to by the member
whose currency is involved.
The Articles of Agreement give the Association considerable scope in
its lending operations so that it can respond to the varied needs of its
members. And because it is to be an affiliate of the International Bank,
it will benefit from the long and successful lending experience of the Bank.
By combining the Bank's high standards with flexible repayment terms,
it can help finance sound projects that cannot be undertaken by existing
sources. With a framework that safeguards existing institutions and traditional forms of finance, the Association can both supplement and facilitate private investment. It will provide an extra margin of capital that
can give further momentum to growth in the developing countries on
terms that will not overburden their economies and their repayment
capacities.
The peoples of the world will grow in freedom, toleration and respect
for human dignity as they achieve reasonable economic and social progress under a free system. The further advance of the less-developed areas
is of major importance to the nations of the free world, and the Association provides an international institution through which we may all
effectively cooperate toward this end. It will perform a valuable service
in promoting the economic growth and cohesion of the free world. I
am convinced that participation by the United States is necessary, and
I urge the Congress to act promptly to authorize the United States to
join with the other free nations in the establishment of the Association.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The Articles of Agreement of the Advisory Council on International MoneInternational Development Association tary and Financial Problems are printed in
and the Special Report of the National House Document 345 (86th Gong., 2d
sess.).
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Public Papers of the Presidents
40 eI Statement by the President on the Birth of a
Son to Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip.
February 19, 1i960
I KNOW that all Americans join with Mrs. Eisenhower and myself in
congratulating Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II, and Prince Philip on
the birth of their new son and are delighted by the news that the Queen
and her son are doing well. May the Prince have a long, happy and
useful life.
41 If Message to the Kingof Denmark on the
Death of Prime Minister Hansen.
February 20, 1960
Your Majesty:
The people of the United States join me in expressing deepest sympathy to Your Majesty and to the people of Denmark at the passing of
Prime Minister Hansen.
I came to know him personally during the course of meetings both
in Europe and the United States. He was a statesman whose absence
will be felt keenly in the future by all of us who appreciated his humanitarian views and valued his many contributions to international
understanding.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
42 eJ Radio and Television Address to the
American People on the Eve of South American
Trip. February 21, 1960
[ Delivered from the President's Office at 6:15 p.m.]
My friends:
Early tomorrow I start a journey to several of our Latin American
neighbors, with three major purposes in mind. These are: to learn more
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about our friends to the south; to assure them again that the United
States seeks to cooperate with them in achieving a fuller life for everyone
in this hemisphere; and to make clear our desire to work closely with
them in the building of a universal peace with justice.
Our interest in our sister Republics is of long standing, and of deep
affection. This, in itself, is reason sufficient for the journey. But in
these days of world tension, of awakening ambitions, and of problems
caused by the growing interdependence of nations, it is vital for national
partners to develop better understandings and to improve common
programs.
The bonds among our American Republics are not merely geographic;
rather they are shared principles and convictions. Together we believe
in God, in the dignity and rights of man, in peace with justice, and in
the right of every people to determine its own destiny. In such beliefs
our friendship is rooted.
Yet even among close comrades, friendships too often seem to be taken
for granted. We must not give our neighbors of Latin America cause
to believe this about us.
So I shall reaffirm to our sister Republics that we are steadfast in our
purpose to work with them hand in hand in promoting the security and
well-being of all peoples of this hemisphere. To do so calls for a sustained effort that is, unfortunately, sometimes impeded by misunderstandings.
One such misunderstanding, at times voiced in Latin America, is
that we have been so preoccupied with the menace of Communist imperialism and resulting problems of defense, that we have tended to
forget our southern neighbors. Some have implied that our attention
has been so much directed to security for ourselves and to problems
across the oceans to the west and east, that we neglect cooperation and
progress within this hemisphere.
It is true that we have given first priority to worldwide measures for
security against the possibility of military aggression. We have made
many sacrifices to assure that this security is and will be maintained.
But I hope to make clear, on my journey, that our military programs
at home and abroad have been designed for one purpose only-the
maintenance of peace, as important to Latin America as to us.
That there is need for these programs, postwar history clearly proves.
For the first 5 years following World War II, we in the United States,
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hopeful of a global and durable peace, pursued a policy of virtual disarmament. But, the blockade of Berlin, the military weakness of our
European friends living face to face with the Communist menace, and
finally the Korean war-together with arrogant threats against other
peaceful nations-belatedly made it clear to us that only under an umbrella of military strength could free nations hope to make progress
toward an enduring and just peace. World uneasiness rose to the point
of alarm.
Since then our Nation has developed great arsenals of powerful weapons
to sustain the peace. We have created a great deterrent strength-so
powerful as to command and to justify the respect of knowledgeable and
unbiased observers here at home and abroad.
Our many hundreds of Air Force bombers deployed the world overeach capable of unleashing a frightful destruction-constitute a force far
superior to any other, in numbers, in quality, and in strategic location of
bases. We have, in addition, a powerful nuclear force in our aircraft
carriers and in our host of widely deployed tactical aircraft. Adding
constantly to these forces are advanced types of missiles steadily augmenting the armaments of all ground and other military units.
As for longer range ballistic missiles, from a standing start only 5 years
ago, we have literally leaped forward in accomplishments no less than
remarkable. Our Atlas missile, already amazingly accurate, became
operational last year. Missiles of intermediate range are in forward
bases. The first Polaris missile submarine-an almost invulnerable
weapon-will soon be at sea. New generations of long-range missiles
are under urgent development.
Collectively, this is a force not unduly dependent upon any one weapon
or any one service, not subject to elimination by sudden attack, buttressed
by an industrial system unmatched on this earth, and unhesitatingly supported by a vigorous people determined to remain free. Strategically,
that force is far better situated than any other that could be brought to
bear against us.
As we have strengthened these defenses, we have helped to bolster our
own and free world security by assisting in arming 42 other nations-our
associates in the defense of the free world. Our part in this indispensable
effort is our Mutual Security Program. It makes possible a forward
strategy of defense for the greater security of all, including our neighbors
to the south.
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I am certain that our Latin American neighbors, as well as you here
at home, understand the significance of all these facts.
We have forged a trustworthy shield of peace-an indestructible force
of incalculable power, ample for today and constantly developing to meet
the needs of tomorrow. Today, in the presence of continuous threat,
all of us can stand resolute and unafraid-confident in America's might
as an anchor of free world security.
But we all recognize that peace and freedom cannot be forever sustained by weapons alone. There must be a free world spirit and morale
based upon the conviction that, for free men, life comprehends more than
mere survival and bare security. Peoples everywhere must have opportunity to better themselves spiritually, intellectually, economically.
We earnestly seek to help our neighbors in this hemisphere achieve the
progress they rightly desire.
We have sought to strengthen the Organization of American States
and other cooperative groups which promote hemispheric progress and
solidarity.
We have invested heavily in Latin American enterprise.
New credits, both public and private, are being made available in
greater volume than ever before. Last year, these approximated one
billion dollars. Our outstanding loans and investments in Latin America
now exceed eleven billion dollars.
With our sister Republics, we have just established the Inter-American
Development Bank. With them we hope that this new billion dollar
institution will do much to accelerate economic growth.
Additionally, we have expanded technical cooperation programs
throughout the Americas.
To improve our own knowledge of our neighbors' needs, we recently
established a distinguished panel of private citizens under the chairmanship of the Secretary of State.' This National Advisory Committee will,
by continuous study of inter-American affairs, help us at home better to
cooperate with our Latin American friends. Members of this committee
will accompany me on my journey tomorrow.
This will be a busy trip, for our neighbors' problems are many and
vexing; the lack of development capital-wide fluctuations in the prices
of their export commodities-the need for common regional markets to
1 The National Advisory Committee for Inter-American Affairs. See I959 volume,
this series, Item 287 and note.
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foster efficiency and to attract new credits-the need to improve health,
education, housing, and transportation.
All these are certain to be subjects of discussion in each of the countries
I visit.
And wherever I go, I shall state again and again the basic principles
and attitudes that govern our country's relationships in this hemisphere.
For example:
Our good partner policy is a permanent guide, encompassing nonintervention, mutual respect, and juridical equality of States.
We wish, for every American nation, a rapid economic progress, with
its blessings reaching all the people.
We are always eager to cooperate in fostering sound development
within the limits of practical capabilities; further, we shall continue to
urge every nation to join in help to the less fortunate.
We stand firmly by our pledge to help maintain the security of the
Americas under the Rio Treaty of I947.
We declare our faith in the rule of law, our determination to abide
by treaty commitments, and our insistence that other nations do likewise.
We will do all we can to foster the triumph of human liberty throughout
the hemisphere.
We condemn all efforts to undermine the democratic institutions of
the Americas through coercion or subversion, and we abhor the use of
the lie and distortion in relations among nations.
Very recently, in a faraway country that has never known freedomone which today holds millions of humans in subjugation-impassioned
language has been used to assert that the United States has held Latin
America in a colonial relationship to ourselves.
That is a blatant falsehood.
In all history no nation has had a more honorable record in its dealings
with other countries than has the United States.
The Philippines are independent today-by their own choice.
Alaska and Hawaii are now proud partners in our federated, democratic
enterprise-by their own choice.
Puerto Rico is a Commonwealth within the United States system-by
its own choice.
After the two World Wars and the Korean war, the United States
did not annex a single additional acre, and it has sought no advantage
of any kind at the expense of another.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
And in all of Latin America, I repeat, we adhere honorably and
persistently to the policy of nonintervention.
It is nonsense to charge that we hold-or that we desire to hold-any
nation in colonial status.
These are but a few of the matters that friends in this hemisphere
need to talk about. I look forward with the keenest pleasure to exchanging views with the Presidents of Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay,
and with their colleagues.
It is my profound hope that, upon my return, I shall be able to report
to you that the historic friendship and trust among the nations of this
hemisphere have been strengthened, and that our common cause-justice
and peace in freedom-has been reaffirmed and given new life.
Good evening, and to my Latin American friends, buenos tardes.
NOTE: The President departed from An- Plata, and San Carlos de Bariloche in Ardrews Air Force Base on February 22 at gentina; Santiago, Chile; and Montevi8:30 a.m. His itinerary included stop- deo, Uruguay. On his return trip he
overs at Ramey Air Force Base, Puerto stopped again at Ramey Air Force Base,
Rico; Brasilia, Rio de Janeiro, and Sao Puerto Rico. He returned on March 7,
Paulo in Brazil; Buenos Aires, Mar del arriving at Andrews Air Force Base at
3:01 p.m.
43 eI Remarks Upon Arrival at International
Airport, San Juan, Puerto Rico.
February 22, 1960
Governor Munoz Marin:
Thank you very much indeed for your words of welcome.
Naturally, I am delighted that my first stop on this 15,ooo-mile
journey is in Puerto Rico. To all of you, I bring greetings from your
fellow citizens of the 50 States of the Republic. I bring their best
wishes for your continued success in making this island a unique demonstration of how free men and women work together for their mutual
good. For Puerto Rico is truly unique. We are happy that Puerto
Rico is a proud, free, self-governing Commonwealth, joined to the
United States of America by her own choice.
This island, in the Caribbean waters between two great continental
land masses, has been stirred by two mighty currents of history, enriched
by two great treasuries of culture.
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Out of them, Puerto Rico has fashioned its own way of life, blending
the best of the old and the new.
Your program of development-rooted in self-confidence, self-help,
and self-achievement-has aroused tremendous interest in every area of
the free world. To other peoples now struggling to realize their aspirations and ambitions, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico has demonstrated that courage, persistence, faith in one's fellow men and a Godgiven destiny can open up ways through barriers and obstacles that
might appear to be insurmountable.
By what you have accomplished for yourselves, by the help you have
given others toward a like accomplishment for themselves, you have
made for the Commonwealth a record of achievement in which many
other people around the globe have found hope and inspiration.
Although the hours I spend here must be few, I know that I shall
leave tomorrow morning sharing some of the hope and some of the
inspiration that are inescapable on this island.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 12:07 p.m. Marin and other members of the Puerto
He was met by Governor Luis Muiioz Rican Government.
44 4T Veto of Bill To Amend the Federal Water
Pollution Control Act. February 23, i960
[ Released February 23, i960. Dated February 22, i960]
To the House of Representatives:
I am returning herewith, without my approval, H.R. 36io, an enrolled bill "To amend the Federal Water Pollution Control Act to increase grants for construction of sewage treatment works, and for other
purposes."
The bill would authorize an increase in Federal grants to municipalities
for assistance in the construction of sewage treatment works from $50
million to $90 million annually, and from $500 million to $900 million
in the aggregate.
Because water pollution is a uniquely local blight, primary responsibility for solving the problem lies not with the Federal Government but
rather must be assumed and exercised, as it has been, by State and local
governments. This being so, the defects of H.R. 36io are apparent.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
By holding forth the promise of a large-scale program of long-term Federal support, it would tempt municipalities to delay essential water pollution abatement efforts while they waited for Federal funds.
The rivers and streams of our country are a priceless national asset.
I, accordingly, favor wholeheartedly appropriate Federal cooperation
with States and localities in cleaning up the Nation's waters and in keeping them clean. This Administration from the beginning has strongly
supported a sound Federal water pollution control program. It has
always insisted, however, that the principal responsibility for protecting
the quality of our waters must be exercised where it naturally reposes-at
the local level.
Polluted water is a threat to the health and well-being of all our citizens.
Yet, pollution and its correction are so closely involved with local industrial processes and with public water supply and sewage treatment, that
the problem can be successfully met only if State and local governments
and industry assume the major responsibility for cleaning up the nation's
rivers and streams.
The Federal Government can help, but it should stimulate State and
local action rather than provide excuses for inaction-which an expanded
program under H.R. 36 I o would do.
The following are steps which I believe the Federal Government should
take so that our rivers and streams may more rapidly be relieved of the
pollution blight.
First, I am requesting the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare
to arrange for a national conference on water pollution to be held next
December. This conference will help local taxpayers and business concerns to realize the obligation they have to help prevent pollution. It is
unconscionable for one town or city deliberately to dump untreated or
inadequately treated sewage into a stream or river without regard to the
impact of such action on the lives of down-stream neighbors. Local taxpayers should be willing to assume the burdens necessary to bring such
practices to a halt. Businessmen and industrialists must face up to the
expenditures they must make if industrial pollutants are to be removed
from the nation's waters. In short, the proposed conference will provide
a forum in which all concerned can confront and better appreciate their
mutual responsibility for solving this pressing problem.
Second, where the issue is of an interstate nature and the problem is
beyond the powers of a single State, or where it is otherwise appropriate
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to assist State enforcement actions, the Federal Government should have
authority to move more quickly and effectively in directing the application of control measures that will swiftly correct such intolerable pollution.
In accordance with the 1961 Budget Message, recommendations will be
submitted to the Congress for strengthening the enforcement provisions
of the Federal Water Pollution Control Act.
Third, the Federal Government should continue to provide modest
financial assistance for the administration of control programs by States
and interstate water pollution control agencies. Because such programs
rest upon a solid foundation of local cooperative action, they properly
merit Federal encouragement and assistance. An extended life for this
program is recommended in the 1961 Budget.
Fourth, the Federal Government, through research and technical
assistance, can be of material help in contributing to our knowledge of
water pollution-its causes, its extent, its impact and methods for its
control. Increased Federal effort in this respect is also provided for in
the 1961 Budget.
These measures will provide Federal authority that accords with the
proper Federal, State, and local roles in water pollution abatement. I
urge their early consideration by the Congress.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The veto message was released in Washington.
45 1 Remarks at the Civic Reception for
President Eisenhower in Brasilia.
February 23, 1960
Mr. President, Dr. Pinheiro, citizens of Brasilia:
I am most grateful for the cordial welcome you have extended to me.
I am glad that my return to this hospitable land has taken place in this
magnificent new city, a living testimony to your own tireless efforts,
Mr. President, and a symbol of Brazilian progress. It is an inspiration
to get this new glimpse of the vision and energy which characterize modern
Brazil and its leadership.
Brasilia has captured the imagination of my fellow countrymen who
have visited here and, who, on their return home, have been lavish in
their praise of the wonders they have seen.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
'l 45
For several reasons, Brasilia fascinates citizens of the United States.
In the first place, your decision to carve a beautiful city out of the
wilderness reminds us of our own decision many years ago to move the
capital of our fledgling nation from Philadelphia to the District of
Columbia.
In the second place, this pioneering venture recalls to our minds the
rolling advance of our own frontier-the winning of the American Westa process which was barely accomplished when I was a youngster.
Indeed, having now witnessed the speed with which Brasilia is being completed, I understand why Brazil itself is sometimes described as a "country
in a hurry." Brasilia is an epic worthy of this nation's vast possibilities
and aspirations.
And thirdly, one senses here a "boom" spirit not unlike that which
pervaded frontier western communities in the United States such as my
boyhood town of Abilene, Kansas.
It has been said, somewhat facetiously, that Brazil and the United
States-both influenced by the stem demands of the frontier-ought to
get along well together because each has so many of the other's faults.
At least we are both willing to confess that we do have faults. And
of course we get along well because we have many of the same virtueswe are, indeed, much alike. Our vast expanses of land have many similarities in physiography and resources. Our constitutional systems and
forms of government are similar. The people of both our countries have
various national origins, gaining strength from diversity. Both countries
are forever committed to democracy, human dignity, and freedom with
justice.
Our common heritage will be emphasized for us when you inaugurate
your new capital next April 2 I-Tiradentes Day. It was in 1787, when
Thomas Jefferson, then our Minister in France, gave sympathetic counsel
to Jose Joaquim da Maia, emissary of Tiradentes and his little band of
Inconfidentes. Those Brazilian patriots-to recall the observation of
Joaquim Nabuco-had their eyes fixed on the new democracy to the
north at a time when, here, even to think of independence was a crime.
Your freedom and ours were won by men of dauntless courage and
passionate vision, and it is these qualities in our peoples today that will
carry us forward to the brighter future so eloquently dramatized by this
new city of the frontier.
To you, Dr. Pinheiro, and your thousands of associates, has been en
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trusted the enormous task of transplanting the inspired dream of planners
into reality. I congratulate you for the marvels you are fashioning.
And now to the workers assembled here and through them to all
Brazilian labor, I bring special greetings. May your toil be fruitful in
advancing Brazil's development and well-being. May your hands
be firmly clasped with those of the workers of the United States and
the entire free world in the building of a richer life, in freedom, for
yourselves, your children, and all generations to follow.
I thank all of you here for the honor you today have done me and
my country. This has been a moving and memorable experience.
I thank you for the privilege of being here.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Central Brazilian Cabinet, and U.S. Ambassador
Platform. Earlier, upon his arrival about John M. Cabot.
1:45 p.m. at the Brasilia Airport, the Dr. Israel Pinheiro, to whom the PresiPresident was met by President Juscelino dent referred, was in charge of the conKubitschek de Oliveira, members of the struction of Brasilia.
46 (T Joint Statement of the President and
President Kubitschek of Brazil.
February 23, i960
THE PRESIDENTS of the United States of Brazil and of the United
States of America, Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira and Dwight D.
Eisenhower, meeting together in the new city of Brasilia, soon to be the
capital of Brazil, reaffirm the joint determination of the two nations to
defend the following principles:
i. The democratic freedoms and the fundamental rights of man,
wherein are included the fight against racial discrimination and the
repudiation of any attempt against religious freedom and of any limitation
on the expression of thought. These are inalienable conquests of civilization which all free men have the duty to protect, bearing in mind the
sacrifices of the soldiers of both countries in the last war, and the need
to prevent repetition of the causes which led to the loss of so many young
and precious lives.
2. The belief that the aspiration of the peoples of the Americas to
an ever-improving way of life, moral and material, presents one of the
great challenges and opportunities of our time. This challenge should
be met by joining together, ever more closely and harmoniously, the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
q9 47
efforts of all countries within the inter-American community in order
that, through coordinated action, there may be an intensification of
measures capable of combating underdevelopment in the vast area of
the American continents.
3. The full implementation of the principles of political and economic
solidarity contained in the Charter of the Organization of American States
and in the Mutual Assistance Treaty of Rio de Janeiro.
4. The recognition that economic advancement cannot be disassociated
from preservation of peace and democratic rights, and that the effort of
each nation must be complemented by hemisphere action helping all
Americans to achieve the improved living standards which will fortify
belief in democracy, freedom and self-determination of peoples. To this
end, the Presidents reaffirm their solidarity with the principles approved
by all the nations of America within the scope of Operation Pan America
and assure their wholehearted support to the Organization of American
States and to those other entities which already are formulating measures
to help achieve these ends. This will pave the way to the realization of
the inter-American ideals, economic as well as political.
Acknowledging that joint efforts of the American nations have already
achieved much, but firm in the conviction that action still more fruitful
should be taken, the two Presidents are confident that the hemispheric
crusade for economic development will lead toward greater prosperity
and harmony for all.
NOTE: This statement, released at Brasilia, Lafer at the site of the monument comwas read by Secretary of State Christian memorating President Eisenhower's visit
A. Herter and Foreign Minister Horacio to Brasilia.
47 eI Message to the Congress Transmitting
Second Annual Report on U.S. Aeronautics and
Space Activities. February 24, i960
[ Released February 24, I 960. Dated February 22, 1 960]
To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with Section 2o6(b) of the National Aeronautics and
Space Act of I 958, I am transmitting herewith the second annual report
on the Nation's activities in the fields of aeronautics and space.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
During I959, the Nation's space effort moved forward with purpose
and its accomplishments were many, as this report recounts. In the short
period of a single year, a program of great complexity and scope was
aligned so that the scientists of many organizations in and out of Government could pool and coordinate their knowledge and skills. Much information of far-reaching significance was acquired on the frontiers of
science and technology; substantial gains were made, ranging from advances in aircraft and space vehicle design to greatly improved understanding of the environment in which our planet exists and by which its
natural forces and life are conditioned.
The year was also one of transition. The national space program
grew in breadth and depth-benefiting greatly from the tremendous
efforts of the American scientists, engineers, and technicians who, in the
short space of the past five years, have performed miraculously in developing United States rocket technology.
This Report details the steps taken during 1959 to establish a firm
foundation for a dynamic program of space exploration, and it summarizes the contributions of Federal agencies toward the paramount
goal: the conquest of space for the benefit of all mankind.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message and report, which in House Document 349 (86th Cong., 2d
were released in Washington, are printed sess.).
48 C Remarks Upon Arrival at the Naval
Ministry in Rio de Janeiro. February 24, 1960
President Kubitschek, Your Excellencies, and citizens of Rio de Janeiro:
It is a privilege and a particular pleasure to meet again your distinguished President and a privilege to return to this great country with
which over the years we have enjoyed fruitful relations in a tradition
of friendship.
When I visited Brazil in I946, I came as a former commander of
allied military forces to pay personal tribute to the gallant Brazilian
people for their invaluable contributions to our common victory in World
War I.
Now, in response to your President's gracious invitation and to my
long-held desire to reciprocate the courtesy which he did us in visiting
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
the United States as President-elect, I come here as the representative
of i8o, million citizens of the United States. They share with you
this fervent wish: that war and all forms of coercion be forever banished
from the earth; that leaders of all nations hearken to the prayers of their
peoples for peace-for a peace founded on mutual respect, understanding, and collaboration-a peace in which the race of armaments will
give way to a constructive, cooperative attack against disease, ignorance,
and poverty-a peace which makes neighborliness such as that enjoyed
by our two countries a reality throughout the world.
It is impossible to enter Rio de Janeiro without feeling the inspiring
impact of this city's scenic grandeur. But Rio has more than natural
beauty.
For decades this city has become a symbol of Brazil's cultural contributions to the world.
In the halls of Rio, great principles have been proclaimed, righteous
determinations formed.
Here, in I942, the Foreign Ministers of the American Republics
voiced this hemisphere's determination to defend itself against a Fascist
aggression. Here representatives of the Americas met in I947 to proclaim in solemn treaty that an attack on one American Republic would
be an attack on all. That treaty has enabled the nations of this hemisphere to live in peace, free of the fear that any one of them, however
weak or small, would have its independence challenged by any other,
however strong or large.
Brazil and the United States have always lived together in peace and
friendship. Constant cooperation has been mutually beneficial. I hope
that my brief visit here will emphasize the desire of my Government and
all the people of my country to strengthen bonds of friendship with you.
We seek only greater understanding of one another, a mutual conviction
that all problems existing between us can be resolved to the benefit of both
nations, and a lasting partnership in efforts to build a stronger, freer
hemisphere-a stronger, freer world.
Mr. President, I am grateful for the generosity of your welcome and
remarks, and to all of you, thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at I I: 22 a.m.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
49 eI Address Before a Joint Session of the
Congress of Brazil. February 24, 1960
Mr. President, Members of the Congress, fellow citizens of the New
World, ladies and gentlemen:
Mr. President, I think you must understand how deeply touched I
am by the scene which here before me spreads. I see here represented
in the members of this body the spirit, the intellect, and the character of
the great Brazilian nation, a nation which is surging forward to heights
as yet unimagined, even by ourselves.
Beyond this, I am grateful for the generous statements directed to
my country and to me by those who have preceded me today. I am
proud that I have been invited the second time by the representative
body of Brazil to meet with them for a brief period, and I am more
proud of the fact that your spokesmen have greeted me and my country
as a country and as an individual that with them work to support and
forward the priceless values that make men free and fight those influences
which tend or would want to regiment or enslave them.
It is, then, with a sense of singular honor that I come before you, the
elected representatives of the people of the United States of Brazil.
But the warm glow of personal pleasure is tempered by the realization
that we share awesome responsibilities which this profoundly moving
occasion prompts me to discuss with you.
If the burdens of my office permitted, I would travel to the largest
cities and the remotest villages of all the Americas, to speak of these
responsibilities and of how, together, we may possibly bear them successfully. Since I cannot do this, I trust that what I say here will be
accepted by the governments and peoples of all the Western Hemisphere
nations as an expression of hope from the millions of my country to
the millions who constitute Latin America.
It is fitting, I think, that I should do this here, at the beginning of
my present journey, for you of Brazil and we of the United States of
America have always worked together for the spiritual unity and material
advancement of the hemisphere. If it were physically possible for us
to do so, I am sure we would speak with a single voice to all our neighbors
of this vast continent.
Not long ago, you and we shared anxieties, suffering, and tragedy
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
q 49
in an agony of worldwide war. Many of your families, as of ours, paid
a heavy price in order that the rule of law and moral suasion might
replace the rule of naked force. To pay homage to the gallant Brazilian
soldiers, airmen, and sailors who fought side by side with others of the
free world I came here I4 years ago. I know that your brave men, who
knew the horrors of war, pray with me now, that their children and their
children's children will find a better way-so that in the future the deep,
abiding desires of humanity will prevail over the arrogance and ambitions
of misguided or willful leaders; that consultations will replace coercion;
that mutual understanding will eliminate threat and crude accusation;
that the earth, casting aside the sterile use of resources for arms, will yield
its rich bounty to all who are willing to work in freedom.
I am confident that I shall not be thought presumptuous in suggesting
that we-our two nations-could speak with a single voice. For our
basic ideas have a common inspiration: man, in his sonship under God,
is endowed with dignity, entitled to equality in all human and political
relations, and destined, through the employment of consecrated intelligence, to shape a world harmonious with basic moral law. Adhering to
these beliefs, we have established similar governmental systems; we have
constantly maintained friendly relations unmarred by a single explosive
incident; and we have worked together to establish and strengthen the
Organization of American States, the United Nations, and other
cooperative international organizations.
We of the United States admire Brazil for its enviable record of constructive leadership in hemisphere and world affairs, and we salute your
statesmen who have played decisive parts in critical international situations, even some involving the United States and one or more of our
sister Republics.
Speaking with one voice, then-your country and mine-we would
say, I know, that the first responsibility of leadership in any nation is
to work for the welfare of its own people, its own land. We would
emphasize that heavy reliance must be placed upon the creative talents
of the people themselves, with government a helpful partner. While
we recognize that success or failure in the whole domestic enterprise is
largely a nation's own responsibility, we would look for any needed outside temporary assistance to speed our development. Certainly my
country did this from its establishment as a free nation until late in the
nineteenth century. And in receiving and using these honors, our sov
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Public Papers of the Presidents
ereignty was not violated-nor was our self-reliance diminished.
You now are experiencing, primarily due to your own persistent labors,
a remarkable industrial and economic growth. Yesterday, on what was
once a remote plateau, I saw your growth revealed in the stone and steel
of an emerging and magnificent new capital-a symbol of the vision and
sturdy confidence which characterize modern Brazil. This surging
growth is evident everywhere in this seaport city of Rio, and tomorrow
I shall see what I am told is the most rapidly growing city in the worldSao Paulo.
We of the United States are proud that our public and private agencies
have responded to the best of their ability to your requests for temporary
assistance. United States public and private investments and loans in
Brazil now total about two and a half billion dollars. To this could be
added the loans of international financial agencies which obtain the
major part of their funds from the United States.
These are mighty, but only supplemental aids. The time will come
when Brazil, through its own efforts, will experience both the benefits
and the complexities of being a creditor nation, and others will be seeking
your help-a seeking which I know will not be unrewarded.
Our second responsibility is to all our good neighbors of this
hemisphere.
We, Brazil and the United States, hold the common, burning conviction that relations among these sister nations must be characterized by
mutual respect, juridical equality, independence, respect for each human
being, regardless of his race, creed, or color, and a willingness to help
one another promote the well-being of all our peoples.
Neither of us covets one acre of land from another. We do not wish
to prosper at another's expense. We do not wish to impose our particular
form of democracy upon another. Rather, fervently and persistently,
while avoiding all forms of intervention, we proclaim our hope that the
nations of the hemisphere will each, according to its own genius and
aspirations, develop and sustain free government. We pray that all of
us will reject cruel tyranny, for tyranny is, in simple essence, the outright denial of the teachings of Christ. May each of us in every appropriate way, and especially by example, work for the strengthening of
democratic institutions.
You of Brazil have constantly shown your desire for the Americas to
be a community of free democratic nations, united by the common ideal
2I8
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 49
of hemispheric cooperation and solidarity. You, like we, insist upon
freedom of choice for every country. And you, like we, aspire to the day
when poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and discrimination in all forms will
become relics of the past.
In proposing Operation Pan America, Brazil has taken an important
initiative for the democratic development of the entire hemisphere. The
high purpose of this imaginative proposal of your distinguished President-to attack the problem of underdevelopment by cooperative effortis one which my government endorses. It is for this reason that we have
joined with Brazil in requesting an early meeting of the Committee of
Nine; this Committee should accelerate the formulation of the specific
projects needed to translate this plan into a working reality.
Permit me here to renew a pledge, which I have made repeatedly:
the United States itself stands ready, and will continue to urge other free
nations to be ready to join in a gigantic effort: to devote substantial portions of the savings made possible by disarmament to vast constructive
programs of peaceful development. We embrace this idea despite the
fact that we are now carrying such heavy burdens throughout the world
that our own internal and external financial situation requires great caution in management-and incidentally, this aid includes significant volumes of public and private capital and technical assistance to Latin
America.
Pending that achievement, I assure you that my government, while
honoring its commitments outside this hemisphere is in no mood to allow
its special responsibilities among the American States to go by default.
Indeed, these commitments and responsibilities are part and parcel of the
same problem-preserving the strength and unity of the free world.
This brings me to the third responsibility which we may speak of in
common voice-that which involves the larger world.
This is truly a time of fateful decision. Nations now possess power
so terrible that mutual annihilation would be the only result of general
physical conflict. War is now utterly preposterous. In nearly every
generation the fields of earth have been stained with blood. Now, war
would not yield blood-only a great emptiness for the combatants, and
the threat of death from the skies for all who inhabit the earth. To strive
ceaselessly, honestly, and effectively for peace is today the imperative
responsibility of every statesman-of yours, of ours, of all countries.
At the same moment of this great crisis, we face anew decisions involv
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ing tyranny or freedom, totalitarianism or democracy. Our shared view
on this issue is so eloquent and so clear that any words of mine would
not be enlightening.
And, perhaps inseparable from the decision of freedom or slavery, we
face the philosophic issue which today brings fear, misgiving, and mistrust
to mankind. In contrast to our adherence to a philosophy of common
sonship, of human dignity, and of moral law, millions now live in an
environment permeated with a philosophy which denies the existence of
God. That doctrine insists that any means justifies the end sought by
the rulers of the state, calls Christianity the "sigh of the oppressed," and,
in short, seeks to return mankind to the age-old fatalistic concept of the
omnipotent state and omnipotent fate.
You of Brazil and we of my country do not say that this philosophy
shall not be held; that peoples may not return to that unenlightened sys.
tem of tyranny, if they so wish. We would feel a great sorrow for them,
but we would respect their right to choose such a system. Here is the
key to our policy-the right to choose. Human beings everywhere,
simply as an inalienable right of birth, should have freedom to choose
their guiding philosophy, their form of government, their methods of
progress.
But we-you of Brazil and we of the United States-would consider
it intervention in the internal affairs of an American State if any power,
whether by invasion, coercion, or subversion, succeeded in denying freedom of choice to the people of any of our sister Republics.
To work throughout the world for a guaranteed peace, free of all outside interference, and for rising levels of human well-being, in justice and
in freedom-this is the greatest of the responsibilities which you of Brazil
and we of the United States now share.
It is to confer with your distinguished President and his colleagues
about these bilateral but hemispheric and global problems that I am
making my brief trip to Brazil and your neighbors in this great Southland.
May God cast his grace upon us and guide us in this noble purpose.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:38 p.m. 9, i958, following the exchange of mesat the Tiradentes Palace in Rio de Ja- sages between Presidents Eisenhower and
neiro. His opening words "Mr. Presi- Kubitschek in May and June of that year
dent" referred to Vice President Joao (see 1958 volume, this series, Item 133).
Goulart. The memorandum of August 9, 1958, is
Operation Pan America was proposed published in Operacion Panamericana,
by Brazil in a memorandum dated August Compilacion de Documentos II (Presi220
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e1 50
dencia de la Repulblica, Servicio de Docu- the Special Committee of the Council of
mentacion, Rio de Janeiro, 1958). the Organization of American States to
The Committee of Nine, to which the Study the Formulation of New Measures
President referred, is a subcommittee of for Economic Cooperation (Committee
of 2I).
50 ei Remarks to the Members of the Supreme
Court of Brazil. February 24, I960
Mr. Chief Justice, Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States
of Brazil, and my Brazilian friends:
I have been privileged to call upon the President of the Brazilian Republic. I have just completed a meeting with the legislative body of this
great country. Now it is my great privilege and honor to pay a call
upon the third branch-equal branch of equal status in the Brazilian
Government.
To have been invited once before this august body was in itself a great
privilege and an honor. To have been invited back again, Mr. Chief
Justice, is an honor that I consider almost unique.
It is my simple concept that the Supreme Court in a Federal Republic
exists to make certain that the rule of law will flourish and will not be
weakened by any processes that are not approved by the constitution
and as interpreted by that Supreme Court.
In my country, the Supreme Court has attained a position in the minds
of the average citizen of grandeur, almost of veneration.
I have been examining the history of your Supreme Court. I see the
parallels, between its formation and its history, with our own. I know
from the picture you have in the window that you give the same respect
to the memory of John Marshall that we do. I have also heard of a
great jurist of yours named Luis Barbosa who in your country and in
his term took the same occasion as did John Marshall to assert the right,
the absolute unchallenged right of the Supreme Court to place interpretation upon any law, and to determine whether or not it was in consonance with the Constitution.
Clothed with this kind of responsibility and with this kind of authority,
the Supreme Court stands as a true guardian of justice for the individual.
And I submit that the reason for republican or democratic government
is to protect the individual in his rights which we-you and ourselves
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believe are his, because of the fact of his creation, because he has been
created in the image of his God. I can see, therefore, that the decisions
of such a body as this, its opinions, are more than mere decisions for
application in a particular case and to make certain that the rights of
a particular citizen have been protected, or that the law has not been
allowed to go astray in its application in some other branch of the government. It is more important-the court is more important than merely
to do this. As I see it, the court is also a teacher. Because the real
strength of democracy is in the hearts and minds and the understandings
of people, not merely the august members of this great body.
In my country, and I think it is possibly true in yours, a man who
has been honored by being given a chair in this body is thereby removed
from partisan politics. Partisan politicians do much to inform our public. Sometimes they merely try to influence. As I see it, the man now
in this kind of position, with this authority, with this opportunity to study
without bias, cannot merely influence, he can inform. And I say that
in all forms of free government the only final force, the only final authority,
is public opinion. And if it be informed public opinion, then in truth
democracy is truly working. If the rule of law is to be substituted for
the rule of the sword, if persuasion is to take the place of fighting on
the battlefield, then the kind of public opinion that I speak of must be
strong in all free nations.
And so I salute this body for the opportunity that belongs to each
of you, because as a group we know that, just like in my own country,
this institution is venerated. Your words carry weight. And your words
will be heeded. Consequently, when you say we must substitute the rule
of law for force, all will heed, all will help-which is all important.
So, Mr. Chief Justice, and Justices of the Supreme Court of Brazil,
I come here to pay my respects, but those words are merely formalities
by themselves. My visit has a far deeper meaning to me than mere
formality. I do want to pay my respects to this court and to its functions,
and what I think it can and will do in helping Brazil toward the destiny
that is certain to belong to that nation as long as it lives in the institutions
of freedom and pushes forward on the course that it is now pursuing.
Thank you very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Federal Rio de Janeiro. His opening words "Mr.
Room of the Supreme Court building at Chief Justice" referred to Chief Justice
Luiz Galloti.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
5' I 1 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in
His Honor by President Kubitschek in Rio de
Janeiro. February 24, I960
Mr. President, Madame Kubitschek, distinguished guests, and friends:
First, Mr. President, may I thank you sincerely for the generosity of
your remarks about my country and about me, and for your generous
hospitality toward me and to my party. I deeply regret that my wife
could not be here to participate in this most gracious ceremony in which
you and your lovely wife are the host and hostess. I think the reasons
that she could not come are known, but I assure you her regret is very
deep.
Mr. President, this afternoon, in meeting with the assembled Congress
of the United States of Brazil, I tried to outline the convictions that I
hold as to the common role that your country and mine have in the
attempt to better the standards of living for all peoples, in order that
democracy and the freedom, of which you so eloquently speak, can be
thereby strengthened.
On this trip with me, as you know, are Secretary Herter, Assistant
Secretary Rubottom, and the citizen members of the new United States
Advisory Committee on Inter-American Affairs. The fact that these
gentlemen are accompanying me symbolizes the high importance we of
my country attach to good relations with all the nations of Latin America.
I know that what we are all learning here, and shall observe throughout
this trip, will be helpful to us as we seek constantly to work for
hemispheric solidarity.
I should say, Mr. President, that the strong feelings I felt about the
need for cooperation, which were the feelings that led me to make this
trip, have been emphasized and greatly strengthened by the meetings
I have held with you and with your associates during the past hours that
I have been able to spend in your great nation.
The friendly relations of our two countries-now stronger and more
meaningful than ever before-have an inspiring history. The beautiful
home of the Brazilian Foreign Ministry reminds one of thrilling diplomatic traditions.
Here I should like to say if I mispronounce names, it's because of my
ignorance and not because of any intent. Itamaraty is symbolic of the
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principles enunciated by Baron do Rio Branco, a great hero to us, as to
you. Here worked such dedicated statesmen as Joaquim Nabuco and
Afranio de Malo France, who stood resolutely for the abiding friendship
of our two countries. And here labored Oswaldo Aranha, a firm friend,
whose recent passing is deeply mourned in the United States.
I raise my glass in tribute to all who have in these halls worked so
patiently and gloriously for the principles of freedom, independence, and
abiding cooperation-and to you, President Kubitschek, both for your
deeds of friendship and for your staunch support of inter-American
solidarity.
Ladies and gentlemen: the President!
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at a dinner at the Itamaraty, the Foreign
Ministry in Rio de Janeiro.
52 4J Remarks Upon Arrival at Congonhas
Airport, Sao Paulo, Brazil. February 25, 1960
Mr. President, Governor Carvalho Pinto, Mayor de Barros, citizens of
Sao Paulo:
Yesterday I referred to a rumor I have often heard-that Sa-o Paulo
is the fastest growing city in the world-center of Brazilian commerce
and industry. Certainly it is a sincere personal pleasure to have this
opportunity today to witness firsthand the mighty achievements of this
fabulous community.
In addition to seeing evidence of Brazil's remarkable economic and
industrial growth, I have another very special and, to me, deeply moving,
mission to perform in your city. Later today, I shall have the honor of
paying homage to those brave soldiers of Brazil who were my comradesin-arms during World War II.
My nation-and all free nations-have reason to remember with gratitude Brazil's partnership in two World Wars.
You made your bases available for our common cause-bases which
were truly springboards to victory. On land, sea, and air, Brazilian
cooperation was of inestimable value in defeating our enemies and preserving a way of life we cherish. Gallant Brazilian blood, shed with ours,
must ever remind us of our solemn, common covenant to preserve the
peace, with justice and freedom for all.
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I thank all of you for the warmth and cordiality of your welcome,
Governor and Mr. Mayor. It is a real privilege to be here.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:45 a.m. President of the Legislative Assembly,
He was met by Governor Carlos Alberto Dsembargador Joao Marcelino Gonzaga,
Carvalho Pinto, Mayor Adhemar de Bar- President of the Court of Justice, and
ros, Dr. Potado Rus de Mello Juqueira, other officials.
53 eT Address by the Presidentat a Luncheon
Given in His Honor in Sao Paulo.
February 25, 1960
Mr. President, Governor Carvalho Pinto, and other Governors here
present, ladies and gentlemen:
I am deeply grateful for the generous welcome my associates and I
have received in Sao Paulo. And I must personally express to you my
deep gratitude for the warmth of the welcome with which you have
greeted me in this hall.
This is my first visit to your great city, the industrial heart of Brazil.
Here in your factories and workshops, much of the economic future of
Brazil is being forged. It is indeed a privilege to meet personally so
many leaders of Sao Paulo's progressive government, industry, and
agriculture.
I do not wonder, as I look around me and see what Paulista energy
and intiative have achieved, that you take pride in your city and state,
and especially in the fact that in this area great opportunities exist for
men of energy, talent, and initiative to carve for themselves important
places in the life of the nation. This country, like my own, provides opportunities to all, however humble their origins and whatever the circumstances of their birth.
Opportunity, without discrimination-this is one vital aspect of democracy both in Brazil and the United States. The humblest may become
the highest-through his own efforts.
Our societies are designed to permit everyone to pursue family welfare
and happiness in liberty, and also to promote the well-being of all, not
just a few, of the people.
We believe fervently that no one should be denied the chance for or
the fruits of self-betterment because of his race, his religion, sex, class, or
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political beliefs. In short, in both our countries we make the concept
of the dignity of the individual a living reality, knowing that, given a
chance, each person is capable of running his affairs with wisdom,
dedication, and due respect for the rights of others.
At this point in history, our countries may differ in economic development, but this difference can and will disappear, for Brazil is on the
march. It is today a universal Brazilian aspiration to develop the country's resources, to extend the blessings of education to all, to realize the
nation's immense potentialities. Let me say to you most earnestly that
we pray for your success. And we rejoice in your progress not only because you and we are friends but also because we know that the progress
of Brazil and of all the nations which aspire to develop rapidly will make
a happier and more peaceful world for everyone.
Three hundred years ago there was little but forbidding wilderness in
the United States of America. Great natural resources existed, as they
exist in Brazil. But there were no houses, transportation facilities, utilities, factories, institutions of learning and culture. A hundred years ago
half our people were engaged in agriculture; industry was beginning to
expand. Even 6o years ago there was not a single industrial research
laboratory in the United States. Today we have a mature, highly diversified economy. This has been obtained by the hard work and frugal
management of the American people. And of course we are proud of
what we have accomplished. But we take even greater satisfaction in
the means we have employed. All our progress has been protective of
personal freedom, political freedom, economic freedom-in my judgment,
inseparable elements of true liberty. Other nations have amassed wealth.
However, in no nation, ancient or modern, totalitarian or free, have the
rights of the individual been more zealously safeguarded.
Sheer material wealth can of course be accumulated, and scientific
miracles can be achieved, by authoritarian methods. But let us not be
misled by the boasts that fill the air. The production of goods-either
capital or consumer goods-is not an end in itself, nor is it a sound
criterion for judging economic and governmental systems. Production
is only one element in the human enterprise on this earth. You and I
believe that each of us is an inviolable spiritual entity, capable of reaching
the heights of creative thought. Each is endowed with the right to build
social and cultural institutions compatible with our finest instincts, and
more deeply devoted to the protection of human dignity and to love of
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God than to the mere acquisition of material things. We see then that
production, to be praiseworthy, must serve these nobler ends. Faced
with no other choice, you and we in the United States would choose
poverty in freedom, rather than prosperity in slavery.
But of course we need make no such choice, for freedom in the long
run yields also the most productive economic system ever devised by
man. The reason for this is simple. Every human being is capable of
greatness. Given opportunity and responsibility, he will reach the
heights. Controlled man may become an efficient automaton, but with
the limitations and the joylessness of men in lock-step parade.
The proponents of Marxism-Leninism seek to belittle the American
system. They speak of the "exploited masses." Certainly anyone who
has studied history knows that capitalism, in its early stages, was often
exploitative. But it is ridiculous to pretend that conditions of the i8th
and early i9th centuries exist today in the economic life of the United
States.
Our socially-conscious private-enterprise system benefits all the people,
owners and workers alike. It has resulted in high productivity, high
consumption, high wages, and reasonable returns on investment.
Balanced progress is our watchword.
Sao Paulo is, I think it can fairly be said, the outstanding example
of Brazilian private initiative and of Brazilian balance in development.
Here is a concentration of factories which produce much of what all
Brazil consumes. You are now helping to provide the means by which
the remainder of Brazil will similarly progress. And the rewards of
your production are indeed exciting.
In freedom the Brazilian worker is happily demonstrating the joys of
life under a democratic system. He knows that you do not consider the
accumulation of wealth to be the privilege of a few-rather that the true
aim of production is to contribute to the greater well-being of the many.
I wish that all the world could see what I have seen today in this
city-a demonstration that a dynamic economy, based on private enterprise and free labor, redounds to the benefit of the worker, the consumer,
the public at large and the state which embodies their sovereign will.
I am sure that your workers, as ours in the United States, have attained
positions of influence, honor, and prestige. Surely the old concept of
"the exploited masses" deserves to be discarded, along with the idea of
state omnipotence and the divine right of kings.
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I take real pleasure in noting the modest but significant contributions
which United States capital has made to the prosperity of Sao Paulo
and Brazil. It cannot be coincidence that this area, in which foreign
capital is most heavily concentrated, is also the most prosperous in Brazil.
We too benefited much from foreign capital in the period of our
development. Late in the i gth century, foreign investments in the United
States were as large as those in Brazil today. In fact, I think if we
should take the price of today's dollars, the investments that then were
made in our country were many times the amount that I am just speaking
of. But at that time the revenue of our national government was only
one-third as great as yours is now.
The contributions of United States private enterprise to Brazilian development are matched in other fields. We have sought to express our
friendship and our interest in your development through loans of the
Export-Import Bank and other public lending institutions, through our
Point IV work, the re-loaned funds derived from the sale of agricultural
surpluses, our support of the international coffee pact, grants by our
private foundations, and through the backing we have given President
Kubitschek's imaginative Operation Pan America proposal.
Within our financial and economic capacity, we shall continue to support Brazilian development. In view of the modest part we have had
in your growth, it is, then, the more heartening to see the mighty contributions which Sao Paulo is making to the majestic future of our traditional friend and ally, the United States of Brazil.
And in closing, I should like to repeat the sense of the quotation that
the Governor took from Thomas Jefferson, the United States wants to
march forward as a true partner and brother to Brazil, as we seek
earnestly toward that brightest goal of all mankind: peace with justice.
I thank you. Thank you again.
NOTE: The President spoke at 2:30 p.m. Federation of Rural Associations of Sao
at the Fasano Restaurant. He was joined Paulo. Antonio de Visale, President of
by President Kubitschek at the luncheon, the Sao Paulo Federation of Industries,
which was given by the Industrial Associa- introduced President Eisenhower.
tion, the Commercial Association, and the
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54 4I Remarks at the Airport in Sao Paulo Upon
Leaving for Rio de Janeiro. February 25, I960
Mr. President, Governor, and citizens of Sao Paulo:
As I say a friendly farewell to the leaders and people of Sao Paulo, I
want to express my warm thanks for the cordial welcome and the many
courtesies which have been extended to my associates and me during our
short stay here.
I was greatly impressed by what I was able to see of your magnificent
city during the day. Sao Paulo, leader in Brazilian commerce and industry, is surely characterized by energy, growth, and the spirit of progress.
You receive here each year vast quantities of goods, especially capital
goods, from the United States, and of course you ship a tremendous volume of products, especially coffee, to the United States. The two-way
trade of the United States and Brazil has long been of high importance
to both countries. We are your major consumer; you a major customer
of ours. I am glad to have learned in my conversations here today that
there is a minimum of friction in these trade matters. And this is good
news.
I might point out that we of the United States are the most insatiable
coffee drinkers in the world-indeed, we buy nearly 6o percent of your
coffee exports. And I doubt that you would have a surplus here if you
drank as much coffee as we do.
On leaving Sao Paulo, I want to say how happy I am to have met
Governor Carvalho Pinto, the state and municipal authorities, and to
have been privileged to make a personal visit to this tremendous city.
Thank you again, sincerely, for your cordiality, your kindness, and your
hospitality.
NOTE: The President's opening words Kubitschek who accompanied him on the
"Mr. President" referred to President return flight to Rio de Janeiro.
55 e4 Statement by the President Upon Leaving
Brazil. February 26, i960
I MUST NOW say farewell to the leaders and people of this vast and
beautiful country. I do so with a full heart weighed down by the tragic
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accident which cost the lives of Brazilians and Americans yesterday.
I wish, nevertheless, on leaving Brazil to express my deep gratitude
for the magnitude of the reception accorded me and my associates since
our arrival among you only a few days ago. I am beginning to understand that sentiment which you Brazilians describe so poignantly with
the word saudade.
I interpret the cordiality of your greeting as evidence of Brazilian
friendship for my countrymen. I assure you that this friendship is
earnestly reciprocated.
I saw your sparkling new capital at Brasilia-a symbol of Brazilian
progress.
In Sao Paulo I saw firsthand the phenomenal development which forecasts Brazil's emergence as one of the world's new industrial giants.
And here in your present capital of Rio de Janeiro old memories of
unsurpassed scenic beauty and traditional Carioca hospitality have been
rekindled.
During the past few days my associates and I have had an opportunity
to talk with your distinguished President and other leaders of your country. All of us hope and believe that these conversations will enable us
to understand better not only Brazilian aspirations but also how our
collaboration can become more effective to our mutual benefit.
As I proceed on this trip, I feel that a significant beginning in fulfilling
its purpose has been made here. My desire, in the countries I am visiting,
is to emphasize the importance we of the United States attach to hemispheric solidarity; to seek ways in which cooperation among the Americas may be even more fruitful, and to proclaim here as I have repeatedly
done in other areas the supreme desire of the United States to do all it
can to help bring about peace with justice, in freedom, to all humankind.
For your friendship and your many kindnesses, I thank you, and now,
goodbye.
NOTE: The President left from Galeao over Guanabara Bay. The Navy transAirport, Rio de Janeiro, at 8 p.m. port plane was carrying U.S. Navy bandsIn the opening paragraph the President men and members of an anti-submarine
referred to the collision of a U.S. Navy team.
transport plane with a Brazilian airliner The statement was released in Rio de
Janeiro.
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56 (I Remarks UponArrival at EzeizaAirport,
Buenos Aires. February 26, 1960
Mr. President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen:
With genuine pleasure and satisfaction, I greet you in friendship as I
begin my visit in the Republic of Argentina.
My pleasure is in realizing a long-cherished wish to view this beautiful
land, and in returning officially the visit which your President and Mrs.
Frondizi graciously made to my country.
My satisfaction derives from the knowledge that our commitment to
common aspirations provides one stone in the structure of world peace.
I am especially happy that my visit occurs during the 15oth anniversary
of your nation's valiant fight for freedom. With pride in our own long
adherence to the democratic vision, we of my country salute you, and
welcome this opportunity to join our voices joyously with yours in your
meaningful celebration.
I bring all of you the heartfelt good wishes of the Government and the
people of the United States of America. In the few days we shall be
here among you, we hope to meet many of you personally, to enjoy the
grandeur of your world-famed capital, to visit several other of your beautiful cities, and, at least from the air, to obtain a panoramic perspective of
your vast and noble country.
Al gran pueblo Argentino, Salud!
NOTE: The President spoke at I a.m. Foreign Minister Diogenes Toboada, and
He was met by President Arturo Frondizi, U.S. Ambassador Willard L. Beaulac.
57 e Remarks at the U.S. Embassy Residence in
Buenos Aires Upon Receiving the Key to the City.
February 26, 1960
I AM DEEPLY HONORED not only for the presentation of this key,
symbolic of the friendly spirit of your country for the United States, but
for the generosity of the terms in which your Mayor has described the
ideals and democratic aspirations that bind his country with mine.
If I may be personal, I should like to tell you a bit of a story. Fortyfive years ago now, I was just preparing to graduate from West Point
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our military school in the United States. I had been badly injured and
the medical corps decided that I should not become a lieutenant in the
Army. I was called before the board and I think they thought that I
would be a heartbroken young man. I said, "Well, it's all right with
me, if you just give me my diploma, I am going down to the Argentine."
They were a bit surprised, and I said, "Well, it strikes me to be a fine
place to go."
Now by the favorable action of the board, my intent of that time was
spoiled, but it was never given up. For 45 years I have held the hope
to go and meet the people of this beautiful city, and to visit this great
country. I know I shall have a wonderful trip-[helicopter noise]-to
renew that urge of mine to come back here than any other thing I could
possibly have said when he said, "Argentina is going to be one of the
great leading democracies not only of the Western World but all the
world." And with that kind of ambition, I am for him one hundred
percent, and I feel that it is a great privilege for me to come back to
return his friendly call.
Mr. Mayor, again I thank you for the honor.
NOTE: The key to the city was presented have a wonderful trip. I told President
by Mayor Hernan M. Giralt. Frondizi in Washington about my early
The missing text was later reconstructed plan to come to Argentina and my talk
by Ambassador Beaulac. In a memoran- with him served more to renew that urge
dum dated July 26, x960, the State De- of mine to come back here than any other
partment informed the White House that thing I could possibly have said when he
the Ambassador believed the portion in said 'Argentina is going to be one of the
question should read as follows, the miss- great leading democracies not only of the
ing words being italicized: "I know I shall Western World but all the world.'"
58 4J Address Before a Joint Session of the
National Congress of Argentina.
February 26, 1960
Mr. President, Honorable Members of Congress, ladies and gentlemen:
First, an expression of my warm gratitude for the cordiality with
which you have received me in this hall. I cannot fail to mention what
I have just seen in the streets of your beautiful city. I have seen crowds
on those streets, I have seen the smiles on their faces, the flowers in their
hands, and I have heard their shouts and cries of welcome. To me,
this can mean one thing only: that the people of the Argentine, like the
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(1 58
people of the United States, are proud that they are free men and they
want to stand together as partners in our never-ceasing search for a just
peace in which all men can prosper and better themselves, their families,
their communities and their nations.
I am honored by this opportunity to address the Congress of the
Argentine Republic. To you, and through you and to all your people,
I bring friendly greetings from my government and my fellow citizens.
I convey to you our unbounded admiration for the courageous efforts
you are making under the inspiring leadership of President Frondizi to
strengthen respect for human dignity and human rights, and to build
institutions which will eternally guarantee the free exercise of those rights.
Though the people of the United States do not know your history,
philosophy, and aspirations as well as they should-and this is a shortcoming which, despite distance and dissimilar language, simply must
be overcome-nonetheless they are mindful of the extraordinary efforts
you are making to restore your national economy. We hope and expect
that the solid economic foundations you have been building will soon
result in improved living standards.
I am happy that Argentina has created conditions which have made
it possible for some of our credit agencies to extend to it a significant
program of dollar credits. During the past few years, public and private
lending agencies of the United States, and international financial institutions to which we contribute substantially, have joined in lending to
Argentina approximately a billion dollars. This is the most intensive
program of financial cooperation to have been yet carried out in the
history of this hemisphere.
In a nation that is truly determined to develop, capital is one essential
instrument of production. If there is a shortage of capital, production
and living standards suffer simultaneously. But new capital, if accompanied by other instruments of production, including technical proficiency-in this case provided by Argentina itself-quickly translates into
more production, more and better-paid jobs, and higher living standards.
Everybody gains in the process.
We of the United States are highly gratified that we have been able to
be of some assistance in your march toward a better life.
In words so candid and clear that no one in all the Americas can
possibly misunderstand me, I wish to emphasize again our deep desire:
First, to see every one of the American Nations make steady economic
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progress, with the blessings of this advance reaching all of its people;
Second, to cooperate in every sound way we can, within the limits of
our ability, in helping the American Nations attain their just aspirationswe also wish to persuade them and others to join in a world-wide effort
to help the less developed nations to progress in freedom;
Third, while adhering strictly to a policy of non-intervention and
mutual respect, to applaud the triumph of free government everywhere
in the world. We do not urge emulation of the United States, but we
do know that human beings, sacred in the sight of God, and more majestic
than any institutions they may create, will in the long sweep of history
never be content with any form of slavery or coercion;
Fourth, to bring ever closer the realization of a world in which peace
with freedom is guaranteed, and in which the mighty productive power
of man can work constructively for the betterment of all humankind.
As perhaps you know, I have recently traveled in Europe, the Middle
East, and India. I am now at the half-way point in this all-too-brief
trip through South America. In June I shall go to the Soviet Union
and Japan. When those journeys have been completed, I shall have
visited many countries, large and small; industrial and agricultural communities; highly developed nations and some newly emerging. In all
these travels I have had one paramount interest: to assure everybody of
my Nation's peaceful intent and to do what I can to promote the
cooperation of all in the cause of peace and freedom.
I have emphasized that we seek peace, but only in freedom. If peoples
were willing to give up their liberty and their personal dignity, they could
readily have peace-a peace in which a single great power controlled
all other nations.
Genghis Khan, Tamerlane, Alexander the Great, Napoleon, Hitler,
and others sought to establish that kind of peace. But always peoples
and nations have rebelled against their false, self-serving doctrines. We
do not want an imposed peace. We want a cooperative peace in which
the peoples of every nation have the right of free choice-the right to
establish their own institutions, to live by their own cardinal concepts, and
to be free of external pressure or threat.
These are deep-seated desires held passionately in common by the
peoples of the United States and Argentina. We hope to see machines
capable of destruction turned exclusively to constructive purposes.
These shared aspirations spring from a common heritage:
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
Both our countries won their independence from European powers.
The drafters of our Declaration of Independence proclaimed that "all
men are created equal, endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable
rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." In
Argentina, Esteban Echeverria said: "Equality and liberty are... the
two poles of... Democracy..." In the United States, Abraham
Lincoln described democratic government as "of the people, by the people, and for the people." In Argentina, Juan Alberdi declared: "Public
freedom is no more than the sum... of the freedoms of all." The
Constitution of the United States carefully separated the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of our government. In Argentina, the great
liberator, Jose de San Martin, stated: "Displaying the most excellent
principles matters not at all, when he who makes the law, he who
carries it out, is also he who judges it."
Your founding fathers and ours acted upon the same great hopes
and expressed-almost identically-the same wisdom. This is of course
not surprising: the vision of true freedom cannot be dimmed by a barrier
of language or distance.
It was once possible to think of democratic freedom as a matter of
purely national concern. But now, in a world of exacting interdependence, freedom must be fostered, developed, and maintained cooperatively among many nations. Hence, across national boundaries, among
peoples and governments, a constant increase in mutual understanding
must prevail. Based on that understanding, political, cultural, and economic cooperation will succeed, with benefits for all.
Unhappily, until the last threat of force has been suppressed, there
must also be military cooperation, for no single nation, no matter how
mighty, can alone protect the freedom of all. Together, however, the
nations which cherish independence can command a power so great that
no potential aggressor could violate the peace without inviting his own
destruction.
Can the ugly external threat which faces us impose such physical
strains upon us as to impair or destroy our heritage? With confidence
our two nations emphatically and jointly say "No." I have heard some
say that the more a country develops its technology and science, the more
"materialistic" it becomes and the less it possesses or cherishes the cultural
aspects of life. But of course science, technology, and richness of culture
must, and do, march forward hand in hand.
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Surely scientific advances that make possible the conquering of human
disease; that remove drudgery from the household; that yield shorter
working hours with leisure for the arts and recreation-surely these are
not inimical to the fulfillment of man's spiritual aspirations.
No single technological development in all history did more to advance
the cultures of the world than the invention of the printing press. Modern
technological miracles have speeded communications to the point that
an event in a remote part of Africa is known minutes later in Buenos Aires.
They have enabled us to move from one part of the world to any other
in a matter of hours.
With these so-called "materialistic" advances, we have the means of
obtaining accurate information, and more knowledge, faster. These
accomplishments are helpful in developing that genuine human understanding on which all other cooperative actions among peace-longing
nations can be based.
I have watched, with much satisfaction, the increasing amount of news
published in each of our countries about the other-and the increasing
number of books translated from each of our languages into the other's.
I have observed, too, the growing numbers of our teachers, students,
businessmen, labor leaders, and others who are exchanging visits between
us.
My country was recently honored by the visit of a number of distinguished members of this Congress, who traveled extensively in the United
States and conferred with their fellow legislators and other American
citizens. Also, legislators from the United States have visited Argentina
on numerous occasions. I can think of nothing more useful to our relations than such exchanges.
But it is not possible for everyone to travel great distances. So our
schools and universities, the press, books, philosophic societies, study
groups, and government-all these must work ceaselessly to promote better
understanding between us, as well as among all the Americas. And there
must be interchanges to the maximum degree possible-of ideas, of persons, of techniques. I hold the unshakeable conviction that the greatest
single impediment to abiding, mutually-helpful cooperation among nations desiring peace with freedom is not opposing policies, or different
aspirations, or insoluble conflicts-serious as these sometimes are. No,
the most persistent, single impediment to healthy, effective cooperation
is the lack of deep and abiding understanding, and the trust that flows
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
from understanding. Here, then, in this effort to increase mutual understanding among all nations, is the basic problem. It is one that every
citizen, in your country and mine, can help to solve. Overcoming it
will build the surest foundation for the kind of cooperative progress and
the just peace we all seek.
Again, I convey to you the admiration of the people of the United
States for the courage and determination with which Argentina is facing
its problems. We wish you every success. I am also happy to assure
you of the continued readiness of my government to cooperate with you
to the extent that such cooperation is feasible, is welcomed, and may
contribute to the well-being of your great country.
I thank you for the privilege of addressing you, the elected representatives of the Argentine people.
NOTE: The President spoke at approxi- President" referred to Senator Jose Maria
mately 5 p.m. His opening words "Mr. Guido, Provisional President of the Argentine Senate.
59 eJ Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in
His Honor by President Frondizi in Buenos Aires.
February 26, 1960
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen:
I have in my hand a few brief notes which I had expected to use as a
basis for the remarks I should make to you this evening.
Inspired by some of the words of your President, I am sure that I
will wander somewhat from the notes, so on behalf of my interpreter
I apologize for such errors as may be made in their interpretation.
With deep sincerity, I thank you, Mr. President, for your gracious
hospitality, for your heartwarming expression of friendship, and for your
eloquent statement of Argentina's aspirations and future.
Although I have been here in your beautiful land for only a few hours,
I have already learned much and have been deeply impressed by all
that I have seen and heard. Especially impressive are your courage to
face up to difficult problems, your demonstrated capacity to solve them,
and your determination to construct now a dependable economic base on
which to build soundly in the future.
Indeed, Mr. President, in making this statement, I do not express
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only my own personal opinions-your foresight, your integrity, your
dedication to the truth are recognized throughout this hemisphere. To
this I can testify.
Among the leaders of Argentina, as among your people, there is obviously a sense of purpose and destiny. Your land is vast and endowed
with rich resources. Your people have great vigor. Though you are
justly proud of your traditions, your eyes are focused on a future in which
you envision orderly progress in freedom, not only for yourselves, but
for all who have the courage to be self-reliant and to live in harmony
with the cardinal concepts of their cherished philosophies.
We of the United States applaud you.
My visit to Argentina, and to several other countries of this great
Southland, has two central purposes: I want to reaffirm the high importance we of the United States attach to friendly inter-American relations and to hemispheric solidarity; and, as I have done recently in other
areas of the world, I wish to emphasize over and over again our passionate desire for a permanent, guaranteed peace, in freedom-a peace
which will permit the creative talents of mankind to concentrate on
finding constructive solutions to economic, social, and cultural problems.
Mr. President, this afternoon I spoke of one of the most difficult tasks
lying before the men and women of the free world: the cultivation of
mutual understanding.
Basic to this, though, is the most difficult problem of all; that is, making
use of the intelligence and minds of people that make up a free countryto inform people, so that public opinion rather than being guided by
demagogues or by falsehood, or by laziness or ignorance, is based upon
the facts of the world, logically interpreted to each.
To my mind, this is not only a problem for the President and his
closest associates; every single informed individual in any free democracy
has this problem. And unless he performs it, there will be disaster.
We speak of the problem of obtaining outside capital. Indeed, I conceive this to be the easiest of the problems with which democracy is
faced.
Capital is a funny thing. Give it the right conditions and the right
promises, and you can't keep it away. There's money to invest all over
this world.
You have just stated, sir, that here you give it juridical protection, you
do not regard it as evil merely because it may come from abroad, you
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(I 60o
provide the conditions in which it can prosper. And those conditions
are, first of all, a people of heart and strength and courage who want
to go ahead, who have the natural resources on which to build. And
then the capital will come. Of this I am certain.
I know that you and your countrymen are working for dependable,
abiding cooperation among the Americas, and for a world freed of threat
and fear. We are proud of our partnership with you. And we pray
that God will give you and your associates strength, sir, to carry out your
great work to its complete success.
So it is with an unusual sense of privilege, and indeed admiration and
respect that I lift my glass in friendship to President Frondizi, expressing
the confident hope that the partnership of Argentina and the United
States will ever grow stronger and more rewarding.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at a dinner at the Plaza Hotel in Buenos Aires.
6o Ii Remarks to the Members of the Supreme
Court of Argentina. February 27, i960
Your Excellencies, Ministers of the Supreme Court, distinguished guests
and friends:
I have paid my respects upon your President, and to your legislative
branch. The Western democracies have learned that true democracy
exists only when those who interpret the law are completely free of the
authority of the people who make the law and execute the law. I think
the words of Jose de San Martin on this matter were not only eloquent
but were completely accurate.
So I felt that as I made this hurried trip to this great country and spent
these few hours in your capital, that I would be remiss should I fail to
pay my respects on the Supreme Court where the interpretation of law,
the determination of its constitutionality, and the final word in determination that the rights of the individual are always protected-where all this
work is done.
So, sir, I feel that it has been a great privilege for me, and a great
honor, to have met this number of your judiciary in this country.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Palacio Court. He left immediately for the airde Tribunales following remarks of wel- port in Buenos Aires for his flight at 9: 25
come by Dr. Benjamin Villegas Basavil- a.m. to Mar del Plata.
baso, Acting President of the Supreme
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61 41 Remarks Upon Arrival at the Provincial
Hotel in Mar del Plata, Argentina.
February 27, 1960
Honorable Mayor, Mr. President, citizens of the Argentine and of this
lovely city, ladies and gentlemen:
Thank you for your generous welcome, and for the honor you do me
in presenting me with a key to the city. I assure you I shall not misuse
it. I am not privileged to be here long enough to do so.
Indeed, in recent months, I seem to travel so often, so fast, and so
furiously, that I am given little opportunity to see any real estate-but I
do see people. And to me, people are more important than anything
else in the world.
And I must say to you that in the last few hours the people of Argentine
and the people of this city have seized a warm and large spot in my heart,
one that I shall cherish forever. And I assure you that whatever I can
do to bring my people closer to yours, to make certain that you of your
nation and we of our nation are stronger and better friends, that I shall
do. However, from what I have already seen of the beautiful city of
Mar del Plata, I wish I could remain longer than the few hours available
to me. Even so, I shall carry with me vivid and pleasant memories of
this short visit.
In Buenos Aires I was impressed by the majesty of its beauty, and by
the bustling activity, and commerce, and industry. Since, however, I
grew up far from my own national capital, and have lived in many parts
of my country, I realize full well that the real strength of a nation lies in
all its parts, not just its capital and its industrial cities.
As we flew to Mar del Plata, I was able to glimpse from the air some
of your country's farmland, a few of the cattle-growing estancias, and
some of the sheep-raising area. There is a native richness and even
greater promise in this land. Its future is certain to be a bright one-the
Argentines will make it so.
So I bring you the friendly wishes of the people of the United States,
and again thank you earnestly for the warmth of your welcome, both
along the streets and in this hall-and for the great honor you have done
me in presenting to me this symbolic key.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig960o
(I 62
NOTE: The President spoke at i I:55 a.m. upon his arrival at Garnet Airport, the
following Mayor Todoro Bronzini's pres- President was met by President Frondizi
entation of the key to the city. Earlier, who accompanied him to the Provincial
Hotel.
62 eI Remarks Upon Arrival at the Airport San
Carlos de Bariloche, Argentina.
February 27, 1960
President Frondizi, Mayor Sacido, ladies and gentlemen:
I have heard much of the scenic and climatic wonders of Bariloche.
With no more than the view from the plane and my first breaths of air
in this gorgeous setting, it is already evident that my informants were
not exaggerating.
I arrive among you with new and indelible impressions of another part
of your country. On the way to Bariloche, we flew over Patagonia.
Even at high altitude, we could note the remarkable progress being made
in the development of that Province. It appears to me that Patagonia
is to Argentina what the western frontier was to the United States of
America a century ago. Few are the countries in the shrinking world of
today which possess a physical frontier. They are indeed fortunate, for
the world will soon need the products of such land, and conquering it is
a great challenge to the vitality, spirit, and courage of a people. I know
you are abundantly blessed with these qualities.
Here among you, I am to have an opportunity to discuss informally
many hemispheric and world problems, as well as to have a few hours
of rest and relaxation. For this, and for the warmth of your welcome,
I am most grateful.
Salud!
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:35 p.m. port by helicopter for the Llao Llao Hotel.
after which the two Presidents left the air
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63 4 Toast to President Frondizi at a Dinner
Given in His Honor by the President in San Carlos
deBariloche. February 27, I960
Mr. President, and gentlemen:
Mr. President, it is a high honor to have you as my guest for these few
hours this evening. And incidentally, as we sat down, I find that both
you and I were honored with the presentation from the National Park
Service of fishing licenses. So if I am found fishing tomorrow, I don't
want to be arrested for breaking a law.
Had I the words to express my deepest thoughts, you would know the
full extent of my respect, admiration, and friendship for you, first felt
when you visited my country 13 months ago. At that time you said in
an address before a joint session of the United States Congress, "Without
national development, no welfare or progress can exist. When there is
misery and backwardness in a country, not only freedom and democracy
are doomed, but even national sovereignty is in jeopardy."
This is a basic truth. And I would add one thought: when freedom,
democracy, and national sovereignty are in jeopardy in any country, they
are to some degree in jeopardy in all free countries of the world.
This is one strong reason why the United States is vitally interested in
the development, and general well-being of all free nations. It is why
the United States-despite unmatched levels of taxation, heavy economic
and military burdens, and pressing internal problems-continues to make
sacrifices in helping other free nations with their problems of national
development.
Next to the attainment of a just and lasting peace, with freedom, no
hope consumes my mind and heart so much as this: that the nations of
the world arrive at a system of guaranteed disarmament, with a significant portion of the savings, thus achieved, employed in a continuous
program of assistance to those who need it, who would welcome it, and
who would work hard in using it.
Each hour of the 2 days I have been in your country has added to my
deep respect for your efforts to stabilize your economy, your determination to develop your nation soundly in ways that benefit all the people,
and the evident progress you are making. What I have seen reflects the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
At 64
virtues of a freely elected government, a dedicated and energetic leader,
and the courage of an independent people.
Gentlemen: I invite you to join me in a Toast to President Frondizi,
and to the abiding friendship of the peoples of Argentina and the United
States.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast Llao Llao Hotel in San Carlos de
at i o:2o p.m. at the dinner given at the Bariloche.
64 tf Message to President Kubitschek of Brazil
on the Air Tragedy Over Rio de Janeiro.
February 28, i960
Dear Mr. President:
The Senate of the United States of America, shocked at the air tragedy
last Thursday over Rio de Janeiro, has expressed its feeling in the following Resolution:
"Resolved, that the Senate of the United States of America hereby
expresses its deep and profound anguish that, in the line of duty, members
of the Armed Forces of the United States of America and citizens of the
United States of Brazil have today met their creator in a tragic air accident in the city of Rio de Janeiro.
"In full knowledge that the peoples of the United States of Brazil and
the United States of America have stood together, in war as in peace, and
believing as it does that our friendship will ever grow stronger, it is the
sense of the Senate that the sacrifices of these lives will long be remembered; and be it further
"Resolved, that the Senate hereby expresses its profound sympathy
to the bereaved families and friends of those who have died.
"The President of the United States is hereby requested to communicate the sense of this resolution to the Government and people of Brazil."
In forwarding this resolution to you, not only do I assure you that it
represents the sentiments of the entire nation, but I take this opportunity
again to extend through you my own heartfelt sympathy to the Brazilian
families who lost loved ones in this tragedy.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message was released at San Carlos de Bariloche.
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65 4T Statement of the President Recorded for the
Opening of the 1960 Red Cross Campaign.
February 28, 1960
My fellow Americans:
March is Red Cross Month.
Throughout our nation, the Red Cross will be seeking to raise the
funds needed to keep it on the job. All of us need to come promptly
and effectively to its support.
The Red Cross is truly an integral part of our national life-always
ready to lend a helping hand to Americans in times of stress.
Each year the Red Cross participates in aiding our people in some 300
disasters. It provides food, shelter and medical care to the victimsand then helps those in need to rebuild or repair and refit their homes
and to resume normal living. Even if Red Cross had no other humanitarian task, we would need to keep it strong for this purpose alone.
But disaster relief is only one of its many responsibilities. More than
3900 hospitals are provided blood collected by the Red Cross. With 100
million people participating in water sports every year, Red Cross classes
in swimming, life saving and small craft safety are effective in keeping
the drowning rate down. Equally important are the courses in first aid
and home nursing.
In addition to doing all these things, more than half the time of Red
Cross staff and volunteers and one-third of its budget are expended in
assisting members of our armed forces and veterans who need help.
The Red Cross does many other good things. Above all, it typifies the
spirit of man helping man. Now it is our turn to show that spirit by
supporting this great work. I am sure all Americans will respond
generously.
And to you two million volunteers who make this wonderful work
possible, I extend my gratitude and my thanks to all workers and supporters of the American Red Cross.
NOTE: This statement, recorded prior South American trip, was released in
to the President's departure on his Washington.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
qy 66
66 eJ The Declaration of San Carlos de Bariloche:
Joint Declaration by the President and President
Frondizi of Argentina. February 28, i960
THE PRESIDENTS of the Argentine Nation and of the United States
of America, having conferred on matters relating to peace, freedom and
cultural and material opportunities for the peoples of the Americas, have
decided to issue a joint declaration.
They reaffirm the determination of their respective governments to
foster improved living standards for the peoples of the Americas.
They agree that:
Improved living standards result from economic progress which in
turn depends upon adequate economic policies, upon friendly international cooperation, and upon efficient utilization both of natural resources
and of the talents and capacities of the individual citizen acting alone
or in voluntary association with others.
Economic progress and improved living standards facilitate the development of strong and stable political institutions and enable countries to
make a more effective contribution to international understanding.
Likewise whatever serves to reinforce democratic institutions contributes not only to political, economic and social progress but also to the
improvement of relations among nations.
The inter-American system, an expression of the common experience
of the peoples of the Americas, has proved itself an effective instrument
for peace and for cooperative relations among countries.
Experience within the inter-American system has taught that nonintervention is the keystone of international harmony and friendship and
that its corollary is mutual respect among nations, however large or small.
The efforts of the Government of the Argentine Republic and of the
United States of America will continue to be directed to the attainment
of these inter-American ideals.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
ARTURO FRONDIZI
NOTE: The joint declaration, released at San Carlos de Bariloche, was signed in the
main hall of the Llao Llao Hotel.
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67 q1 Remarks at the Airport in San Carlos de
Bariloche Upon Leaving for Chile.
February 29, i96o
President Frondizi, Mayor Sacido, and all citizens of Argentina:
I think there is some significance in the circumstance that gives me
the privilege of saying my farewell to Argentina, here in the shadow of
the majestic Andes. Possibly these eternal mountains might symbolize
for all of us the strength, spiritual power, and unity of all the Americas.
How simple our world would be if in the management of human affairs
all of us could be as sturdy and inspiring as are these evidences of God's
creation.
We too must be sturdy, must be firm and unshakable, in our adherence
to basic principles to which we have commonly subscribed. We of the
Americas are pledged to nonintervention in the internal affairs of our
sister Republics, and we adhere to a policy of mutual respect and juridical
equality of States. We recognize our economic, social, and cultural
interdependence, and strive to be helpful to one another.
So, in leaving you, I repeat that we of the United States recognize the
mutual dependence of the nations of this hemisphere. We attach the
highest possible importance to maintaining a friendly, unswerving partnership with you and the other Republics.
Above all, we support the right of self-determination and human
dignity. We will oppose with all our strength any outside attempt to
enslave or regiment the peoples of any of us.
From my visit here, I know you share these thoughts.
I carry with me deep impressions of the vastness and natural wealth
of your land. How fortunate you are, in a world of growing population
and terrible under-consumption, to have in your possession resources
which could if necessary support ten times as many persons as now live
here-how lucky the world is that there is an Argentina with such a
potential.
I salute with profound respect the gallant efforts you are making to
create the firm foundation on which generations of steady progress may
be built.
And I shall never forget your warm hospitality. In a few days with
you I have met a great many people, and my heart has been warmed
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
q 68
both by your understanding and by the many evidences of sincere
friendship.
I trust that my visit has contributed a little to your understanding
of my country, as I have learned much about yours, for again I say:
without genuine understanding there simply cannot be cooperative
progress.
Thank you, President Frondizi, thank you all-and hasta luego!
NOTE: The President spoke at approximately IO: 15 a.m.
68 41 Statement by the President Concerning the
Recipients of the President's Award for
Distinguished Federal Civilian Service.
February 29, I960
THE DISTINGUISHED service of these men in the fields of administration, accountancy, science, and medicine contribute much to the general welfare of our country and to the progress of our world in justice
and freedom. Their achievements provide an inspiring example for all
Government employees, each of whom must perform at peak levels of
productive effort if we are to solve successfully the complex problems
of our times.
I welcome this opportunity of giving wider attention to their work.
Among America's most cherished traditions are those which guarantee
full opportunity for the development of the individual citizen and which
reward the exercise of high ability, resourcefulness, and unfailing energy.
The careers of these five individuals witness to the living vitality of these
traditions.
NOTE: The President's words were released in Washington as part of an announcement concerning the awards "for
exceptionally meritorious civilian service."
The recipients selected by the President
were: Andrew Barr, Chief Accountant,
Securities and Exchange Commission, for
"exceptional contributions to the development of accounting principles and meaningful accounting presentations of corporate financial affairs to investors [which]
have materially aided the process of cap
ital formation in the United States and
advanced the cause of investor protection"; Hugh L. Dryden, Deputy Administrator, National Aeronautics and Space
Administration, for "scientific and administrative leadership in planning and organizing American space exploration";
William J. Hopkins, Executive Clerk,
White House Office, for "effective and
impartial administration of the White
House Office and his handling of the
President's communications with the Con
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gress" and "unselfish loyalty and high Research, Naval Research Laboratory, for
dedication to the service of the Presidency "remarkable achievements in the field of
for three decades"; Dr. Winfred Over- electronics research, most particularly in
holser, Superintendent, St. Elizabeths Hos- the original development of radar."
pital, for "profound and far-reaching Gold medals were presented by the
contributions in the field of mental President in a White House ceremony on
health"; and Robert M. Page, Director of March 7 at I I: 30 a.m.
69 eJ Remarks in Santiago in Response to
Greetings by President Alessandri of Chile.
February 29, i960
Mr. President and gentlemen:
Mr. President, permit me to say that in a fairly long life, I have listened to a great many public statements. I have heard no more statesmanlike statement of this kind than the one I have just heard from you.
I am grateful for what you have said.
I thank you for the cordiality of your welcome to me and my party.
We have experienced also a heartwarming greeting from many people
who gathered along the way from the airport, or assembled at this historic palace. To all who have so graciously bid us welcome, I express
most earnest appreciation.
And, Mr. President, there seems to be no words in the English language, at least not in my vocabulary, that permit me to express properly
the true appreciation I feel. I can say only that the affection that I
believe that I saw in these crowds along the street, the affection for my
people, is reciprocated from the bottom of my heart.
We have come to Chile to reaffirm the friendship of my people for
yours, and to discuss with you and your associates many matters of hemispheric and world importance.
We hope to taste the flavor of this land, which is noted for its beauty,
for the hospitality of its people, and the vigor of their traditions from the
days of San Martin and O'Higgins. But beyond this, I keenly anticipate
the serious discussions we shall have.
I am especially pleased that this visit could occur in the year in which
your nation is celebrating its I 5oth anniversary of independence. On
behalf of the people of the United States, who know full well the blessings
of independence and freedom, I extend warm congratulations to you and
all citizens of Chile.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I 69
Our two nations are justly proud of the peaceful, harmonious, and
mutually helpful relations which have existed between us over these many
years. To strengthen these relations still more is my devout wish, as I
am sure it is yours.
Indeed, as the bonds between our two countries become ever stronger
we help produce a greater solidarity among all our American States.
Cooperation among us all is thus improved-as is also our common determination to oppose any aggression from outside, no matter what form it
may take.
As you have most aptly put it, we of all the Americas must accept with
enthusiasm our common destiny. And a principal purpose of my visit
here is to demonstrate our eagerness to remove from our mutual relations
any possible suspicion, fear, or restraint-to demonstrate our hope to
work with you in perfect trust. In this effort the primary factor is the
observance by all of the principle of nonintervention.
And among the members of my party are six distinguished private citizens who, with Secretary Herter and Assistant Secretary Rubottom, comprise our Government's newly established National Advisory Committee
on Inter-American Affairs. These gentlemen are leaders in governmental, educational, industrial, labor, and cultural affairs, and are noted for
their dedication to promoting hemispheric solidarity. They are charged
with the task of constantly studying inter-American relations and formulating appropriate recommendations to our Government and private institutions. Thus they will help promote understanding of Latin America
in the United States of America.
I personally have looked forward to this opportunity to confer with
you, Mr. President, and with your colleagues, in the manner of good
friends seeking to strengthen their understanding of one another's
problems.
I have been told that Chileans have a vigorous tradition of free and
candid speech, and that they welcome this quality in others. We, too,
welcome open and honest expression of views, and thus I am sure our
conversations will be fruitful.
In the words you have just spoken, Mr. President, you have given us
all a comprehensive panorama of the ideas, the problems, the objectives
with which we must be concerned. You have given our discussions a
most constructive start. The citizens of the United States, when they
read what you have just said, will applaud your words.
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They and I agree wholeheartedly that our problems can be solved
through more intensive cooperative effort.
It is the earnest hope of my countrymen that our two peoples will continue to work in harmony and good will toward the goal cherished by
all democratic peoples-a world of peace and friendship in freedom.
Thank you for your kind invitation for us to visit you.
I repeat-we are delighted to be here, and are deeply moved by the
reception given us.
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:07 p.m. Los Cerrillos Airport by President Alesat La Moneda Palace, official residence sandri, other Chilean officials, and U.S.
of President Jorge Alessandri Rodriguez. Ambassador Walter Howe.
Earlier the President had been met at
70 41 Remarks at the American Embassy
Residence in Santiago Upon Receiving a Scroll
From the Chilean-American Cultural Institute.
February 29, 1960
FOR A good many years I have been preaching that the only real need
in the world is for peace, and you are going to get no peace except by
understanding among nations. You see, all of us realize that no people
wants war, and we are amazed that governments succeed, sometimes, in
getting us into war.
The feeling for peace is universal, and if we could get together so well
in our understanding that we would forbid governments to get us into
war, there would be a great burden lifted from the backs of men.
We are spending so much of our substance, so much of our talent,
so much of our man hours of work just for the destructive and sterile
instruments of war, that it seems to me the greatest tragedy that almost
has come to this world, particularly now, when we realize what one single
bomb taken to each city can do.
It is time that this kind of thinking that you are doing in your way
becomes universal, not only among all of the free nations; we have got
to get better acquaintanceship with the people behind the Iron Curtain,
because in their hearts there is this fundamental longing for peace.
Hatred of war is just as firm in their hearts as it is in ours.
So, if we can do that, take one little step in the forwarding of such
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
a great objective as this, then I think our efforts-indeed, our lives-are
worth while. Because it is only by millions and millions of small efforts
that this is going to come about.
So I accept this, not only with great pride in joining your organization,
but because of my respect for the work which you are undertaking.
Thank you very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke at 6:o5 p.m. after receiving an honorary membership in
the Chilean-American Cultural Institute.
7 I 'T Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in
His Honor by President Alessandri.
February 29, i960
Mr. President:
In view of the shortness of my visit here in Chile, and in view of the
importance of the matters we have been discussing, I would like to answer
your toast at a little greater length than is my custom.
From my heart, Mr. President, I thank you for the sentiments you have
so graciously expressed, and for the warm hospitality you have permitted
my colleagues and me to experience here tonight.
My visit to Chile is in partial fulfillment of the keen desire I had when
I became President of my country to visit all the nations of Latin
America. Unfortunately, the tremendous pressures upon me during the
past 7 years have permitted me to go only to Panama and Mexico, and
now to four great Republics in this vast Southland, including this delightful and helpful visit with you, Mr. President, and your colleagues.
As you know, shortly after this trip is concluded, I shall go to Paris
for a meeting with the leaders of Great Britain, France, and the Soviet
Union. While I am too realistic to expect miracles, I do hope that in
Paris we may reach some agreements which will lessen the tensions that
divide and vex the world.
One of my purposes in coming to South America, even while our
Congress is in session, is to consult with chiefs of state here about the
many problems which today so perplex mankind. I know that you are
as concerned as we are to have guaranteed disarmament replace the
mad race for destructive power, to have honest negotiation replace arrogant threat, and to have truth replace blatant propaganda. Since you
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treasure freedom, independence, and human dignity as much as we, you
have a vital stake in all that goes on in global affairs, and therefore most
earnestly I have come to seek your views on these matters of transcendent
importance. I am sure it is needless for me to assure you that the
discussions with you, and with other chiefs of state I am seeing on this
trip, are of incalculable importance to me and to all the free world.
In short, I wish to go to Paris with a clear understanding of the views
of our friends in this region.
Of course my colleagues and I are also seeking ways to strengthen the
friendship and the fruitful cooperation of our two countries, and of all
the nations of the hemisphere. We especially wish to learn all we can
about Chile's economic development and the effectiveness of the substantial assistance extended by our official and private financial institutions.
We have so much to talk about, Mr. President-so many views to
exchange-that I wish our stay here could be much longer.
Ladies and gentlemen, I propose a Toast to His Excellency, President
Alessandri: may his term in office be notable for the democratic advance
of his people, and may he enjoy God's gracious blessing; and to all the
people of Chile: may they, in the joyous company of free men, go forward
in liberty to a richer, fuller life.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at a dinner at La Moneda Palace in Santiago.
7 AI Remarks to the Embassy Staff and to
Members of Chilean-American Groups in Santiago.
March I, i960
Mr. Ambassador, my fellow citizens, and friends of the United States in
Chile:
I am delighted to see all of you this morning. It is heartening to meet
individuals who are actually practicing a people-to-people program.
Many of you, as members of our Embassy staff, devote much of your
time to promoting Chilean-American understanding. But all of you are
ambassadors of good will. I assure you this is encouraging to me.
To paraphrase the opening clause of the UNESCO constitution: since
difficulties among nations begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of
men that good international relations must be constructed.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o
(1 72
Unfortunately, as all of you must know, despite all the advances in
modern communication, there exist in the American Republics serious
misunderstandings which impede the resolution of many problems that
beset us.
The people of the United States do not have as deep a knowledge of
our sister American Republics as they should. But the American people
do prize good relations with Latin America, not only because of an undoubted material interest, but also because we have a genuine fondness
for all our neighbors. If the United States sometimes proposes or even
takes actions which seem not in harmony with this feeling, it is, I assure
you, not a mistake of the heart, but a lack of sufficient knowledge.
Unfortunately, too, serious misunderstandings of the United States exist
in all our sister Republics. It is astounding, for example, to hear it said
time and again that the United States is doing more for other areas of
the world than it is for Latin America. Nothing could be more erroneous.
Certainly, the United States has given generously of its resources in
helping rebuild vast areas that were destroyed in the common fight against
Nazi tyranny, and in helping construct a defense perimeter for the protection of freedom. But these expenditures have benefited all free nations,
including Latin America. And, at the same time, our public and private
institutions have extended vast loans, technical assistance, and some grantaid to help our sister Republics speed their development.
Investments and loans outstanding in Latin America now total more
than $ I billion, and new private and public credits which become available each year amount to nearly $ i billion, with beneficial side effects of
much more than this magnitude.
This movement of capital continues, even though today we find that
because-and I mean North America-we find that because of the heavy
burdens we carry and changes in international trade, we are experiencing
an unfavorable financial balance in international transactions of several
billion dollars a year.
Despite this, we are not decreasing our help to Latin America. Indeed,
two new credit instrumentalities are coming into being, with a substantial
share of their funds being provided by the United States. One of them,
the Inter-American Development Bank, has just elected a distinguished
Chilean as its first President.
I have actually heard it said in several countries that the United States
"crushes the economies of Latin America in order to enrich itself." When
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I first heard this, I did not take it seriously at all. And then I realized,
although its falsity soon becomes apparent to any thoughtful person, those
who said it spoke in dead earnest.
We of the United States want every American Republic to become
strong economically-as well as politically and socially. If for no other
reason, we would want this because our trade with each country will
increase as that country improves its economy. But we also want it just
as one wants to see members of his family succeed. And we want it, for
we know that only strong nations in our divided world can be sure of
retaining their precious freedom.
We want it in order that the undernourished and unhappy people of
the world, wherever they may be, may have an opportunity to enjoy the
blessings of bread, peace, and liberty.
Then I have heard it said that the United States supports dictators.
This is ridiculous. Surely no nation loves liberty more, or more sincerely
prays that its benefits and deep human satisfactions may come to all
peoples than does the United States.
We do adhere, however, to a policy of self-determination of peoples.
We subscribe to and have observed with constancy a cardinal principle
of inter-American life-the policy of nonintervention. It is no contradiction of these policies to say that we do all we can to foster freedom and
representative democracy throughout the hemisphere. We repudiate
dictatorship in any form, right or left. Our role in the United Nations,
in the Organization of American States, in two World Wars, and in
Korea stands as a beacon to all who love freedom.
I could go on. There are many serious misunderstandings throughout
the hemisphere, and one of the most effective contributions an individual
can make to hemispheric solidarity is by helping directly to overcome
these intellectual shortcomings.
Because of my schedule, my friends, I have only a very few minutes at
this meeting. I regret it, because I would like to talk this morning at
greater length.
This morning, I received a letter signed by some individuals who are
officials in student bodies. They say they represent 25,000, I believe,
university students.
This was a letter speaking to me, or of me, in the most respectful and
even affectionate terms, but telling about the tremendous errors that the
United States of America is making with respect to South America. It
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(q72
says that every bit of the work in the Organization of American States
and similar organizations is all in favor of the rich nation, all in favor of
the rich individual, 'is against the weak, whether it be a nation or an
individual.
Now I am not going to detail all of the things where they believe the
United States is in error. I want to point this out: before individuals
who do not carry great responsibilities in the world make decisions and
spread information, or what they call information, we should be sure of
our facts, we should read history carefully. Let's don't read merely the
sensational stories of the newspapers.
Only within the week I read an account of testimony given in Congress by a great friend of mine-been a friend of mine for 30 years. I
was astonished when I saw this story reported. This morning I got the
full text, and everything he said in it was exactly opposite to what I had
been told was the fact in a short newspaper account which really apparently was seeking to be a bit sensational.
We must have the facts. We must go to the statistics that are accumulated by honest governments. We must go to history which has been
written by historians. We must not talk about these matters with the
voice of authority when we have no real information to do it.
Now these students happen to be the people that I am interested in
more than any others in the world. The young people of today, with all
of their opportunities for learning, the certainty that they are going to
take over the responsibilities of government, of business, of the social
order, and of education-these are the people in whom we must be
interested.
If the United States is to help, we must have some understanding between us. The United States has never, at the end of two World Wars
and Korea, added an acre to its territory. We have sought no advantage
anywhere, either as a result of war or peaceful help that would give us an
advantage at the expense of others.
We are not saints-we know we make mistakes, but our heart is in the
right place, and we believe that aid given by the United States to the
people who want to work, who welcome some help, who are energetically
working for themselves to raise their standards of living, not merely for
themselves as individuals but for every single individual in the nation,
those are the people from which we get great satisfaction in helping.
I would hope that the students of this great nation could have little bit
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better sources of information, as seems evident they did not have in the
very hasty, even rapid reading of most of the parts of this letter that I saw.
Now I would like to send to them my very warmest greetings. I believe in them, but I do hope, as I say, that they will come to their conclusions on the basis of fact.
I congratulate all of you for what you are doing here in Chile. Your
efforts will strengthen still further the friendly working relations of Chile
and the United States, and the good neighborliness of all the American
Republics.
And I repeat to you one great truth: the peace that we all seek, in
justice and in freedom, can be based only on one thing, mutual understanding. Unless we have that among peoples, and eventually governments, which are always seemingly behind the people rather than ahead
of them-unless we have that kind of understanding-mutual understanding-we are not going to have true peace.
Each of you that helps in the tiniest way to bring about this understanding is thereby promoting the peace for himself, his children, and
those who are to come after him.
It is a pleasure to see you-and good luck to all of you.
NOTE: The President spoke at I a.m. in ing words he referred to U.S. Ambassador
the Windsor Theater in Santiago to mem- Walter Howe. Later he referred to Felipe
bers of the U.S. Embassy staff, the Ameri- Herrera, President of the Inter-American
can community, the American Society of Development Bank.
Chile, the Association of American The letter to the President from the
Women in Chile, and the Chilean-Ameri- Students Federation of Chile is published
can Chamber of Commerce. In his open- in the Department of State Bulletin (vol.
42, p. 648).
73 eI Address Before a Joint Session of the
National Congress of Chile. March i, I960
Mr. President of the Senate, Mr. President of the Chamber, Members
of the Congress of Chile:
It is a high honor indeed and a personal privilege for me to address
the elected representatives of the free people of the Republic of Chile.
In this year-the I5oth anniversary of the first movement toward
independence by Chilean patriots-I bring to you and your people the
warm greetings and congratulations of my countrymen.
We Americans glow with pride when we recall the early links between
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 e1 73
our two countries-when you were seeking your independence and our
own was scarcely a generation old. It was not just coincidence, I
suspect, that your first Congress was inaugurated on the fourth of July.
That was in i 8 I, the 35th anniversary of our own Declaration of Independence. Later, in I 812, the first draft of your provisional Constitution
was written in the home of Joel Poinsett, United States Consular representative to Chile. In the battle which helped bring final victory, one
of my countrymen was the Chief of Staff of Lord Cochrane.
These early associations helped forge lasting bonds of friendship. Their
firm base is a shared philosophy-faith in God, respect for the spiritual
dignity of man, and the conviction that government must be the servant
of the people.
During the past twenty-four hours I have had friendly and helpful
discussions with your distinguished President. I have gained new insight
into your problems and the efforts you are making to achieve economic
stability and growth which will mean a better life for all your people.
We all know that in today's inter-dependent world no nation can live
unto itself, or be immune to developments in other lands.
We in the Western Hemisphere are still young nations, still growing,
still experimenting.
How much easier would be the tasks of our own internal development
and of helping nations sustain liberty, if the awesome threat of conflict and
coercion could be eliminated from the minds and affairs of men.
The quest for peace is the imperative of our time. War has become
preposterous. And maintaining armaments is consuming resources
which, if constructively used, could bring forth a new era of benefit for
all mankind.
As you know, I recently visited a number of the nations of Europe, the
Middle East, South Asia and Africa. There I had an opportunity to
convey to millions the wish dearest to the hearts of my own countrymen;
a world of free men living in peace and friendship.
Soon, with my colleagues in Great Britain and France, I will meet with
the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union. It is
in part to prepare for this meeting that I have sought the opportunity to
confer with the leaders of some of the Latin American nations. All of
us hope fervently that out of this and subsequent international meetings
may come understandings which will permit at least a partial relaxation
of tensions and a modest advance along the road of lasting peace.
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We seek to promote universal acceptance of the rule of law. We are
determined to do all in our power to help the United Nations become an
ever more effective instrument for peace. We support the International
Court of Justice.
Though the road to guaranteed peace is a long one, we in the Western
Hemisphere may take satisfaction that we among ourselves have made
encouraging progress along that road. By providing guarantees of national independence and integrity to our own nations, we have set a
useful example for the world. The Organization of American States has
provided our American family of nations a valuable mechanism for consultation and has made possible the evolution of political and juridical
doctrines in international relations which are accepted by all our republics.
The vitality of our Organization was recently demonstrated in the meeting of Foreign Ministers which took place here in Santiago. Under the
able chairmanship of your distinguished Foreign Minister, the meeting
agreed to the strengthening of the Inter-American Peace Committee, and
it gave new emphasis to two basic concepts of the Inter-American system:
nonintervention and representative democracy.
With a long history of successful consultation, fortified by solemn agreements and machinery for the peaceful settlement of disputes, it is logical
that leaders throughout the hemisphere should now have a new concern
regarding the burden of armaments on the economies of the American
Republics. Hence the initiative of His Excellency President Alessandri
in suggesting that the time is ripe to find effective means of reducing the
burden of armaments in Latin America has been hailed as an act of
statesmanship.
Working out the procedures for achieving limitation and assuring compliance will not be easy. The level of armaments which a nation feels
it must maintain to assure the safety of its people involves a decision
which the sovereign authority of that country must make for itself. In
reaching its decision, each government will have to balance the minimum
requirements for security against the drain on its resources.
While the technical steps will be difficult, multilateral agreement can
be achieved if each nation of the hemisphere has confidence that it need
not fear unprovoked aggression.
It is precisely such confidence that our Inter-American system should
provide. The Rio Treaty of I947 provides, and I quote from that document, "that an armed attack by any State against an American State
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
shall be considered as an attack against all the American States and,
consequently, each one of the said Contracting Parties undertakes to assist
in meeting the attack."
My Government supports this solemn agreement. Should any American Republic be the victim of aggression, the United States is ready to
fulfill its treaty obligations with strength, promptness, and firmness.
Bearing in mind the guarantees provided by the Rio Treaty, I assure
you that my Government is prepared to cooperate in any practical steps
that may be initiated by the Government of Chile or any of her neighbors
to reduce expenditures on armaments.
As arms expenditures decline, funds will be released for more productive purposes. This will be at best a gradual process. In the meantime,
Chile, like other growing countries, will need capital for economic development. Here and elsewhere, that capital must come primarily from
within; from the encouragement of savings, which depends on confidence
in economic and political stability, and their intelligent investment; from
a just and equitable tax system, strictly enforced; and from incentives
to more efficient production and distribution, including the incentive of
competition.
Yet domestic capital, while of first importance, will not always be
sufficient to meet demands in a period of rapid growth. Hence Chile,
like other countries, looks abroad for capital. I am glad that lending
institutions in the United States have been able to grant substantial credits
to the Government of Chile.
In addition, considerable other credits and equity capital have flowed
into various sectors of your economy. Thus, United States copper companies have in the past three years invested more than $125 million in
new capacity-which means more earnings, more tax revenue, and more
jobs. Investments are either being made or planned in fabricating plants
to use the output of your great steel mill. I have been happy to learn
that your national power company has received approval for a loan from
the International Bank which will permit needed expansion of your power
supply; and that this will be supplemented by the investment of substantial private United States capital to increase power capacity in the
Santiago-Valparaiso area. All this is good, since it will make important
contributions to the growth of your country.
And yet the demand for more capital, in South America as in other
parts of the world, continues. It is for this reason that during the past
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year the Congress of the United States-despite our own difficult situation with respect to international balances-has increased the resources
of the Export-Import Bank, has approved the doubling of our subscription to the capital of the World Bank and has joined with you and your
neighbors in the formation of the Inter-American Development Bank.
As this Bank starts its career, under the presidency of a distinguished
Chilean, it, together with the other institutions I have mentioned, should
do much to meet the need for long term credits.
I must emphasize, however, that the competition for both public and
private credit is severe. Some charge that private capital in the more
developed countries is seeking every opportunity to pour into the less
developed countries in order to engulf their economies.
Nothing could be more erroneous. Investment capital is limited.
Competition for it is keen in the United States and in many other countries. It will flow only to those areas where it is actively sought, welcomed, and treated fairly. More and more it seeks the partnership of
local capital and local experience.
I congratulate your President and all of you on your efforts to
strengthen the economy and fiscal situation of your country. You will
thus create confidence for investment, both domestic and foreign.
As I have said, the principal impetus for any nation's economic development must be its own will-its own dedicated effort. Then, financial
and technical assistance from abroad can be extremely helpful. So, too,
can increased cooperation between neighbors. Working together, nations can increase trade and reduce costs of production, to their mutual
benefit. These developments will attract additional credit. Hence the
United States is sympathetic to the progress being made by Chile and
her neighbors to establish some form of common market.
The United States, as the largest common market in the world, could
not but look with favor on the efforts of other free nations-in Europe,
Latin America, or elsewhere-to enhance their prosperity through the
reduction of barriers to trade and the maximum use of their resources.
We feel that a common market must be designed not only to increase
trade within the region but to raise the level of world trade generally.
Members of the Chilean Congress: in mentioning briefly this afternoon
our quest for peace and friendship in freedom, our common concern for
reducing the burden of armaments, the need for development capital, and
the benefits that may be derived from common planning, I have merely
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
touched on several elements involved in our hopes for a better world for
the future. What we do, or fail to do, will have its maximum impact on
the lives of our children and grandchildren. The future is the domain
of youth. More than ever before, our young people, living in a world
of inter-dependence and rapid communication, must possess technical
competence. They must develop inter-cultural understanding, possess
high spiritual values and integrity, be imbued with a passion for cooperation, and be devoted to building societies in freedom, that yield benefits
to all. Only then will they be able to use effectively all of their material
resources, including capital. Hence, we now have the obligation to expand educational opportunities in each of our countries and provide for
the maximum exchanges of students, teachers, and others. We must
provide an environment which convinces our youth that only in a democratic society can there be the intellectual freedom they cherish, that there
is no short-cut to a richer life, and that the path they must follow will
demand courage and a deep and abiding faith in humanity.
These are values which for generations have been held dear in Chile,
as they have been in my country. I trust that our sons and daughters will
in the future give them even deeper meaning. From my visit to Chile
and her neighbors I shall take back renewed faith in the lofty aspirations
of free people and renewed courage to face the tasks during the time
which remains to me as President of my country.
From my heart I thank you for the honor you have done me in inviting
me to be with you today and for the cordial welcome you have given me.
I thank you.
NOTE: In his opening words the President uties. Later he referred to Foreign Minreferred to Senator Hernan Videla, Presi- ister German Vergara, who served as
dent of the Senate, and Deputy Raul chairman of the meeting of the Foreign
Juliet, President of the Chamber of Dep- Ministers in Santiago, August I2-z8,
1959.
74 CY Remarks Upon Receiving a Medal
Presented by Members of the National Congress of
Chile. March I, 1960
Mr. President and Members of this Congress:
I cannot remember when I have been more deeply touched by any
gift or any award than the one which you just accorded to me. But I do
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assure you that I need no symbol or any memento to keep buried deep in
my heart and mind the pleasures and the interests-and indeed the
instruction-I have received here in Chile.
This visit will always be one of my cherished memories. To have this
medal as a visible token of your affection is indeed something for which
I thank you from the very bottom of my heart-not only on my own behalf, and of my associates, but indeed on behalf of all my countrymen.
Thank you.
NOTE: The medal was presented by Sena- gress (Item 73). The inscription reads
tor Videla immediately following the "Congreso Nacional de Chile-Dwight D.
President's address to the Chilean Con- Eisenhower, i March I960."
75 4 Toast to PresidentAlessandri ataDinner
Given in His Honor by the President.
March I, I960
Your Excellency President Alessandri:
Your presence here this evening does honor to my country, and to me.
It is good, for a few hours, to have you in this American home, and to
extend our hospitality to you and your associates.
May I say, Mr. President, that in the short time I have been here I
have seen all the ingredients of progress.
I was greatly encouraged to meet with large groups which are fostering
Chilean-American understanding, for I deeply believe that genuine understanding is the foundation of all fruitful cooperation.
From you personally I have learned more about your efforts to establish economic stability, and to set in motion giant forces for the improvement of production and the living standards of your people.
Your cooperation in promoting a common regional market is highly
encouraging, for it promises greater intraregional trade and, once realized
will create conditions attractive to foreign development capital.
Your views on disarmament must command the attention and respect
of every thoughtful citizen in the hemisphere. Certainly every enlightened leader should aspire to transferring production from sterile to constructive purposes.
And of special significance I think, I have sensed in all the people I
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
( 76
have met a will to work-a faith in their ability to solve their problems
in their own way-and in freedom.
Finally, I have been impressed by Chile's deep sense of responsibility
toward other nations-not only the republics of this hemisphere, but the
larger world.
Mr. President, in appreciation of your leadership of a free and proud
nation, and with earnest thanks for the hospitality which you and your
people have extended to us, I salute you, and ask all to join me in a Toast
to you.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast Ambassador Walter Howe in Santiago.
at a dinner given at the residence of U.S.
76 eJ Joint Statement Following Discussions
With President Alessandri of Chile.
March i, I960
THE PRESIDENTS of the United States of America and of Chile,
Messrs. Dwight D. Eisenhower and Jorge Alessandri, on the occasion of
the visit to Santiago of President Eisenhower, from February 29 to March
2, 1960, exchanged views on various matters of common interest:
The Presidents discussed the collaboration of Chile and the United
States of America in international organizations with a view to the realization of the common principles which guide the foreign policies of both
countries.
In particular they exchanged ideas regarding the principal affairs of
the world situation and, moreover, concerning measures which would
make possible the strengthening of the inter-American system in accordance with the Declaration of Santiago, which was unanimously approved
at the Fifth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, held
in August, I 959.
They reaffirmed the urgency of seeking solutions for the problems of
economic development and of improving living standards in America.
They likewise reiterated that the inter-American system should be based
on respect for human rights, the effective exercise of democracy, and
non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States.
Economic matters of common interest, particularly those of hemispheric
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scope comprehended in Operation Pan America, were also discussed.
Similarly, special attention was given to the armaments problem in the
continent and to Chile's initiative in proposing that the nations of the
Americas give their urgent consideration to this matter, with the objective
of reaching an appropriate equilibrium within a general policy of limitation on arms purchases.
The financing of economic development, both public and private, was
also discussed, as was the formation of various regional trade zones, both
in Europe and the Americas, and their possible effects on the economies
of this hemisphere.
Finally, programs of cultural collaboration were reviewed, with emphasis on the importance of disseminating scientific and technical
knowledge.
NOTE: This statement was released at lished in the Department of State Bulletin
Santiago, Chile. (vol. 41, p. 342).
The Declaration of Santiago is pub77 eT Remarks at Los Cerrillos Airport in Santiago
Upon Leaving for Uruguay. March 2, I 960
Dr. Del Rio, ladies and gentlemen:
All too swiftly, the time has come for our departure from this magnificent land. On behalf of the members of my party and myself,
I thank all of you sincerely for the hospitality and kindness you have
shown us.
We have been heartened by the friendly and informative discussions
we have held with His Excellency President Alessandri and other leaders
of your government. I trust that they have found these conversations
to be as helpful as we have.
As we prepare to embark, my mind goes back many years-to a time
when both our countries were very young. In those days many pioneers
in my country journeyed to the Western United States by sea, around
South America. Thousands of them put into Chilean ports to rest from
their arduous journey and to prepare for the northward part of their
voyage.
Now, we could reach the capital of my country in a matter of hoursa journey which would have taken those pioneers many months.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
Technology has indeed shrunk the world. Today all men are close
neighbors.
Technology has given us the means of achieving a full life. But
whether the possibility is realized is in the hands and minds of men.
Will men everywhere strive for the ideals of peace, freedom, and progress which our sturdy forefathers sought?
So far as Chile and the United States-and the nations of this hemisphere-are concerned, the answer is obviously a resounding "Yes!"
I leave with profound admiration for Chile's efforts for internal stability and progress, and for your noble work in the world community.
Goodbye-and thanks to all once again for your hospitality and
friendship.
NOTE: The President's opening words re- the Interior and senior member of the
ferred to Dr. Sotero del Rio, Minister of Chilean Cabinet.
78 eI Remarks Upon Arrival at Carrasco Airport,
Montevideo. March 2, i960
Mr. President of the National Council of Government, ladies and
gentlemen:
The friendly reception you have accorded my associates and me is
especially gratifying, for to me it is indicative of the strong spiritual kinship between the governments and peoples of Uruguay and of the United
States.
The fame of your democratic institutions has earned the applause of
every American-school children and adults alike. We salute you, not
only for your adherence to democratic principles in your own country,
but also for your continuing contributions to hemispheric solidarity, to
the Organization of American States, and to the United Nations.
By deeds you have eloquently demonstrated your devotion to the concept
of building a world characterized by peace, justice, and freedom.
I bring you this heartfelt message from all the people of my country:
we treasure our partnership with you, and all our sister Republics in this
hemisphere. We want this partnership to be a model of mutually helpful
cooperation among sovereign states-some large, some small, but each
equally contributing to the unity of purpose and effectiveness of the
whole. How to make our partnership better shine as a beacon light to
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mankind will be the substance of my conversations with you, Mr. President, and with your associates in government.
I am delighted to be here, and look forward eagerly to meeting many
of you during my short stay.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 2: IO p.m. tional Council of Government, Foreign
He was greeted by President Benito Nar- Minister Homero Martinez, and U.S. Amdone and the other members of the Na- bassador Robert F. Woodward.
79 ef Remarks Upon Receiving a Medal From the
President of the Departmental Council of
Montevideo. March 2, 1960
Mr. President, Mr. Mayor, and members of the City Council of
Montevideo:
It is indeed a very great honor that you do me to give me this medal
as a symbol of the medal of honor of Montevideo. It is indeed a unique
occasion.
To stand here in the shadow of this obelisk, a memorial to constitutional
government, in a country that worships-venerates the doctrines of
Artigas, one of the great champions of liberty and freedom of all time,
this is an occasion that warms the very depths of my heart.
I could only say that this medal, if ever earned at all, has been earned
by the people of the United States, who with the people of Uruguay have
been champions of freedom, have worked for freedom, have been ready
to sacrifice for freedom. And no stronger bonds could hold together two
people more firmly.
So, sir, as I thank you, the citizens of Montevideo-as a matter of fact,
all Uruguay-I do so as one who believes in exactly the same sentiments
that you have just expressed concerning liberty, independence, and
human dignity.
Thank you.
NOTE: The President spoke at the obelisk partmental Council of Montevideo.
at approximately 3 p.m. His opening The medal, which was presented by Mr.
words "Mr. President, Mr. Mayor" re- Crespo, bears the inscription "Homenaje
ferred to President Nardone and Daniel de Montevideo, El Concejo DepartaFernandez Crespo, President of the De- mental al Presidente Dwight Eisenhower."
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960 J 8o
8o eu Address Before a Joint Session of the
National Congress of Uruguay. March 2, I 960
Mr. President, distinguished members of the Congress, ladies and gentlemen, citizens of Uruguay:
Before I give to you my communications, the thoughts that I have
wanted to say to you, I want to express something of my feelings concerning the welcome that has been given me by Montevideo-all the way
along the beaches, through the streets with their majestic buildings, and
by a people that seemed to be expressing the utmost in friendship.
My only regret is that every member in every dwelling in the farms
and cities of my country could not have seen this day, because they would
have realized that this people was trying to say "We are with you, in
believing in freedom, in our dedication to liberty, and because we are so
joined with you we send across these oceans to you from North America,
our very best wishes."
I deem it a high honor to address you, the democratically elected representatives of the people of Uruguay.
I bring you from my people and my government earnest expressions
of friendship and good will.
The United States shares with Uruguay an abiding desire to live in
freedom, human dignity, and peace with justice.
The great wonder of history is that leaders-knowing that peoples
everywhere, regardless of economic station, race, or creed, possess a burning desire to achieve these values-still have been unable to prevent
the world from becoming tragically divided by mistrust, threat, and even
overt hostility.
In our time, the destructive power available for misuse is awesome.
We have now reached the point in human progress where the choice
before us is mutual annihilation or abiding cooperation in the construction of the peace that lives as a cherished dream in the hearts of people
everywhere.
At this fateful time, the people of the United States find themselves
carrying unbelievably heavy burdens. They do this not just in their own
interest, but for the benefit of all who cherish freedom-all who believe
that human affairs should be managed in harmony with basic moral law.
They do this for all who are deeply convinced that peoples have the
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inalienable right to live in peace, with their creative energies devoted
exclusively to building the social, cultural, and economic institutions
consonant with their own desires.
My country makes these sacrifices with no avaricious end in view.
The United States does not covet a single acre of land that belongs to
another. We do not wish to control or dictate to another government.
We do not desire to impose our concepts of political, cultural, or economic
life upon either the largest or the smallest, the strongest or the weakest,
of the nations of the earth. We believe that the people of every nation
are endowed with the right of free choice, and that the most sacred
obligation of the world community is to guarantee such choice to all.
Need I document these assertions? The Philippines today are independent-by their own choice. Alaska and Hawaii are now, proudly,
equal partners in our federated, democratic enterprise-by their own
choice. Puerto Rico is a Commonwealth within the United States system-by its own choice. After World War I, World War II, and
the Korean War, the United States did not in any way enrich itself at
another's expense-even from former enemies.
Indeed, it did the opposite. We offered substantive help to others,
first for reconstruction, and then, because of thundering threats, for the
creation of a cooperative defense system to protect the free world from
deliberate attack or the miscalculation of arrogance.
I am aware of the feeling of many people in Latin America that the
United States, while giving bounteously for postwar reconstruction and
mutual security, has been less generous with our good neighbors of this
hemisphere.
I am the first to acknowledge the fallibility of nations and leaders,
even those with the best intentions. But I ask you and all our good friends
of the Americas to consider this:
The aid we gave to Europe after the Great War helped restore that
area as a producer and buyer, to the benefit of Latin America as well as
to ourselves. During the war, the trade of Latin America with the
United States increased six-fold, and has been sustained at a higher level
since then.
The resources we have exported for the construction of a defense
perimeter have been for the benefit of all who desire freedom, independence and the right to be unmolested as they work for the improved
well-being of their own people.
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These efforts have required our people to impose upon themselves the
most burdensome levels of taxation in our national history. They have
caused us to forego doing as much as we otherwise would in some internal
projects. They have brought difficulties in our international financial
affairs. But-let me emphasize this-the assistance flowing to Latin
America from the United States, in the form of private and public loans
and technical aid, has been higher in recent years than ever before.
Indeed I wonder if many realize the extent, both in mass and beneficial
effect, of the capital going into Latin American enterprises from United
States sources? In the last fiscal year, for example, the private and public funds made available in Latin America from the United States and
its companies approximated one billion dollars-and it is difficult to set
a figure representing the subsidiary benefits brought about by the creation
of new jobs, new markets, and new enterprises.
Yes, while we have known holocausts of anxiety, suffering, and great
human tragedy three times in this century, we have not turned inward
to indulge in self-pity. We have willingly extended the hand of friendship and cooperation, and in this process we have attached no greater
importance to solid, abiding partnerships with any area than we have
with those of the American republics.
Of course we face vexatious problems requiring constant attention.
We have them. You do.
As for our bilateral problems, the record clearly reveals that they have
been susceptible of solution when the healing balm of understanding has
been applied.
I am keenly aware that all of Latin America-and Uruguay is no
exception-is plagued by the fluctuation of raw commodity prices. Latin
America has need for industrialization, diversification, education, health
facilities, and capital to speed development.
Progress in any nation is and must be largely the task of its own people,
institutions, and leaders. But the United States stands ready to help in
any way it soundly can, within the framework of our world responsibilities
and the limits of our resources. Further, we work for the time-not distant I hope-when all the nations of the world in attaining greater
prosperity will progressively share in programs of assistance to less developed countries. Indeed, I would go further: I believe it is the duty of
every nation, no matter how large or small, how weak or strong, to contribute to the well-being of the world community of free men. For a time,
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perhaps some can supply only certain skills, or personnel, or spiritual support. The important consideration is that we should all accept a common
sense of responsibility for our common destiny.
I am sure you hold the concept, as we do, that every human being,
given an opportunity to do so, will make his contribution to the general
welfare. You must feel, as we surely do, that hunger and privation must
be eliminated from the earth by the cooperative effort of peoples and of
governments of good will. We are certain, as you must be, that the
cooperative effort of free working men and women, dedicated to and
living under democratic principles, can out-produce the regimented working force of any nation suffering under dictatorial control.
Nations must constantly explore new opportunities to be helpful to one
another. Who would have thought, a few years ago, that six nations
of Europe would now be joined in a common effort to enlarge trade
opportunities, to lower production costs, and thus to improve living standards? Or that seven other nations would develop a loose confederation
for cooperation with those six? Yet these developments are under way.
They can contribute to the growth of the free world, provided of course
that both blocs operate with due regard for the interests of other countries.
Here in Montevideo last month, you were host to a meeting of the
representatives of eight nations, at which was taken an important formal
step toward the creation of a common market in which Uruguay would
be a participant. You are dealing here with the possibility of widening
each nation's markets in such a way that you increase the efficiency of
many industries and thus greatly enhance the opportunity to obtain credits
to hasten development. I congratulate you.
The beginning point of all cooperation-or between individuals, or
between groups within a single society, or between nations-is genuine
human understanding.
The conclusion, within the next few days, of a Fulbright Agreement
between Uruguay and the United States for the exchange of students and
professors is an important step in this direction.
Surely we of Uruguay and the United States should not fail in developing the knowledge about one another, and the abiding understanding,
on which dependable cooperation can be based. I know you respect our
democratic processes, our system of economic freedom, our adherence to
those cardinal concepts of human dignity and consecrated intelligence
which we draw from our religious philosophy.
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Certainly we admire you. The people of Uruguay, like the people of
the United States, came from many different places, but all were guided
by passionate desires for freedom, justice, and opportunity. Under a
great leader, Jose Artigas, you struggled for independence, even as we
did under George Washington. And then you set to work.
We have watched the development of democratic institutions in Uruguay with unbounded admiration. We have been impressed with your
individualism-with the development of the flaming spirit of liberty, justice, and self-discipline in the citizens of Uruguay. And we have applauded your successes as you have battled against human want, without
sacrifice of human liberty.
It is no wonder that, in a world in which millions have been subjected
to the philosophy and fetters of vicious tyranny, we feel a deep spiritual
relationship to you.
We have worked well together in helping build the most influential
regional organization on earth, the Organization of American Statesin helping make the United Nations an instrument of true promise for
international cooperation-and in seeking the solution to the problem
of transcendent importance: peace, with justice, in freedom.
Controlled, universal disarmament is now imperative. The billions
now living demand it. That we can make it our children's inheritance
is our fondest hope.
The United States is deeply committed to a ceaseless search for genuine
disarmament, with guarantees that remove suspicions and fears. Nearly
seven years ago I said what I now re-pledge: the United States "is ready
to ask its people to join with all nations in devoting a substantial percentage of its savings achieved by disarmament to a fund for world aid and
reconstruction."
Members of the Congress: I profoundly thank you for the honor of
meeting with you, for your generous hospitality and for the friendly
greetings of the Uruguayan people whom you represent. May God favor
you in your efforts to promote the interests of your people in freedom,
and inspire you to still greater effort in our common struggle to achieve a
world which lives in harmony under moral law.
NOTE: The President spoke at 6:o5 p.m. Toward the close of his address the
at the Legislative Palace. His opening President quoted from an address before
words "Mr. President" referred to Senator the American Society of Newspaper EdiJuan Carlos Raffo Fravega, President of tors on April i6, 1953 (see 1953 volume,
the General Assembly and of the Senate. this series, p. I79).
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81 Iy Remarks Upon Receiving a Medal
Presented by the President of the General Assembly.
March 2, I960
Mr. President:
I am most grateful for this medal. I have only one regret, that the
message that I delivered to your Congress was not so eloquent as I could
have wished in expressing the true affection that the United States has
for Uruguay, and the feeling of brotherly comradeship with them that
we always cherish.
Could I have put those thoughts in the proper words, they would have
been more valuable. But I do thank you very much.
NOTE: The medal was presented to the The inscription reads "El Poder Legistivo
President by Senator Raffo at a reception al Presidente Dwight Eisenhower, 2
immediately following the President's ad- March I960-Republica Oriental del
dress to the National Congress (Item 8o). Uruguay."
82 J Toast of the President at a Dinner Given in
His Honor by President Nardone of Uruguay.
March 2, 1960
Mr. President of the National Council of Government:
I deeply appreciate your gracious remarks. I interpret your words as
an expression of the abiding friendship which happily exists between the
peoples and governments of Uruguay and the United States.
My associates and I are grateful for this opportunity to be with you
and Senora de Nardone, and this distinguished company of Uruguayans.
We sincerely thank you for your hospitality, which has enabled us to
know you better and to appreciate at firsthand the admirable, warm
qualities of Uruguay's people and their leaders.
This has been a deeply moving experience-one that has stirred us
profoundly, not only because of its warm human quality, but because
we know that this expression of friendship is a recognition of our common love of liberty and justice, our common devotion to representative
government, our common conviction that all men, in their sonship, are
endowed with dignity and inalienable rights.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
It was here in Montevideo, more than a quarter of a century ago, that
the policy of nonintervention in the affairs of other nations was formalized
and thus became a living reality. Our governments have, even in adversity, honorably, persistently, and consistently adhered to this policy.
Our dedicated hope is that our example will be noted and emulated by
all the nations of this earth.
Bearing in mind our shared ideals and purposes, Mr. President, I lift
my glass to you and to the Uruguayan people while expressing the hope
that we may find even more effective methods for cooperative progress
toward peace, freedom, and ever-rising levels of human well-being.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at the dinner given at the presidential residence in Montevideo.
83 4I Remarks to the Staff of the U.S. Embassy in
Montevideo. March 3, i960
MY FIRST COMMENT, my friends, is that this seems to be a very
efficient embassy, because there are so few people compared to what I
have run into in a good many places in the Far East and Mideast. The
number seems to be kept down here, something that pleases my heart
because I am quite sure that a lot of us make work for others.
I have just one little thought that may be worth while expressing:
the very deep conviction that everybody in a foreign country from
America is an ambassador. We have the head of a mission, and we
call him Mr. Ambassador. But the more I have seen and known of
foreign relations-and I've been in it for a good many years, because
they started me off in the Philippines in I935 after some training in
Panama-I have come to the conclusion that America is judged by what
each of us does, says, and how we act.
Now this is, in the mass, so terribly important that each individual
is often very apt to forget it. And he says, "To hell with it, this is my
life and I am going to live it as I please"-and so on. But when we
undertake service, particularly in the United States Government, to a
certain extent you have adopted a code, a code of conduct that demands
the best you have-in spirit and intelligence and perseverance.
I think, therefore, that each person here and in every other embassy
can feel they have a very great responsibility.
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But they can feel more than that. They have a great opportunity,
because there is nothing that's going to be so important to these youngsters right here in the front-and their youngsters-than going about
the work of producing a peace. Nothing can be more difficult, nothing
more important.
But if each of us can feel he has done a little bit, whether it's a President
trying to meet a crowd and make them believe that the United States
truly wants peace, or whether it's a secretary who's showing always the
courtesy and the politeness that some visitor expects, or if it's merely a
good "Good morning" from an American as they pass someone on the
street-I think this is one of the great jobs we can do outside, you might
say extracurricular, because I know you are all busy.
But the fact is, if we can't make progress along this line, I am rather
pessimistic about this poor old world. But I don't think we have to be
pessimistic. We can do our part and possibly we will get representatives
of other countries to do theirs.
And there is another place, where I have started meeting with some
of my friends that are influential in corporations, to get them to try to
tell these same things to their representatives abroad. Because if all of
our commercial friends coming out looking for business, if they do it in
a way that shows their concern in the country they are visiting, as well as
their own pocketbooks, I think we will make tremendous progress.
I didn't mean to come out here to say anything more than "Hello,"
but when I see what I believe to be the great opportunity that lies in the
hands of this collective group, I can't fail to say we serve America best
when we are doing our job for the world best.
So, good luck to you, and while I probably won't be this way again,
until after I am free at least-and if I am, maybe I will come down here
and be one of these tourists of whom I speak.
Thank you-and good luck.
NOTE: The President spoke at 8: 15 a.m. from the rear portico of the U.S. Embassy
residence.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
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84 q TheDeclarationofMontevideo: Joint
Declaration by the President and the National
Council of Government of Uruguay.
March 3, 1960
THE NATIONAL COUNCIL of Government of the Oriental Republic
of Uruguay and the President of the United States of America have
agreed to make the following declaration defining the basic principles
which, in each of their countries, govern the international relations of
their respective peoples and inspire the ideal of freedom which binds
them:
i. The sacred respect for human rights and dignity, the strengthening
of their democratic institutions and the repudiation of all manner of
anti-democratic actions or penetration;
2. The wide and growing acceptance of these same principles throughout the Americas in accordance with juridical standards freely accepted
by the participating states, and, therefore, in strict compliance with the
principles of nonintervention;
3. The most sincere and wholehearted support of institutions and
organizations for international cooperation which promote both universally and regionally, in accordance with the rules of international law,
the consolidation of peace, the strengthening of international security and
the parallel economic, social and cultural development of the American
nations, as well as the rest of the world.
4. Both countries will endeavor to increase their economic, social and
cultural cooperation directly and through international organizations.
5. This declaration shall be known as the Declaration of Montevideo.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
BENITO NARDONE
NOTE: The declaration was released at Montevideo.
60295-61-21
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85 eI Remarks at Carrasco Airport, Montevideo,
Upon Leaving for Puerto Rico. March 3, I 960
Mr. President, and people of Uruguay:
The warm hospitality which you, Mr. President, and your fellow citizens have shown to me and to my party has impressed itself indelibly on
my mind. My deep personal faith in the goodness of people, in the
sanctity of the human spirit, and in the burning desire of people for
freedom to progress in their chosen way, has received here renewed
strength. I am grateful to you for a memorable demonstration which
will encourage and inspire me in the months to come.
My departure from your lovely country marks the end of my all-toobrief visit to this great southern area. Since duties at home would not
permit me to visit all the nations of the hemisphere, I have hoped that this
trip would be recognized throughout the continent as an expression of the
deep respect and affection held by the people of the United States for
all the people of Latin America. To all of them, if I may, I wish to say
this:
The good neighbor and good partner policy is a firm, unswerving guide
to all the actions of my Government which affect Latin America.
We adhere firmly to the policy of nonintervention.
We wish to see all the Americas progress together rapidly, in freedom.
We are ever ready to cooperate with you in fostering sound
development.
We always stand ready to consult with our good neighbors on economic,
political, social, and security problems, both on a bilateral and multilateral
basis.
We reaffirm our pledge to help maintain the security of the Americas
under the Rio Treaty, and to cooperate in achieving a realistic program
of disarmament.
We declare our faith in a realm of law, our determination to abide by
treaty and related international commitments, and our insistence that
other nations do likewise.
We repudiate and condemn all efforts to undermine the democratic
institutions of the hemisphere through coercion, subversion, or blatant lie.
We will do all in our power to spread the blessings of freedom in the
hemisphere, and to work for a solidarity among free peoples.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
by 86
And now, Mr. President, goodbye to you, to Senora de Nardone, to all
your friendly citizens, and to the people of this majestic Southland.
86 eI Remarks at Dorado, Puerto Rico, at a
Meeting of the American Assembly.
March 4, i960
Governor Munoz Marin, President Wriston, members of the Assembly,
and fellow citizens of this hemisphere:
I should apologize, I think, before beginning this little talk, because I
face a distinguished people who know a very great deal about the subject
that I expect to talk about; and the other is that I have just learned, while
sitting at the head table, that your report has been completed. And after
I gave my conclusions, they said, "Well, it's identical," and I think they
should have added, "Well, then, you don't have to give the speech"! But
in the hope that there may be one or two points of some interest, I will
indulge myself to take advantage of you for a few minutes.
When I first visited the proposed site for the American Assembly at
Arden House io years ago, I could hardly have foreseen that in the year
i960 I should be addressing a regional meeting of the Assembly in Puerto
Rico; or that I would come before you having just completed 2 journeys,
totaling almost 40,000 miles, with visits to I 5 countries on 4 continents.
But I assure you I am delighted to be with you here in a renewal of my
personal association with the American Assembly. And I must confess
to some pride that this meeting is a major expansion of what was for me
little more than a dream I o years ago.
You will permit me, I hope, a few minutes of reminiscence about my
early thinking on the Assembly and my participation in its establishment.
Even before I went to Columbia as its President, out of some experience in war and in Washington I had come to feel very strongly that there
was a need for a forum or council in which could be utilized the best
minds of the Nation.
To do this, my associates and I believed we should attempt to set up
specific problems of national interest, where in a proper setting the best
academic and practical minds could be assembled for the necessary
analyses. Their examination of each of these could take place in an
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atmosphere free from the pressures of partisan politics and special interests. Then, solutions might be suggested, founded in sound principle
and wide knowledge, undistorted by pleas for the expedient and immediately popular.
We felt that many of the problems confronting the American people
often were apparently impossible of solution, and hopelessly confused,
because even the most critical question could easily become a political
football or an excuse for sensationalism and even hysteria.
Matters affecting the future of the Republic, its world leadership and
responsibilities deserved, we thought, the serious, deliberate, calm study
their importance merited.
Shortly after my arrival at Columbia, I was invited by the present
President of the American Assembly, my friend, Henry Wriston, to participate in the monthly deliberations of the Council on Foreign Relations.
There in our discussions of various international concerns we tried, with
the help of expert and specialized counsel, to suggest courses of action in
the field of foreign relations that were designed directly for the correction,
improvement, or clarification of the situation under study. Our proposals were formulated within the context of the enlightened self-interest
of the United States of America. They were not reached under the
influence of the politically palatable, the quick and easy, the supposedly
popular.
The same quality of work on a much larger scale-the study of all
problems affecting our people and the future of the Republic-could be
ideally undertaken, I thought, at Columbia University. There we had
available immense resources in the faculty and libraries and trained
research people-a unique pool of human knowledge and written knowledge. By testing faculty proposals before groups of businessmen and
leaders in all professions, we felt we would provide for such proposals a
validity not otherwise likely to be had.
In I949, with the trustees and my associates on the campus, we began
work on this idea. By early 1950 we had a home for the American Assembly, at Arden House, given to the University by Governor Averell
Harriman. I thought this venture so important that I wrote hundreds
of letters and flew the length and breadth of this country time and again
to raise the necessary money. It came in-often in generous amountsand before I left for SHAPE in January of 1951 a healthy start for the
American Assembly was assured.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 960o
by 86
As you know, the studies of the Assembly have been many and varied,
ranging from our relations with Western Europe to wages, prices, profits
and productivity. They have had a substantial impact on American
thinking throughout Government and in the communities of our own
country.
But even in the planning days, a decade ago, I felt that the Assembly's
deliberations eventually should be concerned with the subject on which
I expect to speak briefly today-the common destiny, the common interests, the common aspirations of the American Republics and Commonwealth members, Netherlands and French communities.
Our hemisphere, from the polar cap to the Antarctic ice, is a geographical unity. For the advantages of all its nations the hemispheres
should be characterized by mutually-helpful economic cooperation.
With proper respect to the sovereignty of its states and the cultural
heritages of its peoples, there should be a mutual security unity and, in
its philosophy of representative free government, complete political harmony. These purposes, it seems to me, indicate a need to exploit for the
good of almost half a billion people of the Americas-and their numbers
daily increase-the new mastery of space and natural resources, of science
and machines.
If I have to apologize for my voice, I could do so by saying I left most
of it in South America.
Ignorance of each other, misunderstanding of each other, lack of
mutual and cooperative planning in our common purposes: these, I
think, are the principal obstacles in our path. To do something toward
their reduction was a principal purpose of the journey I have just
finished.
Wherever I went, I stated again and again the basic principles and
attitudes that govern our country's relationships in this hemisphere.
For example: our good neighbor-good partner policy is a permanent
guide, encompassing nonintervention, mutual respect, and juridical equality of states.
We wish, for every American nation, a rapid economic progress with
its blessings reaching all the people.
We are always eager to cooperate in fostering sound development
within the limits of practical capabilities; further, we shall continue to
urge every nation to join in help to the less fortunate.
We declare our faith in the rule of law, our determination to abide
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by treaty commitments, and our insistence that other nations do likewise.
Everywhere I found in the nations I visited a general agreement that
these principles have been actually practiced by the United States. I
found, too, inescapable evidence that many in every country knew little
of our record and more who misunderstand our purposes. But identically
the same can be said of North Americans in their ignorance and misunderstanding of Latin America.
Here the American Assembly can play a tremendous and useful role.
Its participants are recognized everywhere for their experience in human
affairs, their broad knowledge, their professional competence-and above
all their good will and their dedication to truth. Particularly to the
young people, those who will manage the affairs of this hemisphere in a
few years, the members of the Assembly can be honest teachers and wise
counsellors.
And the problems that confront us are immense. Many countries of
Latin America desperately need long-term financing of their development
projects; technical assistance in their planning and execution; escape
from dependence on one crop or one mineral; help in balancing budgets
and substituting productive work for bureaucratic make-work; an end
to inflation and a start on solidly, widely based economics. And their
needs must be answered soon and effectively.
Panacea proposals, facile solutions, will lead only to disillusionment.
Above all, any thought of the United States alone developing a socalled master plan for the raising of living standards throughout the hemisphere has been rejected by us and by the leaders of the states I have
just visited, including Surinam, and is foredoomed to failure.
Each nation of Latin America is highly individual. Each must analyze
its own human and material resources, and develop a program of action,
with priorities assigned. Then, national and international credit agencies
should stand ready to be of assistance in making the program a reality.
Obviously the major responsibility for a nation's development devolves
upon its own people, its own leaders; its own pride, its own self-respect,
its own self-interest demand that this be so. And, parenthetically, may
I say I saw many evidences of this on the trip I have just completed.
I visited what was nothing but a rural slum outside of Santiago-thousands of people living in hovels, whose poverty beggared description.
But the government gave them a start. The government owned the
ground of the area and then it laid out plots, and it built concrete floors.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 86
On each of these floors were two families, in the center where the normal
washroom and toilet facilities were. Then, they've got a new system of
construction, one I had never seen, and yet may be a very practical thing
in many countries. It is the making of bricks out of wood, and these
bricks instead of being put together by cement, they have very heavy glue,
and then they are nailed down to the block below-each block is about
a foot long and about four inches square in cross-section.
Now the point is that all the rest of the work is done by self-help.
Before work in the morning, after work in the evening, these families do
this. The particular project I visited, I believe there were 4,I02 cottages,
of which about 6oo have been developed in the weeks so far past, and they
are going to have it finished before snow flies-before winter comes.
Now here is the point: never have I seen such a happy people, because
they were doing this themselves, in crowds-and crowded around-workman after workman coming running to me, would I autograph one of the
blocks that was going in his house? He wanted to show this as a show
piece to his-even to his grandchildren, I suppose. And all he needed is a
plumb bob, because once you get the walls straight, it seems like they are
very, very strong. The inventor is convinced that he has hold of a very
good idea, and these people are showing what self-respect and pride can
be developed out of your ability to do something yourself, with a little bit
of help-a helping hand from someone outside.
I assure you I think that the government is reaping great benefits, not
only for the individuals thus helped, but for what it means in understanding on the part of all these people of its own government.
But nations which desire to advance rapidly surely do need public and
private funds from abroad. And funds are available. First there is private capital always seeking good investment opportunity. The International Bank and the Export-Import Bank have had their funds greatly
increased, and the new Inter-American Bank will soon be functioning.
And behind all these is the instant readiness of the United States, on a
government-to-government basis, to investigate cooperatively any special
problem or need, and to make such arrangements as seem to fill the
requirements.
As I said a few days ago to the Uruguayan Congress:
"We work for the time-not distant, I hope-when all the nations of
the world in attaining greater prosperity will progressively share in programs of assistance to less developed countries. Indeed I would go fur28I
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ther: I believe it is the duty of every nation, no matter how large or small,
how weak or strong, how rich or poor, to contribute to the well-being of
the world's community of free men. For a time, perhaps some can supply
only certain skills, or knowledge, or personnel, or spiritual support. But
all these are important too. And the most important consideration is
that we should all accept a common sense of responsibility for our common
destiny."
Only hard thinking and hard work will do the job. And they must be
accompanied by a most determined drive to eliminate ignorance and to
correct misunderstanding.
Here the American Assembly can help greatly. The need for your
help is, I think, the greatest challenge to confront you since the founding
of the Assembly I o years ago.
So I congratulate the American Assembly for its venture into this whole
area of study which is so profoundly important to the millions who inhabit
this hemisphere-indeed, to all the free world.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at a luncheon The report of the i6th American Asmeeting at the Dorado Beach Hotel. In sembly, to which the President referred in
his opening words he referred to Governor the opening paragraph, is published in
Luis Muiioz Marin and Dr. Henry Wris- "The United States and Latin America"
ton, President of the American Assembly. (Columbia University Press, I959).
87 (I Radio and Television Report to the
American People on the South American Trip.
March 8, I960
[ Delivered from the President's Office at 7 p.m. ]
Good evening, friends:
My first words upon my return from the four American republics
I have just visited must be a heartfelt expression of gratitude for the
friendly receptions my associates and I experienced, wherever we went.
Millions endured for long hours along the streets the hot summer
sun-and occasionally rain-to let us know of the enthusiastic good will
they have for the government and people of the United States. In the nations of Latin America-indeed as I have found in all of the eighteen
countries I have visited in my trips of recent months-there is a vast
reservoir of respect, admiration and affection for the United States of
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
Al 87
America. The expressions of this attitude by Latin American peoples
and their leaders were so enthusiastic and so often repeated as to admit
no possibility of mistake. Two or three insignificant exceptions to this
may have made a headline, but they were only minor incidents, lost in
the massed welcome.
This was a good will trip-but it was also much more. Members of
my party and I held serious conversations and exchanged information on
bilateral, hemispheric, and global problems with the four Heads of State,
with Cabinet members, with leaders of labor, education, finance, and
business.
Two impressions are highlighted in my mind.
First-Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay treasure as much as we
do freedom, human dignity, equality, and peace with justice. In freedom, they are determined to progress-to improve and diversify their
economies-to provide better housing and education-to work ceaselessly
for rising levels of human well being.
Second, while certain problems are continental in scope, nonetheless
each of the countries I visited-indeed, each of the twenty republics of
Latin America-is highly individual. Each has its own unique problems
and ideas regarding future development.
Hence, our cooperation with each republic must be tailored to its
particular situation.
I was gratified to learn that, as the indispensable basis for their selfimprovement, comprehensive surveys of resources, capacities, objectives,
and costs have progressed rapidly in recent years. But each nation feels
it must do more in this regard, and seeks help for this purpose. The
United Nations has funds for such pre-development studies. The new
Inter-American Bank also should be able to lend technical help. The
studies of each country called for under "Operation Pan America" will
likewise contribute to this end.
Once sound planning has made significant progress, a nation can
formulate specific projects for action, with priorities established, and with
confidence that each development will open still further opportunity to
speed the spiral of growth.
The execution of any development program will of course depend
primarily upon the dedicated efforts of the peoples themselves.
I was impressed, for example, by what I saw in Chile. I visited a
low-cost housing project. The government had provided land and utili
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ties. The home owners were helping one another build the new houses.
They will pay for them monthly, over a period of years. Personal accomplishments brought pride to their eyes; self-reliance to their bearing!
Their new homes are modest in size and character-but I cannot possibly
describe the intense satisfaction they take in the knowledge that they
themselves have brought about this great forward step in their living
conditions.
In Argentina and Uruguay I witnessed encouraging sights-men
building schools, homes, and roads-and, in Brazil, erecting a wholly
new capital city.
The people of Latin America know that poverty, ignorance, and illhealth are not inevitable. They are determined to have their resources
and labors yield a better life for themselves and for their children.
I assured them that most earnestly we of the United States want them
to succeed. We realize that to speed improvement they need foreign
capital. They want sound loans, public and private. Their repayment
record on loans previously made is noteworthy.
International and United States lending agencies have recently had
their funds greatly increased. The new Inter-American Development
Bank will soon be functioning. I believe that each nation which has
produced a well-conceived development program will find that these
lending institutions will respond to their needs. Should this not be so
in a particular situation, we of the United States would want to know
the circumstances and do what we could to help to rectify the difficulty.
In our discussions I stressed that all nations-large or small, powerful
or weak-should assume some responsibility for the advancement of
humankind, in freedom. Though we of the United States will, within
the framework of our world situation and economic capacity, assist all
we can, we look for the time when all the free nations will feel a common
responsibility for our common destiny. Cooperation among free nations
is the key to common progress. Aid from one to another, if on a one
way street basis only, and indefinitely continued, is not of itself truly
productive.
The peoples of Latin America appreciate that our assistance in recent
years has reached new heights, and that this has required sacrifice on
our part.
I must repeat, however, what I said several times during my trip:
serious misunderstandings of the United States do exist in Latin America.
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And, indeed, we are not as well informed of them as we should be.
Many persons do not realize the United States is just as committed as
are the other republics to the principles of the Rio Treaty of I947. This
Treaty declares that an attack on one American republic will in effect be
an attack on all. We stand firmly by this commitment. This mutual
security system, proved by time, should now enable some of the American
republics to reduce expenditures for armaments, and thus make funds
available for constructive purposes.
One editorial alleged that the United States did not accept the principle
of nonintervention until 1959. In fact, our country has consistently
abided by this hemispheric concept for more than a quarter of a century.
Another persistent misunderstanding which I sought to correct wherever I travelled is that we sometimes support dictators. Of course we
abhor all tyrannical forms of government, whether of the left or of the
right. This I made clear.
In Brazil, I explained another important item of our policy: we believe
in the rights of people to choose their own form of government, to build
their own institutions, to abide by their own philosophy. But if a tyrannical form of government were imposed upon any of the Americas from
outside or with outside support-by force, threat, or subversion-we
would certainly deem this to be a violation of the principle of nonintervention and would expect the Organization of American States, acting under pertinent solemn commitments, to take appropriate collective
action.
On occasion I heard it said that economic advance in some American
republics only makes the rich richer, and the poor poorer, and that the
United States should take the initiative in correcting this evil. This is
a view fomented by communists, but often repeated by well-meaning
people.
If there should be any truth in this charge whatsoever, it is not the
fault of the United States. So far as our purpose is involved, projects
financed by our institutions are expected to yield widespread benefits to
all, and, at the same time to conform to our policy of nonintervention.
I know that the Latin American leaders I met also seek this same result.
Moreover, when internal social reform is required, it is purely an internal matter.
One of the most far-reaching problems of continental scope is this:
in their exports, the Latin American republics are largely single com285
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modity countries. The world market prices of what they sell fluctuate
widely, whereas the prices of things they buy keep going up.
We have tried to be helpful in the cooperative study of this vexing
situation. Many facts about supply, demand, production are widely
comprehended for the first time. Thus, for example, with the facts
about coffee understood, producing nations are cooperating in orderly
marketing for this commodity with beneficial results.
The real solution is in agricultural and industrial diversification.
Here, we are encouraged by the progress being made toward the creation of common markets. Large areas, relatively free of trade restrictions,
will make for greater efficiency in production and distribution, and will
attract new capital to speed development.
Despite such problems as these, our relationships with our sister republics have, with notable-but very few-exceptions, reached an alltime high. Leaders and populations alike attested to this truth. But
an even firmer partnership must be our goal.
The republics of this hemisphere have a special relationship to one
another. The United States is important to all of Latin America, as
its largest buyer, as the main source of foreign investment capital, and
as a bastion of freedom. Our southern neighbors are important to us,
economically, politically, culturally, militarily. Indeed, no other area
of the world is of more vital significance to our own future.
This interdependence must be comprehended by us, and by them.
Each should know the policies, attitudes, aspirations, and capacities of
the other. For, as I have said time and again, all fruitful, abiding cooperation must be based upon genuine mutual understanding of vital
facts.
Exchanges of students, teachers, labor leaders, and others are helpful.
Newspapers, magazines, all means of communication should accept the
responsibility not merely of transmitting spectacular news, but of helping
build the knowledge on which cooperative action may flourish.
In one respect our neighbors put us to shame. English is rapidly
spreading as the second language in Latin America. Business executives,
labor leaders, taxi drivers-most speak English well, learned in school
or in bi-national institutes. The study of Spanish is increasing in our
schools, but I wish that literally millions of Americans would learn to
speak Spanish or Portuguese fluently, and to read the literature, histories,
and periodicals of our sister republics.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 88
H. G. Wells once said that civilization is a race between education
and catastrophe. His thought is applicable to hemispheric relations.
With common dedication to the highest ideals of mankind, including
shared aspirations for a world at peace, freedom and progress, there is
no insurmountable impediment to fruitful cooperation, save only insufficiency in mutual understanding. This is something that you and
I-every single citizen, simply by informing himself-can do something
about.
I hope each of us will do so.
Again, I express my gratitude to President Kubitschek, President
Frondizi, President Alessandri, and President Nardone and all their
peoples for providing me with a most instructive and rewarding
experience.
And I convey to you their best wishes and warm greetings.
Thank you, and good night.
88 EJ Remarks at a Dinner Given by the Indiana
State Society in Honor of Minority Leader Charles
A. Halleck. March I o, 960
Mr. Halleck, Mr. Sam, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:
I am just sort of a wanderer that dropped in on this party.
First of all, I am not from Indiana. Actually I was born in the district
of my friend here, Mr. Sam. And all of these years he has allowed me
to call myself his vicarious constituent to this moment.
I understand that about two-thirds of Indiana is here-the other third
is probably snowbound.
As I understand it, they call today "Charlie Halleck Day," because he
is Indiana's Man of the Year. I would like to say that for me, during
a session at least, every day is "Charlie Halleck Day."
He once pleased me mightily. He said: "Mr. President, this is going
to cost me a lot of votes, but I'll do it." That kind of loyalty to a leader
of the party and to an administration is priceless. I know it. Everybody
in the executive department knows it.
Indeed, I think that some of my very distinguished members of the opposition, of whom the chief one is here, knows it too. For that reason
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he not only has a great affection for Charlie but he respects him mightily.
A political party should stand for something. If the issues of our
country are to be debated intelligently and properly, it is only proper that
Americans just as good as we are should have political views that do not
coincide with our own. That's why we have two major parties.
Among them both Charlie and I claim many, many friends-personal
friends-no matter how much we may battle them in those factors and
those subjects which are properly partisan or political.
I think it is only proper that I should say on Charlie's behalf-and my
own-when it comes to matters that extend beyond the water's edge, we
have had the cooperation and we have sought the cooperation of the
opposition, which I think has been most effective for our country.
So as I come here not to praise Charlie, because he doesn't need it, but
merely to recognize what he has done, and to be one of you in sharing a
great privilege of saying, "Thank you, Mr. Halleck," I think it's a very
good thing for us to realize that the politics in Washington should beand I think most frequently is-a means by which we promote the
welfare of America, not merely to satisfy the ambitions of any particular
individual or any particular party, much as all of us are partisans.
I leave you with this thought: Charlie is doing a job not just for
Republicans but above all and first of all for the United States of America.
I am quite sure that my first Congressman would join with me in that
tribute to this very topflight, fighting, tough little Hoosier.
God bless you, Charlie-and goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Shera- Honorable Sam Rayburn, Speaker of the
ton-Park Hotel in Washington. In his House of Representatives.
opening words "Mr. Sam" referred to the
89 e1 Special Message to the Congress on
Increasing the Postal Rates. March i i, I 960
To the Congress of the United States:
In the Budget Message I urged the enactment of legislation to increase
postal rates in order to eliminate the postal deficit. Several facts indicate
the urgency of such action by the Congress.
The Postal Policy Act of I958 definitely states that postal rates and
fees shall be adjusted from time to time as may be required to produce
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
( 89
the amount of revenue approximately equal to the total cost of operating
the postal establishment, less the amount attributable to the performance
of public services. That Act directed the Postmaster General to submit
to the Senate and House of Representatives no later than April Is5th of
this year the results of his survey of the need for the adjustment of postal
rates and fees in accordance with this policy.
Because of the existing inadequate postal rates, the Post Office Department is losing $2 million every working day. In the thirteen years from
July, I946 to June, I959 the postal deficits have been approximately as
much as the entire cost of running the Federal government in 1938. The
cumulative $6.8 billion postal deficit for these 13 years represents nearly
one-half of the total increase in the Federal debt during this same thirteen
year period. Interest charges alone on the debt represented by this
cumulative deficit are costing our taxpayers some $200 million each year.
These huge postal deficits are phenomena of the years since World
War II. In the years from I900 to 1940 the losses of the Post Office
Department averaged only $33 million a year. Since that time-excluding the war years-these losses have increased astronomically. The tremendous losses incurred since World War II have been due to the
increases in cost of everything the Department uses or buys, and to the
failure of the Congress to enact postal rate increases to pay for the added
costs. For example, since the increase in the first-class letter rate in 1932
from 2 cents to 3 cents, costs have more than doubled, but the first-class
letter rate has been increased only one-third. The annual losses on 2nd
and 3rd class mail, now in the hundreds of millions of dollars, are likewise
growing.
It is imperative that Congress implement the policy it wisely established in 1958 of providing that the Post Office Department shall operate
on a self-supporting basis. The Postmaster General is transmitting to
the Congress the Administration proposals for increases in postage rates
on first, second, and third class mail to yield an estimated $550 million
of new postal revenues in the i96i fiscal year. Responsibility in the
handling of our public affairs demands prompt action, in this session, to
restore the Post Office Department to its traditional posture of budgetary
good sense.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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go I Letter to Frederick M. Eaton, U.S.
Representative to the Ten-Nation Disarmament
Conference in Geneva. March 12, 960
[ Released March I 2, I960. Dated March I I, 1960 ]
Dear Ambassador Eaton:
The ten nations which will begin disarmament discussions at Geneva
on March 15, 1960, have both the opportunity and a great responsibility
to serve mankind. The interest of the United States in disarmament and
my own strong personal feelings on this subject are well known. I want
to take this opportunity to emphasize that the United States is prepared
to explore every possible avenue to find a way toward general
disarmament.
We must not be pessimistic because of the lack of success in past disarmament negotiations. Nor should we necessarily expect immediate,
dramatic and far-reaching strides, although we would certainly welcome
such progress. Rather, it should be our objective in these negotiations to
contribute by carefully balanced, phased and safeguarded arms control
agreements to the ultimate objective of a secure, free and peaceful world
in which international disputes will be settled in accordance with the
principles of the United Nations Charter.
As the United States Representative to the Ten-Nation Disarmament
Conference, I know that you will exert every possible effort to reach agreement on measures which will lessen the danger of another armed conflict,
ease the burden of armaments and thereby contribute to the attainment
of the ultimate goal of general disarmament and a peaceful world. I
should like you to convey to the other delegates at the Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference my earnest hope that the Conference will discharge
its solemn obligation to mankind and thus contribute to this goal.
You may be assured that you carry with you my complete support and
that of the people of the United States.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
9 I 4I Toasts of the President and Chancellor
Adenauer of Germany. March I5, i960
Mr. Chancellor and gentlemen:
Mr. Chancellor, in your time you have heard many brilliant toasts,
you have been paid many well-deserved and very enthusiastic compliments. In the tradition of American directness and simplicity, I want
to say to you merely, "Welcome"-that this country, this capital city,
this company at this table, extends to you a truly warm welcome.
We have respected the work that you have done in the rehabilitation
of Germany and in leading it along the path of democracy. We believe
that under your leadership your nation and ours have grown in understanding and in friendship far beyond anything that has been their
privilege to experience before you came to your high office.
Being an advocate of better understanding among people, I have had
to apologize more than once about my inability to speak another language.
The Germans found this out very well. I was once told by Germans:
"Apparently you know only one single German word and that is your
own name."
Unfortunately, Mr. Chancellor, there are too many citizens in this
country, bearing names just as Germanic as mine, who have the same
difficulty. But that doesn't mean that we are complacent, lazy, or lacking in energy in our seeking to establish with your country greater,
better understanding, and better cooperation in the many programs that
lie before us in common.
In order to pay a symbolic compliment to your people, and to your
great leadership of those people, I am going to ask this company to join
me in a Toast to your country, to President Luebke of the Federal Republic of Germany-the President!
NOTE: The President proposed the toast that this is symbolic of the relations existat a luncheon at the White House at I ing between our two nations.
p.m. Chancellor Adenauer responded I remember my first visit to the United
(through an interpreter) as follows: States of America back in 1953. I was
particularly impressed by the fine cereMr. President and gentlemen: mony at Arlington Cemetery. That was
You, Mr. President, have extended to a deep and unforgettable impression. I
us Germans here such cordial words, and thought of my first visit to the Arlington
given us such a great and warm recep- Cemetery this morning when I paid a
tion-you have spoken to us with such visit to the grave of the late Secretary
warmth and frankness that I can only say Dulles. In 1953 I had my first talk with
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Public Papers of the Presidents
you in the capacity as President of the
United States of America, and I remember the conversation of ours of that time
as if it had taken place only yesterday.
I was also impressed soon after I met
you again, both here and in Bonn. I remember our first meeting was at Weisbaden, I think, when you were still Supreme Commander of SHAPE, in the residence of our friend, Mr. McCloy.
In the first speech and conversation I
had with you as President of the United
States of America, you spoke with refreshing and convincing frankness. At that
time you also spoke about the problem of
controlling disarmament-general disarmament.
Please, Mr. President and gentlemen, be
convinced that after the defeat we had
suffered, we were all the more grateful
for the helpful hand that was extended
to us-to the German nation-by the
Americans.
And I would also like to say, Mr. President, this morning when I left your office,
I happened to meet in one of the offices
here in the White House, the widow of
General Marshall. I was deeply moved
to meet Mrs. Marshall because we owe
General Marshall a great debt of gratitude
as the father of the Marshall Plan.
Relations have developed-personal relations-between our two countries which
are not only guided by reason, but considerations of logic. But what is more
important also is the great element which
represents the mind and the heart. That
in my opinion seems to be very significant.
[Then the Chancellor raised his glass
and proposed a toast to a prosperous future of the United States of America, and
to the health of the President.]
92 e Joint Statement Following Discussions With
Chancellor Adenauer. March I5, i960
THE PRESIDENT and the Chancellor have had a pleasant and fruitful
exchange of views on a number of subjects of mutual interest. Secretary
of State Herter and German Foreign Minister von Brentano also participated in the conversation.
The talks were completely informal in nature and did not involve negoatiations of any type. The participants believe that the exchange of views
which occurred has resulted in a further coordination of the positions of
the two Governments on a number of common problems.
Among the subjects touched upon in the course of the conversation
were the current disarmament discussions in Geneva, East-West relations
in general, the problem of Germany including Berlin, and European
economic integration.
The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed their determination to
continue their efforts to achieve the reunification of Germany in peace
and freedom. They further agreed that the preservation of the freedom
of the people of West Berlin, and their right of self-determination, must
underlie any future agreement affecting the city.
The Chancellor and the President discussed the general situation with
292
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
qf 93
regard to European economic integration. The President reiterated the
support of the United States Government for the goals of the European
Communities, and for a strengthening of Atlantic economic cooperation.
They welcomed the prospect that the United States and Canada would
soon join more closely with the European countries in a reconstituted
Organization for European Economic Cooperation. In this connection,
they discussed the recent trade proposals of the European Economic Commission. They noted that, should proposals along these lines be adopted,
the result would be a major contribution to a general lowering of world
trade barriers.
93 eI The President's News Conference of
March i6, i960
THE PRESIDENT. I'm ready for questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Mr. President, for
the benefit of some of us who were not present at a dinner you attended
Saturday night-[laughter]-we understand that you made some remarks
that were regarded as quite politically significant concerning the Vice
President, and we wonder, sir, if you can reconstruct those remarks for
us today?
THE PRESIDENT. First of all, I believe at this meeting, it says, no reporters are ever present. I'm certain that no guest would be guilty of
talking about something in the public domain that should have been
in the social domain.
But as long as it's out by some mysterious way, I don't mind clarifying
what I had to say, or at least what I thought; what I had to say could
not possibly be reconstructed because I was talking about the geographical
areas in which certain people were sitting at a party.
But if anyone is wondering whether I have any personal preference or
even bias with respect to this upcoming presidential race, the answer is
yes, very definitely. [Laughter]
Q. Edward T. Folliard, Washington Post: Mr. President, you have
indicated in one way or another that you hope to do something in the
campaign insofar as your duties will permit. It's been suggested that
you might make a keynote speech at the Republican Convention. Is
that likely?
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Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know. I haven't been invited. But I
say this: I would want to give such support as I could. I think there
are certain limits, for the simple reason that no candidate wants it to
appear that he has someone that is the authority that has helped to
nominate him and to put him in his position of prominence that he would
now occupy. So I think there has to be very good judgment exercised.
But if I am asked to give some help, why, I'd certainly want to try to do it.
Q. Mr. Folliard: Did you say, sir, that you have been invited to make
the keynote speech?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I said I have not been invited-not invited.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: On the
record, Mr. President, you have frequently spoken out, emphasized the
importance of what you sometimes describe as human value, including
moral courage. I wonder if you consider the current Gandhi-like passive
resistance demonstrations of Negroes in the South as worthy of identification as manifestations of moral courage, or whether you disapprove
of them?
THE PRESIDENT. It's difficult, Mr. Morgan, to give a sweeping judgment. Some are unquestionably a proper expression of a conviction of
the group which is making them; others probably can be otherwise
classified.
Now, let me make one thing clear. I am deeply sympathetic with
the efforts of any group to enjoy the rights, the rights of equality that
they are guaranteed by the Constitution. I do not believe that violence
in any form furthers that aspiration, and I deplore any violence that is
exercised to prevent them-in having and enjoying those rights. So,
while I don't want to make any judgment because I am not in position
to-I know about these as they come just briefly to my attention, I
do not know what all of them are-I do know, though, that if a person
is expressing such an aspiration as this in a perfectly legal way, then I
don't see any reason why he should not do it.
Q. Charles H. Mohr, Time Magazine: Mr. President, in an earlier
answer you suggested it might be a disadvantage to a candidate to have
it thought that he had a patron. Do you think that it might also be a
disadvantage to a candidate to have another powerful figure speaking
out on the same issue but perhaps not in perfect coordination, and in
such a case would you plan to broadly coordinate your position on policies
and programs with the Republican nominee?
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
THE PRESIDENT. Well, if I happen to have any difference with him
I would certainly not publicize it.
Now, so far as I know, there has never been between Mr. Nixon and
myself, and that's who you are talking about-[laughter]-so far as I
know, there has never been a specific difference in our points of view on
any important problem in 7 years.
There has been free discussion in every meeting that I have ever held,
and he has certainly been, always, not only free but even requested to
give his honest opinions on these things. In certain details or points there
naturally are differences that I have with everybody, because I seem to
have a genius for that.
But I do say this: there has been never an important division of opinion
or conviction. Therefore, if I were wanted in this field, in a perfectly
proper and restricted activity, I would not feel the need to go down
through every word of what I had to say with anybody, including Mr.
Nixon himself.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: You have been represented, sir, as
supporting the candidacy for Governor of Puerto Rico of Mr. Luis Ferre,
whom you gave a ride to Washington, I think, from Ramey. If that is so,
does it include his sponsorship of statehood for the Island?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I have talked to Mr. Ferre one time; that was
when I got the opportunity. When he said he was coming to Washington, I said, "Come with me; I want to hear what you are talking about."
He is a Republican candidate, I understand. I believe that he is not in
any primary struggle or anything of that kind.
Now, he told me about his views. I said these are things that have not
been the subject of party policy in the United States, so far as I understand; until they are brought up before that party and studied, well, I
have not yet come to any conviction that I would want to express.
Q. Mr. Belair: Do you support his candidacy, is what I wondered. I
mean aside from statehood?
THE PRESIDENT. I assume that like all other good Republicans, if I
could vote there, I would vote Republican.
Q. William H. Y. Knighton, Jr., Baltimore Sun: Mr. President, in
answer to Mr. Smith's question, you used the word "bias." Were you
also speaking there of Mr. Nixon?
THE PRESIDENT. Was there any doubt in your mind?
Q. Mr. Knighton: No, sir. [Laughter]
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. John Scali, Associated Press: A West German newspaper reported
today that Premier Khrushchev in his latest letter to you has promised
not to stir up any trouble between now and the next election. Could you
tell us whether this is true, and could you discuss with us in general terms
the letter that you got from the Soviet Premier?
THE PRESIDENT. First of all, I have made it clear I will not reveal the
tenor and details of messages that pass back and forth between me and
any other head of state or head of government unless there is some kind of
agreement that this should be done, or because someone else has either
deliberately or inadvertently exposed the correspondence; then, I would
have to.
I can merely say this: the detail of which you speak had nothing whatsoever to do with the latest correspondence between Mr. Khrushchev and
me.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, back to these racial problems in the South, you said they come to your desk briefly. Do we not
feel that this situation is of so grave injustice on both sides that it requires your great attention? Could you not call a conference at the
White House of Southern leaders to sit down and go over this thing
and come to some constructive program about what could be done?
THE PRESIDENT. Do you know what I think? I think there ought to be
biracial conferences in every city and every community of the South,
which would be much better than trying to get up here and direct every
single thing from Washington. I am one of those people that believes
there is too much interference in our private affairs and, you might say,
personal lives already. And I would like to diminish rather than
increase it.
Now, when it comes to the matter of enforcing the Constitution,
which is a different thing from having some kind of orderly or even disorderly activity that is involved in the matter of racial equality-that is
a different thing than the United States trying to enforce the Constitution, because one is a local matter for local authorities; the other is
something with which the United States must be concerned. That is
why we are trying to get a civil rights bill through the Congress.
So, you must not in your thinking take a local incident, whether it be
a protest meeting or a march through the streets or anything else; that
is not in the same category as getting the voting rights of a Negro in
the South protected and insured. That's entirely two different subjects.
296
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
Q. Lowell K. Bridwell, Scripps-Howard Newspapers: Mr. President,
late last summer when you signed the legislation increasing the motor fuel
tax one cent a gallon, I believe you requested General Bragdon to make
a comprehensive survey of the highway program, particularly as it related to the interstate system. Can you tell us what were the principal
findings of that survey and whether you have made any administrative
changes as a result?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I couldn't say too much to you about it this morning because, first of all, it was a personal advisory thing to me. In
other words, should I recommend to the Congress any differences or
should there be any administrative changes within the present law, as
to what we should do.
What I was really trying to find out from General Bragdon is, what
are we doing and does it seem to accord with the law and the legislative
history.
I have not had any thought of putting this out, because it's a matter
between General Bragdon and myself.
Q. Spencer Davis, Associated Press: Mr. President, the United States
has fought to preserve democracy in Korea, a country in which we
express great concern. Do you have any comment on the election which
they have just completed there, and is there a possibility that you may
visit the country in June?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, no plans with respect to a visit; no plans are yet
formalized for any other visits except those that I have already published.
Now, all the reports that I have are that there was some violence,
which I deplore. I have no other information from which I could say
that there had been any violation of democratic processes in the election
itself.
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: Mr. President, yesterday
you had an opportunity to talk with Chancellor Adenauer. There have
been many reports that the Chancellor was worried or concerned in
some manner about your policy line on West Berlin in connection with
a summit conference.
Could you tell us something of your discussion with him?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I refer you to the joint statement which was
issued last-I guess it was issued last evening-[confers with Mr.
Hagerty]-issued last evening. That states, I think, the case exactly.
We agreed that there was no change in policy on either side.
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Q. John R. Gibson, Wall Street Journal: On Cuba, sir, you have announced a policy of nonreprisals toward the Castro Government. In
line with that, could you explain the reason for your changes in the sugar
act that some Cubans are taking as a reprisal?
THE PRESIDENT. I think they have no justification for taking it for a
reprisal whatsoever.
The United States consumes a very great amount of sugar every year,
and there have been many activities taking place in Cuba that could
easily endanger our source of supply. We have been getting on the order
of 3,500,000 tons of sugar from Cuba yearly.
I have got the responsibility of trying to make sure that the United
States gets the sugar it needs-one of the reasons that, if any of these
supplying areas should fall down in supplying its quota, then I should
have the right, in my opinion, to go to somebody else to get it. That's
all it said, in effect.
I have flatly stated again and again that we are not trying to punish
Cuba, particularly the Cuban people or even the Cuban Government.
We are trying to get to a basis of agreement with them that is based upon
justice, on international usage and law, and so that the interests of both
sides are protected.
Q. Ruth S. Montgomery, Hearst Headline Service: Mr. President,
can you tell us anything about your plans for retirement and whether
you plan to write another book?
THE PRESIDENT. I must tell you, Miss Montgomery, that I have no
plans whatsoever.
I am sure you would understand a number of publishers have suggested
some possibilities of this kind. My reply has always been, I have no
plans yet, I'll have to wait a few months.
Q. Earl H. Voss, Washington Star: Mr. President, the Soviet Union
this morning has elaborated somewhat on Khrushchev's 4-year plan for
full disarmament at Geneva. They have suggested in the first stage a
cut in the armed forces of the United States, Russia, and Communist
China, to I.7 million men in a period of a year to I8 months.
Now, there is another provision that their 4-year package be accepted
as a package, this would be a part of it.
Do you envision any kind of negotiation with Communist China over
armed forces cuts in a disarmament plan?
THE PRESIDENT. If disarmament, and disarmament programs, come
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
into the realm of practical negotiation and enforcement, as you go progressively along that road, you will unquestionably have to take into
account the armaments of Red China. We are not yet into that stage.
The United States has proposed a plan for progressive disarmament
and under stages. We think it is a practical and workable plan. We
are trying to get the things that now seem within reach, trying to get them
accomplished in the first stage, and to go on from there.
So, I should say that in our thinking there has to be a very great deal
of progress before we are into the stage of worrying too much about Red
China.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post: Mr. President, Secretary
Herter told us that you had ruled against any change in the Io,ooo-foot
flight ceiling into Berlin. The Russians have backed down on the Berlin
pass issue, and some people have seemed to conclude that there is some
sort of a working agreement between yourself and Mr. Khrushchev, sort
of a-let's not rock the boat before the summit.
Is there in fact any such agreement, or how do you explain this; such
incidents as this seem to balance each other to some degree.
THE PRESIDENT. I don't explain anything, and there is no such agreement. I just tell the facts.
Now, you've been told the facts about the passes, and I believe that
it was stated publicly-maybe it was speculation, I'm not sure whether
it was-it was in a report that Mr. Khrushchev had been said to comment that he did not want to stir up any trouble just now, and because
it was before the summit. He never said such a thing to me, and I am
not sure that it is true.
Now, for myself, the Chiefs of Staff originally thought there might
be an operational need for flying more than o,ooo feet, and therefore
study and coordination with our allies was directed. When I came
back from South America, the reports that came in were to the contrary,
there was no operational need whatsoever. I said, therefore, we will
drop it, we will not do it. That's all there was to it.
Q. Peter Lisagor, Chicago Daily News: Mr. President, as a result of
your understanding with Mr. Khrushchev at Camp David last September,
do you feel obliged to attempt to reach a settlement on Berlin in the
forthcoming summit meeting?
THE PRESIDENT. What I have said, and said to him: within the limits
that we would not abandon our position respecting our rights in Berlin,
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and our belief and our conviction that the Berlin question will never
finally be settled except with the background of a settlement of a divided
Germany, and remembering one more, that what has been called our
juridical position will not be touched and will not be damaged-within
that context I am perfectly ready to talk about Berlin and Germany at
any time.
To deny that you will talk or try to negotiate as long as your position
of right and principle has been established would, to my mind, be a
great mistake.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Sir, Senator Humphrey
of Minnesota and the Southern Democrats seem finally to have agreed
on one subject, that is that Paul Butler should go out as Democratic
National Chairman. I wondered, sir, if you would like to make that
unanimous?
THE PRESIDENT. If the Democrats have any troubles, I am not going
to try to help them out. [Laughter]
Q. David Kraslow, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, did you find
in South America as much concern over the behavior of the Castro Government as there is in the United States? And could you discuss this
briefly with us, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, they are concerned because no one understands
exactly what is happening, but the talks I had with these several Presidents were confidential, and I wouldn't want to violate their confidences.
This matter, this subject, was brought up numbers of times with
different ministers. So far as I can recall, there was no one that criticized
the attitude of the United States as has been expressed by myself and by
Mr. Herter-that is, of trying to find solutions for these difficulties,
avoiding anything that sounds like bullyragging or dominating a weaker
people.
We are friendly with the Cuban people and we want to get the kind
of understanding with their government that will make mutual progress
feasible.
Now, as I say, that policy which our friends down south know was,
so far as I heard, approved by them.
Q. Thomas N. Schroth, Congressional Quarterly: Mr. President, two
key points in the administration's civil rights bills, those covering Government contracts conditions and the aid to areas that are desegregating
schools, have been cut out of the House version. Are you going to urge
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your Senate leaders to restore them when the bill gets to the Senate?
THE PRESIDENT. I shall continue to say that this bill was brought up
after all kinds of conferences I could get. As you know, I am trying to
find a moderate, reasonable path that points to progress. So, I believe
in this bill, and I'm going to ask for it. Of course, I want the best bill
the Congress will give me in this very troublesome and sensitive area.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Businessmen seem to
be somewhat apprehensive about the economic outlook which appears
to have lost some of its luster since January. What is your own assessment
for the economic outlook for the rest of the year?
THE PRESIDENT. I think it is very healthy and very fine.
Now, of course, people are always looking at curves of past performance, and they always want to have a recovery curve mounting more
steeply. There were some rather bold predictions made as late as
December and early January and even early February. I think that
my own advisers have always counseled to take a moderate target, but
they have always said this: the outlook for American business is indeed
good.
Q. Clark R. Mollenhoff, Des Moines Register and Tribune: Mr.
President, Vice President Nixon very recently established an independent
advisory committee on agriculture to develop some kind of a farm program, independent of the administration. And I wondered if he had
ever discussed with you this agricultural situation and expressed any
dissatisfaction or anything like that.
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact I know he was party with the
agricultural program that I sent down to the Congress. I don't know
about this development you speak of; I suspect it's something to bring
into sharper focus some of the local problems that will be encountered
in any campaign. I haven't talked further than that with the Vice
President about it.
Q. L. Edgar Prina, Washington Star: Mr. President, in reply to an
earlier question on lunch counter demonstrations, you said that you believed that all persons were guaranteed equal rights. Now, do you
believe that Negroes have guaranteed rights to eat with whites at lunch
counters, and if so, do you not then believe that the Federal Government
has some role to play in the present situation?
THE PRESIDENT. So far as I know, this matter of types of segregation
in the South has been brought time and again before the Supreme Court.
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Now, I certainly am not lawyer enough or wise enough in this area to
know when a matter is such as actually to violate the constitutional rights
of the Negroes.
My own understanding is that when an establishment belongs to the
public, opened under public charter and so on, equal rights are involved;
but I am not sure that this is the case whatsoever.
I was talking about demonstrations, of marching in the streets, or any
other kind of peaceful assembly that is trying to show what the aspirations and the desires of a people are. Those, to my mind, as long as they
are in orderly fashion, are not only constitutional, they have been
recognized in our country as proper since we have been founded.
Now, the different types, different ways in which resentment or defiance could be expressed, I couldn't possibly go into all those details;
I don't know.
Q. Rutherford M. Poats, United Press International: Sir, a moment
ago you described the Western disarmament plan as a practical step-bystep approach. Would you characterize for us, sir, the Soviet plan for
a 4-year package approach to this problem?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, no, I don't want to characterize anything at the
moment. I just believe that our plan is a better one on which to start
for a disarmament in some scale than is theirs; but I don't want to
characterize it with any adjective or in any other particular type.
Q. Donald H. Shannon, Los Angeles Times: Mr. Butler had some
"leak" problems himself just recently and he was reported as having said
that Senator Kennedy appears to have the leading role, as far as getting
the Democratic nomination. I know it's no concern of yours, but if you
will be involved very seriously in the campaign, as you said today, does
it appear to you that Kennedy is out in front for the other party's
nomination?
THE PRESIDENT. I didn't say I would be involved very seriously; I said
if I were asked, and a candidate from my party thinks I can be useful,
then I will do what I can. I am not going to make any predictions for
the other side, but this is a political year, and I'll just keep still about it
and be wiser. [Laughter]
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- from Io:30 to II o'clock on Wednesday
dred and eighty-second news conference morning, March 16, I960. In attendwas held in the Executive Office Building ance: 248.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 qf 94
94 e1 Remarks at the i 6th Annual Washington
Conference of the Advertising Council.
March i6, i960
Mr. Gray and members of the Advertising Council:
I was reminded this morning that this is the eighth straight year I have
had the honor of meeting this body. For me at least, this is a record with
respect to any publicly constituted body. I feel privileged that again I
can welcome you to the Capital City for your deliberations.
For i 8 years you have been stimulating the Nation's conscience in
areas where the voluntary work of great numbers of people has been
necessary in order to promote worthwhile causes. I know you have been
in such fields as conservation, organized charities, safety, prevention of
accidents, and more recently in giving your efforts to the job of pointing
out to our people the need for self-discipline, if we are to avoid debasement of our currency and prevent inflation.
Now I understand that you are taking under study what we should
be trying to do in developing our most precious national asset: the intellectual capacity and skills of our people.
This is indeed a problem that needs study, analysis, and action. It is
one, again, where I believe our efforts should be far more upon the voluntary side than on the governmental and directed side-certainly in any
centralized government.
Quality rather than quantity is necessary. Yet we don't want to think
of the production of any elite, intellectual corps. Just as we have to have
in the military, for example, the brilliant brain to devise a new weapon, we
also have to have better intelligence and better training to use it.
We need a betterment of all education in all levels. If we are going
to meet the requirements of a constantly increasing complexity in our
lives-governmental, political, industrial, and individual lives-we must
take this matter very seriously indeed.
Our Government, private institutions and foundations, universities and
schools have got to find the stimuli that will bring out for us the best. The
worldwide contest in which we are engaged admits of no room for error
or neglect or complacency.
Not long ago, I had a letter-as a matter of fact, two or three days
ago-from a teacher who wrote to me about her experiences. She has
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i2 students-mentally retarded children about i2 to 13 years old and
with an average IQ of below 50. She told me she had been trying every
way she could to get these youngsters interested in anything-particularly
interested in anything going on in the world at the moment. She found
that she could interest the children by taking the news of the day of one
of my recent trips. She was able to talk to the children about the need
for peace, and the effort of trips such as this to promote peace, to put
America better in the minds of children like themselves in different countries. Her children began daily to show a better comprehension of what
was going on around them. And indeed, each one of them wrote to me
a letter-three or four lines, it's true-but this thought came through:
they didn't want war, they wanted peace; and complimenting me, they
said they were thinking I was doing something about it, and that was
why they wanted to thank me.
Now at the other end of the scale, I saw a piece in the paper about a
little girl prodigy in a fight for her possession. From this end of the scale
to the one clear down to the mentally retarded, we have a job to do, and
I repeat: the more we can do it by voluntary action, the better it will be
done.
I can't leave here before I refer again to the problem that I think for
8 straight years I have told this body is still the most important in our
country. That is to get before the American public in widespread fashion the essentials of the issues that face us. It is not enough, I think, in
this modem time, for a successful democracy just to place its trust in an
individual or in a group of individuals. They must have enough information and comprehension of the great issues between ourselves and our
opponents in the international world-the issues that determine internally
whether we are going to be a sound, going economy, whether we are
going ourselves to protect all the priceless values for which this Nation
was established to protect, whether we are going to further them and try
to live by them and vitalize them, so that our people can understand.
This is truly the great problem that always is before our country.
It is not enough, then, to give our faith to slogans, even to individuals.
We must think of our own comprehension. And I think no other body
has done more in this regard in trying to inform America across the board
of these things than has the Advertising Council.
So, as I try to express feebly many thanks for your work of the past i8
years, I must say to you that no one could be more convinced of the need
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
for this kind of work that you are now doing than I am.
I think if we look always to the future and if we are going to experience
that kind of progress in our country that we know is best for all of usthe workman, the employer, the professional man, the teacher, the student, the children, the old-the kind of work that is done to bring the
facts of these great issues before our people is not only praiseworthy, but
absolutely vital.
There's an old military statement which says, "You can do nothing
positive except from a firm base." This means, if you were going to do
anything positively in the field, you must have some place on which you
can depend which is firmly established. You must have a base to depend
on for your replacements, for your repairs, for your hospitalization, and
so on. In the same way, if America is to do anything positive in the
world, and lead the nations more surely and straightly down the road
toward peace, we ourselves must be that firm base.
Since public opinion is the only force that has any validity in democracy
it must be an informed public opinion. So not only do we think,
therefore, of our country as an individualistic entity by itself, we think
of it with a great mission in the world. We think of it from the standpoint of enlightened self-interest, but because also we are part of the
great brotherhood of man. We must be informed. We must get a public
opinion that supports those programs that intelligent, informed people
believe are good for our Nation, good for promoting our ability to
lead the world to that great objective that has been the goal of mankind
certainly since the days of the Delphic League in Greece: a durable
peace, with justice and in freedom.
So I find now, as some 8 years ago I was doing things for the first
time, I am doing them now for the final time. As President, I will not
again have the privilege of greeting you. I again assure you it has been
a very great privilege to have these contacts with a body in which I find
so many of my intimate friends, and alongside them others at least that
I respect and admire, even if I do not have the privilege of their personal
acquaintanceship and friendship.
So thank you again, and good luck-and keep going, that's all I
can say.
NOTE: The President spoke at the District Special Assistant to the President for NaRed Cross Building. His opening words tional Security Affairs, who served as
"Mr. Gray" referred to Gordon Gray, chairman of the conference.
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95 e Special Message to the Congress Concerning
the Administration's Program To Promote the
Growth of Export Trade. March I 7, I 960
To the Congress of the United States:
Because increased exports are important to the United States at this
time, the Administration has developed a program to promote the growth
of our export trade. While most of the public steps to be taken with this
end in view can be accomplished under existing legislative authority,
the cooperation and support of the Congress are vital to the success of
this program.
Expanded exports can add substantially to the millions of jobs already
generated for our people by export trade. At the same time, our export
surplus contributes significantly to our capacity to sustain our expenditures abroad for investment, private travel, maintenance of United States
military forces, and programs of foreign economic cooperation. To
support these essential activities, which are reflected in our international
balance of payments, we must, as I pointed out in my State of the
Union Message, promote a rising volume of exports and world trade.
Unlike the sellers' markets of early post-war years when productive
capacity abroad was limited, world markets have recently become highly
competitive. To expand exports in these circumstances demands a more
vigorous effort by both Government and business to improve our capacity
for international competition.
Through the trade agreements program we shall continue to work
with other countries toward the removal of unnecessary obstacles to
international trade and payments. The discriminatory restrictions that
other countries imposed at a time when they had serious balance of payments difficulties have been especially burdensome to our exports. Economic improvement in many countries has removed the justification for
such barriers, and with the assistance of the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade and the International Monetary Fund, much has been accomplished in eliminating those restrictions. We shall continue to seek
the elimination of the discriminatory restrictions that still remain; we shall
also continue to seek the general reduction of quantitative controls.
To assist our exporters to meet current international competition in
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
'9 95
export financing arrangements, the Export-Import Bank will inaugurate
a new program of guarantees of non-commercial risks for short-term export credits. The Bank will also expand and improve its existing credit facilities for medium-term export transactions. These steps, which can
be taken under existing statutory authority, should improve the ability
of our exporters to compete in world markets. These arrangements will
be designed and administered to encourage full participation of commercial banks and other private sources of credit and guarantees.
To help our exporters in the development of their foreign sales, we
should improve the numerous Government services now available to
business firms and especially useful to our smaller producers. These services have been available all along, but we must infuse them with a new
purpose and strengthen them with additional resources. Accordingly,
I have directed comprehensive steps
-to strengthen the trade promotion services of the Department of Commerce, including its field offices located throughout the United States,
-to expand and give higher priority to the commercial activities of
the Foreign Service,
-to expand the agricultural trade promotion activities of the Department of Agriculture,
-to place greater emphasis on the prompt reporting of information
useful to American exporters,
-to establish new overseas trade centers,
-to make fuller use of international trade fairs, trade missions, and
other promotional means to stimulate the interest of foreign buyers in
United States products while continuing to emphasize the basic objectives
of the Special Program for International Understanding, and
-to emphasize the promotion of tourist travel to the United States.
The details of this program will be presented during the Congressional
hearings soon to be held on the expansion of United States trade and in
connection with a forthcoming request for the supplemental appropriations necessary for rapid progress in the export promotion program. Government promotion, however, can be effective only to the extent that it
stimulates and encourages private business efforts to expand sales abroad.
Government can help enlarge export opportunities, but it is American
business that must supply and sell the goods that world markets demand.
To this end I have asked the Secretary of Commerce in cooperation
with other department heads to enlist the efforts of the business com
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Public Papers of the Presidents
munity. Consultations have already been held in connection with the
preparation of this program. In addition, a group of business leaders
will be asked to organize an export drive by business, to enlist the active
support of existing national and local business groups, to discover the
sectors in which better results can be obtained, to assist and encourage
businessmen newly entering the export field, to strengthen contacts with
business groups abroad, and to develop an organization structure adequate
to these purposes.
The individual steps in this export program are modest ones. Their
cumulative effect, however, will be substantial if American enterprise
will make the necessary effort. With the support of the Congress, this
Government can both facilitate and give continued impetus to the expansion of our exports as free world economic progress continues to enlarge
the potential for international trade. The rising tide of productivity and
prosperity in many nations creates a timely opportunity for mutual benefits from expanding world trade. By pursuing this opportunity, we can
promote vigorous economic growth both at home and abroad.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
96 4 Special Message to the Congress on
Immigration. March 17, 1960
To the Congress of the United States:
I again urge the liberalization of some of our existing restrictions upon
immigration.
The strength of this nation may be measured in many ways-military
might, industrial productivity, scientific contributions, its system of justice,
its freedom from autocracy, the fertility of its land and the prowess of
its people. Yet no analytical study can so dramatically demonstrate its
position in the world as the simple truth that here, more than any other
place, hundreds of thousands of people each year seek to enter and
establish their homes and raise their children.
To the extent possible, without dislocating the lives of those already
living here, this flow of immigration to this country must be encouraged.
These persons who seek entry to this country seek more than a share in
our material prosperity. The contributions of successive waves of immi
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(f 96
grants show that they do not bring their families to a strange land and
learn a new language and a new way of life simply to indulge themselves
with comforts. Their real concern is with their children, and as a result
those who have struggled for the right of American citizenship have, in
countless ways, shown a deep appreciation of its responsibilities. The
names of those who make important contributions in the fields of science,
law, and almost every other field of endeavor indicate that there has been
no period in which the immigrants to this country have not richly
rewarded it for its liberality in receiving them.
In the world of today our immigration law badly needs revision.
Ideally, I believe that this could perhaps be accomplished best by
leaving immigration policy subject to flexible standards. While I realize
that such a departure from the past is unlikely now, a number of bills
have already been introduced which contain the elements of such an
idea. The time is ripe for their serious consideration so that the framework of a new pattern may begin to evolve.
For immediate action in this session I urge two major acts.
First, we should double the I54,000 quota immigrants that we are
presently taking into our country.
Second, we should make special provision for the absorption of many
thousands of persons who are refugees without a country as a result of
political upheavals and their flight from persecution.
The first proposal would liberalize the quotas for every country and,
to an important extent, moderate the features of existing law which
operate unfairly in certain areas of the world. In this regard, I
recommend the following steps:
i. The removal of the ceiling of 2,000 on quotas within the AsiaticPacific triangle;
2. The basing of the over-all limitation on immigration on the 1960
census as soon as it is available in place of that of I920 which is the
present base;
3. The annual acceptance of Y6 of i % of our total population;
4. Abandonment of the concept of race and ethnic classifications
within our population, at least for the purposes of the increases in quotas
I have recommended, by substituting as the base for computation the
number of immigrants actually accepted from each area between I924
and I 959 In other words the increase in the quota for Italy, for example,
would not be based upon a percentage of a so-called Italian ethnic group
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within our country, but upon a percentage of actual immigration from
Italy between 1924 and 1959; and
5. The unused quotas of under-subscribed countries should be distributed among over-subscribed countries. This distribution should be in
proportion to the quotas of the over-subscribed countries.
My second major proposal is for authorization for the parole into
this country of refugees from oppression. They are persons who have
been forced to flee from their homes because of persecution or fear of
persecution based upon race, religion or political opinions, or they are
victims of world political upheaval or national calamity which makes
it impossible for them to return to their former homes.
This year has been designated World Refugee Year. The United
States and sixty-eight other nations have joined together in an attempt
to seek permanent solutions for the problems of these peoples. Nations
who in the past have granted entry to the victims of political or religious
persecutions have never had cause to regret extending such asylum.
These persons with their intellectual idealism and toughness will become
worthwhile citizens and will keep this nation strong and respected as a
contributor of thought and ideals.
I have asked the Attorney General to submit a draft of legislation to
implement the recommendations I have made. The Administration
stands ready to supply whatever information is necessary to permit appropriate action by the Congress during its present session. If, notwithstanding my specific recommendations, the Congress should enact other
or different liberalizations of our immigration law that are constructive,
I will be glad to approve them.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
97 e1 Exchange of Messages Between the
President and Chairman Khrushchev on the Rescue
of Four Soviet Soldiers by the U.S.S. Kearsarge.
March 22, 1960
Dear Mr. Chairman:
Thank you for your thoughtful message regarding the rescue of four
Soviet soldiers by the men of the USS Kearsarge.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
I am grateful for the happy outcome for these courageous men and
am glad that our Navy was in a position to rescue them from the risks
and hardships they had undergone.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The four Russians had been adrift
49 days before they were rescued west of
Midway Island. They had been participating in exercises conducted by the Soviet
Union off the Kurile Islands.
Chairman Khrushchev's message of
March i6 follows:
Dear Mr. President:
Permit me to express to you, to the
Government of the USA, and to the
American Naval Command the feeling of
deep gratitude for the rescue of four
courageous Soviet soldiers who in the
course of many days manfully struggled
against the elements and hardships in the
expanses of the Pacific Ocean.
The Soviet people see in the noble
conduct of American sailors and the solicitous attitude toward Soviet young men
on the part of American authorities the
expression of an attitude of friendship
which is developing between our two countries. It is to be hoped that this may
serve the cause of further developing the
relations between our two countries to
which you and I have devoted no little
time during the course of our recent conversations in the USA and for which, I
hope, we will both spare no effort during
our forthcoming meetings.
Respectfully,
N. KHRUSHCHEV
98 El Remarks to a Group of Eisenhower
Exchange Fellows. March 22, i960
IN MY TRIPS around the world, I have run into some of your Fellows.
Without exception they make a point to come to see me. I ran into two
or three of them while I was in South America and one or two in Asia.
From their reports, they are getting a lot of use out of this program.
They believe that not only have they learned a lot themselves but they
think they have been able by coming here to impart to our people a better
appreciation of their cultures and their civilizations. And of course that
means the kind of thing that brings benefits in both directions.
I always have one thing to stress when I meet an international group
in my country. It is very simple. The development of a just peace is
the imperative of our time. We are approaching more and more a
critical period in this regard. Without peace we are burdened with
defense mechanisms. Our minds are diverted from constructive purposes
to those of worrying about our own safety, of our children, of our friends
abroad. And finally we are upset all the time by the possibility that a
really catastrophic occurrence could do much to destroy civilization.
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I have come to put it almost as a truism in my own thinking that only
through the exchange of information among peoples, resulting in better
understanding of the basic issues in the world, are we going to have peace.
I believe that governmental negotiation is principally, as of this moment,
designed to get a better atmosphere in which peoples can work. I think,
therefore, that on this side of the Iron Curtain, as we understand each
other better, as we show a unity of purpose in great world problems, we
will be stronger morally, spiritually, and economically, as we strive to
better the people in our own countries. Moreover, by this kind of understanding, we will get renewed hope and renewed inspiration to help those
on the other side to understand us better.
In the long run, this is the only thing that is going to lift these terrible
burdens of sterile and unproductive armaments and give us an opportunity to develop ourselves as individuals, as human beings of dignity.
Thus we will be able to achieve-each of us-what he believes will accord
with his own aspirations.
So when you come over here, I welcome you not just as individuals
that I want to see. I welcome you also as people that have been inspired
to join a great crusade in the world-to help develop understanding
among the nations of the world.
It's a peculiar thing that in spite of the growth of communicationsthe radio, the television, and magazines and newspapers-we still have
to meet face to face to achieve mutual understanding.
And so, in the measure that you people can help, I thank each one of
you, and my country thanks you for taking the trouble to come here to be
a part of this great movement.
When I say I am glad to see you, I really mean that the whole Nation
is glad to see you here.
NOTE: The Eisenhower Exchange Fellow- are selected to go abroad as Eisenhower
ships, established in I953 in honor of the Fellows. The fellowships are nonpolitical
President, are awarded each year to I5 to and are independent of established edu20 potential leaders from free nations cational institutions.
overseas. In addition, 3 to 5 Americans
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99 (f Exchange of Messages Between the
President and the King of Morocco on the
Earthquake at Agadir. March 23, I 960
[ Released March 23, i960. Dated March 2, i960]
Your Majesty:
I have been deeply saddened by the news of the terrible earthquake
which has caused so much loss of life and suffering at Agadir. Please
accept the sincere condolences of the American people and myself in this
great tragedy.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: This message was sent from Santi- transmitted to us in your own name and
ago, Chile. The message from King Mo- that of the American people in connection
hamed V, dated March I 2, follows: with the disaster in Agadir.
We wish to express to Your Excellency
His Excellency Dwight D. Eisenhower and to your country, our friend, sincere
President of the United States appreciation for your deep concern over
We were particularly touched by the this tragic occurrence.
message of sympathy Your Excellency MOHAMED V
I 00 (r Address at the Opening Session of the
White House Conference on Children and Youth,
College Park, Maryland. March 27, I 960
Mrs. Brown, delegates to the White House Conference on Children and
Youth, fellow citizens, and our guests from foreign lands:
It is truly an honor to greet you here tonight in the Free State of Maryland, one of the oldest of our family of States in America. It seems fitting,
also, that we are gathered on the campus of one of the Nation's many
great universities. An educational institution symbolizes the never-ending
effort of society to help our young find the knowledge and the understanding through which they can move forward in the ongoing life of
tomorrow.
I am not here, of course, as one pretending to any expertness on questions of youth and children-except in the sense that, within their own
families, all grandfathers are experts on these matters. So it is not my
purpose to advise you on what you should do at this conference, but it
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may be appropriate to suggest a few reasons why, to me, your mission
here is so important.
First, then, you are working with the most precious resource of our
Nation-indeed of the world: a whole generation who will someday make
their country's policies and dispose its great power. The very life of
America depends upon the wisdom and resourcefulness which they will
bring to the basic problems with which they will then be confronted. And
the responsibility for their early preparation belongs to the older citizen,
not to the younger one.
Now second, this process of preparation for tomorrow's leadership
grows increasingly difficult as rapid and momentous changes alter the
look of tomorrow's world.
Half a century ago, when the first of these conferences met at the
request of President Theodore Roosevelt, the automobile was just beginning to be a fairly common sight on the landscape of America. Radio
was a laboratory toy, and television was yet even a dream. Bleriot had
still to make his famous flight across the English Channel. Wars, though
destructive, were so confined to particular areas that the remainder of
the earth was only indirectly affected by their outbreak. Events, and
news of events, moved slowly, and there was a feeling of permanence
and stability in the world that people born in this century have never
known. Parenthetically, may I say, this last change is the particular
one that I feel to be the most significant of all those I have witnessed
during my lifetime.
Now, in contrast, the world fairly shakes with the heavy tread of
humanity on the march. Tonight, as I speak to you, an American space
vehicle 2,310,000 miles away in its orbit around the Sun is telling what
it sees and feels on its cosmic journey. Who can predict what miracles
may be witnessed by those who sit at the Youth Conference ten years
from now?
A billion people have been added to the earth since the first Youth
Conference, a half billion more will arrive before the next one convenes.
In America we race to prepare for the surge of children-fifty million
of them-who will enter our homes during the next decade. Jet aircraft have shrunk our world by half during the past five years, and we
no longer see anything unusual in lunching in New York and dining,
the same day, in Lima, Peru. As this shrinking and crowding proceeds,
the world-certainly the free world-must learn better how to live co314
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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operatively together to the mutual benefit of all peoples. Clearly the
rising generation must become more internationally minded and more
diplomatically skillful than the one to which I belong.
A final reason I cite why your mission is important is because within
the great context of change and accommodation there are certain great
values which must neither be changed nor abandoned.
Young people today are, of course, the heirs to the greatest fund of
knowledge and the most opulent store of material advantages any generation ever received. The high school student has vastly more information at his command than any of the early settlers of this land, no matter
how brilliant. The student lives longer and more comfortably than
did medieval royalty, and moves about in an environment increasingly
devoted to his convenience and enjoyment.
Yet we know that these things are not the essence of civilization.
For civilization is a matter of spirit; of conviction and belief; of selfreliance and acceptance of responsibility; of happiness in constructive
work and service; of devotion to valued tradition. It is a religious faith;
it is a shared attitude toward people and living which is felt and practiced
by a whole people, into which each generation is born-and nurtured
through childhood to maturity.
Now no sudden, perfunctory transfer, from parent to child, of these
enduring doctrines and traditions is possible, for their usefulness depends
upon the degree to which they are understood and appreciated. Their
inheritance is a matter of patient and loving instruction on the part of
the parent, and of the slow but consistent spiritual and intellectual
growth on the part of youth.
Growing in these concepts, drawing strength from these beliefs our
children understand, as we did not in our own youthful days, the neednow approaching the absolute-for peace with justice.
The universality of the hope for peace and the imperative character
of its need cannot fail, around the globe, to develop in our youth the
qualities of the heart and mind that will surely, one day, be inscribed on
the permanent pillars of peace in freedom.
In this hope, among the things we teach to the young are such truths
as the transcendent value of the individual and the dignity of all people,
the futility and stupidity of war, its destructiveness of life and its degradation of human values. This kind of understanding will help make of them
not only useful members of societies, but will increase their effectiveness
60295-61 ~24
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in pursuing the goal of world peace. Through patient education in our
homes, churches, and schools, free and peaceful societies will be perfected
and perpetuated. Problems and circumstances change, priceless human
qualities and values must never be lost. To assure this is also another
part of the mission of this Conference.
Now there is a specific problem that could never be ignored in such
a study as you are making.
Juvenile delinquency has increased each year for the past ten years,
and has become not merely a local, but a world-wide, concern. The
causes for this condition are multiple, and multiple measures must be used
to weed them out.
Yet we must beware of a tendency to generalize pessimistically about
our youth-to attribute to the many the failures of the few. Such terms
as "lost," "misguided," or "off-beat," have had their counterparts in
earlier generations.
I have an unshakable faith in the overwhelming majority of fine, earnest,
high-spirited youngsters who comprise this rising generation. They possess a more intense intellectual curiosity than we of my age exercised
when we were their age. They are wise for their years and they are fast
learning the relationship between physical and mental fitness on the one
hand, and satisfaction in accomplishment on the other. We strive to
make certain that the number of failures is held to a minimum. And in
this effort we have developed appropriate programs-physical, recreational, educational, moral, psychological, occupational. Underlying all
these as both preventive and cure is a happy family; one that finds its
greatest enjoyment as a group in such things as the family picnic, family
games, the "cookout," or the home movies.
From the play pen to the campus our task is not to provide the conditions of an affluent existence for the young, but rather to teach them that
such things have real value only as they are earned. We must see to it
that our children grow up in a climate that encourages response to intellectual challenge, in self-reliance, initiative, and a healthy regard for hard
work and the dignity of man. To do otherwise is to do a disservice to the
young.
So as you enter into your deliberations beginning tomorrow, you will
take note of the many changes and resulting problems that affect our
well-being. You will discuss solutions for these problems. Guiding you
constantly will be your overriding purpose-to expand the creative poten3I6
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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tial of our children and youth in freedom and dignity.
As the person responsible for calling you together, I felicitate our Nation on your readiness to undertake and persist in this noble task. I assure
you of my deep appreciation of your effort. May every success attend
you.
Thank you very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9: 15 in the Rollin Brown, former president of the NaStudent Activities Building on the campus tional Congress of Parents and Teachers,
of the University of Maryland. His open- who served as chairman of the President's
ing words "Mrs. Brown" referred to Mrs. National Committee for the 1960 White
House Conference.
i o i fJ Joint Statement by the President and
Prime Minister Macmillan at the Beginning of Their
Conversations at Camp David. March 28, i960
THE PRIME MINISTER and I have agreed upon the following statement as we begin our conversations at Camp David:
The main object of this meeting, of course, is to consider the present
state of the negotiations in Geneva for the suspension of nuclear tests.
We will be studying the various aspects of the most recent Soviet proposal
and what this proposal means to the free world.
This Geneva Conference has rightly attracted the attention of the entire world. It is dealing with a subject of interest to all people and not
just the three countries engaged in the negotiation.
Certainly both of us are aware of the importance of arriving at a properly safeguarded agreement with the Soviet Union on the suspension of
nuclear tests, both because of the intrinsic importance of this objective
and because of the impetus which it might give to progress in the broader
field of the reduction and control of armaments.
We are confident that out of our talks here will come agreement on
how we proceed as partners in this all-important task of helping to bring
a true and just peace to the world. With this explanation of the purpose
of the meeting we are sure you will not expect to get too much in the
way of spot news during the course of our discussions.
NOTE: This statement was released at Camp David, Md.
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102 q Joint Declaration by the President and
Prime Minister Macmillan on Nuclear Weapons
Tests. March 29, 1960
PRESIDENT EISENHOWER and Prime Minister Macmillan have
discussed the present position of the nuclear tests conference at Geneva
between the United States, United Kingdom and the Soviet Union.
It has been, and remains, the earnest desire of both the United States
Government and Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom to
achieve, by international agreement, the total prohibition of all nuclear
weapons tests, under effective international control.
When the Geneva Conference began seventeen months ago, there was
reason to hope from the preliminary scientific discussions which had
preceded it that there would be no insuperable technical or scientific
difficulties in establishing an effective control system capable of detecting
nuclear tests of all kinds. Subsequently, however, it appeared from further scientific research that in our present state of knowledge there are
great technical problems involved in setting up a control system which
would be effective in detecting underground nuclear tests below a certain
size. It is, however, the sincere hope of the President and the Prime
Minister that an agreed program of coordinated scientific research, undertaken by the three countries, will lead in time to a solution of this problem.
Meanwhile, the President and the Prime Minister believe that progress
can be made towards their ultimate objective of a comprehensive agreement. They have agreed that much has been accomplished in these
Geneva negotiations toward this objective. They point out that in the
effort to achieve the early conclusion of a treaty there are a number of
important specific problems to be resolved. These include the questions
of an adequate quota of on-site inspections, the composition of the Control Commission, control post staffing, and voting matters, as well as
arrangements for peaceful purposes detonations. They believe that negotiation on these points should be speeded up and completed at the earliest
possible time. The Prime Minister and the President have agreed that
as soon as this treaty has been signed and arrangements made for a
coordinated research program for the purpose of progressively improving
control methods for events below a seismic magnitude of 4.75, they will
be ready to institute a voluntary moratorium of agreed duration on nu318
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960 (e I03
clear weapons tests below that threshold, to be accomplished by unilateral
declaration of each of the three powers. In order to expedite progress,
the President and the Prime Minister have agreed to invite the Soviet
Government to join at once with their two Governments in making
arrangements for such a coordinated research program and putting it
into operation.
It is to be understood that once the treaty is signed, ratification will
have to follow the constitutional processes of each country.
The President and the Prime Minister have agreed to give instructions
to their delegates at Geneva in accordance with the spirit of this
declaration.
NOTE: This declaration was released at Camp David, Md.
I 03 ([ The President's News Conference of
March 30, i960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning. I have no announcements.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, in connection with the agreement you reached with Prime Minister Macmillan, do you have in mind a moratorium on small underground
nuclear tests that would run beyond your term of office; and, if so, do
you feel it would be binding on your successor?
THE PRESIDENT. You will recall that the agreement said that there
would be unilateral pronouncement, unilateral action, and therefore it
would be Presidential action. I think-my own idea is-that any successor
would have the right to exercise his own judgment in the matter.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Mr. President,
yesterday when this moratorium and the duration of it was under discussion at Camp David, did Vice President Nixon have a voice in determination of the American position on that moratorium?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I couldn't possibly answer in particular detail.
What happens is this: as you people have known for 7 years, every time
there are important conferences, I do my best to have the Vice President
present-for the simple reason, if I have an accident or anything happens
to me, he has to take over. So, therefore, he is never denied opportunity
for discussion in any meeting. But I could never tell you in detail what
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his particular ideas were, unless we happened to get in an argument of
some kind about it.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President,
another question about Mr. Nixon. He has now twice declared in
public speeches that he will not seek election on the record of the
administration alone, but on the basis of an expanded program of his
own. As far as you are concerned, is he now free to enunciate his own
positions, even if they differ or go beyond yours; or is this a prerogative
that Mr. Nixon has had all along?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, let us say this: Mr. Nixon has been part of this
administration and certainly will be until January 20th next, so his voice
has always been heard in any discussion as to policy.
Now, I should think he would be absolutely stupid if he said that you
were going as far as the record of this administration would carry you
and then stop. This world moves. I'll tell you, if I were not so fortunate as to be stopped here and don't have to go any further with this
thing, certainly I would be looking for new ways and directions in which
to carry on what I conceive to be the responsibilities of the Federal
Government.
If he doesn't say that he is going to build on what has been so far
accomplished, I think he would be very foolish. So, I completely applaud what he has to say about the thing.
Q. Carleton Kent, Chicago Sun-Times: Mr. President, Governor
Collins, of Florida, recently declared that he felt it was morally wrong
for operators of variety stores to take Negroes' money in other parts of
the store and yet refuse to give them service at luncheon counters. Can
you discuss your opinion of that problem?
THE PRESIDENT. I think I have made my position rather clear. I think
that eventually the conscience of America is going to give to all of us
equal economic and political rights, regardless of such inconsequential
differences as race and so on.
As I tried to make it clear, every one of these incidents seems to have
some specific slight difference, when compared with any other incident,
and they bring up all sorts of possibilities of local interpretation and local
action. I cannot possibly be familiar with all of them. I just stand by
the fact that I think eventually the conscience of America will bring this
about.
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: Mr. President, could you
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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help us understand a little better the negotiating situation which might
arise in Geneva in the light of what you just said about the position of
your successor on a nuclear test ban?
As I gather, if a treaty were drafted, it probably would not be completed under the most favorable circumstances for 6 weeks or 2 months
or 3 months, something like that. That means that at most, the newthe unilateral declaration would be good for about 6 months. What
would be the position thereafter? Would you be in position now, for
example, to say to the Soviets that you believed the circumstances were
such that your successor would surely continue the moratorium?
THE PRESIDENT. This is, I think, the main point in answering the
question: every government understands the powers and limitations of
each of the individuals who is responsible for negotiating. Therefore,
while you would remind the other governments, it would practically be
unnecessary for me to say that in our country we do have a separation of
powers. Under a situation where you have a simultaneous and voluntary
renunciation of testing for a stated period, if that period went beyond
vour own term of office, I personally think it would have to be reaffirmed
by a successor, if it were to be effective.
I haven't asked the Attorney General for a specific ruling on this point,
but I shall do that as soon as I can. That is my own feeling, that would
be the answer.
Q. Rowland Evans, Jr., New York Herald Tribune: In view of your
well-known concern over bipartisanship in foreign policy, sir, I wonder
whether you would discuss the question of Democratic participation at
the summit, and whether you think it might be advisable to have a Democrat at that Paris meeting, even if a treaty isn't ready for actual signing
on May i6.
THE PRESIDENT. The man that I would think would be the principal
one in the Senate who would want to have something to say about this
is the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee. I believe he has
an understanding with Mr. Herter. I believe, as to the general effect,
that when you are having what you hope to be intimate discussions with
heads of governments, trying to uncover and discover areas where some
kind of progress will be made, that there is no thought of making treaties
or the kinds of agreements in which the Senate would be interested.
I think that Senator Fulbright has, before this, intimated or stated
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that he thought this was not the place for this kind of membership of
the group that would go.
Now, I think I have never gone abroad without making some attempt
to get a hold of the leaders of both parties, try to tell them what seems
to be in the wind, what we are hoping to do, and sort of warning them
that you didn't at the moment expect any treaties to be projected.
Whenever there is any treaty projected, and we believe should be considered carefully, then I would certainly say you have to have Democratic
participation.
Q. E. W. Kenworthy, New York Times: It's been a week and a half
since Ambassador Bonsal returned to Havana, and in that time the attacks upon the United States have grown increasingly more violent. Are
you satisfied that the Castro Government sincerely wishes to compose
the differences with us through negotiation?
THE PRESIDENT. Really, I can't guess on the thing very much. I will
say this: any progress in that direction has been disappointing to me.
We have sent back Mr. Bonsal because we thought it was a better thing
to do, in view of certain statements that had been made; but the whole
thing, our attitude stands as it has been before. We stand ready to discuss all of the complaints that the Government of Cuba has against
ours, and we certainly think it would be reasonable and decent in discussing them. That is as far as I can go.
Q. John R. Gibson, Wall Street Journal: There is a certain amount
of concern, both here and in Western Europe, about the growing trade
rivalries between our allies in Western Europe. Could you comment
on our policy in this respect, and to what extent if any this has come up
between you and the Prime Minister?
THE PRESIDENT. With respect to the Prime Minister, while he mentioned this subject casually to me, he did not in private conversations
with me bring it up at all, beyond that. He knows there is a problem.
Now, for our point, our policy has been this: we stand for the policy
of cooperating with others to eliminate or to reduce barriers to trade.
Unfortunately, some of these methods that are proposed, in certain
instances would bring down, in other instances bring up, barriers. So,
it is not an easy and simple problem, and it is the reason they are going
to have this Paris trade council to discuss the thing. It is a delicate thing
and it affects every country in Europe; not merely the Six or the Seven,
but every other one.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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Q. William McGaffin, Chicago Daily News: Mr. President, when the
issue of ending nuclear tests was first raised in the I956 campaign, you
did not seem to think very much of the suggestion. As a footnote to
history, it would be interesting if you could tell us what has caused you
to come around to your present position.
THE PRESIDENT. I don't believe that there is any place you could find
where I said I was against cessation of tests. I said I was against
cessation of tests except by an arrangement which gave mutual right for
inspection. At least this was my whole attitude toward disarmament,
still is, and this inspection is only one of the fringe subjects-I mean the
nuclear tests-the fringe subjects on the whole field of disarmament.
So, I think there has been no basic difference, except to this extent: that
if we could go so far in setting up these reciprocal intelligence-not
intelligence, inspectional-systems, that underneath the so-called threshold we could certainly have a continuation of a moratorium that would
permit opportunity for a joint or coordinated study and program for
permanent elimination of those tests. But, remember, the heart of it is
mutual inspection and verification.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: A couple of weeks ago,
Mr. President, you were frank in stating your preference for Vice President Nixon as the Republican presidential nominee. I wondered if you
could be equally frank with regard to the vice presidential nomination?
How about Governor Rockefeller, for example?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Wilson, I said this: we were talking, not
between Mr. Nixon and any other Republican that had been mentioned-were there two candidates in the field, I would have to observe
my self-imposed limitation that I had always before observed, whether
in State or Federal officeseeking-we were talking about a candidate on
my side and the numerous ones on the other. I had my preference, and
I said even to the point of bias.
I would say this about the Vice President: certainly if Mr. Rockefeller
were nominated, he would be one that would be acceptable to me; and I
think I have said here several times, I think I can name a score of Republicans of real stature that would be acceptable in this office.
Q. Edward V. Koterba, United Features Syndicate: Sir, at some sessions of the White House Conference on Children and Youth, there has
been some talk that the youth of today is soft, less rugged mentally and
physically than the children of a few generations ago; and that also, in
fact, that goes for the modem parent.
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Do you agree, sir, that too many people in the United States these days
are more interested in seeking pleasure and comfort and wealth than
they are in building up our moral and physical values?
THE PRESIDENT. I'm not going to comment on the moral strength of
the thing, because this is obviously something that really gets an expert.
I do believe that if we lose moral strength, we have lost our greatest
asset.
Let's take this matter of physical fitness. It is not a matter that we
deliberately set about doing; but here is what happens: we are a people
that, when we see a new convenience or a new comfort in our lives, we
go about it and try to earn enough to buy that kind of thing. So, in
Europe today you see children, as you know, by the thousands, bicycling
along the Holland roads and the Paris roads and so on. In our country,
you don't see it. The children go to school by buses, and if they have to
walk more than 4 or 5 blocks, I think their parents get a little bit frightened, there is so much traffic on the roads; and so they want to get them
up there. So the child doesn't walk, he rides somewhere.
Here is what happens: the first of these youth fitness conferences that
I called back about I954, Mr. Kelly, from Philadelphia, who has been
very interested in this, came down and gave me some statistics. He gave
a whole series of physical tests that the children of the United States, I
think about I 5,ooo here, and about four or five thousand in each of the
European countries took. The alarming results were-well, they were
very depressing.
Now, I think this: all of these people are trying to find ways of correcting this thing. But I don't think that it is anything that we deliberately
did and said we wanted to be affluent and soft. It's just our mode of life
has brought about something we have to overcome, that's all; and we
have to do it very earnestly.
Q. J. F. Ter Horst, Detroit News: I'd like to jump, sir, from the youth
to the aged, if I may.
There has been a lot of controversy on Capitol Hill and we understand
also within administration circles regarding what kind of medical care
should be provided for senior citizens. And, some of the administration
critics have even gone so far as to say the President does not understand
this problem because he has never had to defray his own medical bills.
I wonder, sir, if you could help us understand what your position and
what your philosophy is toward what the Government should really do
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19600
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for senior citizens and what they should do on their own.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course, I'll start off with this: you start off
asking what the Government should do. There are lots of governments,
and the thing I object to is putting everything on the Federal Government. I point out to you people all the time, if a city or a county or a
State has to raise funds, if they have to do it even by borrowing, they
have to go into the market with their bonds. The Federal Government
tries to do that also, as long as it is fiscally responsible, but the Federal
Government can print money. Nobody else can. So, it is always a
little caution that you ought to tuck in the back of your minds when you
think just of bringing in new responsibilities and new expenses in the
Federal Government.
Now, to talk about this specific thing: I have, from the time this subject was discussed with me very thoroughly and exhaustively away back
in I95i and '52, I have been against compulsory insurance as a very
definite step in socialized medicine. I don't believe in it, and I want
none of it myself. I don't want any of it.
At the same time, there has been a great deal of progress made in this
whole field. The number of people that have come under the voluntary
health insurance programs has been very great, increasing rapidly. We
still leave with ourselves, however, the problem of those people who are
not indigent-taken care of under that State assistance act, I forget the
name of it-but the people who are just too low incomed to take care of
these catastrophic illnesses.
I think we have got to develop a voluntary program. As a matter of
fact, in all our discussions inside the Cabinet, that is exactly what I've
instructed the HEW Secretary to do: to get all the people that are
interested-the insurance companies, the doctors, the older people, everybody that seems to have a real worthwhile opinion and conviction on this
thing-get them in and work out what should be the responsibility of
the individual and the city and the State and, finally, the Federal
Government.
I want to point out at this time there is not a single State that has a
program in this field. It seems to me that the problem does have enough
of the local in its character that they should be just as interested as anybody else. Now, we are trying to develop a program that will show
exactly where the Federal responsibility in this field should begin and
where it should end.
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Q. Frank Bourgholtzer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President, on this subject of committing your successor in office, are you considering a second and third summit conference; the second one, for
example, immediately after the election, to which you would take your
successor, and perhaps a third one next spring?
THE PRESIDENT. Why, I hadn't even thought of that. With all of my
associates and friends in Europe, the subject is talked about in terms of
we should have these things, oh, not at 4- or 5-year intervals, but fairly
frequently. That is all that can be said now.
I would think this: after the election, no matter who is elected, I
would think there would be a resurgence of all of the questions now
placed about my ability to make, let's say, a I-year moratorium; because
I haven't got a year, you see. So the closer you get to next January,
why, the more those questions would come up, and I would doubt
whether it would be too useful. But if there were some emergency that
came up that made it useful, why, of course I'd go.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Mr. President, as I understand it, it would take a year or two to build these inspection sites in
the Soviet Union. Now, does that mean that the treaty would be signed
and that there would be no inspection for a couple of years before the
system would be operating?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think the statement, as we stated yesterday,
made that perfectly clear-that when the treaty was established and
confirmed, then there would be no test under the threshold and you
certainly wouldn't have any above, would you?
Q. Mr. Reston: No, but then you would have, then, for a period of
2 years, that you would have an uninspected system over the entire
range, would you not?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you would have people over there, and I think
that it would begin gradually to develop in efficiency. You have to do
something if you are going to get a system established that is going to be
mutually acceptable as to its accuracy and reliability; well, then, you
have to make some concessions as to stopping this whole business until
you're sure of that, that is what I feel. I mean this: you have to put
into it every safeguard so that there cannot be dilatory tactics used just
to push you off for o years. As we said in this suggestion, a 4- or 5-year
moratorium is just excessive.
Q. John Scali, Associated Press: Mr. President, the success of the
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offer that you and Prime Minister Macmillan put forward yesterday
would seem to depend to a great extent on how serious and sincerely the
Soviets would negotiate on this issue. Now, after months of deadlock
on this problem, do you have any reason for believing that at this stage
the Soviets are any more sincere in wanting such an agreement?
THE PRESIDENT. Again, I can't presume to describe in any accuracy
what are the motives of somebody else.
Now, all the signs are that the Soviets do want a degree of disarmament, and they want to stop testing. That looks to me to be more or
less proved.
But, the condition on which they want it, the conditions they want
to establish for such an accomplishment, are things, of course, that are of
their devising-which are, simply, common pronouncement; that's it,
just a pronouncement by both parties. That is what they have always
said.
They have come a long way since they said, "Now we are ready to
establish these mutual systems." So the very fact that they have made
this concession means that they want to negotiate further; no question
in my mind.
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews: Could you give us your views, sir,
on current serious race problems now confronting South Africa?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think that I wouldn't want to say anything
more about that than the Secretary of State has already said.
Naturally, when we see things of this kind where people are killed and
there is so much violence, we deplore it. But it is a very touchy thing
where I think that there are probably a lot of people within that country
of understanding, human understanding, and want to get a better condition brought about. I'd like to see them do it.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, reports have been
published that Vice President Nixon is planning a trip to Communist
China. I'd like to ask you, first of all, have you heard anything about
these plans; and secondly, what is your reaction to the basic idea?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, that must be the most speculative "think piece"
I ever heard of in a long time. [Laughter] He has never said such a
word to me in his whole life; and I'll tell you, there are just no such
plans of any kind.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: Two
points on the problem of your successor, Mr. President: was it con327
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sidered completely impracticable to have a Democrat along with Vice
President Nixon at the Camp David briefings; and, second, what is
your view on the suggestions that after the nominees are actually picked,
they be given high level intelligence briefings?
THE PRESIDENT. The second part, to take that first-always we do
that. They did it for me in 1952, and I did it in '56. As quick as the
nominees are named, they begin to get it, and for this very practical
reason: one of the two of them is the successor. He is the obvious
successor, and so you have to keep him informed.
Mr. Nixon-after all, you people must remember, he is Vice President.
He is not coming up just to negotiate or to talk, although as I said his
opinion is always welcome. He is there because he might be the President of the United States tomorrow, or acting as such, anyway. Now,
if that is so, you have got to keep him informed. How can he be ready
to operate and act if he had to come out of a vacuum and go into all
of the difficult details of such an office? So, it is entirely a different thing.
When the two nominees are set up, they will both be briefed steadily.
Q. Peter Lisagor, Chicago Daily News: Mr. President, the chief
Soviet delegate at the Geneva test talks has said that the number of
onsite inspections which has been an obstacle in the negotiations, is a
matter to be decided politically. Would you then expect that this figure
would be subject to agreement at a summit conference?
THE PRESIDENT. That could well be, if you had had now satisfactory
progress in a program, and I think that that would be something that
might be discussed and maybe even decided there.
I would just like to say one more thing about these summit meetings.
If the summit meetings are all plenary meetings, sessions, with the whole
room full-as a matter of fact you have a room full of people about
like this, you have a big square table and you have around it as many
people as you can crowd, and behind that you have two or three rows
of so-called advisers-[laughter]-everybody is talking at everybody else,
instead of talking with them. And they are also, because so many of
these statements are published, they are talking to their own constituents.
In other words, they are doing as good a propaganda job as they can.
We would do the same if we could think of anything we haven't said
already. [Laughter]
The summit meeting, if it has got any value, is this: four men sitting
around the table with their interpreters and, without anybody having
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any checks of any kind, by exploring each other's minds, "What do you
really want to do? What could we do?"-that's the kind of thing that
you would do at a summit meeting.
Now, if you get an idea, what do you do? You have to put it now,
to all these experts, because they are knowledgeable and they know their
stuff. You give it to them and say, "Now, come up with a little scheme
or a plan. Can we put out something now that could possibly be a basis
of a treaty or at least a basis for a temporary action of some kind?"
That's the kind of thing that takes place.
So, when you begin to visualize this tremendous group in a summit
meeting, that's only the part of it that ought to be for show; the rest of
it, in my opinion, the working part of it, ought to be in small groups
like I have just described.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post: If we could get away
from the details of this test ban negotiation for a minute, I would like
to ask you this, sir: why is it that you are trying to get a treaty? Is it
because you think this would freeze nuclear weapons and make the world
safer, or keep other countries from going into the business? What is
the driving force behind your determination?
THE PRESIDENT. For me-now I am speaking personally at this moment-the driving force behind me is the belief that we should try to
stop the spreading of this, what you might say, the size of the club.
There are already four nations into it, and it's an expensive business.
And it could be finally more dangerous than ever, merely because of the
spreading of this knowledge and this know-how, particularly with newer
ways coming up of manufacturing all of this U-235 and so on.
So that is really the big thing. Because as of now, I assure you, the
power that exists in the arsenals, certainly of our own and we know of
Russia's, is such a tremendous thing that I don't think that testing will
necessarily make destruction more likely, I mean, of your enemy or of
yourself-I don't mean enemy; I mean of anyone, any nation, or this
one.
But the perfection of the peaceful uses of this thing, the perfection
of the weapons themselves, in using one pound of something where two
pounds was necessary before, that's the kind of thing that goes on all
the time.
If we continue to do that, others are going to test in the fields that
we have already covered, you see. Finally there will be any number of
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nations that have it, and I think it ought to be stopped.
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- I to 11:33 o'clock on Wednesday morndred and eighty-third news conference was ing, March 30, I960. Attendance: 243.
held in the Executive Office Building from
104 ei Statement by the President on the
Launching of SatelliteTiros I. April I, I960
I CONGRATULATE Dr. T. Keith Glennan and the members of his
Agency, the scientists and engineers, the supporting contractors and military services that contributed so magnificently to this achievement.
Once again, many elements of our scientific, technological and industrial communities have cooperated in the further development of our
national program in space exploration under NASA's leadership.
NOTE: Satellite Tiros I was designed to such means as the transmission to earth of
aid in meteorological research through pictures of cloud formation.
105 oI Statement by the President on the Fifth
Anniversary of the Announcement of the
Effectiveness of Polio Vaccine. April 4, I960
APRIL I2, I960, marks the fifth anniversary of an auspicious day for
American parents-the announcement of the effectiveness of a vaccine
against poliomyelitis.
In the intervening years, polio has been dealt a heavy blow but it has
not been destroyed. The reason is clear; not enough Americans have
had the full course of injections that are needed for the maximum protection afforded by the vaccine against polio.
Many people are needlessly risking death or lifetime handicap simply
because they have failed to take advantage of one of medicine's great
achievements.
To those who are still unvaccinated or only partially vaccinated, I
urge renewed effort on this anniversary occasion. Make April 12 a new
kind of V-Day-vaccination day-by calling your physician or health
department to arrange for the polio shots you or your family need.
Children under five years of age particularly need this protection.
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i o6 41 Exchange of Telegrams Between the
President and President Garcia on the Philippine
Sugar Quota. April 4, i960
[ Released April 4, I 96o. Dated March 30, I 960]
Dear Mr. President:
I have received your telegram of March I 7 asking that I increase the
Philippine sugar quota. As you know, the sugar quotas are determined
by Congress and any modification would require Congressional action.
Since the Sugar Act of I948, as amended in I956, expires this year,
Congress is expected to consider its extension during the present session.
The Administration has been giving considerable thought to what
recommendations it should make to Congress for its consideration. After
weeks of most careful study of this problem, I have concluded that the
time is not propitious to recommend any change in the present structure
of quotas assigned to foreign countries.
Accordingly, I have recommended to the Congress only certain minimum changes in the present Sugar Act. The most important of these
would give me the authority to reduce the quota for a calendar year for
any foreign country, except, of course, the Philippines, and to make required replacements from any source when I determine it to be in the
national interest or necessary to insure adequate supplies of sugar. I have
requested this authority primarily to enable me to protect our sugar
consumers should our supplies of sugar from foreign sources be endangered for any reason. The final decision as to whether I am to be
given this authority, however, rests with Congress. I regret therefore
that it has not been possible for me to comply with the wishes of the
Philippine sugar producers. I wish to assure you, however, that the
position of the Philippines has been given full consideration by the Administration in arriving at the position which I have recommended to
Congress.
With assurances of my continued esteem,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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NOTE: President Garcia's telegram fol- connection that present production calows: pacity can absorb two hundred thousand
tons more of additional quota. Your genPresident Dwight Eisenhower erous action on this request will give a
The White House tremendous boost to our economy which
On behalf of the Filipino people, par- needs further stabilization.
ticularly those in the sugar industry, may Assuring you of the lasting gratitude of
I ask Your Excellency to increase the the Filipinos and of my own, I remain
Philippine sugar quota by any amount you Very sincerely yours,
deem just and fair. May I state in this CARLOS P. GARCIA
I 07 e11 Remarks at a Rally Sponsored by the
Republican Women's National Conference.
April 4, I 960
Madam Chairman, Mr. Vice President, delegates to the 8th Republican
Women's National Conference, and friends:
For me it is invariably a joyous occasion when I meet with my friends
of the Republican Women's National Conference. Your enthusiasm is
infectious and it's good to feel it again.
As a matter of fact, I got so enthused this evening that sitting here
I am thinking of running for the national -. Well, nevertheless, I am
thinking of running for the legislature of my adopted State. At least,
again I have the opportunity of thanking all of you-which I do most
earnestly-for the support you have given me, both in political campaigns
and in the day-to-day business of administering the Government of the
United States.
Many of you here probably know of a fact concerning women in politics that I discovered only recently. The first woman to address any
presidential nominating convention was a Republican, who, back in
i892, said, "We are here to help, and we have come to stay." I cannot tell you how deeply appreciative I am of the continuing validity of
that 6o-year-old pledge. For in politics, I early learned that the ladies
not only produce "helping power" but also seem to have the most "staying power."
For example, I see plenty of evidence that you are standing firmly by
a decision that many of you here helped to make in I952. That year
our Republican Convention turned to a highly talented man for the
vice presidential nomination. None of us has ever regretted that choice.
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Now in this little talk I wrote some things about Dick Nixon, and I
was astonished when he talked a little bit about me, because I am not
running. But Dick Nixon has been a credit to the administration, to
our party, and to our country. Since I952 he has gained nearly 8 years
of added governmental experience at the highest level-a tour of seasoning unmatched in the Nation's history. All of us know him as a man
of integrity and deep faith-one who is intelligent, mature, and uniquely
knowledgeable in the problems and personalities in the world scene.
And along with this, he has that priceless gift, a sense of humorindispensable in politics.
And finally and most important, he has Pat.
Now, this year we want to and expect to elect a Republican President
and are striving to regain control of the House of Representatives and
make real gains in the Senate. The need for this effort is one on which
I can speak with some feeling. Not since I 954 have I served with a
Congress controlled by our party. More than 5 consecutive years with
an opposition Congress is, I'm told, a record for any President-although
it is hardly one I wanted to make. In any event, we are setting our
sights on obtaining a Republican House to work with my Republican
successor.
It's not my purpose tonight to take off into oratorical orbit-already
we have a number of senatorial hopefuls doing that, each hoping in
the scramble to get into the chair I shall soon vacate. Instead, might
I make just a few comments about the coming campaign, about our
party, our record, and how we shall serve our country in the coming
years.
As we approach this presidential election, each party should be prepared to examine the corridors of its conscience, the record of its performance and its program for future action.
For this our party stands well prepared.
First of all, it believes that political programs should be based on moral
law. Moreover, the Republican Party has never rested its case upon
promises and platforms alone; it has been a party of accomplishment.
From i86o to i960 it has achieved a record of responsible and brilliant
performance that is boldly written across the pages of history.
Let's take a look at just the past 7 years.
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What have we done to redeem the platform pledges made to the
American people in I952 and I 956?
The record is filled with such advances as improvements in the
health and welfare of our people, the greater soundness, freedom, and
growth of our economy, increased modernization and strengthening of
our defenses, greater prestige abroad, and the initiation of a roadbuilding
program that dwarfs anything of its kind in all history of all nations.
To cite in more detail just two examples of the way in which we have
kept faith with the American voter:
Foremost, we stopped, on honorable terms, the fighting in Korea and,
since, have kept the peace.
That peace cannot, because of the threat hanging like a cloud over
the world, achieve the perfection we desire. But we do remember that
during the past 7 years no American boy has lost his life in battle, nor
has our Nation been depressed by daily casualty lists.
Since I953 we have lived in an atmosphere where, with our allies,
we are able constantly to strengthen the bonds of peace, regardless of
the undeniable uneasiness and tension in the world.
We are well aware of and well understand the powerful threats, both
implicitly and explicitly expressed by Communist imperialism, and the
sacrifices we must make to uphold peace in freedom. And wherever
freedom is threatened we have never temporized nor compromised-nor
ever shall.
In this spirit we have made certain of our Nation's defenses-well
knowing that from a position of strength we provide not only for military
security but establish the only platform from which we can effectively
pursue the objective of mutual disarmament and world peace.
In programming America's defense, we have insisted not only on
sufficiency, but on balance-a balance that makes maximum use of our
material resources, human energies, and national spirit, and is designed
to counter every foreseeable risk.
To do otherwise would be to court disaster.
Now some, I know, have felt and expressed themselves individually
as highly qualified to criticize adversely the comprehensive and painstaking calculations that responsible military, scientific, and governmental
personnel have made in satisfying our defense requirements. For myself, I assure you that I have the highest personal confidence in those
calculations, made by a great cooperating group of able and dedicated
people.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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I am convinced that our whole defensive structure has been accurately
tailored in the light both of national needs and operational efficiency.
Our Nation is the most powerful in the world, and only the ignorant
or the blind insist it to be otherwise.
But we-we Republicans-owe it to our people to make this clear
to every citizen in the land.
And I earnestly hope you will drive home something else.
Here I refer to a second major area of Republican promise and
performance.
Some opponents apparently feel there is no problem that cannot be
solved by a subsidy-that all social and economic difficulties can be
speedily resolved by tapping the treasury.
What a myth that is!
Extravagance and statesmanship can never be happily wedded.
We stand squarely with Lincoln in the conviction that government
should undertake only that which the citizen cannot do properly for
himself-that government should always be ready to give a helping hand
but never a heavy handout.
Now when we express our belief in such things as "fiscal responsibility,"
"balanced budgets," "refusal to debase our currency," and the importance of local authority, we no doubt sound unspectacular to those
people who want to dive deeply into the Federal Treasury.
But these subjects are not unspectacular to the family that has, in the
past, encountered the rising costs and prices resulting from governmental
irresponsibility; or to the housewife who must make the family budget
stretch to cover the necessaries of life, with its emergencies; or to the
worker whose savings and pensions are endangered whenever government
permits the debasing of our money.
All these matters are basic to sound government. Moreover, good
government does not seek to be spectacular; it seeks rather the progress
and the happiness of the people it serves.
So we shall not deviate from principle; but our job is to make sure
that the public better understands the Republican accomplishments of
the past and the sound and enduring good to be found in its programs
for the future.
If we do this, I have no doubt about which party the American people
will turn to next November.
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If we do our work well, all our people will appreciate the great advances in American influence in the world, and the growing effectiveness
of foreign programs. They will realize that we have had marked success in preserving stability and promoting a great expansion in our
economy.
Moreover, in two small cyclic recessions we have remained true to
principle, refusing to heed the councilors of fear. We have pursued
sane and helpful programs tailored to the true needs of our people. The
result has been in each case a rebounding economy and a record rise in
prosperity.
Under the policies our party has supported, our people are assured
of becoming ever more prosperous according to the best judgment of the
finest economic experts we can muster. Indeed, this year's Gross National Product-the broadest measure of the Nation's output of goods
and services-will be more than $500 billion.
And if we spread the good news properly, the public will pay no
attention to those who have developed an amazing, and what is to them
seemingly an enjoyable, habit of making forecasts that drip with gloom,
lack of faith, and self-doubt.
Although the political pessimist may voice despair about our future,
I know that this audience will never believe that our Nation has lost
the hardy traits of mind and spirit, the self-confidence and self-dependence, that have characterized the American people for over 300 years.
Rather all of us here tonight assert that the history of our Nationincluding that of its past 7 years-justifies fully our confidence in
America for the journey ahead.
Our party is about to enter the second century since it first came to
power. Over the years the core of Republican purpose has been to
exalt individual opportunity and human dignity and to enthrone freedom. This purpose we all share, but we must remember that the driving
force in a successful political party is the strength of spirit of its members.
Only as we renew this spiritual power and enthusiasm will we bring our
party up the slow climb to the summit where the election of a Republican
President and a Republican Congress will again become the normal
pattern.
And so, as I thank you again for your courtesy and express my admiration for the effort you are making, may I say this: in the confident spirit
of the final resolution introduced at the convention that nominated
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960o
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Lincoln, we read, "we adjourn to meet at the White House on March 4th
next"-I bid you good night and I hope to see you at the Capitol when
my Republican successor takes over on January 20th.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:25 p.m. to Mrs. Clare B. Williams, Assistant Chairat the Uline Arena in Washington. His man of the Republican National Commitopening words "Mrs. Chairman" referred tee, who served as chairman of the rally.
i o8 (I Remarks of Welcome to President Lleras
Camargo of Colombia at the Washington National
Airport. April 5, i960
Mr. President:
It is a particular honor for me and for the American people to welcome
you here to this country that you know so well.
First of all, your country and ours has a long history of friendly associations, and we well remember the sacrifices that your country made
in the late Korean conflict when you sent to the aid of the United Nations
both military and naval forces.
But beyond this we have watched with the greatest interest your own
leadership in the developing of your country, both in the spreading of
the advantages of education, health facilities, democratic order, and in
the leadership that has brought about the standing of Colombia ever
higher among those nations that are true practices of democracy. We
have seen how your efforts have resulted, and we are indeed admiring
and most respectful of those accomplishments.
So when we have the opportunity today of welcoming you to this land,
we do it as one that reveres those great values of freedom, of human
dignity, and know that you stand with us in all of the measures that are
necessary in the promotion of these values throughout the world and
defeating any kind of threat that may be opposed against us.
So again I say to you, sir, welcome, and I sincerely hope that you and
your party find in this country not only an instructive trip but a most
enjoyable one for all of you.
And finally, that when you go back, you will convey to your own
people the very best wishes and warm greetings from this, the people of
this country.
Thank you very much.
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I 09 4I Toasts of the President and President
Lleras at the White House. April 5, I 960
Mr. President, Sefiora Lleras, ladies and gentlemen:
It is indeed a great honor to welcome to this country, to this Capital,
and to this table the President of Colombia. I am not so sure that I
should couch this statement just in words of welcome, because the President is practically a Washingtonian. It occurred to me that by the time
I have lived in Washington as long as he has, there will be a lot of people
demanding that I say whether I was a Democrat or Republican. Now
I don't think that you have to answer that question, and certainly I shall
not ask it.
But indeed, to welcome back someone in the sense of a prodigal son
returning home, this is quite an honor and indeed a great and enjoyable
experience.
Our country is very proud of its relationship with Colombia. The
history of our friendship-mutual friendship-is a bright one, and we had
a great inspiration in the late Korean trouble when Colombia sent its
troops to assist ours in repelling the Communist aggression in that area.
This is something for which we have been eternally grateful, Mr. President, and we think it is symbolic of the strength of the friendship that our
two peoples feel each for the other.
Because of this long experience of the President in his position here in
the Organization of American States, and formerly as an Ambassador,
we were quite prepared to understand and to appreciate the work he has
done in these recent years as President of his own country. He is leading
it into an advance that is making of it a democracy that is truly strong
and dedicated to all those values that we hold so dear.
And it is because of such reasons as these that I count it a special
privilege to symbolize our affection for the people of Colombia, and our
admiration for its President, by asking you to join me in a Toast to the
President of Colombia and Seniora Lleras.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast ences to my country. My companions
at a state dinner at the White House. and I have received with deep emotion
President Lleras responded as follows: and lasting gratitude the welcome which
you, your Government, and your counMr. President: trymen have extended to us. For my
I sincerely thank you for all your kind part, I interpret this as a testimonial of
words and in particular for your refer- fraternity for a nation which I happen to
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I I Io
have the privilege of representing, notthank Heaven-against its will, but by
its decision. I know quite well that the
people of Colombia honestly and unreservedly share the sentiments of admiration and friendship I feel for the United
States, and regard with enthusiasm your
invitation and my visit, which are an eloquent way of indicating that the cooperation between our two nations is proceeding regularly and harmoniously.
We have, in moments of special difficulty, received the support of the American Government, and when support from
us-physically scant, perhaps, but politically and morally important-has been
necessary to maintain an international
policy to which we have conjointly
pledged ourselves, we have given it without the slightest hesitation. It is long
since there has been between Colombia
and the United States any difference
which has not been settled with the greatest ease and in the shortest time possible.
In the international organizations to
which we belong, our agents collaborate
to achieve the purposes clearly set forth
in the Charters. Your Ambassadors in
Colombia, Mr. President, have been welcome with an affection which they have
invariably deserved. Ours here have
been cordially treated, and there has
never been anything to impair the effectiveness of their labors. Besides, it gives
me pleasure to say that-though this is
the way the moral relationship between
friendly peoples usually functions-the
difference between your material circumstances and ours has in no way been emphasized, except insofar as this great
power feels obliged to aid less developed
countries, to give them technical, scientific, and financial assistance with the purpose of bettering our people's condition.
You, Mr. President, have recently had
the opportunity of knowing directly the
popular sentiments of Latin America towards the nation you so loftily represented in our countries. And I am sure
that from your visit-which, unfortunately, could not be more extended and
complete-you brought back with you the
conviction that in that vast region of the
world, which has been the oldest partner
of the United States in her international
policy, there are unsuspected possibilities
of collaborating harmoniously to make
this Hemisphere a worthy haven for man,
for the highest human qualities and for
liberty.
On reiterating to you and Mrs. Eisenhower my thanks, as well as those of Mrs.
Lleras and my traveling companions, for
all the acts of courtesy and friendship
you have showered upon us, I should like
to express, Mr. President, my best wishes
for the continued greatness of the United
States and the personal happiness of its
President and Mrs. Eisenhower.
I I o 4T Toasts of the President and President
Lleras at the Colombian Embassy.
Mr. President, Senora, ladies and gentlemen:
April7, i960
Ordinarily when we have a visitor, a head of state from abroad, we
always express the hope that the friendship between the two peoples we
represent will be strengthened by such a visit.
In this case, I think it is a rather futile hope-I do not know how the
friendship between our two countries could be stronger, and so I will
content myself, Mr. President, by saying that the American people are
proud of the friendship of your people for ours. We are grateful for it,
and we reciprocate it.
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And as a symbol of our affection for the people of Colombia, I ask this
company to drink with me a Toast to the President of Colombia and
Senfora Lleras.
NOTE: The toast was proposed in response to a toast by President Lleras at
a dinner which he gave in honor of President Eisenhower. The toast proposed by
President Lleras follows:
Mr. President:
We have certainly no words to express
our appreciation for the way in which
you have treated us, Mr. President-you,
and Mrs. Eisenhower, your government
and your people. So, if we have no
words, the best thing to do is to be silent.
But I invite all of you to drink a Toast
to the President of the United States and
Mrs. Eisenhower.
I I I qf Statements by the President and President
Lleras Following Their Discussions.
April8, i960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States has had a valuable and friendly
exchange of views with the President of Colombia on a number of subjects
of mutual interest, including matters of special significance and concern
in inter-American relations. The discussions between the two Presidents
began at the White House on Wednesday, April 6, and continued at
Camp David on Thursday, April 7. They were entirely informal in
nature and without any agenda; no negotiations of any type were involved.
They took place in an atmosphere of complete cordiality, frankness and
mutual understanding.
During his four-day visit President Lleras addressed a Joint Meeting
of Congress and he and the members of his party conferred with the Vice
President, the Secretary of State, members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee and other United States Government officials. After leaving
Washington President Lleras will visit three other cities of this country
and will meet and confer with governmental, cultural and business leaders.
The President is happy to confirm that there are no serious problems
pending between the United States and Colombia and that relations
between the two countries are characterized by a spirit of friendliness and
mutual respect. He discussed at length with President Lleras the economic needs of Colombia and noted with satisfaction the return of
Colombia to economic and financial stability under the present regime,
a development largely made possible by the great efforts of the Colombian
340
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
qI III
Government and people and cooperation between the Colombian Government and official and private banks in the United States, together with
support from international banking institutions. At the same time these
discussions disclosed the need for increasing and diversifying Colombian
agricultural and industrial production to keep pace with the rapid growth
of population in that country, in which task all possible efforts will be
made to cooperate with the Colombian Government.
The conversations dwelt also upon the basic problem of social and
economic development which, as President Lleras has eloquently stated,
"has no other objective than that of producing within the shortest period
of time, with the full application of all public and private resources, a
gradual rise in the standard of living of the entire population and a better
distribution of income." The two Presidents found it a matter for rejoicing that in America war has been outlawed as an instrument of national
policy, that Americans, north and south, live at peace with one another
and wholeheartedly sympathize with and maintain their solidarity with
the free nations of the world. They reaffirmed their support of the
Organization of American States and their devotion to the defense of its
ideals as voiced in its Charter and other significant inter-American
agreements.
Finally, President Eisenhower expressed his conviction that a continuing personal relationship between the Chiefs of State of the two countries
was an important element in maintaining the long tradition of friendship
and cooperation between Colombia and the United States, and that the
present visit signifies the determination of the two Chiefs of State and
their two Governments to continue their collaboration on matters of
mutual concern both directly and through international organizations, as
befits two nations sharing a common faith in freedom, democracy and
social justice.
NOTE: The statement by President Lleras ticular, to those of Colombia. The Presifollows: dent of Colombia found the same spirit
The President of Colombia has had a of cooperation, understanding and good
most gratifying experience in his visit to neighborliness that constantly has charthe United States in response to the invi- acterized relations between the two countation from President Eisenhower. In his tries, as well as an intense and deep
conversations with President Eisenhower, concern for the progress of the Latin
Secretary of State Herter and other high American nations, their political and soofficials of the American Government he cial stability and their economic develophas had the opportunity to discuss prob- ment. Colombia has wished to make fully
lems that affect the hemisphere and their evident, on the occasion of this visit, its.
relation to world problems and, in par- appreciation for the high degree of co341
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Public Papers of the Presidents
operation it has received from the
Government of the United States in connection with the crisis suddenly made
acute by the drop in coffee prices, that,
had it continued, would have brought disaster to the producing countries. In this
crisis, the United States assumed the position, unprecedented for a consumer country, of cooperating in the formulation of
world-wide agreements designed to seek
stability for this product. Likewise, the
President of Colombia has wanted to attest his gratitude and that of his people
for the financial aid given the economic
policies of his Government, thanks to
which it has been possible to reestablish
the foreign credit of his country, to stabilize its currency and to open new prospects for economic development.
President Eisenhower and high officials
of the American Government, as well as
members of the United States Congress,
have shown on this occasion special interest in intensifying the cooperation of their
country with the efforts being made by
the American Governments to raise the
standards of living of their peoples. Also,
the President of Colombia has found a
clear expression of the respect, confidence
and esteem in which the Government of
the United States holds the Organization
of American States as an instrument for
studying, clarifying and resolving all problems that may arise concerning relations
between our countries, when these cannot
be resolved directly. It has been gratifying and stimulating to the Chief of the
Colombian Government to confirm that
he is in complete accord with President
Eisenhower's concept that the juridical
structure developed by the American
states during the 71 years of their collaboration is one of the greatest contributions of our times to the predominance of
a system of law in international relations,
and with the need and desirability of
strengthening the American regional organization by giving it the governments'
strongest support.
It is also gratifying to the President of
Colombia to state that, although it was
not the aim of his visit to discuss any
special aspect of cooperation between the
two countries, he found in President
Eisenhower, in the members of Congress
and the Government and generally in all
official circles, special desire to help resolve the serious problems of Colombia's
growth and to enlist the American nation
in the development of an economic and
social policy that would serve the interests
of the Colombian people, raise their
standard of living and contribute to developing a state of prosperity and justice.
In the course of our interviews through
the normal channels, conversations will
be carried forward on specific ways to
cooperate in these efforts, that are intended to consolidate democracy and the
order, peace and social justice of the
hemisphere.
The President of Colombia wishes to
express his highest appreciation for the
way President Eisenhower, the American
Government and people have received the
Chief of a sister nation, turning this visit
not only into an act of close friendship
between nations but also into a very useful opportunity to examine new ways of
intensifying long term and reciprocal political and economic cooperation.
I 12 qI Message to President Garcia of the
Philippines on the Occasion of Bataan Day.
April 8, 1960
Dear Mr. President:
Eighteen years ago today Filipinos and Americans, in common struggle
against tyranny, gave new vigor to man's quest for peace in freedom.
342
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
( I I3
It is fitting that we should pause each year to observe Bataan Day and to
remind ourselves that liberty and justice are, indeed, worth whatever price
we may be called upon to pay.
Eight years ago Filipinos and Americans were again fighting side-byside to preserve the integrity of the Free World. I am confident that we
will continue to work together to this end, and it is my profound hope
that we will be able to safeguard our integrity without having thrust upon
us again the necessity of taking up arms. The goals of our two peoplesthe spiritual and material welfare of the individual, a free society dedicated to peace and justice-are deeply ingrained. The fact that they
correspond to the aspirations of hundreds of millions of our fellow men
should strengthen our determination to defend this heritage against any
who would deny it to us.
On behalf of the American people, I wish to extend through you, Mr.
President, my deep respect and affection for the Filipino people and
their dedication to the democratic way of life. May we continue to draw
common inspiration from the symbol of Bataan.
With high esteem,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
I I 3 eI Veto of Bill for Relief of William J. Kaiser.
April ii, 1960
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 6023, a bill "For the
relief of William J. Kaiser."
The bill would relieve Mr. Kaiser of all liability to refund to the United
States amounts improperly paid to him as sickness and unemployment
benefits under the Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act while he was
also receiving a pension as a retired member of the New York City Fire
Department. The bill would further direct the Railroad Retirement
Board to repay to Mr. Kaiser from the railroad unemployment insurance
account of the unemployment trust fund the amounts already recovered
from him.
The Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act itself provides that the
343
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Railroad Retirement Board may extend equitable or compassionate relief
in appropriate cases of overpayment when the Board finds recovery would
be against equity or good conscience. This the Board did not do and
there is no evidence available to me that indicates the Board's decision to
have been erroneous.
The payments which the bill would require are not authorized by general law. More importantly, the money for the payments would have to
come from a trust fund. The beneficiary has no valid claim to this money
and its payment would constitute a discriminatory gift from funds which
the Government holds in trust for railroad employees.
For these reasons, and because the bill would create an undesirable
precedent, I am constrained to withhold my approval.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
I I 4 eJ Veto of Bill for Relief of Mrs. Virginia
Bond. April ii, i960
To the House of Representatives:
I am returning herewith, without my approval, H.R. 7933, "For the
relief of Mrs. Virginia Bond."
The $i,582.89 of death pension benefits authorized by this bill are for
the period between Mrs. Bond's husband's death on June 29, 1957 and
May I3, I959, the effective date of the pension Mrs. Bond currently
receives. The benefits provided by H.R. 7933 are retroactive and may
-not be paid under existing legislation. Such an exception to general law
should be made only to correct a serious inequity or in other unusually
meritorious circumstances. I find no such basis for approving this bill.
Mrs. Bond on July II, 1957 filed a claim for death pension benefits
with the Veterans' Administration. Had this claim been allowed Mrs.
Bond's pension, because applied for within a year of her husband's death,
would have been retroactive to the date of her husband's death. Her
claim was denied, however, because it was determined that her husband's
death was not due to his service-nor was the evidence in support of the
claim sufficient to entitle Mrs. Bond to a non-service-connected death
pension. This denial was affirmed on appeal.
On May I3, I959, Mrs. Bond filed a second claim with new evidence
344
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
q II5
and on the basis thereof she was awarded the death pension she is now
receiving. The law, however, specifically requires that such a second
claim be treated as a new claim. The effective date of the award, therefore, was the date of the second claim because it had been filed more
than one year after the death of Mr. Bond.
This history affords no valid justification for the special relief the bill
would accord. The language of the law requiring that second claims
be treated as new claims is clear and unmistakable. Furthermore, the
insufficiency of the evidence in support of the first claim is attributable to
Mrs. Bond, not to the Government.
Because the bill would discriminate against others similarly situated and
would create an undesirable precedent, I am constrained to withhold my
approval.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
I I 5 eI Letter to the Co-Chairmen of the Joint
Federal-State Action Committee on Receiving the
Committee's Final Report. April I12, I960
[ Released April I 2, 1960. Dated April 9, 1960o
Dear
This acknowledges the receipt of the report of the Joint Federal-State
Action Committee, submitted on April 7, 1960. I believe that continuation of the Committee alongside the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations would be duplication of effort. The Committee
has worked well and earnestly toward the strengthening of our governmental system. It is my hope and expectation that the Advisory Commission will further the Committee's work and broaden its scope for the
same purpose-to make our federal system an even more effective instrument to serve the American people.
In dissolving the Joint Federal-State Action Committee, I extend my
thanks to the members, both the Governors and Federal officials, and to
the joint staffs, for their work and interest in this project.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
345
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Public Papers of the Presidents
NOTE: This is the text of identical letters 24, I957 (I957 volume, this series, p.
addressed to Governor Robert Smylie of 494). The Committee's final report was
Idaho and Secretary of the Treasury published by the Government Printing
Robert B. Anderson. Office (197 pp., i960). A brief addenThe Joint Federal-State Action Com- dum was printed in November i960.
mittee was established in response to the The Advisory Commission on InterPresident's suggestion to the Conference governmental Relations was established by
of Governors at Williamsburg, Va., June Public Law 86-380 (73 Stat. 703).
I I 6 eJ Letter to the Governors Concerning
Assumption by the States of Regulatory Functions
Relating to Atomic Energy. April I 2, I 960
[Released April I 2, I 960. Dated April i I, I 960]
Dear Governor
I have often stressed the need to increase the functions and responsibilities of the States as a safeguard against excessive centralization of governmental power in this country. Public Law 86-373 was enacted in response to a recommendation by the Joint Federal-State Action Committee.
The law authorizes the Atomic Energy Commission to enter into agreements with the Governors of the States under which the States will assume
responsibility for specified regulatory functions now performed by the
Commission for the promotion and regulation of the peaceful uses of
atomic energy. Following consultations with representative State groups,
the Commission has prepared proposed criteria to guide both parties in
reaching agreement on the transfer of these functions.
I have asked the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission to send
copies of the proposed criteria to you. Your views, and those of the other
Governors, will be important in determining the actual criteria to be
applied. I request that you give this matter your personal attention and
ask that you send your views as soon as possible to Mr. John A. McCone,
Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. Mr. McCone and his staff
will welcome an opportunity to meet with you or your representatives to
discuss the proposed criteria and other aspects of the program authorized
under Public Law 86-373.
This legislation is a constructive step toward a better distribution of
functions between the Federal Government and the States. I know that
346
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q II7
you share with me the hope that more such steps to expand State responsibility will be taken in the future.
With best wishes,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: This is the text of identical letters Stat. 688) was approved September 23,
sent to the Governors of all the States. 1959.
It was released at Augusta, Ga. Copies of the criteria referred to by the
The amendment of the Atomic Energy President were released by the Office of
Act of 1954 with respect to cooperation Health and Safety, Atomic Energy Comwith the States (Public Law 86-373; 73 mission, Germantown, Md.
I I 7 e Statement by the President Upon Making
Public the Second Interim Report of the Cabinet
Committee on Price Stability for Economic Growth.
April 17, i960
THE CABINET COMMITTEE on Price Stability for Economic
Growth under the chairmanship of Vice President Nixon has submitted
to me a Second Interim Report entitled "Prospects for Price Stability."
I am making this Report public because it deals with matters of continuing importance to all Americans.
The Report is encouraging because it reveals the substantial progress
we have made in checking inflation and in creating favorable prospects
for price stability and healthy economic growth. But the Report gives no
cause for complacency. Both government and the public must be constantly alert to these problems. We must continue to manage our monetary and fiscal affairs in a responsible manner; we must be firm, yet
flexible, in adjusting public policies to promote economic expansion and
to meet changing economic conditions; and we must preserve and
strengthen the institutions of our free, competitive economy.
In the last analysis, sound public policies derive their strength from
public understanding and public support. This Report, I believe, will
help to enlarge that public understanding and broaden that support upon
which the success of future efforts so largely rests.
NOTE: The report (2o pp., mimeo- summary by the Committee of its congraphed) was released with the Presi- clusions:
dent's letter, together with the following i. Inflation has been, and the threat of
60295-61 26 347
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Public Papers of the Presidents
inflation will continue to be, a serious
national problem.
2. We have the tools to curb inflation.
On the whole, these tools have been used
effectively during the past 8 years.
3. Most of the inflation that really
hurts our old people and others on fixed
incomes took place between the beginning of the Second World War and the
end of the Korean War. Only Io percent
of the general price increase since 1939
has occurred since the Korean War.
4. It is not true that inflation stimulates economic growth. On the contrary,
it creates waste, inefficiency, and hardship. It hurts our foreign markets, and
it lessens the ability of American business
to compete at home with imported goods.
5. While sound monetary and fiscal
policies are the first line of defense against
harmful increases in the price level, we
cannot be complacent about cost increases
springing from inefficiency and unsound
practices of management, labor, or
government.
6. Stability of the price level, though a
necessary condition for the great expansion we expect in the I960's, will not by
itself assure economic growth. Growth
requires research, imagination, initiative,
thrift, constant efforts to increase efficiency, an improved investment climate,
and vigilance in rooting out rigidities,
whether governmental or private, that impede change in our economic system.
For the President's statement upon
making public the first interim report, see
the 1959 volume, this series, p. 484.
I 8 eJ Letter to the Administrator of General
Services Offering the President's Papers and Other
Documentary Materials as a Gift to the United
States. April I9, 1960
[ Released April 19, 1960. Dated April 13, 1960 ]
Dear Mr. Floete:
The papers of a President, which from the time of George Washington
have been regarded as the personal property of the President, have, inescapably, a direct and important association with the history of our
country. Believing that they should be permanently and generally available for study, I desire that my papers should be made so available and
believe that this can best be done through a Presidential archival depository, as provided by the Federal Property and Administrative Services
Act of 1949, as amended.
The Eisenhower Presidential Library Commission, an agency of the
State of Kansas, now has under construction in the City of Abilene a
library building, financed by public subscription, where it is proposed to
house my Presidential and other papers. This building is appropriately
situated on land adjacent to my boyhood home and to a museum, both
of which are maintained by the Eisenhower Foundation, a non-profit
348
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(e I I8
corporation organized under the laws of Kansas.
When the Library building has been completed, the Commission intends to present it, together with equipment and grounds, as a gift to the
United States, on condition that the United States will maintain and
operate this Library as a Presidential archival depository under the provisions of the above cited Act.
Therefore, in furtherance of this plan and in accordance with the
provisions of that Act, I now offer as a gift to the United States such of
my papers and other documentary materials as are hereinafter described,
on condition that these papers and materials will be accepted, preserved,
and made available by the United States under the following terms:
i. Upon the close of my term in office, I shall cause to be transferred
to the United States for deposit in the Library at Abilene the bulk of my
papers in the White House office, estimated to include several million
documents.
2. Other documents still in my possession, including the remainder
of my Presidential papers, the papers accumulated by me before my
inauguration as President, and other documentary materials, including
books, still pictures, motion pictures, and sound recordings, shall be transferred to the United States for deposit in said Library from time to time
as shall be agreed upon by the Administrator of General Services or his
representative and me or my representative, except those papers and
other documentary materials which shall, before or after my leaving the
Office of President, be determined by me or my representative to be
excluded from this offer by reason of private or personal interest in such
papers or materials on my part or on the part of a member of my family.
3. The offer of the papers and other materials described in paragraphs
i and 2 hereof is conditioned upon acceptance by the United States of the
offer of the land and buildings comprising the Eisenhower Library at
Abilene, Kansas, and upon its agreement to maintain and operate the
Library at all times thereafter as a Presidential archival depository for the
storage of such papers and other materials, in accordance with the provisions of the Federal Property and Administrative Services Act of I949,
as amended, such acceptance and agreement to be effected within go days
after the end of the period described in the second proviso to section 507
(f) ( i ) of said Act.
4. All papers and other documentary materials which shall be transferred to the United States pursuant to the foregoing shall be kept in the
349
4j i i8
Public Papers of the Presidents
Library permanently, subject to the right of the Administrator of General
Services in his discretion (a) to make temporary loans thereof to such
persons, organizations, or institutions as he shall determine, (b) to dispose
by sale, exchange, or otherwise of any such papers or documentary
materials which the Archivist of the United States may determine to have
no permanent or historical interest or to be surplus to the needs of said
Library, and (c) to remove from said Library any or all such papers or
documentary materials if he deems it necessary to preserve them from
threatened destruction.
5. All papers and other documentary materials transferred to the
United States pursuant to the foregoing shall be accessible at all reasonable times to me, my son, my representative, or to other persons authorized
in writing by me or my son to have access to such papers.
6. It is my purpose to make the papers and other documentary materials donated to the United States by the terms of this instrument available for purposes of serious research as soon as possible and to the fullest
extent possible. However, since the President of the United States is the
recipient of many confidences from others, and since the inviolability of
such confidences is essential to the functioning of the office of the Presidency, it will be necessary to withhold from public scrutiny certain papers
and classes of papers for varying periods of time. In pursuance of this
objective and in accordance with the provisions of Section 507(f) (3) of
the Federal Property and Administrative Services Act of I949, as
amended, conditions are imposed on the use of my papers as provided in
paragraphs 7 through io immediately following.
7. Subsequent to the execution of this instrument, the Administrator
of General Services shall have the papers that are transferred to the
United States reviewed and shall place under seal the following classes of
materials:
a. Papers that are security-classified pursuant to law or Executive
Order, until such classification shall be removed.
b. Papers the use of which may be prejudicial to the maintenance
of good relations with foreign nations.
c. Papers containing statements made by or to me in confidence.
d. Papers relating to my family or private business affairs, and papers
relating to the families or private business affairs of persons who have
had correspondence with me.
e. Papers containing statements about individuals which might be
350
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
( I I8
used to injure or harass them or members of their families.
f. Such other individual files as I, or my representative, or the Administrator of General Services may specify.
8. Papers placed under seal shall not be made available to anyone
or their contents divulged to anyone (including public officials) except
(a) persons authorized under the terms of paragraph 5 above, and (b)
officials and employees of the National Archives and Records Service
when performing essential archival work processes on such papers under
the supervision of the Administrator of General Services.
9. All papers placed under seal in accordance with the foregoing
provisions shall be reexamined from time to time by officials and employees of the National Archives and Records Service under the direction
of the Administrator of General Services and, subject to approval by me
or my representative, shall be opened to research use as soon as the passage of time or other circumstances have removed the conditions that
required that they be put under seal.
io. All competent private persons interested in using my papers for
serious scholarly research shall be granted equal access to those that are
not withheld from use according to the foregoing, subject to the regulations issued by the Administrator of General Services governing the use of
papers and other documentary materials in the Library.
i i. Title to my papers and other documentary materials and the
literary property rights in my papers, shall pass to the United States as
such papers and materials are transferred to the United States under the
terms and conditions herein expressed, except that I reserve to myself and
to my heirs (a) a right to make any use of any of these papers in writing
for publication, and (b) literary property rights in any works that I have
written or may hereafter write for publication. These reservations include the right to license any publisher of any such work.
i2. My representative for purposes of paragraphs 2, 5, 7, 8 and 9
shall be such person or persons as I may designate in a letter filed with
the Administrator of General Services. In the event that at any time
after my death there should be no representative so designated, my
representative shall be my son John Eisenhower, or such person or persons as he may designate in the same manner.
The detailed conditions described in this letter have been drawn up
in accordance with known precedents and with the cooperation of officials of your office and of the National Archives. Permit me to express
35I
(I 118
Public Papers of the Presidents
my deep appreciation of the help that all these individuals have given me.
With personal regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Floete's reply, dated April I5,
follows:
Dear Mr. President:
It gives me great pleasure to accept, in
accordance with the provisions of the
Federal Property and Administrative
Services Act of 1949, as amended, your
offer of certain papers and other documentary materials subject to the conditions prescribed in your letter of April 13,
1960.
Mr. John P. Harris, Chairman of the
Eisenhower Presidential Library Commission, has written me on behalf of the
Commission, offering to convey as a gift
to the United States the land, building
and equipment necessary to the establishment of the Eisenhower Library. The
Commission's offer is subject to further
action of the Kansas Legislature, which
must give the Commission authority to
convey title, but the Commission is confident this action will be taken at the 1961
session. The Commission has also offered
the Library property for use in the meantime as a Presidential archival depository.
Copies of Mr. Harris' letter and my reply
are enclosed.
While final transfer of title will be delayed until the Kansas Legislature has
acted, I understand that all necessary
steps under the laws of the United States
and the State of Kansas can be completed
so that the building will be constructed
and available to house your papers by
the time you leave Office. For this, every
American is indebted not only to the
Commission headed by Mr. Harris but
also to the Governor's National Committee for the Eisenhower Presidential
Library, of which Governor Docking and
Senator Darby are co-chairmen.
Also, we are all deeply indebted to
you, Mr. President, for making your
papers available for preservation and use
in a public institution. There they will
be safeguarded, reviewed, and catalogued
by professional archivists so that as time
passes they may become increasingly
available for use by all serious researchers
who seek to know and understand the
history of our times.
Because of the Library's national significance, it is a great privilege for us in
GSA to participate in the preparations
necessary for this important addition to
our national archives system.
Respectfully,
FRANKLIN FLOETE
The President's letter and Mr. Floete's
reply were released at Augusta, Ga., together with the exchange of letters between Mr. Harris and Mr. Floete.
I I 9 4 Message to President Kubitschek of Brazil
on the Occasion of the Inauguration of the New
Capital, Brasilia.
April 2, 1960
[ Released April 2 I, 1960. Dated April 19, 1960 ]
Dear Mr. President:
You will recall how greatly I was impressed during our meeting at
Brasilia last February with the extraordinary accomplishment of the
352
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I I 20
Government and the people of Brazil in building this inspiring new
capital. On this joyful occasion of the inauguration of your great city
of the future, I wish to renew my congratulations to Your Excellency on
your vision and achievement and on the splendid pioneering spirit of
Brazil.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: This message was released at Augusta, Ga.
I20 4f Remarks of Welcome to President
de Gaulle of France at the Washington National
Airport. April 22, i960
President de Gaulle:
It is a very great pleasure for me and for the American people to
welcome you here, sir, with Madame de Gaulle, and members of your
party.
There has been a long and very special relationship existing between
the United States and France. We have shared 200 years of common
experiences. We have been devoted to common ideals, and the men of
our two countries have shed their blood in common cause.
Through all of these experiences and these adventures, the affection
and the admiration of one people for another have never weakenedindeed they have strengthened. And it is a happy circumstance that your
visit here today is symbolic of that continuing affection and admiration
that these people have one for the other.
It is indeed a happy circumstance that I can welcome you for the first
time on this soil not only as President of France but President of the
French Community. Our people are just as anxious for the development
of those countries under the sponsorship of France as is France itself, and
indeed we hope that our ties of friendship with the entire Community
will be as strong and as close as have those ties with the people of your
country.
And now, finally, may I welcome you more especially personally. I met
you first i 8 years ago, in the dark days of a world war. From that time on
353
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Public Papers of the Presidents
our association has grown ever closer. And I must assure you-as I have
assured my own people time and again-that the debt that the cause of
freedom owes to General de Gaulle has not only been strong but it is one
that is widely understood, appreciated, in this country-as indeed I think
it is in all other portions of the free world.
I repeat my welcome on behalf of the American people, and for myself, to a man who in war and peace has proved such a great friend to
all of those who love human dignity and are dedicated to the welfare of
humans everywhere. We thank you for being here.
NOTE: President de Gaulle responded impossible to resist the powerful stream
(through an interpreter) as follows: of events.
From the bottom of my heart, thank A grave international debate is going
you, Mr. President. Seeing you and to take place in 3 weeks. Before joining
listening to you, I feel once more in this debate for France, it was indeed
agreement. Here I am once again in necessary that I converse with the Presithe United States of America. I had dent of the United States. In any case,
not been here for 15 years. This time I feel a deep satisfaction to visit and saagain on your invitation, that is, the in- lute the great American people, dear to
vitation of a dear and illustrious friend. my heart and upon whom rests to a very
This is another proof that one does not great extent the fate of the entire free
resist President Eisenhower. It is also world.
12 I f Toasts of the President and President
de Gaulle. April 22, I960
Mr. President, Madame de Gaulle, and friends:
It is indeed a happy privilege for me to welcome President de Gaulle
to this table on behalf of this company. My lasting respect and admiration for General de Gaulle began I8 years ago when I met him first in
London. He and I were associates in a war, a desperate war, of which
the hope was to gain a peace in which people could have faith and
confidence.
At the end of that war we learned certain things about peace. One
is that there is no peace merely because the cannons are still. Another
is that many people talk about peace who are not talking honestly except
as they conceive of a peace as a condition in which their opponents must
surrender their privileges and rights and live in a state of serfdom.
Finally, we learn that peace is a rather delicate condition and characteristic, and it needs to be guarded with vigilance and with strengthwith moral, intellectual, economic, and military strength.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I I2I
Now General de Gaulle is a partner, with his country, of this country
and this Government, in waging the peace. In waging the peace, we
have other battles to fight. The campaigns and the battles against
hunger, disease, privation, resentment, ignorance-all these are part of
waging peace.
No single country can win this campaign by itself. We are proud
indeed, in this country, that France with its great leader General
de Gaulle is associated with us in this great effort-this worldwide effort;
and more especially as a partner of ours in the great alliance of NATO,
founded well over a decade ago to bring about a situation in which peace
can be waged without fear and without bending to threat.
I can conceive of no more worthy partner that I should like to have
at my side, in what efforts I can make towards waging the peace, than
General de Gaulle. And for this reason I have a feeling of special honor
in asking this company to join with me in a Toast to General de Gaulle,
President of the French Republic and the French Community.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast
at a state dinner at the White House.
President de Gaulle responded (through
an interpreter) as follows:
Mr. President:
Our two countries have given us-you
and me-a sacred trust, that of FrancoAmerican friendship. It seems to me that
in our actions and in the performance
of our duties, we have had the good fortune to preserve it and even to help it
grow. Indeed, I do not believe that in
the two countries since this flame was
kindled, the United States and France
have ever been closer to each other in
mind and in spirit.
Once again, only a short while ago, Mr.
President, Paris gave you magnificent
testimony of this when you were there on
an official visit. And this morning, Washington in return has just given an unforgettable truth: when the world is
troubled, when danger hovers over the
peoples, when those in authority face the
task at one and the same time of opening
the path of peace and finding the means
to safeguard the right of man to liberty,
this moral and political force constituted
by the natural agreement of our two countries has a worth and an impact that are
unparalleled.
The forthcoming international debate
will no doubt afford a new opportunity
for demonstrating this. But I must point
out that in any case no one has contributed to it more eminently, more effectively in the light of history, than President Eisenhower, in time of war and in
time of peace.
In saying this, Mr. President, I am
expressing the sentiments that we feel,
my wife and I, when we are with you
and Mrs. Eisenhower. I am also expressing the cordial and trusting frankness that inspire me in the talks that we
have begun.
I raise my glass to President Eisenhower, the Government of the United
States, to the American people-the
friend and ally of France.
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22 qf Message to President Betancourt on the
Occasion of the Sesquicentennial of Venezuela's
Independence. April 23, I960
[ Released April 23, 1960. Dated April 18, I960 ]
Dear Mr. President:
It gives me great pleasure to convey to Your Excellency and to the
people of Venezuela warm greetings and hearty congratulations from the
people of the United States and from myself on the occasion of the commemoration of the sesqui-centennial of the independence of the Republic
of Venezuela. I am confident that the social, political, and economic
progress of Venezuela and its people will continue in the years ahead.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
123 J1 Remarks to Members of the National 4-H
Conference. April 25, I960
FIRST OF ALL, my thanks to both of you for acting as representatives
of this group in giving me this little emblem. I don't know whether I
can wear it all the time these next 9 months, but starting next January
I see no reason why I shouldn't keep it about me all the time. As a
matter of fact, I am very proud to be so designated because while my
years will not allow me membership except on an honorary basis, still I
would like to be one of your members.
I don't know how many times in the last 7 or 8 years I have had the
opportunity of welcoming representatives of the 4-H groups. I remember that I helped to dedicate your headquarters out on Connecticut
Avenue. At other times we have also met together. This shall be my
final meeting, and I want to leave with you a little message. Possibly I
have repeated it time and again, but I think it will not be tiring if I give
to you something of what is in my heart and mind when I talk about the
opportunities of 4-H people to do something for the world.
Humanity has common problems that cry out for solution. These are
problems of starvation, misery, suffering, and disease throughout the
world. Unless the battles against these evils are waged intensively and
356
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 960q
(e I 23
with increasing success, the kind of world that we want, for ourselves and
for those who come after, is not going to be achieved.
Back of the solution of these problems we must have real understanding. This word is bandied about a great deal by people when they
don't want to be specific. But I mean the understanding of the problem
as a human-not because you are an American or because you are a
Frenchman or a Brazilian or any other nationality. We all must take
heed of a human problem and a human need and see why we cannot
solve it by a cooperative effort, because we all should understand it on
the same basis.
It is not necessarily true, I think, that we can always think as an
individual from another nation. Each nation has its own traditions,
its background, its history, its own heroes. That makes some difference
of approach to most problems. But these problems I am talking about
so clearly belong to all peoples, to all humans, that we can forget various
kinds of nationality and achieve a very great deal of understanding
among ourselves.
As we do that-as we reach greater understanding-there will be
every day greater and newer fields open to us in which these same attributes of cooperative attitude can be exercised and brought to bear. We
will all be happier and better people. By that I mean not just ourselves,
because of the satisfaction of doing the decent thing, but actually in the
development of greater spiritual, intellectual, cultural, and material
strength in the world.
This is what we want to do.
This puts a great deal of responsibility on people who like yourselves
already understand a great deal of these problems. It also opens a greater
field of opportunity. Part of the responsibility is to make yourselves
physically and mentally, intellectually and spiritually fit for the job. This
is one of the great functions of the 4-H movement. It is one reason that
I am so proud of it.
Because you all are classed now as young leaders, the opportunity you
have is that you can influence others all over the world to show the same
self-interest in their problems. Young people can all have the same
dictates of conscience, of gratification of doing something decent for other
humans.
Only as the whole world becomes better unified through the kind of
understanding that you people are already doing so much to promote357
CT 123 Public Papers of the Presidents
only as the world peoples understand each other's weaknesses and
strengths and have greater sympathy for common problems-is there
going to be greater assurance of a durable peace with justice.
This is what we all want.
Now my young friends, as I leave you and say goodbye, at least in my
present capacity to 4-H, I tell you: no one could have more confidence in
what young America can do, and will do, than I have. Since the
earliest days of dealing with the youth of America in the military forces,
I have developed the most tremendous respect for the capacity, the
imagination, the dedication, and devotion of our youngsters. I don't
want at this moment to be buttering you up. I don't mean that.
I mean you have got a tremendous responsibility, a great opportunity,
and a great capacity to discharge your responsibilities and to take advantage of the opportunities to the benefit of America, yourselves, your
families, and the whole world.
And so in my new capacity, you will probably see me again. But, as
President, goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Rose mick of Tennessee, delegates to the ConGarden at the White House. In his open- ference, who presented the President with
ing sentence he referred to Brenda Ann a tie clasp bearing the 4-H emblem and
Tjaden of Kansas and Jimmy McCor- inscribed with the words "Partner in
4-H.")
I 24 e Toast by the President at a Dinner Given
in His Honor by President de Gaulle.
April 25, i960
Mr. President, Madame de Gaulle, and friends:
General de Gaulle, over two decades you and I have met in unusual
circumstances, both in war and in peace. We have met in Casablanca
and in Algiers, and in London and Paris. In all those meetings, many
of which were important for the progress of events that were then afoot,
I am sure I have never felt any greater sense of satisfaction at the outcome than I have of your visit here to Washington.
You have been able to meet the Members of our Congress, and to
speak to them. You have spoken to them as a symbol of modern France.
You have spoken indirectly to all the people who have seen you, both on
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
41 I 25
the streets and on the family television. You have met the members of
the Executive Department-and everywhere people say: General
de Gaulle is a direct, forceful, and great man.
I have met this evening several of my friends from Congress. They
have said words that mean just what I have now indicated, because of
the speech that you made before them this noon.
Other millions will see you on their televisions, and the streets of New
York, and other cities. To all of them you will be the symbol of a France
that is regenerated, that has come back from the depths of World War
II-again a great influence, marching on the side of all the other free
nations, in favor of freedom, independence, and with human feeling for
those nations less fortunate. You will be the spokesman for an ally that
we have been fortunate to have ever since the Battle of Saratoga. As I
recall-and my military history should be accurate-I think it was completed on October I7, 1777, and its principal result was that it brought
France as the ally of America. Since that time France and America
have been great friends-and your visit has made us greater friends. Of
that I can assure you, on behalf of myself, the Government, and all of the
people that you will meet.
And so for me it is an especial privilege to raise my glass to General
de Gaulle, the President of the French Republic and the French Community. President de Gaulle!
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at the dinner given in his honor at the French
Embassy Residence.
1 25 Lf Joint Statement Following Discussions
With President de Gaulle. April 25, i960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States and the President of the French
Republic have had a series of talks from April 22 to 25 on the occasion
of the visit of General de Gaulle. The Secretary of State of the United
States, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France and the Ambassadors of
the two countries have taken part in these talks.
The exchanges of views which they have had have permitted them to
define more precisely the positions which will be taken at the Summit
Conference on the questions which will be raised there.
The main purpose of this Conference in the view of the two Presidents
is to achieve an easing of tensions in the international situation.
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126 tI Exchange of Messages Between the
President and the Shah of Iran on the Lar
Earthquake Disaster. April 27, 1 960
[Released April 27, 1960. Dated April 25, 1960 ]
Your Imperial Majesty:
I was deeply shocked to hear of the terrible tragedy that has befallen
the people of Lar and the surrounding villages. I extend on behalf of the
American people our profound sympathy to the victims of this unfortunate
catastrophe.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The Shah of Iran's reply, dated of sympathy for the victims of the Lar
April 26, follows: earthquake. I hasten to express sincere
thanks for the generous help which your
The President Government is extending to us in this
The White House disaster.
Deeply touched by your kind message MOHAMMAD REZA PAHLAVI
127 e1 The President's News Conference of
April 27, 1960
THE PRESIDENT. I have no announcements.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Mr. President, the
new Acting President of Korea says he still expects you to visit there June
22d. Could you comment on that for us, sir; and in this connection,
describe for us the role of the United States in the current Korean crisisspecifically, did this Government ever indicate to Korea that we thought
President Rhee should leave office?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you've got a number of barrels on your gun
there, but I'll try to remember all your points.
First of all, I have no change of plans whatsoever. I expect to go to
Korea.
Secondly, to charge America with interference in the internal affairs
of Korea is not correct.
Now, we start off with this: Syngman Rhee is not only, has been not
only a great man in his area, but he has been a tremendous patriot. I
360
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
I 127
think he is one of those men that can be called "The father of his country." He fought for its independence from the moment it lost it, I think
in 191o; he has never ceased; and as he has grown older, there would be
no doubt that here and there there have been mistakes. Now, in this last
election there were certain irregularities. And the most that I ever did,
and this was as a friendly gesture for a man I know and respect and admire, I said that trouble could come out of such irregularities and hoped
that they could be stopped. I said this through the State Department; I
believe it was published. No interference of any kind was ever undertaken
by the United States; and we had no part in inciting, or know anything about the inciting of, this difficulty.
Just exactly what is going to happen I don't know; but I do know this:
both the Communist press of Peking and, I believe, of Moscow have expressed some disappointment that Mr. Rhee has again shown a statesmanlike attitude in saying, "All right, I'm still serving my people and I'll
do what seems to be correct."
I might add this: there is no evidence whatsoever that there was any
Communist inspiration for this unrest that was brought about.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, this question is based on a White House announcement yesterday, that Mr. Nixon might be called on to substitute for you at the summit. Perhaps you have emphasized no theme more emphatically than
the need to go wherever it was necessary to go and do whatever it was
necessary to do to obtain and secure peace. Could you suggest to us
what overriding domestic developments outside of an outright emergency
there might be that would call you away from summit deliberations?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think it's simple. Congress is in session and
there are a number of bills that are important that are before the Congress. If they should come at an awkward time for me and I felt that
they should be vetoed, now I have quite a tough time schedule. Any
important bill that requires a veto not only requires the deepest study in
the departments concerned, but it demands daily consultation with me;
because I am the one that has got to be convinced that this is a bad bill
or a good bill. Therefore you cannot do this, as I say, if these bills are
important, from a distance.
Now, the only reason that I happen to have said this in this particular
case, we don't know how long this summit meeting is going to be. In
I955 we had a pretty good understanding of the number of days. Every361
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Public Papers of the Presidents
body agreed that this time it should go as long as it was felt necessary. So,
since I am leaving on the I 4th and had to fix a date for my visit to Portugal on Sunday, I took the 23d, the 23d to the 24th. This is getting along
at a rather long period. So, I said if domestic requirements did bring
me back, I would have to ask Mr. Nixon to serve for me as the head of
the delegation. This doesn't mean that I expect him to be there, but I
simply put the warning.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: For more years
than you have been in the White House, the pitiful children of the West
Virginia unemployed coal miners have been starving for proper food.
We do give them whatever surpluses we have. While you and Congress
talk about helping the needy in foreign countries, isn't there something
that you could do for needy Americans in this rich America of our own?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mrs. Craig, you say they haven't been helped.
I thought they had. Now I'm not going to try to generalize here or make
any alibis. I will find out exactly what has happened, because in talking
to the Secretary of Agriculture over the years, I assumed that for those
people that were really destitute, there were methods for helping them so
that they got enough to eat.'
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, you and
President de Gaulle agreed that disarmament should be a priority subject
at the summit. If we should have substantial disarmament somewhere
along the line, do you think it would send this economy into a tailspin?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I can't believe that it would, for this simple
reason: we are now scratching around to get money for such things as
1 On April 28 the White House issued a press release in response to Mrs. Craig's
question. The release referred to the lack of information and understanding about
the amount of Federal assistance that had been made available to destitute children
and families not only in West Virginia but throughout the Nation. It added "the
facts are that very material assistance has been given to these groups. It should be
made perfectly clear that by law and as a matter of policy all surplus foods are made
available to needy persons in this country before they are made available for donation
to needy persons abroad." The release then outlined in detail the nature and extent
of Federal assistance in West Virginia through the school lunch program, through
the making available to needy families of surplus commodities, and through social
security.
The release concluded as follows: "The Federal Government shares with State and
local governments in providing monthly public assistance payments to four needy
groups of people-the aged, blind, disabled, and children. In fiscal year 1959 payments to these four groups totalled $34,383,000, of which $26,139,000 or 76 percent
came from the Federal Government. Needy children and their families received the
major share of this assistance-$21,531,000, of which $i6,396,000 came from the
Federal Government."
362
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
eJ 127
school construction, a bill that I recommended a year ago. We are trying
to build our roads before they become obsolete, and have to get a new
program to bring them around. There are all sorts of things to be done
in this country in the way of reclamation and so on that have to take over
the years. I see no reason why the sums which now are going into these
sterile, negative mechanisms that we call war munitions shouldn't go into
something positive. Moreover, a greater portion of it could go into
investment in the foreign field which in the long run will make us more
prosperous than will just putting them in tanks and airplanes.
Q. Mr. Burd: May I ask one more thing on that? What role do you
see for the Government in this conversion period if there were disarmament, in the sense of helping industry or not helping them?
THE PRESIDENT. I think, Mr. Burd, you are making one assumption
that probably is not correct; that is, that if you got some agreement, that
instantly there would be a very-cutoff. I think the thing would be an
almost imperceptible decline; and that could be picked up, I think,
without any great trouble.
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President, in
New York yesterday General de Gaulle renewed his pledge of self-determination for the Algerians. I wonder if you could comment on that and
tell us anything else that you and General de Gaulle may have discussed
on that point?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes. I asked him specifically whether he stood by his
pledge, and his speech of September I6, I959, in which he promised a
self-determination for the Algerian people with the suggested threeunder three methods. He said that he not only stood by that but that it
was the continued policy, the official policy as well as his personal conviction about the situation.
Now, the reason I asked the question was because of one or two
speeches that he had made, one of them I believe at Constantine, the
language as interpreted to us here seemed to mean that he had hardened,
that he had changed his attitude. I put the specific question, and I said
on that basis, just as I did in September I959, "I endorse what you are
doing and wish you well in its progress."
Q. Peter Lisagor, Chicago Daily News: Mr. President, if it should
develop that Vice President Nixon were to go to the summit meeting
after you leave it, would you expect the other heads of government to stay
on, or would you expect them to appoint representatives of comparable
rank to continue the talks?
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Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. Well now, it wouldn't be more than for a couple of
days, so they would stay. As a matter of fact I have notified my friends,
including Mr. Khrushchev, that this is always a possibility, because when
we were trying to discuss the matter of the probable length of the conference, I had to insert this one possible caveat. The others are not under
the same kind of compulsion, under certain situations; so if I had to come
back, if the thing ran more than 2 or at the outside 3 days that he'd do,
I'd be right back there. But in the meantime I would have taken care
of whatever I thought was necessary.
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President, inasmuch
as our democratic attitude has brought about free elections in distant
South Korea, could you tell us what is our current attitude towards the
absence of free elections under the Castro regime in Cuba?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you say we brought them about. I think that
the Korean people brought them about. I believe the Koreans are dedicated to the self-expression of peoples. I believe that they are against
communism and they have brought this about by their protests.
Now, I must say this: I deplore violence in these things. I have several times brought out that protests by peaceful assembly to bring to the
attention of responsible officials the feelings of people, that's fine. I
bitterly resent violence in connection with these things. So I think that
we didn't do it. I did say to Mr. Rhee this could lead to trouble, if our
reports are correct; but that's all.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, I wonder if you
could tell us some of your hopes for the summit conference in the light
of two things: first of all, your visit with President de Gaulle; and, secondly, the recent belligerent statement by Khrushchev on Berlin.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you mean the speech at Baku?
Q. Mr. Pierpoint: Yes.
THE PRESIDENT. Of course, when you come down to it, it is just a
reiteration of the same old theme and the same old story.
I don't think that we should take that too seriously; but certainly if
he means it as an ultimatum, which I don't believe he does, but if he does
then I would have to reply just as I have to him before, and said to him,
I shall never go to any meeting under a threat of force, the use of force
or an ultimatum of any kind. I'm going there as a free representative of
a free country if I go, and I'm sure he understands that. Therefore, I
364
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e I27
don't believe that his statement means a real change in policy. It's just
a mere-more of the same.
Now, you say that you'd like to know about my hopes for the summit.
I think the most we can hope for, at this time, is ease of tension, some
evidence that we are coming closer together-sufficiently so that people
have a right to feel a little bit more confident in the world in which they
are living and in its stability.
How this might come about, I don't know. There are, of course, the
subjects of ceasing of tests and with a controlled system for that, for
developing some step in disarmament, and for greater contacts, particularly cultural contacts. I think that there are a number of ways in
which this might begin, and that's about all you can say.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: A number of
men in American public life recently have spoken up on how they feel
about the injection of the religious issue into the political campaign.
Could you tell us how you feel on that?
THE PRESIDENT. First of all, let me read two items from the American
Constitution, article VI:
"The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound
by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious
Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public
Trust under the United States."
The second is the Bill of Rights and it is the first one of those rights:
"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion,
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof;...
Now, my answer, as far as I can give it, has been better given by the
Constitution than in any words I can think of.
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: Mr. President, if Mr.
Khrushchev at the summit conference raises a very heavy pressure for his
demands on Berlin, and in effect creates a crisis, would you regard such
a development as blocking your hopes for an easing of tensions and for
some agreement in the field of disarmament?
THE PRESIDENT. I reported to you people that Mr. Khrushchev said
that he was going to raise this question, he was going to try to argue it,
but that he was not putting any time limit upon an accomplishment.
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I think that certainly at that moment he meant it. He knows that
there are certain events coming around in the world. There are elections
here and abroad and every place else; possibly he wants to see what's
going to happen, I don't know. For example, there is a German election
in which he is unquestionably interested. And he is probably hoping
for some closer relations between West Germany and some of the border
states, particularly like Poland. So there are other developments that he
could expect or would hope to come about that would help to solve his
problems from his viewpoint. But I think that is the reason that he sees
there is no reason for putting down an ultimatum at this moment, because
otherwise you just run into an immovable object and an irresistible force
and there you are. Of course that would have a very great effect on the
hopes that we have.
Q. Rutherford M. Poats, United Press International: Sir, I believe in
listing your hopes and prospects for the summit you did not mention any
settlement on Berlin or Germany. May we conclude from that and your
answer just given that you do not have much, see much chance of any
agreement there on that subject?
THE PRESIDENT. I think our position has been so clearly stated in
speeches over the years, just recently one by the Vice President, one by
Secretary Dillon, one by the Secretary of State. The point is that we are
not going to give up the juridical position that we have.
It doesn't seem feasible or possible to me that any agreement could now
be reached that would settle this whole thing; that we have to remember.
But that does not mean that some kind of progress cannot be made, the
side issue or side effect of which could be making a better approach
toward Berlin in the months to come.
Q. Carleton Kent, Chicago Sun-Times: Mr. President, can you tell us
anything of your administration's plans to send Congress a health insurance bill at this session?
THE PRESIDENT. I am preparing now a message for Congress giving
my great concern about several bills. The only reason that is holding it
up is that we have not yet been able to coordinate, to bring together the
various aspects, you might say, of this great problem and try to make a
sensible unit out of the literally dozens of different proposals and alternatives suggested.
Everybody agrees that in this field is a problem. Some of it, of course,
366
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
is exemplified in very pitiful cases. There are all sorts of areas in which
this is attacked-local, State, Federal, voluntary methods and every other
kind of thing. The only thing to which I am utterly opposed is compulsory insurance in this field; and to put the matter in the OASI by
adding on a half percent of taxes, half for the workman and half for the
company, does not seem to me to be suitable because I regard that as a
compulsory affair.
Q. Spencer Davis, Associated Press: Could you give us a better idea
now of your travel plans for the Soviet Union, Japan, and Korea; and the
possibility that you will not disappoint some of your Far Eastern friends
by going to the Philippines and Taipei?
THE PRESIDENT. With this last part, every time you undertake a trip
someone expresses a hope that you would go to another place. Now, if
you continue this far enough, well, I couldn't get back here in time to vote
next year. [Laughter]
Therefore, there has to be a compromise. I do my best in advance to
explain my situation to those of our friends that might have an interest
in it. So far, I have not felt able to enlarge the plans which include
visits to Russia, Japan, and a very brief call in Korea.
The one in Russia, I don't believe the details are yet fixed sufficiently
so that I could give you the actual schedule. I think in a few days I
probably could-Mr. Hagerty says in a few days it could be.
Q. John Herling, National Newspaper Syndicate: At long last, sir,
preparations are being made for that labor-management summit conference and in your January State of the Union Message you talked
about the public interest which required such a getting together. May
I ask, sir, why the public is not directly represented in such a proposed
conference?
THE PRESIDENT. I think that they will be. First of all, we are starting
out to get three representatives of labor and three of business to determine
who they believe should be included in the membership of a committee
that will do this. So I would rather see three businessmen and three
recognized labor leaders determining on the composition of the final
commission than I would to just name it myself. Frankly, the only
thing I'm doing here is suggesting this thing and getting it started by
putting the six individuals together, having seen George Meany and then
Mr. Bannow. In this way I hope it will take just as much concern
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about the public interest as all of the rest of us are.'
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, last December the 2d I
asked you a question and you said you'd look into it, and that was about
the ex parte conversations of Thomas Corcoran, a lawyer, with members
of the Federal Power Commission, and actions that resulted in an increase
in rates not once but at least twice. I wonder what you think about this?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't recall, but I assure you this, that I told
them to do it.
Do you have anything [addresses Mr. Hagerty]?
Mr. Hagerty: Yes, but it's too long an answer now. [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Come over to Mr. Hagerty's office and see if he can
give you the exact answer.
Q. Mrs. McClendon: Sir, I've been over there several times and asked
that questionTHE PRESIDENT. Well, do you think you or I should do the correction
for Mr. Hagerty? One of us will have to do it. [Laughter]
Q. E. W. Kenworthy, New York Times: Mr. President, several leading scientists last week testified before the Joint Committee on Atomic
Energy that the art of concealing underground tests was outstripping the
art of detecting them. Would the views of those scientists be taken into
account in our negotiations at Geneva or at Paris and would we request
an increase in the number of detection stations for a treaty on a nuclear
test ban?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you know the plan that we suggested was to
agree on the methods for eliminating those above the atmosphere, those
in the atmosphere, and those under the sea; and then, underground, down
to I believe what they call a seismic index of 4.75 which is supposed to
show a size, I believe, somewhere in the order of 20 kt. Up until that
point, that would require an inspection system about like that that was
laid out in 1958 at Geneva; but to go below that is going to take a very
much more elaborate system.
1 On April 26 the White House announced that the President had met with George
Meany, President of the AFL-CIO, and that he would soon meet with Rudolph
Bannow, President of the NAM, concerning the proposed conference. The release
stated that the representatives of labor and of management would form a committee
of six "to develop among themselves, without Government participation, understandings on the subject matters of the conference, select such additional conferees as they
may decide upon, determine time and place of first meeting, and decide on other
matters necessary to inaugurate a series of conferences."
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I I!27
What we have asked is for a group of the three countries that are working on this to get their scientists and see whether they can come up and
develop the kind of plan that would be needed for these below the
critical point. That is as far as it has gone.
I don't know, I have heard it said the number would have to be multiplied three times, or something of that kind, as to the number that was
agreed first; but I am not sure.
Q. Charles W. Bailey, Minneapolis Tribune: Mr. President, earlier
this year the Secretary of Agriculture indicated that a wheat bill raising
price supports in any way would not fall within the guide lines you set
down in your message. More recently Republican leaders have come
away from meetings at the White House, including one meeting at which
you were present, with the impression that it might be possible to have
some small increase in wheat price supports in order to get a new piece
of legislation this year. I wonder if you could help us out with your
view on that.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am against higher price supports because
the only effect I can see of them is that we put more and more wheat in
storage; we have surpluses that overhang the market, depress prices, and
make the problem much greater-greater and more severe.
Now, if there were any kind of reasonable plan, connected with other
features of the thing that could bring something about that seemed to be
reasonable and fair to the farmers, well, I would be glad to look at it. As
I say, if it looks reasonable to me, I will approve it; because I am just to
this point: I know that we are in a bad fix, the farmers are, and I have
had correspondence recently with some of my farmer friends, individuals,
to get statistics. I must say that it is one, though, that when you take all
of the intricacies of actual problems affecting so many humans in such a
great industry and then mix that up with politics you have got something
that is very difficult indeed to solve.
Q. Richard E. Mooney, New York Times: Mr. President, Senator
Bush has said that he has been advised by the White House that Mr.
Connole will not be reappointed to the Federal Power Commission. You
have received several representations on behalf of Mr. Connole's reappointment, most recently from a group of Mayors. Could you tell us
first, are you not going to reappoint Mr. Connole; and second, why?
THE PRESIDENT. First-why-this: because it is my responsibility to
appoint people and to get the best people I can. Mr. Connole came to
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see one of my staff in December to ask about his reappointment, and they
said they'd look into it. I think I can get a better man, that's all.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Mr. President, in his speech
yesterday in Baku, Mr. Khrushchev repeated the threats which the Camp
David communique was intended to remove. Now my question is
whether you intend to let it stand where it is or will you communicate
with him about the Baku speech?
THE PRESIDENT. I have made no particular decision on the point.
Q. Lillian Levy, National Jewish Post and Opinion: President Nasser
recently stated that the Suez would remain closed to Israel's ships and
shipping and that he has reached no understanding on this matter with
you and Secretary General Hammarskjold. Under your leadership, sir,
the I956 Suez crisis was resolved; at that time the United States again
reaffirmed the broad principle of free access through the Suez for all
nations and expressed its faith that Nasser would uphold this principle.
Since Nasser has rejected it, are you considering now personal intervention, and do you have any reason to believe that your intervention
would be less successful today than it was in '56?
THE PRESIDENT. I did say exactly what you said in I956. Mr. Nasser
has given as his reason for doing nothing since that time that they are
in a state of war, that this doesn't apply.
Now, I don't know what you can do unless you want to resort to force
in such affairs, and I'm certain that we're not trying to settle international
problems with force. We have done everything we could to make it
clear that we stand by our commitments and we think that other nations
should do the same, particularly when it comes to the free use of the
Suez Canal. But, I don't know that there is any idea whatsover of
making a new step in this direction or new argument, because I think
it's all been said.
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- ing from io:28 to II o'clock on Wednesdred and eighty-fourth news conference day morning, April 27, I960. In attendwas held in the Executive Office Build- ance: 2X5.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(f i A
I128 (J Remarks of Welcome to the King and
queen of Nepal at the Washington National
Airport. April 27, I 960
Your Majesties:
It is indeed a great honor to welcome you here to the United States.
The American people are delighted that you have found it possible to
lay down your own responsibilities long enough to come and make this
visit to our country.
It is truly an historic occasion. This is the first time that a reigning
monarch of Nepal has set foot on this continent, and we are indeed proud
that you have found it possible to do so.
The friendly relations between your country and ours are a matter of
common knowledge. They have long existed. They have been strong
and cordial, and we are confident that your visit here will do much to
strengthen them and sustain them.
So, sir, and to you, Your Majesty, we-the people, the Government,
and I-join in saying welcome, and we hope that you find our country
interesting, and that every minute of your stay here will be enjoyable.
NOTE: King Mahendra responded
(through an interpreter) as follows:
Your Excellency, and ladies and gentlemen:
We are all very happy to be here on
your very kind invitation. We heartily
welcome this opportunity for the exchange
of views with such a great leader as you,
who have distinguished yourself in the
service of your nation in both war and
peace and have always stood for the
cause of peace and freedom in the world.
We hope and trust that our visit will
further strengthen the existing bonds of
friendship and cordiality between our
two countries.
We bring to you, Mr. President, the
greetings and salutations of the people of
Nepal and also through you, sir, convey
their best wishes to the people of the
United States.
During our visit in the United States
in the next few days, we will be looking
forward to meeting the people in the different parts of the country and acquiring
a firsthand knowledge of the great
achievements the American people have
made in different spheres of national
endeavor.
Your Excellency, we thank you from
the bottom of our hearts for the kind and
generous words of welcome you have just
addressed to us, and take this opportunity
to express our good wishes for the happiness and prosperity of this great land.
Thank you, Mr. President.
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129 (I Toasts of the President and King
Mahendra of Nepal. April 27, 1960
Your Majesties and my friends:
It is indeed an honor for us to gather this evening to welcome to this
Capital and to this house the King and Queen of Nepal. We are especially honored because it is the first time that a ruling monarch of Nepal
has set foot on this land.
The times are gone when we feel that geography means much to the
relations between countries. We have become neighbors through the
miracle of modern inventions, communications, and transportation, and
we have come to know more of each other. Up until now we have
known about such countries as Nepal only by reports from a few adventurous travelers-a few of whom, Your Majesty, are here present this
evening-but they have told us about a people that is sturdy, proud of its
independence and its liberty, and determined to sustain it. Those are the
qualities that Americans admire and respect, and try themselves to show.
It is certain, therefore, that as you go about this country, you will be
greeted with the utmost friendliness, respect, and admiration, and indeed
our great hope of knowing-through the members of your party and
yourself and your gracious Queen-your people. I think that your visit
here cannot fail to stimulate greater travel between our two peoples.
This is all to the good, because this means a greater understanding among
the peoples-and international understanding is the only foundation upon
which true peace can be built.
And so, sir, as you come here as the representative and the ruler of your
people, as through you we try to send to them greetings and our best
wishes for their success and their continued progress, I know that this
company will want to join me in raising our glasses to your health and
happiness. Ladies and gentlemen, the King!
NOTE: The President proposed the toast heartfelt thanks to the President for his
at a state dinner at the White House. most generous expression of goodwill to
King Mahendra responded (through an us and our people.
interpreter) as follows: During this brief period of history of
diplomatic and friendly association beYour Excellency, ladies and gentlemen: tween our two countries, it is for the first
With your permission, I would like to time that a personal meeting between the
offer on behalf of the Queen, ourselves, two heads of state has taken place. In
and all those who have accompanied us, the long history of our nation, it is also
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
I 130
the first time that an occupant of the
Throne of Nepal has set foot on American soil. We welcome this opportunity
of having a free and frank exchange of
views on subjects of mutual interest, and
especially on the means and possibility
of further strengthening the friendly relations between our two countries, both
of which share a common belief in the
democratic way of life.
Mr. President, my government and people have always welcomed and appreciated the initiative and efforts on your
part for the furtherance of the cause of
peace in the world. We would like to
take this opportunity to offer our best
wishes for the success of the summit conference due to be held next month, and
venture to express the hope that the
whole world will benefit by its outcome.
We are happy to receive this opportunity to meet the American people and
their leaders in various spheres of their
national life and activity.
Ladies and gentlemen, may we now
request you all to join us in toasting the
health and happiness of the President
and Mrs. Eisenhower.
130 tJ Joint Statement Following Discussions
With King Mahendra. April 28, I960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States and His Majesty Mahendra
Bir Bikram Shah Deva, King of Nepal, today held a friendly and fruitful
discussion on various matters of mutual interest.
King Mahendra, who is visiting the United States upon the invitation
of the President, has also addressed a joint session of the United States
Congress. At the conclusion of his Washington stay on April 30, King
Mahendra will begin a twelve-day coast-to-coast tour of the United
States, during which he will meet with various civic, cultural, and business leaders.
The President expressed great admiration for the steps which have
been taken under the leadership of King Mahendra to foster the growth
of democracy in Nepal, as exemplified by the promulgation of a constitution by the King and by the holding of general elections in 1959 under
the provisions of that constitution.
In their review of the world situation, the President and King Mahendra expressed their mutual concern with the vital problem of achieving
lasting peace and establishing a world order based on international
justice. They reaffirmed their determination to work toward those goals,
the achievement of which will contribute immensely to the general progress, prosperity, and welfare of mankind.
The President and King Mahendra agreed that the American people
and the Nepalese people have in common the virtues of tolerance, charity,
and benevolence, which virtues should serve as the basis of relations be
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tween all nations. The President and King Mahendra agreed further
that Nepal and the United States share a profound belief in the sovereignty and independence of nations and in genuine noninterference in
the affairs of others. The President and King Mahendra agreed that
any attempt by any nation to impose its own economic system or political
beliefs on any other country should be condemned.
The President and King Mahendra expressed a common belief that
social and economic progress should be achieved by all peoples in the
manner of their own choosing and in government based on consent of
the governed and the dignity of the human individual. In this spirit,
the President assured King Mahendra of the continuing readiness of
the United States to be of assistance to the Government of Nepal in its
high objective of developing the resources of the country for the welfare
of its people.
The President and King Mahendra expressed their mutual desire
to maintain and further strengthen the cordiality and genuine friendship
which has always characterized Nepalese-American relations and which
has been so evident during the King's visit.
'3' IC Remarks at the Annual Meeting of the
U.S. Chamber of Commerce. May 2, I 960
Dr. Canham, Secretary Mueller, and members of the Chamber, and
friends:
It is, of course, a distinct privilege to have the opportunity to meet with
the members of the Chamber of Commerce during this convention. You
have established in this country a very enviable reputation for making
recommendations to the Government or for stating propositions before
our people that are based upon principle and not expedience. This fact
enhances your capacity and your opportunities in one broad function that
I conceive to be very important: that of teachers.
It is not enough that a body of people understands a matter, places it
before the Government or any other responsible body, and then to sit
back in the belief that the duty of that body is completed.
The United States is a government in which public opinion is the
motivating force behind everything that happens. It must be an in
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q I3I
formed public opinion if the things that happen are going to be good for
the United States and good for humanity.
Consequently, those that understand must make their voices heard.
Their responsibility to inform others is equal, indeed, to that of the responsibility of informing themselves.
I am going to speak for a short time on three subjects that each of you
understands. Of this I am certain, because the official actions and recommendations and reports of the Chamber of Commerce have always
supported them.
They are:
i. Reciprocal trade, or the importance of expanding foreign and international trade.
2. The programs of mutual security, by which we help other nations
further to advance their economic standards and their living standards.
3. And, thirdly, here at home, the need for prudence in our fiscal
affairs. We should cast from our minds the thought that money alone can
solve all our problems. Only as we produce the people-the thinkers,
the teachers, the technicians, the professional people that go along with
great programs of welfare, education, and development-then, and then
only, can money be used expeditiously, properly, and in a coordinated
fashion to bring about the results we seek.
In the field of international trade, it would be unbecoming for me
to appear before you as an expert. You people study these matters all
the time. But I can express to you my own convictions in support of
pronouncements you have made. Indeed, I can pause long enough to
tell you that one of the reasons I think you are such a great organization
is because you agree with me!
In speaking about foreign trade, we know that without liberalized trade
there would be some four or five million of our people who would soon be
out of jobs. You know this, but do all others?
It is important that people understand that a great deal of our employment is to produce the things that we send abroad. It is important for
our people to understand that we are not a completely self-dependent
nation, that there is a whole array of important minerals and products
that we must obtain from the other parts of the world.
These areas are important to us both from our security and economic
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viewpoint. We must liberalize our trade policies or keep them liberal
so that this trade can be advanced and increased all the time. As we
grow, we need more trade. All along the line through trade we make
other countries stronger in their industrial and economic output and
standards. We give them hope-and hope is the thing that sustains
them.
So both abroad and here we find that we do prosper, we do advance
the causes of freedom and of peace through the business of trading and
producing for the other fellow at such costs as he can buy and at such
prices as we can pay.
The mutual security program I shall mention only briefly, because
tonight I expect, before another audience, to talk about this subject with
the greatest emphasis of support that I personally can command. I believe it is one of the great programs through which the United States can
lead toward world peace. Certainly people who believe in trade and
commerce must be looking for world peace as strongly or even stronger
than others.
I want to say one or two things about the mutual security program
that occurred to me as simple examples of what I am talking about. No
one here needs to be told of the vast importance it is to the world for
the United States to cooperate closely with Canada and with Mexico.
With these two countries we have long borders, and along them is found
no soldier, no fort, no defensive or offensive arrangements of any kind.
They are defended by friendship. That friendship must be based
upon cooperative work-mutual understanding of problems and a constant, insistent effort to solve these problems to the mutual satisfaction of
the parties concerned.
Now we understand this need and we are very proud of the results that
have been achieved over the years. But moder transportation and modern communications have made every nation of the world our neighbor,
except in the geographic sense. The cooperative efforts that have been
so successful with Canada and with Mexico must be extended through
every possible economic and trade factor that we can bring to bear so as
to increase these friendships. The way is paved for us because we commonly worship and revere certain ideals: the dignity of the human, his
rights, his equality before the law. These are the kind of concepts that
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 e I3I
create the atmosphere in which this kind of understanding of which I
speak can be developed.
I can conceive of no greater accomplishment for the Chamber of Commerce, or indeed all of the friends and supporters of the Chamber of Commerce, than to bring these subjects and these matters affecting freer trade
and mutual security to the understanding of our people, so that no longer
do we hear such terms as "give-away," and the pretense that we neglect
our own people in some of their needs and desires because we perform
and pursue programs on the outside that are of the utmost importance to
our own security and of world peace.
Finally, I mention a message that I shall this week send to the Congress,
in which I want again to emphasize to them the importance of constructive legislation in certain areas. Along with this, I want to bring before
their attention again the need for responsibility in handling the fiscal
affairs of this Nation, not to believe that merely because you pass a bill that
appropriates billions for some affair, some activity, that this instantly
solves the problem that it is intended to solve.
The soundness of the dollar is as important to the world and to us as
any other factor I can think of. By this, I mean we must avoid debasement of our currency. Too much of world stability and world peace
hangs on it. All of us must bear these truths in mind, and they must be
part of what we teach.
By no means must we ever be niggardly in doing for our own people
those things that need to be done. We do not forget, and I know the
Chamber does not forget, those words of Lincoln when he insisted that
it was the responsibility of government to do for the individual that which
he cannot do at all or so well do by himself alone. But Lincoln added
this admonition when he continued to say that in all those incidents where
the individual can do these things for himself, the government ought not
to interfere.
So, my friends, in these days when we are spending necessarily and
properly billions and billions-unprecedented peace-time billions-for
the mere purpose of insuring our own safety, of carrying on programs
that have been established in our books in all kinds of welfare and health
programs-necessary ones-but in which our appropriations have gone
up-even some of them in these past 7 years-about 4 times, we must
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look at the whole fiscal arrangements of this Nation with that same prudence that you, as the head of a family or as a housewife, does when he
or she looks at the family budget and says, "Each month we are going
deeper in debt. From here where do we go?"
The resources of this Nation are incalculable, but they are not
inexhaustible.
As long as we keep these homely truths in our minds and live them
as principles, rather than expedients that might be thought profitable in
an election year, I really believe that we can, with great confidence, move
forward toward our own ideals of prosperity, greater opportunity for the
pursuit of happiness at home, equality among ourselves in all things before
the law, and achievement of a sounder position for attaining a permanent
and durable peace abroad.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at Constitu- dent of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce,
tion Hall. In his opening words he re- and Secretary of Commerce Frederick H.
ferred to Dr. Erwin D. Canham, Presi- Mueller.
I32 eT Address at a Dinner Sponsored by the
Committee for International Economic Growth and
the Committee To Strengthen the Frontiers of
Freedom. May 2, i960
Mr. Vice President, Mr. Johnston, Dr. Bush, Your Excellencies and ladies
and gentlemen of this distinguished audience:
Before I convey to you the thoughts that I have put down on paper
for this purpose this evening, I want to give a word of explanation about
my understanding about this meeting.
The invitation that I received requested that I add my voice to those
who support the mutual security program of the United States and
cooperation among the free nations of the world. There was not a word
said about any function honoring me, and I heard no such talk from
either the Co-Chairmen or any of my staff. So I want to take this
moment to thank my friends from so many countries who have paid to
me overgenerous and possibly undeserved compliments.
I want to say to them something that they already know-and I am
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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sure you do-that the greetings that I received from so many places in
Europe and Asia were simply one thing: the effort of great peoples to
tell the people of the United States of their respect for them, their admiration and their affection. I was the messenger, and if I were a
successful messenger in that office, in bringing that feeling from these
countries to my own, then I am indeed happy and proud.
In any event, I thank you all for your compliments.
This gathering heartens every true believer in preparedness, freedom,
and peace. That leaders from all across the land would assemble hereenergetically to reaffirm support of mutual security-is good news indeed.
This rededication could not come at a better time.
For trends are developing, particularly in Washington, that are
profoundly disturbing.
Unless an alert citizenry takes effective action to support those in the
Congress who champion the cause of mutual security, it could well
result:
In jeopardizing an important part of the nation's defense;
In endangering our worldwide alliance structure;
And in weakening efforts to resist Communist expansion and to forge
a just peace.
Two months ago I requested the Congress to continue adequate support
of our long proven mutual security program. I asked an appropriation
of $4 billion, I75 million-a sum one-twentieth of our Federal budget
and one-tenth of our Defense budget. This amount is imperatively
required.
The Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Chiefs of
Staff all share this conviction.
One bright development is that, in the past few days, the Committees
of Congress legislatively concerned with our relations with other nations,
have reasserted the overriding importance of our mutual security program to America's security and free world progress.
Only this evening I have been informed by Senators Fulbright and
Dirksen that the Senate this evening acted constructively on this program in the authorizing legislation. The same has of course happened
in the House.
But, at the same time, other groups strategically situated in Congress
have proclaimed it as their fixed purpose to slash the appropriation for
this mainstay of the free world by more than a billion dollars.
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They cite isolated instances of malfunctioning in operational staffs as
an excuse to attack a great program, which for I4 years has been indispensable in protecting America's stake in security, in free world cooperation, and in global peace. On such grounds and on the erroneous
contention that our mutual security program is ineffectual, they would
reduce it by twenty-five percent or more.
Every American citizen needs to understand what this would mean.
It would be, for America and all the free world, a crushing defeat in
today's struggle between communistic imperialism and a freedom founded
in faith and justice.
It would mean, within a matter of months, new international tensions
and new international problems of the utmost gravity for every one of our
citizens.
It would mean the virtual abandonment of an effort which has yielded
our Nation greater benefits in security, better neighbors, and opportunities for expansion of profitable trade than has been achieved by any comparable expenditures for any other Federal purpose.
An America aroused can prevent these calamitous results, for in this
Republic government must respond to the will of the people.
Mutual security has never been, nor is it now, Republican or Democratic. Like our own defense program, of which it is an essential part,
it is bipartisan to the core.
This program was started I 4 years ago by my Democratic predecessor.
It was first enacted into law by the Republican 8oth Congress. Both
political parties, patriotically joined in the national interest, are its parents.
And still today both parties are pledged to its support.
Here, specifically, are solemn promises made to the American people
in the public document:
First, ".... we strongly favor collective defense arrangements..
Second, "we believe that... America must support the efforts of
underdeveloped countries..
Third, "... we will intensify our cooperation with our neighboring
republics..
Here is another set of pledges:
First, "we shall continue to support the collective security system..
Second, "where needed, we shall help friendly countries maintain such
local forces and economic strength as provide a first bulwark against
Communist aggression or subversion."
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
I 132
Third, "we will continue efforts with friends and allies to assist the
underdeveloped areas of the free world..."
Now in their meaning, these two sets of pledges are identical. The
first three are in the Democratic Platform of 1956. The last three are
in the Republican Platform of the same year. These commitments still
stand. America has the right to expect both parties to keep their word.
Indeed, even beyond the call of integrity, both parties have excellent
reason to do so.
For mutual security has effectively supported freedom everywhere on
earth. It has made possible a greater and mutually advantageous trade.
No other investment has yielded greater dividends in terms of stability,
security and free world morale.
This is the program that helped to save Greece from Communist guerrillas. It helped to rescue Turkey from economic collapse, restoring this
critical area as a bastion of freedom. It helped to maintain Western
Europe as a center of free-rather than communist-power and production. The importance of these victories is incalculable; every one of our
citizens is today the stronger, the more prosperous, the more secure, thanks
to mutual security.
In Asia, under SEATO and other security treaties, a million soldiers
stand as a bulwark of liberty-sustained, again, by mutual security.
As I speak tonight our economic and military help gives support to the
military might of 42 other nations, which stand poised in freedom's cause.
For this they-and we-give heartfelt thanks to mutual security.
On five continents our economic and technical programs help struggling millions better their production and living standards. Only recently I looked into the faces of these many people. I have seen the
desperate need of these people; I have felt their spirit. Most of all, I
have witnessed their abiding faith in the greatness and goodness of
America, and their love and respect for this land of the free. By helping
to make their lives more meaningful and more rewarding, we have helped
to keep bright their love of liberty and their determination to reject the
soulless forces of communist materialism.
Moreover, America's efforts to help others have evoked a heartening
response from other advanced industrial nations. In recent years they
have doubled their direct aid to the less developed countries. In addition, in the new International Development Association other countries
will put up three dollars for every two dollars put up by the United States.
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The very moment when other countries are recognizing their responsibilities is no time for us to walk away from our own.
That such a program-its record shining with accomplishment, and its
continuance solemnly pledged by both of our political parties-should
now face a crippling cutback seems incredibly irresponsible. To me it is
almost inconceivable.
Let America speak, and this will not be done.
Thus far I have mentioned past achievements.
But a great deal more cries out for attention.
Half a world away from us, for example, a great democracy, dedicated
to peace, struggles with almost insuperable problems to demonstrate that
Asians do not have to sacrifice freedom as payment for economic advance.
To the South our sister Republics need help to unlock the storehouses
of their great wealth.
In Africa a seething continent is trying to telescope a thousand years
of development into a few decades.
Around the world almost two billion people are living in a ferment
of privation, misery, resentment and frustrated hope. They are imbued
with an unshakable, even fanatical, determination to break through the
spiritual and cultural stagnation imposed upon them by grinding poverty.
Mutual security has done much to help. The hope, confidence and
energetic effort so inspired are slowly making progress in creating conditions in which prosperity, security and peace in freedom can flourish.
But for lack of understanding the program has been steadily weakened
while the need has grown more obvious and critical. Only the conscience and the down-to-earth common sense of all Americans, informed
and aroused, can meet the need.
Facing us is a test of our resolve to make our government do the task
it has to do to protect the safety of the American people.
The amount I have asked the Congress to provide for mutual security
is the minimum required to meet the basic necessities of sheer defense
and to keep alight a glimmer of hope in hundreds of millions of people
arrayed with us on the side of freedom.
From all these facts we see that the free world needs America!
Just as importantly, America needs the world.
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This means far more to us than soldiers and tanks and ships and
missiles essential though these are.
Important it is that our allies contribute 5 million soldiers, 30,000 airplanes and 2,200 combatant ships to the common defense of freedom.
But our involvement with our neighbors is far more basic than this.
Foreign trade is an example. It is, for America, a $30 billion a year
business. To this trade four and a half million of our people owe their
jobs with other nations.
For all of us there is great meaning in this: we export, on the average,
a third of our cotton crop, just under a third of our wheat, and a fourth
of our tractor production.
But this is only a part of our dependence on foreign trade.
The health of our economy depends upon materials owned by others.
Manganese, chrome, tin, natural rubber, nickel are examples. As our
economy grows, we depend increasingly upon others for such materials.
Eight years ago we imported only about a twentieth of our iron ore.
Today we have to import over a third of it.
Yes, America needs the world!
And this we must never forget: these needs are more than military and
economic. They are technical, cultural and spiritual as well.
Great ideas originating with other peoples have vastly enriched our
land.
Fellow Americans-even if we wanted to, we could not shut out the
free world. We cannot escape its troubles. We cannot turn our backs
on its hopes. We are an inseparable part of the free world neighborhood.
We must hold to these truths:
If nations friendly to us are weakened and imperiled, so are we.
If other friendly nations are strong and free, our own strength and
freedom are more secure.
If other free nations prosper, so do we.
In these truths we see the fallacy of adding measurably to our own
massive and adequate armaments at the expense of allied strength which
is in many instances better located strategically than ours can ever be.
No less dangerous is the annual argument that America should stint on
strengthening the free world because this would give us more luxury in
a comfortable isolation here at home.
This is sheer deadliness-a counsel of defeat and complacency. Logically carried out, it could end only in a militarized America. To the
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extent that this concept is indulged, it gravely menaces the people of the
United States.
We can, here at home, arm to the teeth, and yet go down in total
defeat if we let the rest of the world be swallowed up by an atheistic
imperialism. By abandonment of struggling millions to lives of hopeless
desperation, rich America might, for a time, live more extravagantly.
But not for long! For a just peace, dependable security and real progress
were never bought by destructive weapons and hard-hearted selfishness,
but rather by education, by training, by constructive works-by
cooperation.
Only by thinking of ourselves, and truly conducting ourselves, as
brothers under God with those who, with us, want to live and grow in
freedom, can we hope to solve problems in which failure will mean disaster for much of humanity. Victory in this effort will mean a shoulderto-shoulder march to greater security, greater prosperity, and greater
happiness for all. There, in those few words, is the very heart of mutual
security.
So tonight, I restate to you this pledge of the Executive Branch of your
government.
I pledge a continuing and energetic support of the principle and programs of mutual security.
And I call upon the leadership, and the rank and file, of both political
parties, as well as upon all other sons and daughters of America, to see
that those parties hold true to their pledges to give this program their
support.
Of this I am certain. The path for America must be one of cooperation-cooperation among ourselves, and with our friends abroad who are
dedicated to human dignity and from whom we draw strength as we impart of our own strength to them.
Together we shall confidently carry the burdens and sacrifices of sustaining security against any imperialistic design-as together we continue
the search for peace, a search in which we shall persevere without tiring
or ceasing until victory, at last, shall belong to all the earth.
Thank you, and good night.
NOTE: The President spoke at Io:30 Chairman of the Committee for Interp.m. at the Statler Hilton Hotel in Wash- national Economic Growth, and Dr. Vanington. In his opening words he referred nevar Bush, Chairman of the Committee
to Vice President Nixon, Eric Johnston, to Strengthen the Frontiers of Freedom.
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I 33 g Special Message to the Congress on the
Legislative Program. May 3, i960
To the Congress of the United States:
Of this, presumably the last Congressional session during my term of
office, four months have gone by. Thus far the one major accomplishment is enactment of civil rights legislation. Although Congress rejected
certain of my recommendations in this area-those relating to equality
of job opportunity and assistance to states attempting to desegregate their
schools-the new civil rights measure is another important step toward
the attainment of the ideal of equal rights before the law for every
citizen.
With only two months apparently left in the session, we still have a
great deal to get done for America. I stress this now because, first,
the time grows short in which to legislate prudently and wisely, without
undue haste; and, second, too great a preoccupation with the events of
an election year could seriously impede constructive effort. With the
Congress controlled by one party and the Executive Branch by the other,
these difficulties could become severe.
We should jointly resolve that the shortness of time and political
rivalries will not be allowed to prevent us from serving the American
people effectively. Matters are still pending that are vital to the health
of our economy and to the nation's security and world peace; none of us
can afford to electioneer at the expense of these. Nor can we yield to
the temptation to neglect projects that we know are essential to good
government but possess little popular appeal, and at the same time overemphasize others in the hope of benefit to one party or the other, or
individuals therein.
Relating these considerations to a few of the programs still pending,
I refer, first, to our vital mutual security effort.
During most of our Nation's history, our growth was strongly influenced by two unique conditions. First, for more than a century and a
half two great oceans protected us from the violent struggles of the Old
World. Although in recent years we became engaged in two global wars,
our relative isolation gave us months in which to assemble, train and equip
our forces deliberately and unmolested. Second, from the very begin385
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ning, our Nation's rapid expansion was encouraged by commercial and
financial assistance from the nations of Europe. These countries provided us with valuable skills and the capital needed to accelerate the
development of our resources, industries and commerce.
These conditions have radically changed. America emerged from
World War II as the mightiest nation in a free world that, in the main,
was exhausted and crippled. Soon thereafter we came to realize that
new weapons of great power, speed and range had markedly reduced the
value of our ocean shield. Our homeland, in any future major war,
would be a prime target, and our warning time against surprise attack
would be minutes, not months. Our security cannot now be achieved by
methods and a level of effort believed adequate only a few years ago.
In a world, moreover, in which an aggressive ideology drives ceaselessly
to destroy human freedom, it is now the United States to which aspiring
free peoples, particularly in under-developed areas, must look, as America
once did to others, for the technical knowledge and financial assistance
needed to help them strengthen their economies and protect their
independence.
Such changes as these gave rise to our mutual security program, one of
the most necessary and successful enterprises America has undertaken
throughout her history. Started more than a decade ago, the program
helped to save Greece, forestalled economic collapse in Turkey and Western Europe, supported the countries of the SEATO Alliance, sustained
the strength and independence of South Korea and the Republic of China,
and made real progress, in under-developed nations on five continents,
in combatting disease, poverty and suffering, and thus has strengthened
the resistance of those areas to Communist penetration, propaganda and
subversion. Clear it is that the mutual security program provides the
surest path by which America can lead to and sustain a durable peace
with justice.
Such a program serves the nation at large rather than any particular
locality, section or group. Only with difficulty, therefore, can its great
rewards be measured by individual communities and citizens. It inevitably follows that in the annual contests over the public use of tax revenues, there is a tendency to bypass the needs of this vital security program
in favor of domestic projects that, urged by special groups, achieve a
measure of support far greater than their over-all value to the nation
warrants. Understandable this tendency is, but I deem it a great dis386
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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service to America to indulge it. The security of our country obviously
demands that our mutual security program be carried forward at an
adequate level.
I have asked new appropriations of $4. 175 billions for this program for
the i96i fiscal year. Nearly half of this-a sum one-twentieth of our
own defense budget-is to assist the military forces of the free world,
comprising 5,ooo,ooo soldiers, 2,200 combatant ships, and 30,ooo aircraft. I need not remind the Congress of the low cost at which this force
for freedom is sustained as compared to the cost of an aircraft carrier, a
squadron of jet bombers, or an Army or Marine Corps division in our
own defense structure.
Of the other parts of the program, one-third is for economic assistance
required to help sustain these large forces abroad. The remainder consists of loans, technical assistance and grants to help under-developed
nations. These are the funds that spell the difference between hopeless
stagnation and progress for hundreds of millions of people who, with us,
believe in freedom.
Congressional approval of these funds for mutual security will profoundly benefit our people. To our allies and to others with whom we
discuss the great issues of our times, it will signify that a united America
has not wearied in the discharge of its responsibilities, and that we are
unshakable in our determination to attain a world order in which men
are free to pursue their goals in peace. And I emphasize once again
that, as we strive to build the kind of world in which America believes,
our adversaries are not all included in the single word "Communism."
They are distress and privation as well, and also the desperation of peoples when they realize that, lacking outside help, they struggle in vain
to better their lives. Widespread chaos and misery cannot provide a
world climate in which our free Republic can prosper and remain secure.
There is for America no higher purpose or greater need than to measure
up to her world leadership responsibilities.
I am keenly aware of the contention that, because of an adverse balance
of payments, and because of certain failures in administration, America
should curtail these mutual security efforts. We must, and do, strive for
greater efficiency. Likewise, we do have a problem with balance of
payments, but the way to meet this is by positive actions which expand
exports. Neither difficulty can be met by withdrawing from our responsibilities for world leadership and from partnership in the protection of
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freedom. We need-in our own interests-greater human progress and
economic growth throughout the world. We cannot achieve these by
an assault either on mutual security or on liberal trade policies.
I congratulate the Congress for its actions thus far on the funds
for mutual security in the authorizing legislation, and I reaffirm the imperative necessity of providing the appropriations that the authorization
would allow.
Next is agriculture, a subject on which I have commented repeatedly
to the Congress.
In no domestic area do we have a more obvious need for corrective
action. We cannot wonder that the patience of our farmers wears thin.
By force of law the Government's surplus holdings, especially of wheat,
continually increase. These overhang the market, depress prices, and
impose an ever more onerous burden upon all citizens, our farmers particularly. I have offered many recommendations for attacking the problem through bipartisan action. Action there has been on occasion but,
in respect to wheat especially, far less than needed or of a kind that would
make our farmers' present troubles grow worse.
In an effort to break the legislative stalemate I recently advised the
Congress that, within broad guidelines which I suggested, I would
approve any constructive farm bill that the Congress might enact. There
is as yet no agreement on the part of the two Houses of Congress on a
constructive approach.
Meanwhile farmers grow more concerned about their future, and our
people generally become increasingly unhappy as their government
expends a thousand of their tax dollars every minute on the self-defeating
wheat program. Lately I have noted, with deep concern, a growing
disposition in certain Congressional quarters to favor proposals long ago
rejected as unworkable, and which would obviously go beyond even the
very broad limits I outlined almost three months ago.
I regret also the continuing tendency to rely, in agriculture, upon
Federal controls, which inevitably create interference with the lives of
our farm people. I still believe that America's farmers prefer, as certainly I do, the development of legislation which will promote progress
for them toward economic equality and permit them the maximum
freedom.
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Surely it is time, in the interest of all Americans, for the Congress to
face up to the admittedly difficult problems of agriculture. It is constructive results that farmers want and need. Indeed, I believe that all
America is looking for this kind of action before this session adjourns.
Also badly needed is extension of the Sugar Act, soon to expire. At
stake are an assured and stable supply of sugar for our people at reasonable prices and removal of the uncertainties now facing this industry.
A four-year extension of the present program, modified to give the President authority to adjust quotas in order to assure America of an adequate
sugar supply, is needed to give farmers and processors the time to plan.
Appropriate recommendations are before the Congress. The interests
of America require that legislation be enacted before the Congress
adjourns.
I have repeatedly stated the need for legislation in other important
areas. Some of these measures are of a kind that, at the expense of
responsible government, tend to be shunted aside in an election year.
First is the urgent need of Federal Courts for enough judges to hear
the greatly increased number of cases being filed each year. Regardless
of expediency, justice calls for prompt action.
The Judicial Conference of the United States has recommended the
creation of approximately 40 new judgeships. This recommendation is
supported by the Administration and by virtually every important professional organization concerned with the administration of the courts.
We who advocate equal justice under law have a duty to make it
effective. In certain districts injured people must wait over four years
for justice or compromise their rights; innocent people who are defrauded
are made a laughing stock because the delay in the courts deprives them
of an effective remedy; justice is denied the weak because they cannot
finance the delay necessary to be heard. Further neglect of this need is
heartless. For all our people, I most earnestly urge swift action on the
pending measure to increase the number of judgeships.
Next I refer to my request of last June to remove the statutory prohibition against the Treasury's paying more than 4~4 percent interest on
Treasury bonds which are due more than five years after issuance.
The American people have a great deal at stake in this legislation, for
failure to remove this interest rate restriction can have many serious
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consequences, including the forcing of a new upturn in living costs. The
Treasury, under this restriction, continually faces the prospect of having
to manage the government's $290 billion debt in ways that would unavoidably increase the upward pressures on prices and on the interest rate
for the consumer credit so important to millions of our citizens.
Again, I stress the need for prompt removal of this harmful restriction.
We also owe it to America to provide adequate new revenues for the
Highway Trust Fund (as my proposal for a gasoline tax increase would
do), so that we may keep our very important highway program on schedule; and fiscal responsibility dictates that we not fail to raise postal rates
and thus end the heavy drain on general revenues for postal services which
Congress has said by law should be self-sustaining. Our other revenue
proposals-notably, extension of certain excise taxes and an added tax
on aviation fuel-also need to be approved.
Additionally, as I recently emphasized by special message to the Congress, we have compelling reasons to liberalize our immigration law
during the course of this session. I remind the Congress, also, that this
is World Refugee Year. Our country was one of those sponsoring this
move in the United Nations. In harmony with the spirit of this resolution, and in keeping with America's tradition of leadership in humanitarian causes, we should press forward, in this session, with the refugee
legislation I have recommended to the Congress.
I add two proposals of special importance to future Presidents of the
United States. First is provision of Presidential office space. The Congress has met its own space requirements and those of the Supreme Court.
Requirements for modem office facilities for the President, his staff and
the news media assigned to the White House are no less necessary and
urgent. Second, the need to carry forward Presidential powers to reorganize the Executive Branch is acute, in the interest of efficiency and
economy in this huge government. Both of these authorizations are
clearly essential. I again urge their approval before this session adjourns.
I refer now to a number of programs of intense interest to millions of
our people-programs intended to initiate or enlarge benefits for various
groups or sections of the nation. Such projects require objective analysis
and a nicety of decision so that on the one hand there will be no neglect
of essential Federal responsibility and on the other hand no surrender to
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o
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the election-year temptation to overspend and over-reach. Responsibility
respecting these will do credit to both parties but, more important, will
benefit our people.
A comparison of I952 and i961 Federal expenditures shows the pace
of the Federal advance in matters of this kind. Likewise it discloses the
pressing need for prudence both as regards the level of these expenditures
and the extent of Federal involvement in the problems of individual
citizens. For labor, welfare and veterans programs, including payments
from trust funds, cash payments to individuals were $I I.7 billion in 1952.
The comparable figure in the 1961 budget is $26.4 billion. Thus there
has been a 125% increase in these programs during a period in which
the population increased by i6%. This growth in payments far exceeds
any increases required to match the I2% rise in living costs during this
period.
Among such matters still pending I would mention, first, school construction legislation. Long ago the Administration asked Congress to
approve a sound program to help colleges and universities and elementary
and secondary schools meet their pressing construction needs. I have
stressed that any such Federal assistance should be provided only to meet
genuine need, and that it must preserve for the States, local communities
and educational institutions their traditional responsibilities for education.
The Administration's debt service plan for elementary and secondary
schools, and its comparable plan for institutions of higher learning, both
before the Congress for over a year, conform to these standards.
By these programs we would help to construct 75,000 additional elementary and secondary classrooms at a Federal cost, over the next 20
to 30 years, of $2.2 billion, and at a Federal cost of $500 million we would
help build higher education facilities costing in the aggregate some
$2 billion. The financing for the initiation of these programs is included
in my i961 budget.
It will be deeply disappointing if the Congress should fail to authorize
such programs, and no less disappointing if, instead, programs that
basically conflict with these standards should be passed.
Area redevelopment legislation also needs priority attention. I have
long urged legislation authorizing loans and technical assistance to help
areas afflicted with long-term, substantial unemployment resulting from
technological changes. The purpose is to diversify these economies and
thereby create new sources of private employment. With important local
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efforts to provide new jobs already underway, Federal help must be of a
kind that strengthens and supplements rather than displaces or discourages
those efforts.
I think it is basic that we reject the various schemes that would perpetuate insecurity by making distressed areas dependent upon the uncertainties of continued Federal subsidies, or that would pour Federal dollars
into areas where distress has been temporary and which are competent
to meet their problems themselves. Moreover, it will injure, not help
the chronically affected areas if funds and loan advantages are indiscriminately broadcast to other areas that do not urgently require such assistance.
The only way this difficult problem can be sensibly solved is through
healthy government-community cooperation that creates self-sustaining
local economies. It cannot be solved by a dispiriting and misplaced
benevolence on the part of the distant central government. The people
who need this help are hopefully looking for truly constructive action this
session. For this purpose I have recommended a Federal program
amounting to $53 million, to be expended for loans and technical
assistance.
The Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare will present this
week a new program which will enable older people truly in need of help
to meet the calamity of catastrophic illness. This program will take
full advantage of, and support, the progress that has been made by private effort; it will recognize the traditional Federal-State relations in
various fields of assistance; and, additionally, it will not do violence to
the private relationships that must continue to characterize the rendering
of health care services.
Behind this program is a meticulous and thoughtful weighing of many
alternatives. I believe the Congress will find this proposal of great value
to our people most in need of medical protection in their later years. I
urge this program in place of compulsory schemes which over a period
of years would blight America's unexcelled medical standards and leave
unaided large numbers of citizens we are striving to help.
The Fair Labor Standards Act likewise needs attention before these
next 6o days elapse.
For several years I have urged expansion of coverage under this Act to
include approximately three million additional wage earners. This is
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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the most urgently needed change in this law, and I hope that the Congress will not fail to provide it.
The Secretary of Labor recently presented the Congress with information indicating that the minimum wage could be increased moderately
without disruptive effects upon the economy. On the other hand we
should, as responsible officials, stand firmly against an excessive increase
which could cause unemployment and severe repercussions in many
industries and areas of our country. It is of great importance to the
well-being of the American people that we govern our actions in this area
by economic facts rather than by political or social prejudice.
Nor, I believe, should we close this session without enacting various
long-pending measures, mostly in the field of conservation-each of them
important to all our people, but particularly to our citizens out West.
Among these measures I refer as examples to preservation of our priceless seashore areas, establishment of the Arctic Wildlife Range, permission
to western communities to expand into public land areas, research assistance to the coal industry, and the Fryingpan-Arkansas and San Luis
projects. Approval of these and similar pending bills will help to round
out the program of natural resources development-now at a record
level-which I presented last January in my Budget Message. We also
need a solution of the Indian heirship problem and to give the people of
Guam and the Virgin Islands a voice in the Congress.
As a general but most important consideration, I point again to the
need of restraint in new authorizations for Federal spending. Our
Federal accounts should balance with enough left over for a reasonable
payment on the public debt, on which we are already paying for interest
alone more than nine billion dollars per year. Proposals now before
Congressional Committee would, if approved, raise our annual spending
by tens of billions of dollars in 1961 and would disrupt Federal budgets
over the next five years by many scores of billions.
For America's sake, we must resist the temptation, this year or any
year, to overspend the taxpayer's hard-earned dollars and overcentralize
responsibilities in the Federal Government. If we fail in this, we will
weaken our hope of ever controlling Federal extravagance and will indefinitely postpone debt retirement and tax relief. At the same time we
will debase our currency, invite the resurgence of inflationary forces,
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undermine local and state responsibility, and thus erode away America's
strength at home and in the world. We should avoid preemption of
state and local functions and take genuine national need rather than
glittering desirability as our guide in Federal expenditures.
Most taxpayers, I believe, are becoming more and more aware of
the results of laws that, though sometimes carrying a surface appeal, far
too often add unjustifiably to the tax burdens of the individual.
Finally, I repeat my hope that in the brief span remaining before
adjournment the Executive Branch and the 86th Congress can work
constructively together in the interest of America and avoid schism and
stalemate. The measures I have mentioned, and many others also calling
for action this session, must go forward if we are to keep faith with our
countrymen. Let us remember, as Congressional deliberations proceed,
that both the nation and the world are looking on.
With sound progress as our object, we can accomplish much despite
the shortness of time left in this session. Working together responsibly,
we shall surely make America a stronger and better nation; and, so
working, we shall brighten the cause of freedom and peace everywhere
on earth.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
I 34 eT Statement by the President on the
Occasion of the Centennial of the First Japanese
Diplomatic Mission to the United States.
May 3, i960
ONE HUNDRED YEARS ago Japan sent its first Embassy to Washington to exchange ratifications of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce between Japan and the United States. In extending a warm welcome to
this Embassy, the President expressed, on behalf of the American people,
his deep gratification at this beginning of closer relations with Japan.
This historic occasion laid the foundation for our friendship, and a
remarkable cultural, economic, and political interchange between our two
countries. I am happy to say that the bonds of friendship between our
two peoples are stronger today than ever before.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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Japan and the United States are joined in a partnership based on
mutual trust, mutual respect, and full cooperation. We are both dedicated to the task of helping build a better world, where there will be peace
and justice for all.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
135 I] Remarks at Fort Benning, Georgia, After
Watching a Demonstration of New Army
Equipment. May 3, I960
Secretary Gates, Secretary Brucker, General Lemnitzer, General Harris,
officers and men, and distinguished visitors:
At a time such as this, an old soldier is tempted to reminisce, but I think
most of you are sufficiently old in the Service to know that is a dangerous
habit to get into. I should like to go back to the days of I911 when
General Bradley and I entered the Academy and talk about the amazing
differences that have come about when we think or see the infantry.
There are soldiers here, comrades of mine, that date even further back
than do General Bradley and I. But I think it is rather profitless; I think
we must take the day as it is, life as it is, the developments that we have
and that we know are going to come about.
I agree with what Secretary Brucker has to say about the importance
of the man that is handling these things. But we must go back first to
the scientist who is doing the research, who has the great skill and the
patient hours that it takes to bring them finally into being in the pilot
model form; and finally the great study and the work that must go into
obtaining procurement with the greatest possible economy; and the fine
instructors that tell us how to use them. This is a very laborious process.
America now has a defense problem that goes back to every village in
our country. As the problem reaches the Armed Forces, everybody must
not only learn a technique, he must get into his head that this is a nation
defending itself, not a professional soldier defending somebody else. We
are all working as a team.
From the very first demonstration that I saw this morning, I felt this
oneness, this unity, of America producing these tremendous and wonderful weapons, with a great organization taking them from the producers
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and the scientists and learning to use them so expertly. Every minute
that I have been here I have wanted to give some salute to the entire
team that does these things.
And finally, I want to talk just one word about the spirit that is behind
all this. It is the finest type of patriotism. A day like this makes a man
quite ready to call all those people mistaken, if not worse, who say that
America has become soft and is not capable of defending itself.
In other words, gentlemen, I am so proud of you that I really have no
words in which to express it. Far from thanking me for being here today,
I thank you for letting me have such a wonderful time, to come back to
old comrades-indeed to a spot which I have seen before in my serviceand to have the satisfaction of talking with old friends. Or if they are
not old friends individually, in spirit they are all American soldiers, as I
was in the days when I was a junior, working then as you are today.
So, to each of you: congratulations, and thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 3:03 p.m. P. Harris, Commanding General at Fort
In his opening words he referred to Sec- Benning and Commandant of the Infanretary of Defense Thomas S. Gates, Jr., try School. Later the President referred
Secretary of the Army Wilber M. Brucker, to General of the Army Omar N. Bradley
Gen. Lyman L. Lemnitzer, Chief of Staff (ret.), who was also present at the
of the U.S. Army, and Maj. Gen. Hugh demonstration.
136 tJ Statement by the President Upon Signing
"Food for Peace" Agreement Between the United
States and India. May 4, i960
THIS IS A CEREMONY, Mr. Ambassador and Minister Patil, in which
I am both honored and delighted to participate.
The agreement that we have just signed is a practical application of
the term "Food for Peace."
In a world marked too often by fears and distrust, it warms my heart
to take part in an event which is the product of mutual respect and
ever-growing friendship.
When I was in your country last December, I caught the spirit of
progress that abounds in the new India. What we can do to lend
encouragement, to lend a helping hand, we are most happy to do.
My thoughts go back to the day-it was December eleventh-when I
was in New Delhi at the opening of the great World Agriculture Fair.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
ql I36
I recall the words of your Prime Minister, Mr. Nehru, when he said that
"in this world today, the call is for ever greater cooperation between
individuals, between groups, between nations."
When Mr. Nehru spoke of cooperation, he was speaking of true
cooperation, joint effort in behalf of the common good. What we are
observing here today is the signing of a cooperative agreement, freely
entered into by each nation, pledged by each of us as equal partners in
the world community.
This is the fifth and by far the largest of such agreements entered into
by our two nations. By terms of these agreements, 587 million bushels of
wheat and 22 million bags of rice, to be paid in rupees, will be moved to
India over a four-year period. We are fortunate in having this means
of sharing our abundance.
India is going forward with a zeal and determination that commands
our unreserved admiration and respect. Its people are successfully
embarked on the road to improved economic well-being in freedom.
The food that we make available under our special programs today
will be reflected in India's accelerated progress tomorrow.
This is what we mean by "Food for Peace."
NOTE: The agreement was signed at the
White House by the President and the
Indian Minister of Food and Agriculture, S. K. Patil. In his opening words
the President referred to Ambassador M.
C. Chagla of India who was among those
present at the signing.
In a White House release of the same
date it was noted that the agreement, the
fifth to be signed with India under the
Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act, was unique in the following respects: (I) it was almost four times
as large as any agreement previously
signed with any country since the beginning of the program in 1954; (2) it
was the first agreement to span a period
of 4 years; (3) and it was the first agreement specifically designed to help a country in establishing substantial food re
serves; one-fourth of the wheat and all of
the rice being available for that purpose.
The agreement was published in pamphlet form in the Treaties and Other International Acts Series (TIAS 4499; Government Printing Office, ig6o).
On April 13, i960, the White House
announced the appointment of Special
Assistant to the President Don Paarlberg as Food for Peace Coordinator. The
release noted that the Food for Peace
program, although based on the 1954
act, represented a new effort to explore
with other surplus-producing nations all
practical means of utilizing surpluses in
the interest of reinforcing peace and the
well-being of friendly peoples throughout the world-as was first announced by
the President in his message on agriculture of January 29, 1959.
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I 37 eI Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Civil Rights Act of I 960. May 6, I 960
I HAVE TODAY signed into law the Civil Rights Act of i960. It is
only the second civil rights measure to pass the Congress in 85 years. As
was the case with the Act of I957, recommendations of this Administration underlie the features of the Civil Rights Act of i960.
The new Act is concerned with a range of civil rights problems. One
title makes it a crime to obstruct rights or duties under Federal court
orders by force or threat of force. That provision will be an important
deterrent to such obstruction which interferes with the execution of
Federal court orders, including those involving school desegregation.
Provision is also made to assure free public education to all children of
Armed Forces personnel in the United States where local public school
facilities are unavailable. By authorizing the FBI to investigate certain
bombings or attempted bombings of schools, churches and other structures, the Act will deter such heinous acts of lawlessness.
The new Act also deals significantly with that key constitutional right
of every American, the right to vote without discrimination on account
of race or color. One provision, which requires the retention of voting
records, will be of invaluable aid in the successful enforcement of existing
voting rights statutes. Another provision authorizes the use by federal
courts of voting referees. It holds great promise of making the Fifteenth
Amendment of the Constitution fully meaningful.
While I regret that Congress saw fit to eliminate two of my recommendations, I believe the Act is an historic step forward in the field of
civil rights. With continuing help from all responsible persons, the new
law will play an important role in the days ahead in attaining our goal
of equality under law in all areas of our country for all Americans.
NOTE: The Civil Rights Act of i960 is Public Law 86-449 (74 Stat. 86).
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138 4t Exchange of Messages Between the
President and Queen Juliana Upon Completion of
the Monument Presented by the People of the
Netherlands. May 6, i960
[ Released May 6, i960. Dated May 5, i960]
Your Majesty:
I am most grateful for your thoughtful message. It is indeed appropriate that today, the fifteenth anniversary of the liberation of your great
country, should be the occasion of the presentation of the monument from
you and the people of The Netherlands to the people of the United
States. Personally and on behalf of all our citizens I assure you of our
deep appreciation. The monument will remain a symbol of the enduring
friendship between our peoples.
Sincerely,
NOTE: Queen Juliana's message, dated
May 5, 1960, follows:
The President
The White House
At the commemoration of our liberation 15 years ago and at the completion
of the monument of our gratitude I
should like once again to emphasize the
moral and material support your country
gave us in so ample measure during and
rIGHT D. EISENHOWER
after the war. Gladly I take this opportunity, Mr. President, to send you and the
people of the United States of America,
also on behalf of the people of The
Netherlands, my very best wishes for a
peaceful and prosperous future.
JULIANA
The monument is a 49-bell carillon
and tower which is located at Ridge Road
and Marshall Drive near the Iwo Jima
Monument in Arlington, Va.
I 39 eI Remarks at the Opening of the I 960 AFLCIO Union-Industries Show. May 6, I 960
Mr. Meany, Mr. Lewis, and ladies and gentlemen:
It is with a distinct sense of honor-personal honor-that I have
accepted this invitation to be with you on the opening of this great unionindustrial exhibition. And I have been highly privileged by the opportunity to go with Mr. Meany and others in wandering for some three
quarters of an hour around this armory so that I could see something of
the exhibits that you all will see.
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The reaction that I had is that of realizing anew what can be achieved
by true cooperation. We have the scientist who conceives of some new
idea applicable to industry, who proves its validity. We find the financier or a group of investors who are ready to put up the money to make
the venture go. We find the management who organizes the whole into
a productive enterprise, and we have those people who with their hands
and their minds finally produce the wealth of the United States. And
by this method, voluntarily arrived at by each of these groups, we will
see some of the results in this exhibition.
Some of them are marvels of ingenuity and modem practice. Mr.
Meany, who has often told me he was very expert in the plumber's trade,
acknowledged himself today being bewildered and amazed by the things
he has found in the plumbing facilities that he finds in here.
Now all of these things, these material advantages that each of us has
in better living conditions, better clothes, better food better processedall of these things that come to us, sometimes we probably don't look quite
as far across the horizon as we should. And so I was particularly impressed by the fact in the AFL-CIO booth there is a little exhortation to
each of us, to look to the less developed nations, to help them, so that we
ourselves may do better.
We exhibit that kind of concern for our brother, under God, that we
are exhorted to in the Bible or in any other religious doctrine, but at the
same time, as we help our brother-as we help those people-we make
this a more peaceful, a more prosperous, all in all a better world in which
to live, with easier minds and with the certainty that spiritually, intellectually, and materially we all profit by this cooperation that I spoke of
between the scientist and the financier and management and labor. But
more than that, by cooperation among nations.
And because union labor, by the statement in its own booth, has
brought our attention to this matter, I hope that each of you going
through this wonderful exhibit will pause long enough to read that little
sign.
And as I express this hope, as I told you before, it is an honor to have
been invited to cut the ribbon which will open this show-which I will
now do. Thank you.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Na- Meany, President of the AFL-CIO, and
tional Guard Armory in Washington. In Joseph Lewis, Director of the AFL-CIO
his opening words he referred to George Union-Industries Show.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 196o
I I4I
140 ei Statement by the President Announcing
the Forthcoming Visit of the Crown Prince and
Princess of Japan. May 7, 1960
AT THE TIME of Prime Minister Kishi's visit last January, I expressed
the hope that the Crown Prince and Princess would be able to visit the
United States during the Centennial year of Japanese-American relations.
I am now happy to announce that their Imperial Highnesses have
accepted my invitation, and will be in Washington from September 27
to September 29.
They will be welcomed in the spirit of cordial friendship and mutual
respect which characterizes relations between our two great nations.
I41 I1 Letter to Syngman Rhee Upon His
Withdrawal From Political Life in Korea.
May 9, I960
[ Released May 9, i960. Dated May 5, I960 ]
Dear Dr. Rhee:
The vastness of the events which have taken place in Korea has
claimed the attention of the entire world. I can assure you that no one
has followed them with more anxious sympathy than I.
With your voluntary withdrawal from political life, I am reminded
ever more strongly of how much your country will remain in your debt.
The rebirth of Korea in I945 was the fruition of your long years of
patient and arduous labor. Your tenacity and indomitable courage at a
time when the Republic was the prey of Communist armies won the
admiration of the entire Free World as well as the gratitude of all
Koreans. Since then, under your guidance, Korea has recovered from
the deepest wounds of that conflict and is today a monument to your
life-long work.
I cannot but feel that your decision, momentous as it is, is yet another
example of wisdom as well as selfless service. I assure you that the
United States will continue to feel itself bound by strong ties of sympathy
to Korea under your successors.
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My best wishes for many years of health and happiness in the honored
retirement which you have done so much to earn.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
I42 lI Citation Accompanying Award of Legion
of Merit to Captain Edward L. Beach, USN.
May 0o, I960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States takes pleasure in presenting the
Legion of Merit to
CAPTAIN EDWARD L. BEACH, UNITED STATES NAVY
for services as Commanding Officer of the U.S.S. TRITON during the
first submerged voyage around the world.
CITATION:
For exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding service while serving on board the U.S.S. Triton from the I6th of
February 1960 to the loth of May 1960. As Commanding Officer,
Captain Edward L. Beach, U.S. Navy, led his crew with courage, foresight and determination in an unprecedented circumnavigation of the
globe, proving man's ability under trying conditions to accomplish prolonged submerged missions as well as testing new and complex equipment
in the world's largest submarine. This historic voyage took his ship into
strange waters under difficult and frequently unknown conditions, as a
result, the Triton collected much valuable oceanographic information.
Captain Beach's sound judgment, masterful leadership, professional skill
and devotion to duty were in keeping with the highest traditions of the
naval service.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The presentation ceremony was President. Captain Beach served as
held in the Conference Room at the Naval Aide to the President from JanuWhite House. The text was read by ary 20, 1953, to February 15, I957.
Capt. E. P. Aurand, Naval Aide to the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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I43 Il The President's News Conference of
May ii, I960
THE PRESIDENT [reading]. I have made some notes from which I want
to talk to you about this U-2 incident.
A full statement about this matter has been made by the State Department, and there have been several statesmanlike remarks by leaders of
both parties.
For my part, I supplement what the Secretary of State has had to say,
with the following four main points. After that I shall have nothing
further to say-for the simple reason I can think of nothing to add that
might be useful at this time.
The first point is this: the need for intelligence-gathering activities.
No one wants another Pearl Harbor. This means that we must have
knowledge of military forces and preparations around the world, especially
those capable of massive surprise attacks.
Secrecy in the Soviet Union makes this essential. In most of the world
no large-scale attack could be prepared in secret, but in the Soviet Union
there is a fetish of secrecy and concealment. This is a major cause of
international tension and uneasiness today. Our deterrent must never
be placed in jeopardy. The safety of the whole free world demands
this.
As the Secretary of State pointed out in his recent statement, ever since
the beginning of my administration I have issued directives to gather, in
every feasible way, the information required to protect the United States
and the free world against surprise attack and to enable them to make
effective preparations for defense.
My second point: the nature of intelligence-gathering activities.
These have a special and secret character. They are, so to speak,
"below the surface" activities.
They are secret because they must circumvent measures designed by
other countries to protect secrecy of military preparations.
They are divorced from the regular visible agencies of government
which stay clear of operational involvement in specific detailed activities.
These elements operate under broad directives to seek and gather
intelligence short of the use of force-with operations supervised by
responsible officials within this area of secret activities.
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We do not use our Army, Navy, or Air Force for this purpose, first,
to avoid any possibility of the use of force in connection with these activities, and second, because our military forces, for obvious reasons, cannot
be given latitude under broad directives but must be kept under strict
control in every detail.
These activities have their own rules and methods of concealment
which seek to mislead and obscure-just as in the Soviet allegations
there are many discrepancies. For example, there is some reason to believe that the plane in question was not shot down at high altitude. The
normal agencies of our Government are unaware of these specific activities or of the special efforts to conceal them.
Third point: how should we view all of this activity?
It is a distasteful but vital necessity.
We prefer and work for a different kind of world-and a different way
of obtaining the information essential to confidence and effective deterrents. Open societies, in the day of present weapons, are the only
answer.
This was the reason for my "open skies" proposal in I955, which I
was ready instantly to put into effect-to permit aerial observation over
the United States and the Soviet Union which would assure that no
surprise attack was being prepared against anyone. I shall bring up the
"open skies" proposal again at Paris-since it is a means of ending concealment and suspicion.
My final point is that we must not be distracted from the real issues of
the day by what is an incident or a symptom of the world situation today.
This incident has been given great propaganda exploitation. The
emphasis given to a flight of an unarmed nonmilitary plane can only
reflect a fetish of secrecy.
The real issues are the ones we will be working on at the summitdisarmament, search for solutions affecting Germany and Berlin, and the
whole range of East-West relations, including the reduction of secrecy
and suspicion.
Frankly, I am hopeful that we may make progress on these great issues.
This is what we mean when we speak of "working for peace."
And as I remind you, I will have nothing further to say about this
matter. [Ends reading]
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President,
since our last visit, or conference, Prime Minister Khrushchev has made
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e1 I 43
some pretty vigorous statements about your plans for bringing Mr. Nixon
to the summit in case you had to come home. Do his comments in any
way change your intentions?
THE PRESIDENT. No, indeed. And, I should clarify something. There
seems to be some misunderstanding, because a friend from Congress, a
friend indeed of the other party, told me the other day that he had never
heard of the latter part of my press conference on this point where I said
that if my absence from the conference had to be more than 2 or 3 days,
I would be right back there. And I believe I remarked, although I am
not sure, that the jet plane made this kind of a trip possible.
Now, as far as Mr. Khrushchev's statement, I can just -say this: he
has never asked me my opinion of some of his people. [Laughter]
Q. Charles H. Mohr, Time Magazine: In case, Mr. President, that
the Soviet Union should reject your proposal for a surprise attack conference, or an "open skies" arrangement, do you think that the development of satellites like Samos and Midas will possibly in the next few
years erase our worries on the score of surveillance; and also are you
doing anything now to speed up those scientific projects?
THE PRESIDENT. I keep in touch with my Scientific Advisory Comi
mittee and operators, and I know of nothing we could do to speed these
up. They are research items and as such no one can predict exactly
what would be their degree of efficiency. So I couldn't make a real
prediction of how useful they are going to be.
Q. Mr. Mohr: Sir, do you think that their development will ease our
worries on the question of secrecy?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I say, I just can't predict what the final results
will be. Now, we do know this, right now. I believe it's Tiros that is
sending back constantly pictures on the cloud cover all around the earth.
That is admittedly a rather rough example of what might be done in
photography, but that is being done constantly; and I don't know how
many thousands of photographs have been taken. And they send them
back on command.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, last week you
used the word "if" in connection with your trip to Russia. Have you
changed any plans about that, or think you might?
THE PRESIDENT. No, not at all. I have no idea, but you can never
tell from one day to the other what is happening in this world, it seems,
so I just said "if." I put it in the positive sense, I think. I expect to go;
put it that way.
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Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: I know, Mr. President, you don't
ordinarily tip your hand on disposition of pending legislation before you,
but since the legislative leaders more than a week ago said you were very
much opposed to the emergency housing bill, may I ask if you have had
any change of view about it?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, what it says right now, I don't know; but I
have said this: I am very definitely opposed of taking another billion dollars of Federal money and making use of it, making it available for direct
loans when we don't need it. And I think it's a very bad way to stimulate housing.
As a matter of fact, while I think there has been some little slowup in
the housing field, there is indication it's coming up-back to the level of
I.2, something of that kind. I see no reason for constantly getting excited about this one.
By the way, I've got another paper. [Laughter]
Q. (Questioner unidentified): How many more?
THE PRESIDENT. This is something that is good news in this whole economic field, and that is what you are talking about.
I understand the employment rose i.9 million between mid-March and
mid-April, and has reached a total of 66.2 million. This is the biggest
April increase by far in the postwar period. There was also a sharp
drop in the number of unemployed persons, a decline of more than
one-half million.
It has been reported by the Commerce Department that retail sales in
April were more than 3 percent above March, and 5 percent above last
April.
Finally, figures from the Department of Commerce today show that
in the first quarter of this year, gross national product reached 500.2 billion. This means that, in effect, the United States is producing goods
and services at a rate of a half-trillion dollars for the first time in our
history.
The achievement of these high levels of employment and production, at
the same time that prices have been reasonably stable-the consumer
price index has varied only one-quarter of one percent in the last 6
months-is proof of the great strength of our free enterprise system and
its promise for the future. And if we continue to act responsibly, I think
it will keep going.
Q. Edward T. Folliard, Washington Post: Mr. President, do you
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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think the outlook for the summit conference has changed, or has been
changed, in the last week or so?
THE PRESIDENT. Not decisively at all, no.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: Mr. President,
when you came into office you obtained a truce in Korea. Do you
think a treaty now, an effort to get a treaty now would be useful, and
will you discuss that with Mr. Rhee and the acting officials of Korea
when you visit there?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mrs. Craig, I have no reason to believe that it
would now be easy to achieve a treaty.
Now, as far as my trip to Korea is concerned, it is to be an official one.
Assuming the permission of the people now in charge of Korea, and a
proper opportunity, I should be glad to see Mr. Rhee who, as I have
told you people, I have admired and respected over the years.
Q. Andrew F. Tully, Jr., Scripps-Howard Newspapers: Sir, I know
this borders on your rule not to discuss personalities, but Mr. Truman
has written an article in a magazine in which he says certain things
about you, and I wonder if you would like to speak out in your own
behalf for the record.
THE PRESIDENT. I just haven't time.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, now that you have been
to Fort Benning and you have seen the wonderful display of modern
Army weapons, I wonder if you don't realize that we need a stepping
up of production of some of these weapons.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'd say this: of course, your question implies
that you know very much more about the military than I do and it's
probably true. [Laughter]
I can just say this: I do just as good as what the commonsense the
Good Lord gave me and my own judgment and experience allow me
to do.
Q. Pat Munroe, Chicago American: Mr. President, when an unfriendly cartoon or column appears in the press, that is unfriendly to
you, we often hear people say, "I'll bet they won't let the President see
that one." Now, what are your regular habits, sir, for keeping up with
what we are saying about you?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know whether you can call it a habit,
for the simple reason that it takes a lot of time if I was going to keep track
of what all you people say. I take what I call the important sections of
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the Sunday papers that review world events, go over the things, and those
are the things I study carefully. The kind of things that you talk of,
cartoons and unfriendly quips, I just can't be bothered.
Q. Ruth S. Montgomery, Hearst Headline Service: Mr. President, to
go back a minute, I am very puzzled about this statement by your predecessor. As I recall, you not only participated in the inaugural parade,
but you also attended the inaugural ball that night, did you not, in '49?
THE PRESIDENT. I don't think I went to the ball. I had an invitation
from Mr. Royall, then Secretary of the Army. He was very anxious, and
he said the administration approved of his request, that I, as a five-star
general, ride with him because I believe the Secretary of the Navy was
going to have, oh, Admiral Nimitz or somebody, and he felt that he had
to have one of these five-star generals which I still was then. So, I went
along. Now, I think I went right back to Columbia that day.
Q. Miss Montgomery: I attended a party where you were that evening
at George Allen's, and you and Mrs. Eisenhower went in and changed
into evening attire and left for the ball.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, then, your memory is better than mine.
[Laughter] Can I just say one thing: I have never advanced the theory
that my memory is perfect, like a good many others.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Quite aside from
your comment about the U-2 plane episode, sir, I wonder if you could
give us your reaction to a rather denunciatory speech made this morning,
right ahead of the summit meeting, by the Russian Foreign Minister.
Mr. Gromyko attributes to this country deeds and efforts which he said
amount to dangerous ways of balancing on the brink of war. He says
that the United States has deliberately engaged in provocative acts in
conjunction with some of our allies. Now, with statements like this, do
you still maintain a hopeful attitude toward the summit?
THE PRESIDENT. I'd say yes. I have some hope, because these things
have been said for many years, ever since World War II, and there is no
real change in this matter.
I wonder how many of you people have read the full text of the record
of the trial of Mr. Abel. Well, I think he was sentenced to 30 years.
Now, this business of saying that you're doing things that are provocative,
why, they had better look at their own record.
And I'll tell you this: the United States-and none of its allies that I
know of-has engaged in nothing that would be considered honestly as
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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provocative. We are looking to our own security and our defense and
we have no idea of promoting any kind of conflict or war. This is justit's absolutely ridiculous and they know it is.
Q. Henry N. Taylor, Scripps-Howard Newspapers: Sir, would it be
trespassing on your request about the U-2 to ask if you could tell us something about any possible Soviet reconnaissance flights over the western
part of the world, and our response to them, if any?
THE PRESIDENT. I could just say this: as far as I know, there has
never been any over the United States.
Q. Holmes Alexander, McNaught Syndicate: Sir, this is a question
about Quemoy and Matsu; two of the Democratic candidates have said
that if elected they would try to get rid of that responsibility. I know
you don't deal in personalities, but I wonder if you could tell us as a military man to what extent these islands help us control the air and sea over
the Formosa Strait.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am not talking personalities because I don't
know who said this. I will say this: if you go back to the Formosa doctrine, you will find that the responsibility is placed upon the President to
determine, in the event of any attack upon Quemoy and Matsu, whether
this is in fact a preliminary to or part of an attack against the Pescadores
and Taiwan. If that is true, then he must participate because then it
will be the defense of Formosa, one of our allies.
Now, as to the actual value of Matsu and Quemoy, of course we must
remember how much this seems to mean to the morale of all the Chinese
forces on Formosa. From their viewpoint, any desertion of those islands
means a complete surrender-abject surrender. So, it is a factor that
anyone who is going to have to make possible decisions in the future has
to take into consideration when he talks about the abandonment of these
sets of islands. And frankly, no President of the United States can do it
by himself.
Now, he can withhold support to Taiwan, but are you going to destroy
Taiwan? So, none of these problems is ever a simple, black and white
thing. You have got a very great number of conflicting considerations
and they take study and heart searching, and you hope and pray that
you are right most of the time.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post: Last week, sir, you announced that the U.S. would resume underground nuclear testing for
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purposes of protecting the detection and control system.' There seems,
however, to be some dispute as to whether this would be joint or coordinated, that is, this testing in conjunction with the Soviet Union. Could
you tell us what the argument there is, and what your own view is?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'll tell you, Mr. Roberts, having heard of this
misunderstanding, I had a discussion with Dr. Kistiakowsky only this
morning. These things are not nuclear weapons testing. They are for
one simple-and as a matter of fact in many cases I don't think will
involve any nuclear explosions except under the coordinated directions
of a body made up of the U.K., U.S.S.R., and ourselves. That's the way
I understood the agreement, and I believe that you will find that they are
not expected to have anything to do either with weapons development
or the Plowshare Project, anything else except just finding out how good
this testing of the weapons below 4.75 is.
Q. Mr. Roberts: Well, sir, is it your understanding that we would
show everything involved, mechanism and so on, to the Soviets under
this program?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, now, Mr. Roberts, there are some details I just
can't get down to. You know that. But, I would think that everything
that they found it necessary to see in order to determine whether this
thing is effective, they would see and should see.
Now, I think that to get a little further on the thing you might get that
statement of Dr. Kistiakowsky's and show it to him-[confers with Mr.
Hagerty]
Mr. Hagerty just reminds me of what Dr. Kistiakowsky told me, another
1 On May 7 a White House release stated that the President had that day announced
approval of a major expansion of research and development directed toward an
improved capability to detect and identify underground nuclear explosions. The release added that the program, to be known as Project VELA, had grown out of the
recommendations of the Panel on Seismic Improvement ("Berkner Panel"), and that it
provided that "such nuclear explosions as are essential to a full understanding of both
the capabilities of the presently proposed detection system and the potential for improvements in this system would be carried out under fully contained conditions and
would produce no radioactive fallout." The release further stated that Soviet negotiators at Geneva had concurred with the proposal that underground nuclear explosions
should be conducted to improve the capability of the proposed control network; that
they had also indicated a willingness to discuss research and development in the seismic
detection area with the U.S. and the U.K.; and that agreement had been reached to
convene a group of U.S.S.R., U.K., and U.S. scientists at Geneva on May I I to exchange information on the seismic research activities of the three nations as a basis
for future determination of the areas in which coordinated or joint research would be
most fruitful.
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point. Our people are leaving tomorrow, they will meet there togetherthe U.S.S.R. and the U.K. and the U.S.-in determining exactly how we
will do this.
Q. Charles W. Roberts, Newsweek: Sir, in connection with the Abel
trial which you mentioned, the Soviet Government in that case made no
effort to defend Colonel Abel. I wonder if an American citizen were
arrested by a foreign government and brought to trial as a spy, what the
policy of this Government would be so far as his defense was concerned.
THE PRESIDENT. We would certainly offer the good offices of our Embassy, and see whether there was anything we could do. Of course it
would be an internal matter there, and we would have to do it with the
permission of the other country. I think that if there is anything wrong
diplomatically with my answer, you had better ask the State Department,
but I think that would be the result.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, many people seem
to feel that the result of yesterday's elections in West Virginia once and
for all buries the religious issue in politics in America. Do you agree
with that premise, sir, and how do you feel about it?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know whether I agree completely with
the conclusion or not. Certainly I have made as strong a statement as I
can, deploring the insertion of the religious issue in elections. As a
matter of fact, I think it is very, very bad for this country. But as to
what this election means, the only thing it means to me is-as a response
to one question I said that I normally read only the Sunday papers,
but I have read what the newspapers said were going to happen. Now,
this morning, I am a bit astonished. [Laughter]
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, you
have said many times that you wouldn't go to the summit under any
threats or ultimatums.
Yesterday, as you know, the Soviets in their note threatened retaliation
against us if we continued to fly these planes over their territory. Do you
regard that kind of threat as within the category you were speaking of?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I think that you have to set that aside in a
special category. I don't believe it's the kind of thing that you call
an ultimatum at all.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: A point
of clarification, Mr. President. Do we infer correctly that your prepared
statement this morning is the final, complete, and ultimate answer to
60295-61 3M
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Public Papers of the Presidents
your critics, friendly and hostile, on the subject?
THE PRESIDENT. I said that at this time I could see nothing more useful that I could say, so that's where I stand at this moment.
Q. Thomas N. Schroth, Congressional Quarterly: You said last summer, sir, that you planned to put before Congress at its final session a
plan to reorganize the highest echelons of Government in order to relieve
the burdens on some of the high officials. Can you give us any of the
details of your plans and whether you expect to send them to Congress?
THE PRESIDENT. I've had to change my plan a little bit, because I
became convinced that anything you did this year of extraordinary
nature would probably be made political in some form or another.
So I decided that regardless of who was elected to my present office,
when I go up in January, as I must go under the Constitution-I must
go make a statement-I'm going to put in then the plans that I have
adverted to in these conferences before.
In general, it is to get closer, tighter day-by-day coordination in everything that touches upon the foreign field through one proper part of
the plan; and the other, get all our business affairs, our types of procurement and making of contracts and all that, get that more tightly
coordinated day in and day out.
The first one, I think, is tremendously important, because almost every
department now has really heavy responsibilities in the foreign field. I
think more and more we have to have not merely day-by-day meetings
with the department heads concerned; it has to be closer, more tightly
done than that.
Q. John Scali, Associated Press: Mr. President, you said in your
initial statement that the Soviet account of the downing of this plane
contained many discrepancies, and that there was reason to doubt that
the plane was downed at a high altitude, as Mr. Khrushchev claims.
Can you tell us, sir, whether the administration at some future time
intends to expose these discrepancies, and can you at this time without
violating what you have said, give us any more details about how we
believe this plane actually came down in the Soviet Union?
THE PRESIDENT. You raise a question that is really an auxiliary to the
main issue, and so I don't mind saying this: take the pictures themselves,
we know that they were not, or we believe we know that they are not
pictures of the plane that was downed, and there are other things in
their statements.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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Now, I don't know what's going to happen in the future, but these
things you can be sure will be carefully looked into. Again I say I do
not foreclose any kind of statement that in the future may be necessary;
I am saying that now I can see nothing more useful to say.
Q. John Herling, National Newspaper Syndicate: Mr. President, in
reference to the drop in unemployment to which you referred, the hard
core unemployment continues in many depressed areas, including West
Virginia. Now, in view of that, sir, is Senator Dirksen correct in predicting that you plan to veto the depressed areas bill?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, if I don't approve of the particular depressed
area bill, what do you expect me to do? As a matter of fact, as I have
so far been reading this bill, the amounts there to be put under this greatly
inflated bill of $25I million, or something like that, the amounts that are
going into the areas like West Virginia, Southern Illinois, Pennsylvania,
and Eastern Kentucky are less than they would be under ours. It's a
shotgun-it's getting to be a pork barrel bill, as I see it. So I say I am
not predicting anything; I am just saying this: I'll do what my judgment tells me to.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Sir, recently you proposed that the several southern cities having the problems of sit-in demonstrations should have biracial committees to meet and try to solve them.
Yesterday six of the stores in downtown Nashville admitted Negroes
to the lunch counters. I wondered, sir, if you felt that was a solution
to the problem, do you think that would be a pattern for the other cities
to follow?
THE PRESIDENT. Let me say this: let us assume that I had the wisdom
of a Solomon. I am still a good many hundred miles away from any of
these cities, and any solutions to these problems must take into account
local considerations and feelings and beliefs.
We here can talk and believe in the ideals that have been set up for
us by the Constitution, and certainly we have a responsibility in helping
to enforce or seeing that the constitutional rights guaranteed are not
violated.
Now, when it comes to sit-ins, I am just not enough of a lawyer to say
just exactly what they do mean-what they mean in the constitutional
or legal terms. We, you and I, can talk about it in social terms and you
might say on a moral standard, but this is something else.
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I would say for that question, you ought to go to the Attorney General. I am just not that much of a lawyer.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: In view of your
emphasis on you might go back to the summit, if you had to come back
here, have you any idea how long the Paris meeting will go on-how
long do you think it will take you to get to some agreement?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know. But I just want to point this
out: I hear that some-I don't know whether this is all of the others or
not-do not like the simultaneous translations. Now, let us assume you
have called an hour's conference, and one of you, for example, wants to
make a, let's say, a I o-minute exposition. When you take seriatum translations, here is already a half hour of an hour's conference gone, and you
have had only I o minutes.
Now, these are very slow and laborious things, and consequently the
possibility of prophesying how long this thing is going to be is really
remote. Now, for my part, I am perfectly ready to work as many hours
as an individual human can to get this thing along the line. I am prepared to go to this thing as long as there is any usefulness whatsoever
promised, and even if I am called back-I know I have one date for 24
hours-I am still ready and prepared to go back. That is what I have
been trying to insist, that I am not making my own convenience and my
own duties here the decisive thing as to how long this conference will
last.
Q. Lillian Levy, National Jewish Post and Opinion: Mr. President,
are any changes in the present borders of West Germany part of the
German question to be discussed at the summit? I ask this, sir, because
this issue has been raised by a responsible West German leader and
member of Adenauer's Cabinet who recently suggested that Germans be
allowed to return to Sudetenland.
THE PRESIDENT. I didn't get the very first clause of your question.
Q. Mrs. Levy: Well, what I asked-were boundaries going to be
part of the German question to be raised?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, at this time we wouldn't raise it. As a matter
of fact, they've been living with these boundaries for a long time, and
I would see at this moment no possibility of changing them except in
methods that would be unacceptable. So, it might be raised by someone but I have no plan to do it.
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
I45 qI
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- ing from I0:27 to Io: o'clock on Weddred and eighty-fifth news conference nesday morning, May II, I960. In atwas held in the Executive Office Build- tendance: 275.
144 fJ Statement by the President on the Death of
JohnD. Rockefeller,Jr. May 12, I960
THE PASSING of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., is a great loss to our nation.
Life in America and, indeed throughout the world, has been enriched
by his leadership in the planning and accomplishment of many programs
for the public welfare. These, in their enduring contribution to the
growth and progress of our country and to the health and welfare of
millions elsewhere, constitute a noble monument to his name and work.
His place in our history will be both prominent and permanent.
Through the years I came to know Mr. Rockefeller as a churchman,
philanthropist and a dedicated citizen. In every aspect of his life, he
won my deep admiration. I share with millions a feeling of profound
regret in the death of such a distinguished American.
145 el Remarks to the Members of the American
Helicopter Society. May I 2, I960
President Alex, and my friends:
You will have noted that there have been a number of awards given
this evening by the helicopter association, and until I stood up, all of
them had been given in recognition of contributions made by these
several individuals to the advancement of the helicopter as a vehicle for
human travel. In my case, it was not what I did for helicopters, it's
what helicopters did for me. And I think it's only appropriate, therefore, that I should try briefly to describe some of the things that they
have done for me.
First of all, while it might have been possible for me to make three or
four trips in the recent months that I have already completed without
the use of the helicopter and the jet transport, it would indeed have been
difficult and none of those trips could have been so extensive as it was.
The saving of time in the great capitals of the world, in these large cities
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where often there are throngs gathered along the route are of course
carefully scheduled as you come into the city, but in order to save valuable time as you go along to the next country, the helicopter is almost
always used to go back to the airport, and occasionally indeed, to come
in, as I believe was the case in Montevideo.
Without that kind of service, and the jet airplane, these trips would
have been well nigh impossible. The convenience, the lack of wear
and tear on the disposition, which at times wears thin anyway, I think,
are among the advantages that all habitual users of helicopters are bound
to experience. They are particularly, of course, useful in all the areas
of crowded streets. When you have a traffic jam and you can hop over
it and look down at it, two things happen. First, the Secret Service is
not halting all of that traffic and therefore inspiring a good many
hundreds, or thousands possibly, of people to despise your insides, but
you yourself get such an exhilarated feeling. Boy, you look down and
you say, "I don't have to work my way through that!"
In every kind of short trip from the city, where we find them appropriate, they are used invariably. To the units that have just been deco-.
rated this evening by your chairman, I owe a very great debt of gratitude.
More than that, I owe my grateful thanks to the helicopter industry, to its
presidents, its engineers, the people that support and believe in it-and
indeed, also, to those other people who just use it.
Because I believe that as the advantages of this machine come more
and more?Iome to the consciousness of the American people, we will find
a lot of travel that is much safer, at least in my opinion, than that on the
road and possibly in the speedier airplane.-fixed plane, that has to go, in
any event, to fields of long runways. I land ordinarily at the back door
of my farm, for example, after having taken off from the back door of the
White House. And that is a great convenience, I assure you.
So as I express my thanks for this award, which really should have been
given to all who have had a part in making the helicopter so useful, I say:
good luck to all of you, and may your machines grow in numbers, and
size, and one other item-silence.
NOTE: The President spoke at i o p.m. at American Helicopter Society, who prethe Sheraton-Park Hotel in Washington. sented the President with a citation "for
His opening words "President Alex" re- regular and extensive use of the
ferred to Ralph Alex, President of the helicopter."
416
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e I 46
146 1I Veto of the Area Redevelopment Bill.
May I3, i960
To the Senate of the United States:
I return herewith, without my approval, S. 722, the Area Redevelopment Bill.
For five consecutive years I have urged the Congress to enact sound
area assistance legislation. On repeated occasions I have clearly outlined
standards for the kind of program that is needed and that I would gladly
approve.
In i958 I vetoed a bill because it departed greatly from those standards. In I959, despite my renewed urging, no area assistance bill was
passed by the Congress.
Now in i960, another election year, a new bill is before me that contains certain features which I find even more objectionable than those I
found unacceptable in the I958 bill.
The people of the relatively few communities of chronic unemployment-who want to share in the general prosperity-are, after five years,
properly becoming increasingly impatient and are rightfully desirous of
constructive action. The need is for truly sound and helpful legislation
on which the Congress and the Executive can agree. There is still time
and I willingly pledge once again my wholehearted cooperation in obtaining such a law.
S. 722 is seriously defective in six major respects which are summarized
immediately below and discussed in detail thereafter.
I. S. 722 would squander the federal taxpayers' money where there
is only temporary economic difficulty, curable without the special federal
assistance provided in the bill. In consequence, communities in genuine
need would receive less federal help for industrial development projects
than under the Administration's proposal.
2. Essential local, State and private initiative would be materially
inhibited by the excessive federal participation that S. 722 would authorize.
3. Federal financing of plant machinery and equipment is unwise
and unnecessary and therefore wasteful of money that otherwise could
be of real help.
4. The federal loan assistance which S. 722 would provide for the
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Public Papers of the Presidents
construction of sewers, water mains, access roads and other public facilities is unnecessary because such assistance is already available under an
existing Government program. Outright grants for such a purpose, a
provision of S. 722, are wholly inappropriate.
5. The provisions for federal loans for the construction of industrial
buildings in rural areas are incongruous and unnecessary.
6. The creation of a new federal agency is not needed and would
actually delay initiation of the new program for many months.
I.
The most striking defect of S. 722 is that it would make eligible for
federal assistance areas that don't need it-thus providing less help for
communities in genuine need than would the Administration's proposal.
S. 722, as opposed to the Administration bill, would more than double
the number of eligible communities competing for federal participation
in loans for the construction or refurbishing of plants for industrial usethe main objective of both bills. Communities experiencing only temporary economic difficulty would accordingly be made eligible under
S. 722 and the dissipation of federal help among them would deprive
communities afflicted with truly chronic unemployment of the full measure
of assistance they so desperately desire and which the Administration bill
would give them.
II.
Lasting solutions to the problems of chronic unemployment can only
be forthcoming if local citizens-the people most immediately concernedtake the lead in planning and financing them. The principal objective
is to develop new industry. The Federal Government can and should
help, but the major role in the undertaking must be the local community's.
Neither money alone, nor the Federal Government alone, can do the job.
The States also must help, and many are, but in many instances and in
many ways they could do much more.
Under S. 722, however, financing of industrial development projects
by the Federal Government-limited to 35% under the Administration's
proposal-could go as high as 65 %, local community participation could
be as low as Io% and private financing as little as 5%. Furthermore,
although S. 722 conditions this assistance on approval by a local economic
development organization, if no such organization exists one can be
appointed from Washington.
418
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
e 146
III.
S. 722 would authorize federal loans for the acquisition of machinery
and equipment to manufacturers locating in eligible areas. Loans for
machinery and equipment are unnecessary, unwise and costly. Much
more money would be required and unnecessarily spent, much less money
would find its way into truly helpful projects, and manufacturers would
be subsidized unnecessarily vis-a-vis their competitors.
IV.
S. 722 would authorize further unnecessary spending by providing
both loans and grants-up to ioo00% of the cost-for the construction of
access roads, sewers, water mains and other local public facilities.
Grants for local public facilities far exceed any appropriate federal
responsibility. Even though relatively modest at the start, they would
set predictably expensive and discriminatory precedents.
With regard to loans for such purposes, exemption from federal income
taxes makes it possible today for local communities in almost every case
to borrow on reasonable terms from private sources. Whenever such
financing is difficult to obtain, the need can be filled by the existing Public
Facility Loan Program of the Housing and Home Finance Agency-a
program which S. 722 would needlessly duplicate and for which an
additional $00oo million authorization has already been requested.
v.
S. 722 would make a minimum of 6oo rural counties eligible for federal
loans for the construction of industrial buildings in such areas. The
Rural Development Program and the Small Business Administration are
already contributing greatly to the economic improvement of low income
rural areas. Increasing the impact of these two activities, particularly
the Rural Development Program, is a preferable course.
VI.
Finally, S. 722 would also create a new federal agency and would, in
consequence, mean many unnecessary additions to the federal payroll and
a considerable delay in the program before the new agency could be
staffed and functioning effectively. None of this is necessary, for all that
needs to be done can be done-much better and immediately-by the
existing Department of Commerce.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Again, I strongly urge the Congress to enact new legislation at this
session-but without those features of S. 722 that I find objectionable. I
would, however, accept the eligibility criteria set forth in the bill that first
passed the Senate even though these criteria are broader than those contained in the Administration bill.
Moreover, during the process of developing a new bill, I would hope
that in other areas of past differences solutions could be found satisfactory to both the Congress and the Executive.
My profound hope is that sound, new legislation will be promptly
enacted. If it is, our communities of chronic unemployment will be only
the immediate beneficiaries. A tone will have been set that would hold
forth, for the remainder of the session, the hope of sound and rewarding
legislation in other vital areas-mutual security, wheat, sugar, minimum
wage, interest rates, revenue measures, medical care for the aged and
aid to education to mention but a few.
Only this result can truly serve the finest and best interests of all our
people.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
I47 4J Remarks UponArrival at OrlyAirport in
Paris. May I 5, I 960
ONCE AGAIN I am privileged to come to France, this beautiful France,
to salute a great people and their leader. I have come here to join with
the leaders of France, Great Britain and the Soviet Union in discussions
of historic importance.
The American Government's participation is undertaken not to seek
any advantage at another's expense; rather it hopes to prove equally
with any other its sincere dedication to peace with justice.
Mankind knows that the effects of nuclear war would be not only
horrible but universal. Mankind expects the participants in this summit
meeting to work honestly and intelligently for measures toward genuine
peace.
The hopes of humanity call on the four of us to purge our minds of
prejudice, and our hearts of rancor. Far too much is at stake to indulge
in profitless bickering. The issues that divide the free world from the
Soviet bloc are grave and not subject to easy solution. But if goodwill
420
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
I 148
exists on both sides, at least a beginning can be made. The West, I am
sure, will meet Mr. Khrushchev halfway in every honest effort in this
direction. America will go every foot that safety and honor permit.
It will be a pleasure to meet again with my old friends President
de Gaulle and Prime Minister Macmillan. I hope to meet another friend,
Chancellor Adenauer, this afternoon. I have talked with all three of
these leaders in recent weeks, and we have had opportunity to discuss
the issues before us. Unity on great principles and purposes strengthens
the Western powers as the eyes of the world turn towards Paris. I pray
that the grace of God will be with us to direct our efforts so that progress
toward a just peace may be achieved.
I48 'f Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Mutual SecurityAct of 1960. May 16, 1960
I HAVE SIGNED into law the Mutual Security Act of I960.
I am highly gratified by the action of the Congress on this measure.
The Act embodies essentially all of the requests I have put forward as
necessary for the successful continuation of the Mutual Security Program,
and, with one regrettable exception, the Congress has resisted the addition
of amendments which would adversely affect our foreign relations or impair the administration of the Program.
I believe it is impressive that, after extensive and searching hearings
on the bill conducted by the authorizing committees of both Houses, the
Congress concluded that substantially all of the funds requested are necessary for carrying forward important economic aspects of the Program.
The same high degree of responsibility and regard for our national interests will, I trust, result in not only the full sums now authorized for certain
economic programs but also in the full appropriations which I have requested as necessary to provide for the Development Loan Fund and the
Military Assistance Program.
NOTE: The Mutual Security Act of I960 President on May I4 (74 Stat. 134).
is Public Law 86-472, signed by the The statement was released in
Washington.
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149 (I Message to the Congress Transmitting the
Civil Service Commission's First Report Under the
Government Employees Training Act.
May i6, i960
[ Released May I 6, I 960. Dated May 14, I 960]
To the Congress of the United States:
The Government Employees Training Act (P.L. 85-507) directs the
Civil Service Commission to submit annually to the President for his
approval and transmittal to the Congress a report with respect to the
training of employees of the Government under the authority of the Act.
I am transmitting to you with this letter the Commission's report entitled,
"Employee Training for Better Public Service."
It is my firm conviction that training has long been essential for the
successful operation of Federal agencies. Today's demands, however,
bring a new urgency to training, especially for our career managers. I
have, therefore, recently asked all agency heads to strengthen their programs for the selection, development, and training of these key officials.
This directive is in addition to that issued in I955 which supported all
types of training.
The action of the Congress in broadening authority to train Federal
employees was a healthy and progressive move. The Commission's report shows that Federal officials have made intelligent use of their authority under the Act and that it has helped to meet an urgent need. I was
particularly interested in the Commission's comments on "The Future,"
which point out two important areas needing improvement-Planning,
and Budgeting and Scheduling for Training Activities.
The Commission's report is encouraging and its suggestions to the
agencies sound. A good beginning has been made under the authority
granted by the Congress.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The 38-page report, dated May Post Office and Civil Service (GovernI960, was published as a Senate Commit- ment Printing Office, i960).
tee Print by the Senate Committee on the The message was released in
Washington.
422
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
(; I50
150 41 Veto of Bill for Relief of Universal Trades,
Inc. May i6, I960
[Released May I6, I960. Dated May I4, 1960]
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 1456, a bill for the relief
of Universal Trades, Incorporated.
The Renegotiation Board, in 1955, ordered Universal Trades, Incorporated, to refund to the Government $50,000 in excessive profits, subject
to applicable Federal tax credits. The law provides a go-day period,
after the conclusion of the Renegotiation Board proceeding, in which to
apply for a review of the case by The Tax Court of the United States.
Universal Trades did not file such a petition.
Under H.R. 1456 jurisdiction would now be conferred on The Tax
Court-some five years after the expiration of the 9o-day period.
Universal Trades claims that income of $92,481.54 was improperly
included in its I952 renegotiation proceeding. A change in the company's accounting method did move this income from 1952 to I953 for
income tax purposes, but for renegotiation purposes no such transfer was
made. This treatment was equitable, appropriate for renegotiation purposes, and in accordance with the Renegotiation Act.
Finally, no valid justification appears for the corporation's failure to
file a petition with the Tax Court within the prescribed 90-day period.
At all times before and after issuance of the Board's order, Universal
Trades was in full possession of the facts pertaining to the accounting
method used by the Board.
Under the circumstances, therefore, I am constrained to withhold my
approval from the bill.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The veto message was released in Washington.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
I 5 I ( Veto of a Bill Relating to the Income Tax
Treatment of Nonrefundable Capital
Contributions to Federal National Mortgage
Association. May i6, i960
[ Released May i6, i960. Dated May I4, i960]
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 7947 entitled "An Act
Relating to the income tax treatment of nonrefundable capital contributions to Federal National Mortgage Association."
When a financial institution sells a mortgage to the Federal National
Mortgage Association, the institution is required to purchase shares of
Association common stock at par value in an amount equal to 2 percent
of the unpaid principal of the mortgage. The market price for this common stock has been appreciably lower than its par value. H.R. 7947
would permit the financial institution to deduct as a business expense the
difference between par value and market value when it sells the common
stock it was required to purchase.
I am sympathetic with the objectives of the bill. But it provides for
the retroactive application of the proposed amendment in a highly discriminatory manner. This is a defect which is sufficiently serious to require my disapproval. Generally, changes in the tax laws should only
apply prospectively, for retroactive amendments result in substantial
administrative problems. Wholly apart from this, however, the particular provision for retroactivity in H.R. 7947 would benefit only those
taxpayers who previously claimed the deduction contrary to the announced position of the Internal Revenue Service; the bill would not
permit refund or credit to those taxpayers who accepted the position of
the Internal Revenue Service and paid their taxes. I cannot approve
such discrimination.
In view of this defect, I withhold my approval from H.R. 7947.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The veto message was released in Washington.
424
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I I 52
152 eI Special Message to the Congress
Concerning the Proposed Freedom Monument.
May i6, I960
[ Released May i 6, I 960. Dated May I4, I 960]
To the Congress of the United States:
I am enclosing for the consideration of the Congress a report of the
National Monument Commission submitted as directed by the Act of
August 3I, I954. I have requested the Secretary of the Interior to submit to the Congress a proposed bill embodying the Commission's
recommendations.
The Commission's report recommends an approved design for the
Freedom Monument, asks that the Commission be authorized to erect
the Monument, suggests that the number of private citizens serving on the
Commission be increased from four to eight, asks the Congress to authorize the appropriation of $ I 2 million as the Federal share of the cost of
construction, and requests that the Commission be authorized to solicit
private contributions for the remaining cost of the Monument.
The Act of August 31, 1954, created the National Monument Commission for the purpose of securing designs and plans for a useful monument to the Nation symbolizing to the United States and the world the
ideals of our democracy as embodied in the five freedoms-speech, religion, press, assembly, and petition-sanctified by the Bill of Rights
adopted by Congress in I 789 and later ratified by the States.
I believe it important that the story of the noble ideas which shaped
our country's beginning, its course, its great moments, and the men who
made it possible, be ever present in the minds of Americans. This purpose can be furthered in a variety of ways, but the simplest and most
effective of all methods in my judgment is to present it impressively in
visual form. The erection of the Freedom Monument would accomplish that objective. The National Capital area is adorned by a galaxy
of memorials to individuals but nowhere in the Nation's Capital or this
Nation can one find a memorial to the principles and ideals upon which
our Government is based.
The Commission, since its creation, has placed the ideas I have mentioned on the drawing board. It is intimately acquainted with the prob
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Public Papers of the Presidents
lems involved in the erection of the Monument; it has advanced the
memorial; and I recommend that the Commission be authorized to complete the task.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message was released in Washington. The report of the National Monument Commission was not printed.
I 53 eI Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the
United Givers Fund Campaign in the National
Capital Area. May i 6, I 960
[ Released May i6, I 960. Dated May I4, I 960]
To the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies:
This fall, the United Givers Fund will conduct its fifth annual Campaign in the National Capital Area. Nearly 150 local and national agencies in Washington and nearby Maryland and Virginia-providing vitally
needed health and welfare services to our community-will seek our voluntary support during this Campaign.
Among the agencies that benefit from our gifts are the six area chapters
of the American National Red Cross, the Salvation Army, the Family
Service Associations, the Boy and Girl Scouts, the Mental Health Associations and other health agencies, and the USO. Scores of others provide
Child Care, Care for the Aged, Hospital and Medical care and many
other services to meet human needs.
I am happy to announce that the Honorable Robert B. Anderson, Secretary of the Treasury, has accepted the chairmanship of the Government
Unit for the I 960 United Givers Fund Campaign. I know that all Government personnel in the Washington area will want to join with him in
making this fund-raising effort an outstanding success.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The memorandum was released in Washington.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
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I54 jI Statement by the President Concerning the
Position Taken by Chairman Khrushchev at the
Opening of the Summit Conference.
May I6, I960
HAVING BEEN INFORMED yesterday by General de Gaulle and
Prime Minister Macmillan of the position which Mr. Khrushchev has
taken in regard to this conference during his calls yesterday morning on
them, I gave most careful thought as to how this matter should best be
handled. Having in mind the great importance of this conference and
the hopes that the peoples of all the world have reposed in this meeting,
I concluded that in the circumstances it was best to see if at today's
private meeting any possibility existed through the exercise of reason and
restraint to dispose of this matter of the overflights, which would have
permitted the conference to go forward.
I was under no illusion as to the probability of success of any such
approach but I felt that in view of the great responsibility resting on me
as President of the United States this effort should be made.
In this I received the strongest support of my colleagues President
de Gaulle and Prime Minister Macmillan. Accordingly, at this morning's private session, despite the violence and inaccuracy of Mr. Khrushchev's statements, I replied to him on the following terms:
"I had previously been informed of the sense of the statement just
read by Premier Khrushchev.
"In my statement of May IIth and in the statement of Secretary
Herter of May 9th, the position of the United States was made clear
with respect to the distasteful necessity of espionage activities in a world
where nations distrust each other's intentions. We pointed out that
these activities had no aggressive intent but rather were to assure the
safety of the United States and the free world against surprise attack by a
power which boasts of its ability to devastate the United States and
other countries by missiles armed with atomic warheads. As is well
known, not only the United States but most other countries are constantly the targets of elaborate and persistent espionage of the Soviet
Union.
"There is in the Soviet statement an evident misapprehension on one
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key point. It alleges that the United States has, through official statements, threatened continued overflights. The importance of this alleged
threat was emphasized and repeated by Mr. Khrushchev. The United
States has made no such threat. Neither I nor my government has
intended any. The actual statements go no further than to say that
the United States will not shirk its responsibility to safeguard against
surprise attack.
"In point of fact, these flights were suspended after the recent incident
and are not to be resumed. Accordingly, this cannot be the issue.
"I have come to Paris to seek agreements with the Soviet Union which
would eliminate the necessity for all forms of espionage, including overflights. I see no reason to use this incident to disrupt the conference.
"Should it prove impossible, because of the Soviet attitude, to come
to grips here in Paris with this problem and the other vital issues threatening world peace, I am planning in the near future to submit to the
United Nations a proposal for the creation of a United Nations aerial
surveillance to detect preparations for attack. This plan I had intended
to place before this conference. This surveillance system would operate
in the territories of all nations prepared to accept such inspection. For
its part, the United States is prepared not only to accept United Nations
aerial surveillance, but to do everything in its power to contribute to the
rapid organization and successful operation of such international
surveillance.
"We of the United States are here to consider in good faith the important problems before this conference. We are prepared either to
carry this point no further, or to undertake bilateral conversations between
the United States and the U.S.S.R. while the main conference proceeds."
My words were seconded and supported by my Western colleagues who
also urged Mr. Khrushchev to pursue the path of reason and common
sense, and to forget propaganda. Such an attitude would have permitted
the conference to proceed. Mr. Khrushchev was left in no doubt by me
that his ultimatum would never be acceptable to the United States.
Mr. Khrushchev brushed aside all arguments of reason, and not only
insisted upon this ultimatum, but also insisted that he was going to publish
his statement in full at the time of his own choosing.
It was thus made apparent that he was determined to wreck the Paris
conference.
In fact, the only conclusion that can be drawn from his behavior this
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
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morning was that he came all the way from Moscow to Paris with the sole
intention of sabotaging this meeting on which so much of the hopes of
the world have rested.
In spite of this serious and adverse development, I have no intention
whatsoever to diminish my continuing efforts to promote progress toward
a peace with justice. This applies to the remainder of my stay in Paris
as well as thereafter.
NOTE: The President's statement of May
I I was read at his news conference of
that date (Item 143). Secretary Herter's
statement of May 9 is published in the
Department of State Bulletin (vol. 42, p.
816).
This statement was released in Paris.
155 J Joint Statement With President de Gaulle
and Prime Minister Macmillan Concerning the
Summit Conference. May 17, I960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States, the President of the French
Republic and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom take note of the
fact that because of the attitude adopted by the Chairman of the Council
of Ministers of the Soviet Union it has not been possible to begin, at the
Summit Conference, the examination of the problems which it had been
agreed would be discussed between the four Chiefs of State or Government.
They regret that these discussions, so important for world peace, could
not take place. For their part, they remain unshaken in their conviction
that all outstanding international questions should be settled not by the
use or threat of force but by peaceful means through negotiation. They
themselves remain ready to take part in such negotiations at any suitable
time in the future.
NOTE: Shortly before the release of the
joint statement, the Press Secretary issued
the following paper:
"The President understands from the
invitation of President de Gaulle, the host
and chairman, that the meeting which
he has called for this afternoon will be a
formal session of the Conference at the
Summit. In this light, the Conference
will address itself to the subjects which
had originally been accepted for
discussion.
"In accepting this invitation, the
President of the United States assumes
that acceptance by the Soviet representative of the same invitation to attend this
meeting would constitute a withdrawal
on his part of the 'conditions' which had
already been refused by the President."
On May I8 it was announced that the
President, the President of France, and
the Prime Minister of Great Britain met
for one hour at the Elysee Palace with
their Foreign Ministers to hear the min
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Public Papers of the Presidents
isters report on their discussions that ing the President remained for a farewell
morning concerning the international sit- visit with President de Gaulle.
uation then prevailing. After the meet- The joint statement was released in
Paris.
I56 41 RemarksatOrlyAirport,Paris,Before
LeavingforLisbon. May i9, i960
AGAIN I HAVE the opportunity to say adieu to France. I share the
disappointment of my colleagues that because of our inability to convene
the Summit Conference, we could make no progress toward easing the
tensions that so plague mankind. But I equally share their confidence
that because of this setback we of the Western Allies, particularly France,
Britain, and the United States, both through their governments and
through their people, are joined even closer than before in their determined pursuit of peace with justice in the world.
And so now I say, or express my deep gratitude to the people of France
who have made our stay here so enjoyable personally and who have been
so generous in their extension of courteous hospitality. It is a lovely
country that I hope in the coming months and years to visit often.
Thank you all very much.
157 eI Remarks Upon Arrival at Portela Airport,
Lisbon. May i 91 I 960
MR. PRESIDENT, I thank you most sincerely for your warm words of
welcome.
It is 9 years since I last visited this lovely land. It was a January day
of beautiful sunshine, and I recall very vividly the opportunity I had to
see from the vantage point of the Edward VII Park the lovely city of
Lisbon.
Now I am particularly fortunate that I come back when you are celebrating your Fifth Centenary of Prince Henry the Great Navigator. His
studies and leadership were the very inspiration for the great age of exploration. And the American people join your people in the salute to
this great gentleman, a man whose genius did so much to enrich both our
country and yours.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I I 58
Finally, I come back to tell you that there are no great problems between the United States and Portugal. Our entire history since the birth
of my Nation has been that of friendship, and in friendship we are members of the United Nations; we are both members of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, an alliance that seeks only security and peace.
And our two nations, despite obstacles set in our paths by others, will
continue the march towards peace and freedom.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:58 a.m. Sreitas, Portuguese Chief of Protocol, and
He was met by President Americo Deus U.S. Ambassador C. Burke Elbrick.
Rodriques Thomaz, Dr. C. Arreiro de
I 58 41 Remarks to the Staff of the U.S. Embassy
and the American Community in Lisbon.
May i9, i960
THANK YOU very much. Did you see that cartoon not long ago where
it says, "The next speaker needs all the introduction he can get"? Well,
I rather feel that way, after coming from this last meeting in Paris.
While none of the world-certainly none of the free world-thought
that there was going to be any great revolutionary gains, still we had a
right to hope, I think, that there would be some further amelioration of
those conditions that seem to cause so much disorder and tension in the
world. I think that you deserve to know that the Western representatives-the representatives of Great Britain and of France, and the company that went with me to Paris-did their very best to bring about this
kind of condition. And certainly every one of us answered abuse with
decency and logic, and accusation with a simple statement of facts.
Now I think there is no reason to be particularly dismayed or disheartened. This kind of struggle has been going on for a long time, but I
think it does mean this: each of us, and particularly those who are living
here all the time in an Embassy and in other activities that come under
the general purview of the governmental activities of America, have to
work a little bit harder.
We do know that we have a tremendous friend in Portugal. We
have to strengthen that friendship, because every time we have a setback
in the effort to bring about better conditions between the two opposite
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Public Papers of the Presidents
camps of the world, this means that our own camp must be brought
closer together by voluntary effort, by deeper convictions, by more
dedication to the great cause of peace with justice in freedom.
So when I meet members of this kind of a colony-and I have
done so now, I suppose, in the last few months in 15 or i6 countries-I
never fail to get some inspiration, because I know that they are working
so hard.
Perhaps leaders here and there may make mistakes, but at least they
certainly never make the mistake of deprecating or of minimizing the
value of the work you people are doing. So I say, rather than being
dismayed, we have to tighten our belts, put our chins up a little higher,
and if we can, be more eloquent in telling the story that we have.
To meet such a group as this, always far away-far from home, we
feel somewhat like we are at home again. This is not only an inspiration, it is a great joy, a lot of fun-normally along with you come all the
little youngsters, who sit in front and I really think I have more fun
with them than I do some of you grownups, because I think possibly
I am one of those simple creatures who thinks in those terms, and we
get along famously.
But to each of you-first of all, I thank you for coming out, doing
me the honor to come here to meet with me just briefly. I also repeat
my appreciation for what you are doing, and in a more official sense, my
gratitude and my thanks for what the people and those like you all
around the world are doing to present the picture. And I will tell you
flatly: I have gone many, many places, in different kinds of countries,
and there's one book that was written that I felt did more disservice to
the honest public servant of America, doing exactly what you people are
doing, than any other.
There were obviously some elements of truth in what he said, but
the exaggeration and the distortion to my mind were sickening.
So to you I want to say thanks, as earnestly as I can. And if I can
say one more word: keep it up, and a little bit stronger, a little better, a
little bigger.
I am very proud of every one of you.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at I2:55 p.m. in a reception room at Queluz Palace,
his official residence while in Lisbon.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I i60
159 1 Toast by the President at a Luncheon
Given in His Honor by President Thomaz at Ajuda
Palace. May 19, 1960
Mr. President, Mrs. Thomaz, ladies and gentlemen:
I am grateful for your words to me, my country, and the people of
the United States.
In the past, hardy Portuguese explorers spent many months penetrating
the uncharted distances between our two continents. Today the space
between us has been reduced to a few hours on a jet plane. May this
shrinking distance symbolize the ever more binding ties between our two
nations.
Founding partners in the NATO alliance, we are of a like abiding confidence in its strength and in the ideals which it seeks to preserve and
defend.
Ladies and gentlemen, to Portuguese-American friendship: may it be in
the future as it has been in the past-warm, steadfast, and enduring.
Ladies and gentlemen, will you join me in a Toast to the President of
Portugal.
i60 f[ Toastbythe Presidentat a DinnerGiven
in Honor of President Thomaz at Queluz Palace.
May 19, 1960
TODAY was a marvelous day. After the deceptions that brought about
the failure of our efforts to achieve a top level conference, the welcome
which I received during my visit to Portugal was an antidote. I am
absolutely certain that other countries, too, will not feel discouraged at
the result and the failure of our efforts. On the contrary it will constitute
an incentive to continue our attempts to achieve peace with justice.
In the past, all generations have had to face problems which appeared
to them to be insoluble. Our generation is no exception. It also has
problems to face all over the world. There is the problem of the threat
of communism, which by means of economic, financial, political, and
subversive penetrations imperil what we are trying to defend. But communism isn't the only problem that we have to face. There are others
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equally difficult, such as sickness, misery, illiteracy, human suffering, and
so many others. And we all know that if we leave them unsolved, we
shall not be able to achieve our objectives of peace and justice. These
problems know no geographical frontiers. And in order to solve all the
difficulties which we shall have to face in all parts of the world, it will be
essential for us to join our forces.
But if at times we feel disheartened and discouraged by the magnitude
of the obstacles with which we are faced, all we need to do is to look back
upon the Age of the Great Discoveries of Portugal, to encounter there the
inspiration which is indispensable to us today.
The great Infante Don Henrique didn't lose heart in the face of the
problems which he proposed to solve. He didn't lose courage in the
course of his efforts and didn't turn back from the unknown, that unknown which terrified the peoples of the past, the unknown in which to
adventure was the same as being lost. And there is also another great
figure: Vasco da Gama. Both had the courage to put their shoulders to
great undertakings. Neither of them hesitated in the face of mystery.
Perhaps those two figures of your history may have contributed more to
enrich the life of humanity than has the scientific knowledge of the two
last decades.
But leaders of this stature exist also in the world of today. We have
them with us. Observe your country and note the progress and the improvements brought about here during the nine years since my last visit
under the leadership of your Prime Minister, Dr. Salazar.
That vision, courage, and tenacity of the Portuguese navigators we still
find today to resolve great questions not so much for ourselves but for the
benefit of others. What I see here did not occur by chance: it was necessary to make plans and the plans had to be carried out.
For this reason I am absolutely certain that the apparently insoluble
problems of today can be solved by means of a close union between our
peoples and our Governments. I am profoundly convinced that if we
join our capacities, our energies-and intelligence, and the will of Portugal and of the United States, we shall be able to show the way to other
countries-and then, together we shall achieve victory at the end of each
daily road.
I toast this Nation-the happiness of the Portuguese people-symbolized by President Americo Thomaz who also represents courage, willpower, vision, the past and the future of the great Portuguese people.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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i 6 I Remarks at Portela Airport, Lisbon,
Before Leaving for Washington. May 20, I 960
Mr. President, and all citizens of this lovely and friendly country:
First of all, Mr. President, will you permit me a word of congratulations to the Armed Services for the beauty and character of the arrival
and departure ceremonies. Never have I seen any more impressive than
this.
Twenty-four hours is far too short a time to spend in your lovely
country. As in my visit here in I95I, I have been impressed by the
beauty of Portugal and by the friendliness and hospitality of the Portuguese people. Equally impressive are the signs of real progress. Today
I saw whole communities which in my visit in I95i did not exist.
Brief as this visit was, I believe it has been productive of many useful
results. My talks with President Thomaz and with the President of the
Council, Dr. Salazar, have been conducted in a spirit of complete mutual
understanding. All of us realize that we are united in a common cause
and that each of us, in his own way, shares a part of the responsibility of
striving for a peaceful and better world. Moreover, our talks together
have once again affirmed the spirit of friendship and good will that has
always characterized the relations between Portugal and the United
States.
The time has come to say goodbye. It is with the greatest reluctance
that I take my leave after this pleasant stay with you.
But in the name of the American people, I salute the Portuguese nation,
its distinguished leaders, and its wonderful, warm-hearted citizens. My
deepest gratitude and thanks go to all who have made this visit so
pleasant and memorable.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:4o a.m.
I 62 C[ Remarks Upon Arrival at Andrews Air
Force Base. May 20, I 960
Aly good friends and fellow citizens:
After a trip of this kind you can well understand what it means to me
to have this kind of a welcome. I am deeply appreciative of the trouble
60295 -61 31
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Public Papers of the Presidents
that each of you took to come out to this spot. It truly means a lot to me.
As we planned for the Summit, the hopes of the world were not too
high. The experience of the past years had denied us any right to believe
that great advances toward the purposes we seek-peace with justicecould be achieved in any great measure. Yet, it seems that the identity
of interest between ourselves and the Soviets in certain features was so
obvious that logically we should have made some progress.
Certainly the subjects on which we wanted to talk were those that
seemed so important to them-for example, disarmament; the widening
of contacts so that we would have open societies, or slightly more open
societies, dealing with each other; then the matter of Berlin and a divided
Germany; and finally, as between Russia, and the U.K., and ourselves
some agreement on a plan for control of nuclear testing.
Therefore, it was a mystery and remains a mystery as to why, at this
particular moment, the Soviets chose so to distort and overplay the U-2
incident that they obviously wanted no talks of any kind, and in fact,
made it impossible to begin them. I am not going to speculate today as
to the future, but it is quite clear that since they wanted no talks whatsoever at this time that we can be watchful for more irritations, possibly
other incidents that can be more than annoying, sometimes creating real
problems.
For example, just today a half hour before I landed, it was reported to
me that there is a C-47 missing in Western Germany. This is an unarmed, slow plane-no possibility of being used for military purposesand in fact, I believe it had nine passengers aboard. There was some bad
weather and its route took it near the Eastern German border. We do
not know at this moment that any deliberate act delayed it, but at least
it is overdue. And so, in the atmosphere in which we now have to think
and live we cannot be sure that the worst has not happened.
Now, I may want to talk soon to the Nation about these matters, and
for that part of it, I now stop. But I do want to tell all of you people
about three or four encouraging features that I encountered. First of all
was the assurance of the support of the home folks-from friends, and
from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, from the political leaders of both parties,
from newspaper comments and editorial comment of every kind. I was
assured of the essential solidarity of the United States and of the sincerity
of our peaceful purposes.
Secondly, was the conduct of my two principal colleagues of the West.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q i63
Mr. Macmillan and General de Gaulle were superb. They spoke with
one voice with our delegation in support of those things that we thought
right and decent and logical.
Thirdly, was an action on the part of the NATO Council yesterday
when Secretary Herter reported to them while I was in Portugal. The
NATO Resolution unanimously supported the three Western powers in
what we were trying to do.
And finally, the Portuguese reception: in a way I think they wanted to
provide the United States and the West-and even me personally-with
something of an antidote for some of the disappointments we have felt.
Government and citizens alike tried to outdo themselves in the warmth
and cordiality of their receptions, and on top of that, in their assurances
from every side-newspapers, the officials, common people coming in
who were serving us in the Palace-everywhere they said, "The West,
in effect, is right, and we want you to know it." And they used every
possible way to do it. And for that day in Portugal yesterday I am
grateful.
Finally, since most of you will understand that by our time here it
was one o'clock when I arose this morning I am sure you expected nothing
of eloquence. But I did want sincerely to give you some of my reactions,
convictions, as of this moment, and to say again to each of you-thank you
very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke at 3 p.m.
163 ([ Radio and Television Report to the
American People on the Events in Paris.
May 25, 1960
[ Delivered from the President's Office at 8 p.m. ]
My fellow Americans:
Tonight I want to talk with you about the remarkable events last
week in Paris, and their meaning to our future.
First, I am deeply grateful to the many thousands of you, and to
representatives in Congress, who sent me messages of encouragement
and support while I was in Paris, and later upon my return to Washington. Your messages clearly revealed your abiding loyalty to America's
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Public Papers of the Presidents
great purpose —that of pursuing, from a position of spiritual, moral and
material strength-a lasting peace with justice.
You recall, of course, why I went to Paris ten days ago.
Last summer and fall I had many conversations with world leaders;
some of these were with Chairman Khrushchev, here in America. Over
those months a small improvement in relations between the Soviet
Union and the West seemed discernible. A possibility developed that
the Soviet leaders might at last be ready for serious talks about our most
persistent problems-those of disarmament, mutual inspection, atomic
control, and Germany, including Berlin.
To explore that possibility, our own and the British and French leaders
met together, and later we agreed, with the Soviet leaders, to gather in
Paris on May i 6.
Of course we had no indication or thought that basic Soviet policies
had turned about. But when there is even the slightest chance of
strengthening peace, there can be no higher obligation than to pursue it.
Nor had our own policies changed. We did hope to make some progress in a Summit meeting, unpromising though previous experiences had
been. But as we made preparations for this meeting, we did not drop
our guard nor relax our vigilance.
Our safety, and that of the free world, demand, of course, effective
systems for gathering information about the military capabilities of other
powerful nations, especially those that make a fetish of secrecy. This
involves many techniques and methods. In these times of vast military
machines and nuclear-tipped missiles, the ferreting out of this information is indispensable to free world security.
This has long been one of my most serious preoccupations. It is part
of my grave responsibility, within the over-all problem of protecting the
American people, to guard ourselves and our allies against surprise attack.
During the period leading up to World War II we learned from bitter
experience the imperative necessity of a continuous gathering of intelligence information, the maintenance of military communications and contact, and alertness of command.
An additional word seems appropriate about this matter of communications and command. While the Secretary of Defense and I were in
Paris, we were, of course, away from our normal command posts. He
recommended that under the circumstances we test the continuing readiness of our military communications. I personally approved. Such
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(e i63
tests are valuable and will be frequently repeated in the future.
Moreover, as President, charged by the Constitution with the conduct
of America's foreign relations, and as Commander-in-Chief, charged
with the direction of the operations and activities of our Armed Forces
and their supporting services, I take full responsibility for approving all
the various programs undertaken by our government to secure and
evaluate military intelligence.
It was in the prosecution of one of these intelligence programs that the
widely publicized U-2 incident occurred.
Aerial photography has been one of many methods we have used to
keep ourselves and the free world abreast of major Soviet military developments. The usefulness of this work has been well established through
four years of effort. The Soviets were well aware of it. Chairman
Khrushchev has stated that he became aware of these flights several years
ago. Only last week, in his Paris press conference, Chairman Khrushchev confirmed that he knew of these flights when he visited the United
States last September.
Incidentally, this raises the natural question-why all the furor concerning one particular flight? He did not, when in America last September charge that these flights were any threat to Soviet safety. He did
not then see any reason to refuse to confer with American representatives.
This he did only about the flight that unfortuately failed, on May i,
far inside Russia.
Now, two questions have been raised about this particular flight; first,
as to its timing, considering the imminence of the Summit meeting; second, our initial statements when we learned the flight had failed.
As to the timing, the question was really whether to halt the program
and thus forego the gathering of important information that was essential
and that was likely to be unavailable at a later date. The decision was
that the program should not be halted.
The plain truth is this: when a nation needs intelligence activity, there
is no time when vigilance can be relaxed. Incidentally, from Pearl
Harbor we learned that even negotiation itself can be used to conceal
preparations for a surprise attack.
Next, as to our government's initial statement about the flight, this
was issued to protect the pilot, his mission, and our intelligence processes,
at a time when the true facts were still undetermined.
Our first information about the failure of this mission did not disclose
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Public Papers of the Presidents
whether the pilot was still alive, was trying to escape, was avoiding
interrogation, or whether both plane and pilot had been destroyed.
Protection of our intelligence system and the pilot, and concealment of
the plane's mission, seemed imperative. It must be remembered that
over a long period, these flights had given us information of the greatest
importance to the nation's security. In fact, their success has been
nothing short of remarkable.
For these reasons, what is known in intelligence circles as a "covering
statement" was issued. It was issued on assumptions that were later
proved incorrect. Consequently, when later the status of the pilot was
definitely established, and there was no further possibility of avoiding
exposure of the project, the factual details were set forth.
I then made two facts clear to the public: first, our program of aerial
reconnaissance had been undertaken with my approval; second, this
government is compelled to keep abreast, by one means or another, of
military activities of the Soviets, just as their government has for years
engaged in espionage activities in our country and throughout the world.
Our necessity to proceed with such activities was also asserted by our
Secretary of State who, however, had been careful-as was I-not to
say that these particular flights would be continued.
In fact, before leaving Washington, I had directed that these U-2
flights be stopped. Clearly their usefulness was impaired. Moreover,
continuing this particular activity in these new circumstances could not
but complicate the relations of certain of our allies with the Soviets.
And of course, new techniques, other than aircraft, are constantly being
developed.
Now I wanted no public announcement of this decision until I could
personally disclose it at the Summit meeting in conjunction with certain
proposals I had prepared for the conference.
At my first Paris meeting with Mr. Khrushchev, and before his tirade
was made public, I informed him of this discontinuance and the character
of the constructive proposals I planned to make. These contemplated
the establishment of a system of aerial surveillance operated by the
United Nations.
The day before the first scheduled meeting, Mr. Khrushchev had
advised President de Gaulle and Prime Minister Macmillan that he
would make certain demands upon the United States as a precondition
for beginning a Summit conference.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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Although the United States was the only power against which he
expressed his displeasure, he did not communicate this information to me.
I was, of course, informed by our allies.
At the four power meeting on Monday morning, he demanded of
the United States four things: first, condemnation of U-2 flights as a
method of espionage; second, assurance that they would not be continued;
third, a public apology on behalf of the United States; and, fourth,
punishment of all those who had any responsibility respecting this particular mission.
I replied by advising the Soviet leader that I had, during the previous
week, stopped these flights and that they would not be resumed. I offered
also to discuss the matter with him in personal meetings, while the regular
business of the Summit might proceed. Obviously, I would not respond
to his extreme demands. He knew, of course, by holding to those
demands the Soviet Union was scuttling the Summit Conference.
In torpedoing the conference, Mr. Khrushchev claimed that he acted
as the result of his own high moral indignation over alleged American
acts of aggression. As I said earlier, he had known of these flights for
a long time. It is apparent that the Soviets had decided even before the
Soviet delegation left Moscow that my trip to the Soviet Union should
be cancelled and that nothing constructive from their viewpoint would
come out of the Summit Conference.
In evaluating the results, however, I think we must not write the
record all in red ink. There are several things to be written in the black.
Perhaps the Soviet action has turned the clock back in some measure,
but it should be noted that Mr. Khrushchev did not go beyond invectivea time-worn Soviet device to achieve an immediate objective. In this
case, the wrecking of the Conference.
On our side, at Paris, we demonstrated once again America's willingness, and that of her allies, always to go the extra mile in behalf of peace.
Once again, Soviet intransigence reminded us all of the unpredictability
of despotic rule, and the need for those who work for freedom to stand
together in determination and in strength.
The conduct of our allies was magnificent. My colleagues and
friends-President de Gaulle and Prime Minister Macmillan-stood
sturdily with the American delegation in spite of persistent Soviet attempts
to split the Western group. The NATO meeting after the Paris Conference showed unprecedented unity and support for the alliance and
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for the position taken at the Summit meeting. I salute our allies for
us all.
And now, most importantly, what about the future?
All of us know that, whether started deliberately or accidentally,
global war would leave civilization in a shambles. This is as true of the
Soviet system as of all others. In a nuclear war there can be no victorsonly losers. Even despots understand this. Mr. Khrushchev stated last
week that he well realizes that general nuclear war would bring catastrophe for both sides. Recognition of this mutual destructive capability
is the basic reality of our present relations. Most assuredly, however, this
does not mean that we shall ever give up trying to build a more sane and
hopeful reality-a better foundation for our common relations.
To do this, here are the policies we must follow, and to these I am confident the great majority of our people, regardless of party, give their
support:
First. We must keep up our strength, and hold it steady for the long
pull-a strength not neglected in complacency nor overbuilt in hysteria.
So doing, we can make it clear to everyone that there can be no gain in
the use of pressure tactics or aggression against us and our Allies.
Second. We must continue businesslike dealings with the Soviet leaders on outstanding issues, and improve the contacts between our own and
the Soviet peoples, making clear that the path of reason and common
sense is still open if the Soviets will but use it.
Third. To improve world conditions in which human freedom can
flourish, we must continue to move ahead with positive programs at home
and abroad, in collaboration with free nations everywhere. In doing so,
we shall continue to give our strong support to the United Nations and
the great principles for which it stands.
Now as to the first of these purposes-our defenses are sound. They
are tailored to the situation confronting us.
Their adequacy has been my primary concern for these past seven
years-indeed throughout my adult life.
In no respect have the composition and size of our forces been based
on or affected by any Soviet blandishment. Nor will they be. We will
continue to carry forward the great improvements already planned in
these forces. They will be kept ready-and under constant review.
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Any changes made necessary by technological advances or world events
will be recommended at once.
This strength-by far the most potent on earth-is, I emphasize, for
deterrent, defensive and retaliatory purposes only, without threat or
aggressive intent toward anyone.
Concerning the second part of our policy-relations with the Sovietswe and all the world realize, despite our recent disappointment, that progress toward the goal of mutual understanding, easing the causes of tensions, and reduction of armaments is as necessary as ever.
We shall continue these peaceful efforts, including participation in the
existing negotiations with the Soviet Union. In these negotiations we
have made some progress. We are prepared to preserve and build on it.
The Allied Paris communique and my own statement on returning to the
United States should have made this abundantly clear to the Soviet
government.
We conduct these negotiations not on the basis of surface harmony nor
are we deterred by any bad deportment we meet. Rather we approach
them as a careful search for common interests between the Western allies
and the Soviet Union on specific problems.
I have in mind, particularly, the nuclear test and disarmament negotiations. We shall not back away, on account of recent events, from the
efforts or commitments that we have undertaken.
Nor shall we relax our search for new means of reducing the risk of
war by miscalculation, and of achieving verifiable arms control.
A major American goal is a world of open societies.
Here in our country anyone can buy maps and aerial photographs
showing our cities, our dams, our plants, our highways-indeed, our
whole industrial and economic complex. We know that Soviet attaches
regularly collect this information. Last fall Chairman Khrushchev's
train passed no more than a few hundred feet from an operational ICBM,
in plain view from his window. Our thousands of books and scientific
journals, our magazines, newspapers and official publications, our radio
and television, all openly describe to all the world every aspect of our
society.
This is as it should be. We are proud of our freedom.
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Soviet distrust, however, does still remain. To allay these misgivings
I offered five years ago to open our skies to Soviet reconnaissance aircraft
on a reciprocal basis. The Soviets refused. That offer is still open. At
an appropriate time America will submit such a program to the United
Nations, together with the recommendation that the United Nations itself conduct this reconnaissance. Should the United Nations accept this
proposal, I am prepared to propose that America supply part of the aircraft and equipment required.
This is a photograph of the North Island Naval Station in San Diego,
California. It was taken from an altitude of more than 70 thousand feet.
You may not perhaps be able to see them on your television screens, but
the white lines in the parking strips around the field are clearly discernible from I 3 miles up. Those lines are just six inches wide.
Obviously most of the details necessary for a military evaluation of
the airfield and its aircraft are clearly distinguishable.
I show you this photograph as an example of what could be accomplished through United Nations aerial surveillance.
Indeed, if the United Nations should undertake this policy, this program, and the great nations of the world should accept it, I am convinced that not only can all humanity be assured that they are safe
from any surprise attack from any quarter, but indeed the greatest tensions
of all, the fear of war, would be removed from the world. I sincerely
hope that the United Nations may adopt such a program.
As far as we in America are concerned, our programs for increased
contacts between all peoples will continue. Despite the suddenly expressed hostility of the men in the Kremlin, I remain convinced that
the basic longings of the Soviet people are much like our own. I believe
that Soviet citizens have a sincere friendship for the people of America.
I deeply believe that above all else they want a lasting peace and a
chance for a more abundant life in place of more and more instruments
of war.
Finally, turning to the third part of America's policy-the strengthening of freedom-we must do far more than concern ourselves with
military defense against, and our relations with, the Communist Bloc.
Beyond this, we must advance constructive programs throughout the
world for the betterment of peoples in the newly developing nations.
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The zigs and zags of the Kremlin cannot be allowed to disturb our
worldwide programs and purposes. In the period ahead, these programs could well be the decisive factor in our persistent search for peace
in freedom.
To the peoples in the newly developing nations urgently needed help
will surely come. If it does not come from us and our friends, these
peoples will be driven to seek it from the enemies of freedom. Moreover, those joined with us in defense partnerships look to us for proof
of our steadfastness. We must not relax our common security efforts.
As to this, there is something specific all of us can do, and right now.
It is imperative that crippling cuts not be made in the appropriations
recommended for Mutual Security, whether economic or military. We
must support this program with all of our wisdom and all of our strength.
We are proud to call this a nation of the people. With the people
knowing the importance of this program, and making their voices heard
in its behalf throughout the land, there can be no doubt of its continued
success.
Fellow Americans, long ago I pledged to you that I would journey
anywhere in the world to promote the cause of peace. I remain pledged
to pursue a peace of dignity, of friendship, of honor, of justice.
Operating from the firm base of our spiritual and physical strength,
and seeking wisdom from the Almighty, we and our allies together will
continue to work for the survival of mankind in freedom-and for the
goal of mutual respect, mutual understanding, and openness among all
nations.
Thank you, and good night.
NOTE: On August 28, the White House U.S. Embassy, stating that it was "dimade public an exchange of letters be- rected essentially against the friendship
tween James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary between our peoples." The Press Secreto the President, and the Joint Editorial tary's letter, dated August 15, stated that
Board of Moscow News and Nouvelles the Board's letter confirmed the fact that
de Moscou. In a letter dated June 25, the Soviet press is not free to publish or
the Board returned copies of the Presi- broadcast any viewpoint running counter
dent's address, received that day from the to the policies of the Soviet Government.
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164 fJ Remarks of Welcome to the Delegates of
SEATO at a Luncheon Given in Their Honor at
the White House. May 3 1, 960
Excellencies and distinguished guests:
It is a deep personal honor to welcome as our honored guests today the
Council members, their senior civil and military advisers, the SecretaryGeneral and the Chief of the Military Planning Office of the Southeast
Asia Treaty Organization.
I have long held an unwavering conviction that our collective security
arrangements are indispensable safeguards of freedom with justice in
today's world. In an address called "The Chance for Peace" which I
made soon after taking office in I953 I advocated "united action" for
Southeast Asia. This policy was realized in September I954 when our
eight countries concluded a solemn commitment at Manila. It was an
extraordinary event when countries with such diversity and geographical
separation united to preserve freedom and security and to promote the
economic well-being and development of the peoples of the Treaty Area.
I am particularly pleased that we have with us today two of those who
were present on that historic occasion: Secretary-General Sarasin, who
was then a member of the Thai delegation, and Senator Mansfield, a
member of the American delegation.
We can take much satisfaction in the fact that our first objective of
preventing further Communist domination through aggression or subversion in the Treaty Area has been realized. However, we cannot afford
to relax our vigilance or slacken our cooperative efforts to further the high
principles of the Pacific Charter.
No defensive alliance of which we are a member faces a greater challenge or protects a more vital segment of the free world than SEATO.
Together we can continue to measure up to the task and, in the process,
deepen our mutual understanding through intimate consultations such as
those you are initiating today. Under these circumstances the responsibilities which devolve upon you who are directly charged with promoting
SEATO's high objectives are indeed great.
NOTE: In the opening paragraph the C.B.E., of New Zealand, Chief of the
President referred to His Excellency Pote Military Planning Office of SEATO.
Sarasin of Thailand, Secretary-General of Later in his remarks he referred also to
SEATO, and Brigadier L. W. Thornton, Mike Mansfield, U.S. Senator from
Montana.
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165 eI Remarks to the Delegates to the Second
Conference of Young Political Leaders From North
Atlantic Treaty Countries. June I, 1960
THIS IS INDEED a pleasure-to see so many young leaders in the
political field from so many countries.
I think that today more than ever we have to take thought among
ourselves as to just what we believe is the value of freedom-we all have
rights within our own countries, of expressing ourselves whether it is
agreement with government or bitter criticism of government from top
to bottom. But always we have the right to guide our own lives as we
please, as long as we don't trespass on the similar rights of others.
We have got, in these critical days to see that we are talking about the
differences in the values that tyranny establishes for its people and those
that we as free peoples establish for ourselves.
There was a very wise Frenchman who gave a good definition of free
government, or democracy. He said it this way: "Freedom is merely the
opportunity for self-discipline."
The point he was making was that if we as a free people in each of
our countries do not have the self-discipline to perform those functions
that will keep us free, then finally we will be regimented, or we will be
disciplined by central power-no matter how it is exercised.
Let us remember that part of free government is the rules and regulations and methods by which we run our economy-how we obtain
from our economy the products that we need, the productivity that will
raise our standards of living and give us the opportunity to protect ourselves and to help others in need. That economy is part of free government. So even in the business and labor worlds we have this necessity
for self-discipline.
To keep these things working properly, there has to be statesmanship,
not merely as a few heads of government meet together-or try to meet
together. It has got to be in every walk of life-the labor leader has got
to talk with his employer, working men have to talk together, we ourselves have to make sure that we comprehend what we are talking about
when we say "democracy" or "freedom" because it's just as much
responsibility as it is opportunity.
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This is a great thing I think we must all live with, think about, and
practice.
Now I have got one other obsession: there is in our Constitution a
little phrase "the pursuit of happiness." No one can ever guarantee he
is going always to be a happy individual, but he can pursue happiness in
his own way.
My own belief is this: this is a very noble, a very fine, objective.
You may find your happiness in some kind of religious devotion, some
service to others as in the political field or in any other kind, charitable or
business. If you are helping society of which you are a part, to my mind
that is one of the great satisfactions we have. But in any event, no
matter how you pursue happiness, try to get a little of it every day. I
just don't believe long faces solve tough problems.
I hope there will never be another war, but to go back to war just a
minute: staffs have the job of coming in and telling you how tough
everything is-"The enemy's over there, and he's on this side, and he's
behind you, too." They make everything tough. Well, finally, it used
to be a habit of mine, after the gloom got a little bit thick in a group, let's
say, a third of this size, I would say, "Well, you know one thing, it's a
hard problem, but that's the reason your government sent such able
people here."
Just try to look at it that way once in a while. Of course these are
tough problems, but you have got the self-confidence that you can do
something about it. If you can do something about it, you have gotten
the satisfaction that is part of that happiness that all of us should seek and
all of us should gain.
So, those words "pursuit of happiness," "responsibility," as well as
"right and opportunity," these are the things that all of us, I believe, have
to get imbedded in our brains, in our hearts, and in our souls, so that we
have sort of an atmosphere ourselves-where we atmosphere ourselves
into that kind of a situation that we can solve these problems decently.
What all of this is leading up to-I just talk along, I am not very
orderly, let's say, in my discussions-but by doing this, we are showing
such a common dedication to the great values that we deem priceless that
we can all get close together.
I believe that today, and probably for some years-decades-to come,
there will be a need for strong organizations, associations, and cooperation
among ourselves. By this I mean among different nations, whether for
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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example the Canadians and ourselves in North America-you people of
Western Europe-we have got to be very, very close together.
We come close when we work on the solution of a problem, whether
it's a tariff about zinc, a new air route across such and such a place, or
any other kind of tough one that makes everybody mad. If we all see
that we are working for the promotion of the basic values we are talking
about, then all the other problems begin to get straightened out. And
one diplomat says to another, "Well, we are all working for this same
thing, now let's see how the devil"-excuse me-"how the dickens"
(they'll never put that on the tape, I shouldn't have said it; I'm sorry) -
in any event, how we can solve this specific problem when all of us are
going after the same things.
So since I strongly believe that mutual understanding is really the key
to peace, as we among ourselves achieve that understanding, we spread it
a little bit, and somebody else comes into it. Finally, we don't have to
be an exclusive club, we don't have to have just NATO type organizations-everybody can get in finally-even the Iron Curtains. When that
has happened, then there will be real peace. Then we will really have
achieved a lot of happiness. But there will be still problems, after you
people have done all this, there will be problems for those that come after
you, but they won't be the kind that keep all humanity in strain and
tension.
I meant, when I came out here, merely to say welcome to Washington.
I am delighted to see you at such a conference with such a fine objective.
I understand you are going through the White House. There will be a
few interesting things I think you will see there, but in any event, I want
to thank each of you for coming out and giving me a chance to greet you,
to say "Hello." I think that in every single one of your countries I have
some friend-maybe a number. If you are so fortunate as to meet those
people I call friends, give them my greetings, my very best wishes, and the
hope that out of your meeting here comes closer understanding, some
little step in progress toward peace, and certainly progress toward our
strength in spirit and in brain and in heart to meet and solve the problems
of our day.
Thank you a lot. It has been a lot of fun to see you.
NOTE: The President spoke on the South Lawn at the White House.
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I 66 ~1 Remarks at a Dinner Commemorating the
5oth Anniversary of the Boy Scouts of America.
Yune I, i960
Mr. Chairman and distinguished guests:
I am here this evening to join all those, who by coming to this dinner,
wanted to pay their tribute to the Boy Scouts of America and to their
leaders, both their local leaders and national leaders, their instructors,
and all those supporters that have made it possible to carry this movement
forward through these 50 years so successfully.
Twenty-five years ago, I learned through a personal experience something about Boy Scout training that I have never forgotten. My family
and I had gone into Mexico to visit on a large ranch. My son was then
shortly past i2 years, and at that time there was a solo march required
of the boys to make the next grade-probably First-Class Scout, Dr.
Schuck-I 4 miles he had to march.
Now it happened that the gate of the ranch was exactly seven miles
away from the house, so John decided that this would be his march, he
would get this credit point while he was down in Mexico. So he announced his intention.
Well, there was nothing said, except that his mother and his doting
grandmother both decided that there would have to be a car go along,
and there would have to be orange juice, Coca Colas, and water, and
everything that you would take along to make sure that he got through,
to follow him through this wild country of cacti and greasewood and all
the rest of it.
Well now, we had a "storm." This boy had decided that he was going
to do something and he was going to have nobody going along in a boat
escorting him as we did his swimming trick. He was going alone. And
this got to be rather a hot argument.
And so, exercising what every man always thinks is his prerogative, I
made the decision and said, "Go right ahead, John, that will be all rightgo ahead."
Well, he started out because he had his dad's authority. But I was
still in the house. And the very tough looks, to say nothing of the talk
about a hard-hearted parent and an old soldier that didn't know better
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960q
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than to do this to his son. I heard all the exaggerations about the occasional coyote that was found out on the ranch, and some of these old
horn cows that were as gentle as a Hereford always is, but looks very large
and big to the ladies-and about the rattlesnakes and all the other
dangers. And finally I had to surrender.
But I wasn't going to get in John's way. So I took the station wagon
and I wound around through the desert, staying away from that trail, but
always making sure that I could come back and report that nothing was
wrong.
Well, he made the trip back-there and back. Came in in fine shape.
And I found this: the tremendous pride that boy had in making suregetting the self-confidence that he could do a thing by himself, that some
of his doting parents did not think he could do.
And moreover, it occurred to me that possibly we are doing a little bit
too much of the paternalistic care about our young, and we don't give
them an opportunity to develop self-dependence. And when I saw the
pride that boy exhibited-not saying a word, but you could see his chest
come up a little bit-and he combed his hair that evening. He was a
different boy, and he has been a different boy ever since, in my opinion.
And I think even the ladies of the household learned that they do have
to allow the young birdling to spread its wings once in a while and try
them out. Boy Scouts have done this for the boy. Scout leaders and the
Boy Scout executives and even the Explorers helping the younger onesthey have done this for years. In doing so they have made America a
different country than it probably could have been.
Because of this lesson that I learned in this little homely incident, I
have followed what is happening to these Boy Scouts. Whenever it is
possible for me to stop along the road and to see a group of Cubs or
Brownies and Girl Scouts or Boy Scouts, I try to get a word-two or three
words-two minutes-to see what they are thinking about, what their
morale is. And it is always at the top.
They get this morale, why? Because they are trained or they are
taught that they can render a service. I might say that after I finally
lose the loving care of the Secret Service, that should I be standing one
day on the corner of a busy street and a Boy Scout sees this rather
elderly-looking fellow looking a little doubtful, if he offers to take me
across the street, he can do it. Because the way these boys and their
counterparts among the girls are growing up is to believe there is an
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Public Papers of the Presidents
honor and a satisfaction in doing a service for others. To my mind, that
is the great thing about Scouting. It doesn't make any difference
whether they wrap up their bed-rolls just right, or pitch their tent exactly
right, or whether they do their cookout and burn the eggs and the bacon
not fit to eat. As long as they have that feeling and that developmentif they get the same feeling that we did when we read in our Bibles the
Parable of the Good Samaritan and then as time comes along, if they
individually and collectively begin to think of their nation in part as a
"good Samaritan," doing the decent thing in this world, then I will tell
you: Scouting is indeed doing something for all of us that is not only
necessary but I would say vital to our vigor as a nation based upon a
religious concept, but is ready to take on its own shoulders its duty with
respect to itself, with respect to those that are less fortunate. Only in
this way, in my opinion, is America going to be able to lead the way to
that goal that mankind has sought so long, and so far so futilely, a peace
with honor and with justice.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Judge of the New York State Court of
Sheraton-Park Hotel in Washington. Appeals in Albany. Later in his remarks
His opening words "Mr. Chairman" re- he addressed Dr. Arthur A. Schuck,
ferred to Charles W. Froessel, Chief Chief Scout Executive, Boy Scouts of
America.
167 II Letter to Senator Bennett on the Need for
Legislation Authorizing the President To Make
Adjustments in Sugar Quotas. June 2, I960
[ Released June 2, I960. Dated June I, 1960 ]
Dear Wallace:
Thank you for your May twenty-fifth letter with your observations on
the allocation of possible I960 domestic area sugar quota deficits. I also
noted in the May twenty-seventh Congressional Record your comments
made on the Senate Floor on the same subject.
Whether or not it would be determined to reallocate such deficits in a
manner different from that now provided by law, I nevertheless attach
particular importance to the recommendation that the President be given
appropriate authority to adjust certain foreign quotas when he finds such
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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action is called for-either in the national interest or to insure adequate
domestic supplies of sugar. I hope most earnestly that Congress will act
promptly on the sugar legislation recommended last March by this
Administration, and I very much appreciate your own efforts, as well as
the efforts of your colleagues joined with you, to see that the necessary
legislative action on this subject is taken quickly.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: In his letter of May 25, 1960, re- to 500,000 tons, and that Cuba's share of
leased with the President's reply, Senator these deficits would be 60,000o tons unBennett noted that whenever any domestic less the law was changed in time to permit
sugar-producing area was unable to fill its adjustments. Senator Bennett further
quota, the Secretary of Agriculture, under stated "there is every indication that the
existing law, was required to determine same situation will occur again next year,
the size of such deficit and to allocate a so a law extending the Act without change
substantial part of it to Cuba. He will not only confirm this year's windfall,
further noted that estimated deficits in but guarantee a similar one in I96I."
Puerto Rico and Hawaii would amount
168 (I Statement by the President Upon Signing
Bill Relating to the San Luis Unit of the Central
Valley Project, California. June 3, I960
IT IS WITH pleasure that I have today signed S. 44, authorizing the
Secretary of the Interior to construct in California the San Luis Unit of
the Central Valley Project and to enter into an agreement with the State
of California with respect to its financing, construction and operation in
order that there may be a joint Federal-State use of the San Luis Reservoir
site. This legislation culminates cooperative Federal and State efforts
which began five years ago. It constitutes a unique achievement in the
field of water development and conservation and is consistent with the
Administration's philosophy of partnership and teamwork in this field.
Negotiation of the agreement between the State and Federal agencies
should be undertaken immediately and concluded with dispatch. It is
my earnest hope that these negotiations will insure a clear-cut understanding of responsibilities and the early undertaking of this mutually
advantageous Federal-State partnership in water development.
NOTE: As enacted, S. 44 is Public Law 86-488 (74 Stat. 156).
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I 69 ~1 Veto of Bill Concerning Unlimited Income
Tax Deductions for Certain Contributions to
Charity. June 3, 1960
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 6779 entitled "An Act
To amend section 170 of the Internal Revenue Code of I954 (relating
to the unlimited deduction for charitable contributions for certain
individuals)."
Existing law allows a taxpayer an unlimited deduction for charitable
contributions if the sum of his contributions and federal income tax payments in the taxable year and in each of eight of the ten preceding taxable
years exceeds go percent of his taxable income.
H.R. 6779 would provide that under certain circumstances the go
percent test shall be considered satisfied in each of two consecutive years
if the sum of the contributions and income tax payments for the two
consecutive years exceeds go percent of the combined taxable income for
such two years. The bill is a temporary measure without effect after the
i968 taxable year. It would also apply retroactively to taxable years
beginning after December 3I, I956.
Nothing appears in the record on this bill that would justify a departure
from the general rule that changes in the tax laws should apply only
prospectively. In actual fact, the retroactive feature of this bill is highly
discriminatory. Some taxpayers could avoid an otherwise assessable
deficiency for I957, I958 or I959 by using the bill's benefits to amend
incorrect returns for those years, but other taxpayers who filed correct
returns could not avail themselves of the bill's benefits to claim a refund
for those years.
Although unable to approve this bill, I would be willing to sign new
legislation provided it applied only prospectively and were truly designed
to encourage substantial gifts to educational institutions and other recoggnized public charities.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960q
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170 eT Veto of Bill Relating to Unemployment
Tax Credits of Successor Employers.
June 3, I960
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 6482, entitled "An
Act Relating to the credits against the unemployment tax in the case of
certain successor employers."
To help finance the Federal-State unemployment compensation system, the Federal Government imposes on covered employers an annual
tax of 3 percent on the first $3,000 of each employee's wages.
A special provision of law permits the wages paid each employee by a
predecessor employer to be taken into account for purposes of the $3,000
annual limitation on taxable wages by an employer who succeeds to the
business. This provision is intended to insure that taxes paid with respect
to the wages of any one employee are not increased for any year as a
result of the business changing hands during the year. This desirable
purpose is thwarted under present law, however, whenever a predecessor
does not qualify as an "employer" within the meaning of that word as
it is defined in the Federal law.
H.R. 6482 would correct this situation, but it would do so, not just
prospectively, but also retroactively to the beginning of I95I.
Strict avoidance of retroactive tax legislation, except in extraordinary
and compelling circumstances not here in evidence, is essential to orderly
tax administration, the Government's revenues and the fair treatment of
taxpayers.
Although constrained, therefore, to disapprove the bill, I urge the
Congress at its earliest opportunity to enact new legislation without
retroactive effect.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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I 7' I~ Toasts of the President and Prime Minister
Diefenbaker of Canada. June 3, 1960
Mr. Prime Minister, Mrs. Diefenbaker and friends of Canada and the
United States:
Every member of this company feels a very definite sense of honor and
distinction in the privilege of having with us tonight the Prime Minister
of the great republic of Canada.
It would be a fitting occasion, since this is at least semiformal, to
address you, sir, in sonorous phrases, telling about the history of our
relations between our countries and expressing the admiration and respect
we feel for you as the leader of that country.
Actually, we feel that here we are in the family. You are another of
our best friends. You are the head not merely of a great republic that
borders us on the north, you are the leader of a people that with us shares
common ideals, common international purposes, and common culture
and language.
So the sense of honor and distinction we have is more than that of an
official character. It is extremely personal and cordial.
This afternoon the Prime Minister and I had a long talk, as we have
in the past. I suppose it is two and a half years now and more that we
have been discussing our common problems. And whether they would
be of wheat or oil or any other difficult matter, they are dealt with as
friends should deal with such problems: as a family deals with its own
problems; and there emerges from these discussions the kind of compromise, the kind of composition of difficulties with which we can both
live, and which can serve as guides for the future.
And the one thing that I want to take the privilege of repeating to you,
that the Prime Minister said to me this afternoon, and in which it gives
me the greatest pride and satisfaction, is this: "In the last two and a half
years, Mr. President," he said, "the relations of Canada and the United
States have reached the height of friendliness, cordiality, and true cooperation that has never before been attained so far as I know." "And,"
he said further, "to my mind those relations are a model for the world,
if the world is truly seeking, through cooperation, to attain a just and
permanent peace."
So you can understand how happy all of us are here, to say through me,
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q4 17'
that we are proud to have with us this great representative of Canadaand to ask all of you to join with me in a Toast to Her Majesty Queen
Elizabeth the Second.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast
at 9:57 p.m. at a state dinner at the
White House. Prime Minister Diefenbaker responded as follows:
Mr. President:
May I say how deeply grateful I am
to you for the opportunity that you have
given my wife and me today, to enjoy a
day that will always be memorable to us.
You summarized a moment ago the
views that I expressed this afternoon, and
those views I reiterate now: during the
last several years that I have held the
position of Prime Minister, our relations
and the relations between our two countries, outstanding as they have been in
the past, have not been excelled in any
other period in our history.
And we owe quite a bit to you in the
United States. As a matter of fact, if it
hadn't been for Benjamin Franklin-and
that is going back a little before our
time-if it hadn't been for Benjamin
Franklin, we wouldn't have had a Canada,
because in 1761 the government of Great
Britain gave serious consideration to
trading us for the Island of Guadalupe.
And then again, as you Toasted Her
Majesty the Queen, we have had differences in the past between the British
people and the people of the United
States, but as to the Senators here present,
you recall on another occasion the only
reason that the British have a Commonwealth at all is because there were
thirteen Colonies in North America who
took a strong and a firm stand in I775.
And it was in that year-I like to remind people of the old country of thisit was in that year following Bunker Hill
and Concord and Lexington that Benjamin Franklin went over to England and
took with him a petition signed by several, some sixteen in number, who subsequently signed the Declaration of
Independence. This was the Olive
Branch Petition which set forth in regard
to the experiences of recent months
which had brought about bloodshed as
between us and the mother country-that
we will become your loyal and devoted
servants for this and future generations,
provided that you give to us the right of
self-government within our own confines.
So in point of fact, if the Olive Branch
Petition in 1775, prepared on July fifth
of that year, the first signature of which
was John Hancock's, had been accepted
by the British government of that day,
then the Toast that you drank tonight
would have been the Toast that we in
Canada would drink to you.
Sir, we recall too that we had quite
interesting relationships with you during
the i86os and many of our people from
Canada enlisted in the Northern army,
and some loaned their money to the
South; and when it was all over, they
once more joined together and gave that
reverence to the Union that has been
characteristic of the people of this land
and out of which the name of Lincoln
earned eternal reverence everywhere
where liberty is respected and regarded.
And we have had our relations over
the years. We were together in two
World Wars. We were together, particularly in the Second World War.
That unity which today was epitomized
in the manner of the reception that began
when you, Mr. Secretary [Herter], received my wife and me at the Airport,
there is something about this relationship
that I can't describe.
I come into your country. You come
into mine. We don't always agree. We
sometimes have our differences. But I
will always look back on this day as one
that represents, to me, the embodiment of
those great and eternal principles of
liberty. We get together. We discuss.
We are not at all afraid. I did not look
to see whether the coat of arms of the
United States had any sound recording
instruments in it. We speak freely. We
understand each other.
I see the Chief Justice of the United
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States here this evening. I think of how
your shrines of freedom are our shrinesour shrines are your shrines. And that is
the spirit in which we have met again
today, a spirit of deep attachment to our
respective countries, and only with that
recognition in unity can we be assured
among the free countries of the world of
the maintenance of those things in which
we believe.
And I assure everyone here that I come
here not to discuss the great election that
is about to take place, because after all
one of the greatest elements in statesmanship is to view what takes place in another
country with detachment, although even
with interest. But I say to you, sir, that
now that you approach the end of your
service to the United States, you have
earned from all of us in the free world
not only affection, not only the realization
that a few short years ago you led the
legions of freedom, but in the last 8
years-and I was present when you received your nomination in the City of
Chicago-in the intervening 7 '/2 years
you have become the embodiment of
those principles to which each of us owes
our common dedication to the United
States of America; great in the opportunities that Providence has given it,
magnificent in the manner in which it has
discharged its responsibilities that today
cover all the seven seas and all the
continents.
To you, sir, as the leader of this
Nation-this may be my last opportunity
to do so, and not only on behalf of my
own country but on behalf of the nations
of the Commonwealth, which recognize
the Queen either as the head of the Commonwealth or in the capacity of Queen
of Canada-all of us owe to you, in these
days of peace, the same debt of gratitude
that we pay you for what you did in the
days of war. I am not going to say any
more than that.
Thank you, Mr. President, for what
represents to me one of those occasions
when idle sentiment and words do not
convey the meaning I want to express.
To the people of the United States,
may I say this: we live side by side, and
the fact that we do, and have, in peace,
for I50 years, is the greatest answer that
can be given to the forces of communism
everywhere in the world when they say
that this Nation is a warlike and aggressive nation.
We give the people of the world the
answer to that statement which has received at the hands of the Communists
widespread circulation.
Sir, it has been a privilege to be here.
My wife and I very much appreciate
everything that has been done. Tomorrow, when I return to my own country,
I shall tell the people of that country
what they already know: that you and I
recognize, and our countries recognize,
that only in the maintenance of a unity of
purpose and objective, and a common
dedication, will the things for which we
stand be finally successful.
I ask you, ladies and gentlemen, to rise
and drink a Toast to the President of the
United States.
I72 eiT Joint Statement Following Discussions
With the Prime Minister of Canada.
June 4, i960
THE PRIME MINISTER of Canada, the Right Honorable John G.
Diefenbaker, and the President of the United States have consulted on a
wide range of subjects of both an international and bilateral nature.
The Canadian Ambassador at Washington and the Secretary to the
Canadian Cabinet assisted in the discussions, together with the United
States Secretary of State and the United States Ambassador at Ottawa.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
ql I73
The Prime Minister and the President were in agreement on measures
which should be taken to maintain the security of the free world. They
reaffirmed their determination to continue to work for peace with justice.
Particular attention was paid to the importance of achieving, with effective international control, an end to nuclear testing and progress toward
general disarmament.
The Prime Minister and the President reviewed the course of relations
between their countries during recent years and noted with pleasure the
extent to which the problems arising in such relations have yielded to the
process of friendly and continuing consultation. They considered that
satisfactory means of carrying on such consultation have been established
in personal exchanges as well as by regular diplomatic arrangements and
the various joint committees that have been created. They expressed
their belief that there has been established between the two countries a
model for the relationship between neighbors.
173 QI Remarks at aTestimonial Dinnerin Honor
of Representative St. George, Bear Mountain State
Park, New York. June 4, I960
Mrs. St. George, Senator Keating, and my friends:
It is indeed difficult, in the circumstances in which I find myself, to
discover words that seem applicable to this situation. I am here as a
member of the Class from West Point of I915, my 45th anniversary.
The members of my class and their wives and their widows, their children
and their grandchildren, have been here in this inn, trying with me to
recapture something of the atmosphere of 1915, the year we graduated.
You know at that moment, while the first European war had started,
we were still cadets, and the world seemed reasonably quiet-indeed,
almost leisurely in its approach to every question public or private. We
had no sense of urgency or tension: the United States was a long way from
this war. And we have been talking about those times, when our great
preoccupation really was to find out whether the tactical officers could
discover any of the offenses that we were guilty of committing. Fortunately for me, they didn't discover all of them.
Now tonight we meet at a time of bewilderment. I don't like this
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Public Papers of the Presidents
term, or the using of the term that we are living always in crisis. We are
not. There is no nation in this world that dares at this moment to
attack the United States, and they know it.
But we wonder what is the outcome of every decent, proper gesture
we make to those that live in the other camp. They live in a closed society,
secrecy of intent-which we try to penetrate, and in my opinion
properly-but we are certain of this: our problem is not only keeping
ourselves strong-and by strong I don't mean merely militarily; I mean
spiritually, intellectually, scientifically, economically, and militarily. And
then we must make certain that all of those people who live with us, in
the hope that those concepts of human dignity and freedom and liberty
are going to prevail in the world, will stand always by our side in the
determination that freedom and liberty will eventually triumph over
tyranny.
We have staunch allies. And as a matter of fact, many of the excesses,
particularly the ill-tempered expressions of Mr. Khrushchev, has really
brought the West closer together than I have known it, ever since I have
been occupying my present office.
Now I am talking about matters, for this moment, that are not partisan.
They are bipartisan. But I want to say this: it is a tremendous satisfaction
to me to know that the Republican Party believes in the kind of things
that I have tried so haltingly to express to you.
My colleagues here in Government, Senator Keating and your guest of
honor, Mrs. St. George, have in every single vote that has anything to do
with these important world questions, stood exactly in the ranks, exactly
like any soldier would when asked by his commander to do so.
So I want to say to you a very simple word-and I promised my classmates I would only be 5 minutes, and I think I have used i o minutes
already, but I just want to ask you to do this: look at the records of your
Republican representatives in the Congress. Do they represent what you
understand to be firm, sound, middle-of-the-road government that refuses to make government a centralized government capable of governing your lives in every single item, refuses to accede to the doctrine of
collectivity or centralization, or is it the kind of philosophy that says "We
want to live in liberty, in freedom"?
This is the kind of thing they have been supporting and, therefore, you
support it not because of a word Republican, or because of some particular or special vote. You support it because you believe in what they
460
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o (I I 74
believe: that the Government of the United States intends to do its full
duty by every one of its citizens, but it shall never-in the words of
Abraham Lincoln-do those things for the individual that he can do
better for himself.
Now I just have a simple request of you. If you believe in the basic
principles these representatives of yours, congressional and senatorial, if
you believe in those basic principles, then not merely do I ask you that you
register and you vote-I know good Republicans will do that-I ask you
to go out and work as you have never worked before.
Because I tell you, this kind of policy, internally and externally, is the
thing that will keep America strong, safe, and sure-for you and every
single person that comes behind you.
This is what I hope to do myself, so far as it is proper and the people
who will meet within a few short weeks to take over the direction of campaigns-I am ready to do my part.
And I tell you this, it will be an honor to be associated with such people
as you are, as you do your part.
Thank you and good night.
NOTE: The President spoke at Bear sored by the Republican County CommitMountain Inn. The dinner was spon- tees of the 28th Congressional District of
New York.
I 74 e1 Address "Beyond the Campus" Delivered
at the Commencement Exercises of the University
of Notre Dame. 7une 5, I 9 6o
Father Hesburgh, Your Eminence, Your Excellencies, members of the
Clergy, members of the Graduating Class and the Trustees, faculty and
students, and friends of Notre Dame:
I acknowledge with the deepest gratitude the receipt of the Honorary
Doctorate of Notre Dame. And I am overwhelmed by the terminology
of the Citation read to me. But I want to say to all of you that as I
listened to what was said about Dr. Dooley, that I could not fail to
believe that there are few if any men that I know who have equaled his
exhibition of courage, self-sacrifice, faith in his God, and his readiness
to serve his fellow men.
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At Commencement time in our country a generation ago, a well-known
Englishman felt an urge to tell us something about ourselves. The theme
he selected was, "Why don't young Americans care about politics?"
He felt that the attitude of our young people toward civil government,
at all levels, was like that of "the audience at a play."
My simple purpose today is to talk to you these next few minutes about
the compelling need for all Americans to interest themselves seriously in
politics.
There may be a plausible, if not necessarily a valid, explanation for
the American's traditional indifference to politics.
Historically, the i9th Century in America was one of amazing growth.
A wilderness needed conquering; vast resources had to be utilized; illiteracy
had to be eliminated; a great economic machine, reaching to every corner
of the world, had to be built. This unprecedented development commanded extraordinary talents in our private enterprise system. To people
busy in productive life, government seemed not only remote but relatively
unimportant. The demand for real skills in political pursuits was minimal.
Moreover, in that long period, a view developed that political life
was somewhat degrading-that politics was primarily a contest, with
the spoils to the victor and the public paying the bill. This belief had
some justification at one period in our history, and may still persist in
local situations.
In these circumstances, some of our highly talented people have refrained from offering themselves for public service-indeed, often to
refuse to enter it.
But times have changed, and the change includes the character of
government. The first major platform drafted in I840 by a political
party required only 500 words; in the last national election each major
party used over 15,000 words to deal with the highlights of the principal
issues. This thirtyfold growth in political platforms is illustrative of the
increase of governmental influence over all our lives.
The need for the best talent in positions of political responsibility is not
only great, but mounts with each stroke of history's clock.
A few years ago, government represented only a small fraction of the
total national activity. Today, to support our national, state and local
governments, and to finance our international undertakings, almost one
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 7
fourth of the total national income is collected in taxes. In every phase
of life, government increasingly affects us-our environment, our opportunities, our health, our education, our general welfare.
Government is, of course, necessary, but it is not the mainspring of
progress. In the private sector of American life, commanding as it does
the productive efforts of our citizens, is found the true source of our
nation's vitality. Government is not of itself a part of our productive
machinery. Consequently its size, its growth, its operations can be justified only by demonstrated need. If too dominant, if too large, its effect is
both burdensome and stifling.
Only an informed and alert citizenry can make the necessary judgments
as to the character and degree of that need.
We do not want a government with a philosophy of incessant meddling,
which imposes a smothering mist on the sparks of initiative.
We do not want a government that permits every noisy group to force
upon society an endless string of higher subsidies that solve nothing and
undermine the collective good of the nation.
We do not want governmental programs which, advanced, often
falsely, in the guise of promoting the general welfare destroy in the individual those priceless qualities of self-dependence, self-confidence, and a
readiness to risk his judgment against the trends of the crowd.
We do want a government that assures the security and general welfare
of the nation and its people in concord with the philosophy of Abraham
Lincoln, who insisted that government should do, and do only, the things
which people cannot well do for themselves.
This concept is particularly relevant to most activities encompassed by
the phrase ''the general welfare."
But even with devotion to the principle that governmental functions
can be justified only by public need, government has become so pervasive
that its decisions inescapably help shape the future of every individual,
every group, every region, every institution.
Though we recognize this vast change-and though most persons in
public office are selfless, devoted people-we are still plagued by yesterday's
concept of politics and politicians.
Too many of our ablest citizens draw back, evidently fearful of being
sullied in the broiling activity of partisan affairs.
This must change. We need intelligent, creative, steady political
leadership as at no time before in our history. There must be more talent
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Public Papers of the Presidents
in government-the best our nation affords. We need it in county, city,
state-and in Washington.
Human progress in freedom is not merely something inscribed upon
a tablet-not a matter to be shrugged off as a worry for others. Progress
in freedom demands from each citizen a daily exercise of the will and
the spirit-a fierce faith; it must not be stagnated by a philosophy of
collectivity that seeks personal security as a prime objective.
Clearly, you-you graduates who enjoy the blessings of higher education have a special responsibility to exercise leadership in helping others
understand these problems.
And, by no means, does your responsibility stop there. To serve the
nation well you must, for example, help seek out able candidates for office
and persuade them to offer themselves to the electorate. To be most
effective you should become active in a political party, and in civic and
professional organizations. You should undertake, according to your
own intelligently formed convictions, a personal crusade to help the
political life of the nation soar as high as human wisdom can make it.
Now some of you will become doctors, lawyers, teachers, clergymen,
businessmen. Each of you will contribute to the national welfare, as well
as to personal and family welfare, by doing well and honorably whatever
you undertake. But a specialist, regardless of professional skill and standing, cannot fulfill the exacting requirements of modem citizenship unless
he dedicates himself also to raising the political standards of the body
politic.
Now I hope that some of you will enter the public service, either in
elective, career, or appointive office. Most of the top posts in government involve manifold questions of policy. In these positions we have a
special need for intelligent, educated, selfless persons from all walks of life.
I believe that each of you should, if called, be willing to devote one
block of your life to government service.
This does not mean that you need become permanently implanted in
government. Quite the contrary. In policy-forming positions we constantly need expert knowledge and fresh points of view. Some frequency
of withdrawal and return to private life would help eliminate the dangerous concept~that permanence in office is more important than the rightness
of decision. Contrariwise, such a tour should not be so brief as to
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
I '74
minimize the value of the contribution and diminish the quality of public
service. Normally, a four-year period in these policy posts would seem
to be a minimum. Most leaders from private life who enter the public
service do so at a substantial sacrifice in the earning power of their
productive years.
Although these personal sacrifices are, by most individuals, accepted as
a condition of service, yet when these sacrifices become so great as to be
unendurable from the family standpoint, we find another cause for the
loss of talent in government.
We ought not to make it inordinately difficult for a man to undertake
a public post and then to return to his own vocation. In government one
must obviously have no selfish end to serve, but citizens should not, invariably, be required to divest themselves of investments accumulated
over a lifetime in order to qualify for public office. The basic question
to be determined in each case is this-is such divestment necessary to remove any likelihood that the probity and objectivity of his governmental
decisions will be affected? And this question is proper and ethical
whether the individual holds either elective or appointive office. We
need to review carefully the conflict-of-interest restrictions which have
often prohibited the entry into government of men and women who had
much to offer their country.
But let me return to the more broadly-based consideration: that thinking Americans in all walks of life must constantly add to their own knowledge and help build a more enlightened electorate and public opinion.
For herein lies the success of all government policy and action in a free
society.
Leaders in America-and this comprehends all who have a capacity to
influence others-must develop a keen understanding of current issues,
foreign and domestic-and of political party organization, platform, and
operations.
They must have critical judgments regarding actions being proposed or
taken by legislatures and executives at all levels of government. They
need to be knowledgeable so as not to be misled by catchwords or doctrinaire slogans.
Thus they can analyze objectively how such actions may affect them,
their communities, and their country-and help others to a similar
understanding.
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Political understanding, widely fostered, will compel government to
develop national and international programs truly for the general good,
and to refrain from doing those things that unduly favor special groups or
impinge upon the citizen's own responsibility, self-dependence, and
opportunities.
Graduates of the Class of 1960: a half century ago, when I was about
to enter West Point-and, incidentally, to meet shortly thereafter and to
know that gridiron genius, Knute Rockne-our country was in what now
seems to have been a different era. The annual Federal budget was
below seven hundred million dollars. Today it has increased more than
one hundredfold, and organized groups demand more and more services,
both expensive and expansive. At the turn of the century there was a
certain grace, calmness, and courtliness about human deportment and the
movement of events.
Now we operate on a relentless timetable which we must race to keep
events from overwhelming us.
Complicating the lives of all of us today we know that in the dimly-lit
regions behind the Iron Curtain, eight hundred million people are denied
the uncountable blessings of progress in freedom, and compelled by their
masters to develop vast means of destructive power. Elsewhere, among
the underdeveloped countries of the world, a billion people look to
America as a beacon that confidently lights the path to human progress
in freedom.
This is no time to whimper, complain, or fret about helping other
peoples, if we really intend that freedom shall emerge triumphant over
tyranny.
The enemies of human dignity lurk in a thousand places-in governments that have become spiritual wastelands, and in leaders that brandish
angry epithets, slogans, and satellites. But equally certain it is that freedom is imperiled where peoples, worshipping material success, have
become emptied of idealism. Peace with justice cannot be attained by
peoples where opulence has dulled the spirit-where indifference ignores
moral and political responsibility.
Too often there is, in politics as in religion, a familiar pattern of the
few willing workers and the large number of passive observers.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q I 75
Our society can no longer tolerate such delinquency.
We must insist that our educated young men and women-our future
leaders-willingly, joyously play a pivotal part in the endless adventure of
free government. The vital issues of freedom or regimentation, public
or private control of productive resources, a religiously-inspired or an
atheistic society, a healthy economy or depression, peace or war-these
are the substance of political decisions and actions that you young people
must be ready to participate in. Neglect by citizens of civic responsibilities
will be a greater danger to a free America than any foreign threat can
ever pose; but an enlightened, dedicated people, studiously and energetically performing their political duties will insure us a future of ever-rising
standards of spiritual, cultural and material strength. These duties and
these opportunities must demand the dedicated attention of all the people,
and especially all who have so profoundly benefited from our vast
educational system.
My heartiest congratulations on this splendid preparation that the
members of this Graduating Class have received for exercising the leadership which this great Republic must have as it faces the problems, the
trials and the bright opportunities of the future.
Thank you-and may God bless you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 2:05 p.m. Cardinal Montini, Archbishop of Milan.
on a platform erected in front of He later referred to Dr. Thomas A.
O'Shaughnessy Hall. His opening words Dooley, cofounder of the Medico organi"Father Hesburgh, Your Eminence" re- zation in northern Laos.
ferred to the Reverend Theodore M. The citation accompanying the honHesburgh, President of the University of orary degree called the President "the
Notre Dame, and Giovanni Battista most eminent and most popular statesman of his time."
175 e4 Exchange of Messages Between the
President and President Alessandri Concerning the
Disaster in Chile. June 8, I 960
Dear Mr. President:
I am deeply distressed at the indications of hardship and suffering being
undergone now by the people of your nation and have just issued the
following public statement:
"The people of the United States are appalled at the disaster that has
struck the friendly, hard-working people of Chile. Earthquakes, tidal
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Public Papers of the Presidents
waves, avalanches and volcanic eruptions have brought extremely
serious personal casualties and heavy material damage that will take years
to overcome.
"Many people in Chile are homeless, injured and poorly clothed. It is
now winter in Chile. The disaster area is one of heavy rainfall. Hence
the extent of personal suffering being experienced by Chileans is almost
beyond comprehension.
"The United States Government is doing all it can to assist the Government of Chile and the Chilean people in this catastrophe.
"In addition, I urge all our people promptly to demonstrate once again
the great generosity so characteristic of them. The Chileans need help of
many kinds-medicine, tents, clothing, food and other things. Cash
contributions can be made to the American Red Cross. Contributions of
material goods can be made through many voluntary organizations which,
I am informed, are issuing local appeals. I have asked General Alfred M.
Gruenther, President of the American Red Cross, to arrange for the
coordination of this voluntary material assistance."
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: President Alessandri's message follows:
Dear Mr. President:
I sincerely thank Your Excellency for
the message you were so good as to
transmit to me, informing me of the public appeal made by you to the people of
the United States to give their generous
assistance in the tragic, difficult emergency our country must meet as a result
of the earthquakes, tidal waves, and
volcanic eruptions that have caused great
suffering and exceptionally serious material damage. Your Excellency's appeal,
the exemplary significance of which I
wish to emphasize, reveals once more your
warm friendship toward the people of
Chile and admirably bespeaks the noble
sentiments and Christian solidarity of the
people of the United States, in whom we
see the basis of your nation's greatness.
Accept, Excellency, the sincere thanks
of the Government and people of Chile
for your noble action, together with my
deep personal gratitude.
JORGE ALESSANDRI RODRIGUEZ
The statement quoted in the President's letter was released by the White
House on May 27.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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I 7 6 eJ Letter to Governor Underwood of West
Virginia on Further Federal Activities in Aid of
Chronic Labor Surplus Areas. June I2, 1960
[ Released June I 2, I 960. Dated June 9, I 960]
Dear Governor Underwood:
Following my meeting with you and Senators Scott and Cooper on May
fourth, I called together the appropriate officials in those Federal agencies
having programs affecting chronic labor surplus areas, to again review
pertinent activities within their province. As a result of this meeting a
number of additional executive actions have been taken to further assist
these areas. Knowing of your deep interest in this matter, I thought you
would like to have a copy of a report to me which outlines these new
actions.
May I take this occasion to also call to your attention the fact that bills
have been introduced, both in the House and the Senate, designed to implement the suggestions which I made when I vetoed S. 722. In my
opinion, the revised legislation which has been submitted on behalf of the
Administration represents a sound and forthright program for assisting
the states and localities in dealing with the problems of chronic unemployment. I am disturbed that hearings on this legislation have not been
scheduled. It had been-and is-my hope that suitable legislation would
be enacted at this session of the Congress.
In any event, we will continue to take every possible administrative
action we can to assist chronic labor surplus areas in West Virginia and
elsewhere.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The report to which the President leased with the President's letter, dereferred was in the form of a letter dated scribed additional Government action
May 31, i960, from Under Secretary of with special reference to Pennsylvania,
Commerce Philip A. Ray, Chairman of Kentucky, and West Virginia.
the Interdepartmental Committee To Co- For veto of the area redevelopment bill
ordinate Federal Urban Area Assistance (S. 722), see Item 146.
Programs (see Item 5). The report, re
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177 q Statement by the President Recorded
Before Leaving for the Far East. June 12, 1960
My friends:
Through recent weeks my mail has been heavy with personal messages
from thousands of Americans and friends of America overseas-messages
of calm faith that our decent peaceful purposes will not be obscured in
the world's eyes by propaganda and invective.
These messages, written in fullness of heart, have been inspiring proof
that, far from Washington and the world centers of power, men and
women are deeply concerned with the world role of the Republic-for
peace with justice in freedom. To all those who have written and cabled
me heartening words, I am most thankful.
As you know, there have been public warnings, based on a variety of
considerations, that I should not visit the Far East at this time. With
these, I did not agree. However, they moved me to re-think and to reexamine my individual responsibility within the American mission of
free world leadership.
In that process, I decided neither to postpone nor to cancel my trip
to the Far East.
This is the reason for my decision: so that I can continue to learn more
about the immediate problems and purposes of our friends, and to continue to promote a better understanding of America abroad-which, particularly in the circumstances of the moment-is a compelling responsibility on me as the President of the United States.
If the trip now ahead of me were concerned principally with the support of a regime or a treaty or a disputed policy; if it were intended
merely to bolster a particular program, or to achieve a limited objective,
such a journey would have no real justification. But this trip is not so
concerned, not so intended. Rather, it represents an important phase of
a program whose paramount objective was, and is, to improve the climate
of international understanding.
Toward that goal we have worked in many ways: for instance, by the
exchange of students and by our economic assistance program. Not the
least among these means has been a long series of visits, through 7/2
years, by chiefs of state and senior officials of other governments to the
United States, and like trips abroad by myself, the Vice President, and
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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our associates at all levels of American Government.
Never, I believe, in the history of international affairs has there been so
massive a program of communications between government officials and
between peoples. We should not permit unpleasant incidents and
sporadic turmoil, inspired by misled or hostile agents, to dim for us the
concrete and gratifying results. They have been to the great profit and
to the great good of the entire world.
For one thing, America's sincere dedication to the pursuit of a permanent peace, with justice for all, is becoming more clearly understood
than ever before, throughout the free world.
For another, the free world economy-including our own-has been
steadily strengthened.
For a third, among most of the world's peoples there now is a genuine
concensus of conviction that we can, by negotiation, solve even the most
difficult of international problems.
We in truth have made immense progress. In the devout hope that I
can help further, even a little, this forward movement, I go to the
Philippines, Republic of China, Japan, and Korea.
In these countries we have many millions of warm and devoted friends,
in every case the vast majority of the population. But because these are
countries of freedom, where men and women are free to assemble, to speak
out and to criticize, we must not expect a regimented unanimity on any
subject-any more than we expect it here at home.
I am going to these countries:
Because with the Republic of the Philippines we have the closest ties
of association beginning 6 decades ago, and because it was in the Philippines many years ago that we launched our first major program to help
a developing people achieve a prosperous independence.
Because with the Republic of China we have helped demonstrate to
the world that a free people can hold high its precious national heritage
against all efforts to destroy it and can in adversity build soundly for the
future without a fatal sacrifice of human values.
Because with Japan we have just completed our first century of relations and we can now so plan and order our partnership that through
the new century ahead we may work together for the prosperity and
peace of the entire world.
Because with Korea we have been joined since the establishment of
its Republic in maintaining there a bulwark on the frontier of the free
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world, essential to the security of this Nation and the honor of the United
Nations.
Our associations with these four nations are vital to our own security
and to the security of the free world. In my personal mission through
the next 2 weeks I shall strive to my utmost that our friendships may
grow warmer, our partnerships more productive of good for us all.
I am stopping briefly in Okinawa where we have important responsibilities for the welfare of the Ryukyuan people.
I am also happy to visit our newest States, Alaska and Hawaii. They
are important bridges of communication to the free nations of Asia.
I know that all Americans will want me to express their warm friendship to the peoples I shall visit. I know also that I shall bring back to
you the friendly greetings of our Asian brothers.
And now-goodbye to all of you for a short while.
NOTE: The statement was recorded for lowing the President's departure at 8:40
broadcast over radio and television fol- a.m. from Andrews Air Force Base.
178 4t Remarks Upon Arrival at Elmendorf Air
Force Base, Anchorage, Alaska. June 12, I960
Governor Egan, Mayor Byer, officers and men of the Alaskan Command,
and my fellow citizens:
My first visit to Alaska since it became the 49th State in the Union
means much to me as an individual American and as President.
On the personal side, thinking back to my boyhood, Alaska for all of
us-at least in Kansas-was synonymous with gold and glamor of the
Yukon and Klondike; the home of sourdoughs and Eskimos; best known
through Jack London and Robert Service. We thought of it as a cruel
Arctic region, a new and raw possession.
Incidentally, I had an uncle who came on that adventure, but he did
not find the gold and he never talked to me about the glamor.
But Alaska was new. My father, for example, was a growing boy when
the Russian flag still flew here. I question that many in that day ever
dreamed it would achieve statehood within their life span.
Certainly I can assure you that never for a moment did it enter my
head that one day as President of the United States I would urgently
recommend statehood for Alaska and later welcome it as a State into our
great Union.
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As so many voices express worry and fear about the future, let us remember it usually turns out as good as the effort we put into it. And
Alaska is an example.
Today, flying here through five time zones, across almost thirty-five
hundred miles, at little less than the speed of sound, over fertile fields and
prosperous cities, this trip is an index to North American growth in my
own lifetime.
Beyond the physical, I reach this largest city of the 49th State knowing
that I will find in its people, as indeed I have before, the great traits of all
America: a tremendous energy for achievement, a courageous persistence
in mastering natural resources for human good-boundless faith in country and in God.
The changes in less than a century hearten us as we view the future.
For you, that future is bound to be a bright and useful one. You are no
longer an Arctic frontier, you constitute a bridge to the continent of Asia
and all its peoples.
To all of them-in your energy and persistence and faith-you exemplify the stimulus of freedom, its rewards and its spirit.
Through the years you will be for them a new and close demonstration
of what free men and free women can accomplish, given challenge and
opportunity and the will to work together.
It is good to be here to learn at first hand something of what you are
doing, what you are hoping and planning for the future. My party and
I truly value these few hours that we can spend with you.
Governor Egan, from the bottom of my heart, I thank you for your
cordial welcome and for the mementoes that you have just mentioned as
gifts to me here. I cannot tell you with what gratitude I express my feelings about your generous statements.
Thank you.
NOTE: The President spoke at I O: IO a.m. Governor Egan presented the President
His opening words "Governor Egan, with a gold medal commemorating the
Mayor Byer" referred to William A. Egan, statehood of Alaska, and, on behalf of his
Governor of Alaska, and George H. Byer, daughter, Mrs. Jacqueline Grainger, a
Mayor of Anchorage. blue leather stamp album.
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179 eJ Veto of Bill for the Relief of Our Lady of
the Lake Church, Mandeville, Louisiana.
June 13, 1960
[ Released June 13, 1960. Dated June I, 1960 ]
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 5150, "For the relief
of Our Lady of the Lake Church."
The bill would direct a refund to Our Lady of the Lake Church,
Mandeville, Louisiana, of $1,284.17 in customs duties assessed on organ
boarding imported from Germany. In support of the refund, it is asserted
that the organ boarding was denied free entry despite its hand-carved
panels which constitute original sculptures of the type granted duty-free
status under applicable law.
The entry free of duty of certain sculptures is permitted, but an express
provision of the applicable law excludes "any articles of utility." The
Bureau of Customs has determined that the organ boarding in question
is an article of utility within the meaning of the statute, and therefore
does not meet the requirements for free entry.
The record contains no reason for granting special legislative relief in
this case other than the belief that the law has been misinterpreted.
Special legislation is not needed, however, in cases where the law may
have been misinterpreted. General law provides procedures by which
importers may challenge, administratively and in the courts, the Bureau
of Customs' interpretations of the laws relating to importation. The
Church did not avail itself of these procedures.
The bill would, therefore, discriminate in favor of a single importer
who did not take advantage of the available remedies.' Such a result
would be unfair to other importers and would create an unwise and
unsound precedent.
In view of the foregoing, I am constrained to withhold my approval
of H.R. 5150.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The veto message was released in Washington.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
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I80 8o Veto of Bill Concerning the Defense of
Suits Against Federal Employees Operating
Government Motor Vehicles. June 13, I960
[ Released June 13, I960. Dated June I I, I96 ]
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 7577, "To amend title
28, entitled 'Judiciary and Judicial Procedure', of the United States Code
to provide for the defense of suits against Federal employees arising out of
their operation of motor vehicles in the scope of their employment, and
for other purposes."
As originally introduced, this legislation provided that when a Government driver is sued in a state court on a claim resulting from his operation
of a motor vehicle while acting within the scope of his employment, such
action should be removed to the appropriate United States district court.
There it would become an action against the United States under the
Federal Tort Claims Act and be the plaintiff's exclusive judicial remedy.
Government drivers would thus cease to be defendants and would be relieved of personal liability in such cases. These are desirable objectives.
The bill was amended, however, to require the consent of the plaintiff
before any such action could be removed to a Federal court. This
amendment is unfortunate, for any plaintiff, by refusing to give his consent, could prevent the conversion of the action to one under the Federal
Tort Claims Act and thus thwart the sound purposes of the original bill.
The amendment also makes the bill inconsistent internally and could give
rise to needless litigation.
Although unwilling, therefore, to approve this bill, I would gladly sign
new legislation corresponding to H.R. 7577 as first passed by the House of
Representatives.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The veto message was released in Washington.
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I 8 I t Veto of Bill for the Relief of Grand Lodge
of North Dakota, Ancient Free and Accepted
Masons. June I3) I960
[ Released June I 3, I 960. Dated June I I, I 960]
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 84I7, "For the relief of
Grand Lodge of North Dakota, Ancient Free and Accepted Masons."
The bill would direct a refund to the Grand Lodge of North Dakota,
Ancient Free and Accepted Masons, of $1,I55.26 in customs duties assessed on masonic jewels, consisting of insignia and emblems composed of
metal and other material, imported from Canada. In support of the
refund, it is asserted that such jewels should have been granted duty-free
status under applicable law.
The entry free of duty of regalia and gems is permitted for the use of a
society incorporated or established solely for religious, philosophical, educational, scientific, or literary purposes, or for the encouragement of the
fine arts. The Bureau of Customs has determined, however, that fraternal organizations, such as the Grand Lodge of North Dakota, do not
meet the requirements for free entry.
No reason has been advanced for granting special legislative relief in
this case other than the belief that the law has been misinterpreted. If
the law has been misinterpreted, however, there is no need for a special
bill. General law provides procedures by which importers may challenge,
administratively and in the courts, the Bureau of Customs' interpretations
of the law relating to importation. The Grand Lodge has not yet availed
itself of these procedures, but it still has the opportunity to do so.
The bill would, therefore, discriminate in favor of a single importer
who has not taken advantage of the available remedies. Such a result
would be unfair to other importers and would create an unwise and
unsound precedent.
Although the enrolled bill would provide for a refund of $I,155.26,
the Treasury Department has previously advised the Congress that the
amount of duties due upon final liquidation of this entry will be only
$375.34, and that the difference between this figure and the amount
deposited at the time of entry by the Grand Lodge will be refunded
administratively in any event.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19601
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In view of the foregoing, I am constrained to withhold my approval
from the bill.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The veto message was released in Washington.
I82 e Remarks Upon Arrival at the International
Airport in Manila. June I4, 1960
Mr. President and my friends of the Philippine Islands:
This is indeed for me a homecoming. As I circled over your city, I
saw the old familiar sights of the Laguna de Bay, the Baguio Mountains
and the Pasig River, and finally this lovely coastline along which your
city lies. Indeed these sights aroused in me sentiments and emotions that
no eloquence of mine could ever adequately express.
I worked among you for more than 4 years. I came here as an assistant
of General Douglas MacArthur, and only yesterday morning, or
possibly-my days are getting mixed up-2 days ago, I called General
MacArthur and had a conversation with him about these Islands, and
this section of the world that he knew so well, and he asked me to convey
to you his sincere conviction-strengthened with the years-that always
there will be unity between the Philippines and the United States of
America. And he asked me to convey to you, Mr. President, and to your
people, his warmest greetings and his best wishes for your continued
welfare.
The last time that I was enabled to come to see your country, was just
after the conclusion of World War II. I then saw a city wrecked and
living in destruction-everything torn to pieces. As I flew down over
the city today, I saw what Philippine courage, Philippine energy, Philippine endurance and stamina could accomplish.
Manila is as beautiful as ever it was before-and more so. All over
your country the ravages of war have been repaired, by your refusal to
surrender to despair or to lose faith in your own destiny.
As I looked at these familiar sights, there was one thing, of course,
that was missing: so many of my old friends of the years just preceding
World War II-they are gone. So many of them paid the price that
free men have been called upon to pay again and again for the defense of
freedom, for the right of living as human people of dignity, to stand
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straight under their God, and bow the knee to no one else.
I pay tribute to those great heroes, and to all who fought with them
and beside them-both American and Filipino. I hope in a symbolic
way to pay my respects when I go to some of the cemeteries where they
are buried.
But to you the living, and among you are many of my old friends, I
affirm again the determination of the United States to live with you as a
true partner in defense of those ideals of liberty and human dignity in
which we alike believe.
Between us, just as always it has been the case between members of
a family, are some problems to be discussed and to be talked about and
to negotiate. But that negotiation and those conferences take place in a
spirit of common dedication to ideals that make us true partners. Therefore, no petty differences of any kind can ever tear apart these two great
countries, which are certain together to march down the lane of the
future-free, proud, prospering, and always friends.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 5 p.m. ment, members of the diplomatic corps,
He was met by President Carlos P. and U.S. Ambassador John D. Hickerson.
Garcia, officials of the Philippine Govern183 41 Address Before a Joint Session of the
Philippine Senate and House of Representatives.
June 15, 1960
Mr. President of the Senate, Mr. Speaker of the House, Members of the
Congress, distinguished guests, and my friends:
I am keenly sensible of the high honor this assembled body has paid to
me and to my country by inviting me to be present here and to address
this body, a body representing the political leadership of a great Republic
in the Asian sector. I am indeed overwhelmed by your kindness and I can
say only mabuhay.
You will understand the flood of memories that swept over me on
coming back to this land, where I feel that I am revisiting an old home
and old friends and renewing ties of long standing.
Here my wife and I spent four happy years, making friendships that
we shall ever cherish. Here our son went to school and grew into young
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
[ i83
manhood. Here I saw the first beginnings of this Republic and worked
with men whose vision of greatness for the people of the Philippines has
been matched by its realization.
Through many days I could talk of life as I knew it here a quarter of a
century ago. For hours on end I could make comparisons of what was
in those days and what is now. But I have only minutes in which I can
address myself to this subject.
Even in the short space I have been here, however, I have been struck
by the vigor and progress that is evident everywhere. I see around me a
city reconstructed out of the havoc and destruction of a world war. I
know of the Binga Dam; the Maria Cristina Power and Industrial Complex; the Mindinao highway system; rural electrification; the disappearance of epidemic diseases; the amazing growth of Manila industry.
Everywhere is inescapable physical evidence of energy and dedication
and a surging faith in the future. But of deeper significance is the creation here of a functioning democracy-a sovereign people directing their
own destinies; a sovereign people concerned with their responsibilities in
the community of nations. Those responsibilites you have discharged
magnificently even as you toiled to rebuild and to glorify your own land.
Certainly, we Americans salute Filipino participation in the Korean
war; the example set the whole free world by the Filipino nurses and
doctors who went to Laos and to Viet Nam on Operation Brotherhood;
your contribution to SEATO and the defense of your neighbors against
aggression; your charter membership and dynamic leadership in the
United Nations; your active efforts to achieve closer cultural and economic
relations with other Southeast Asian countries.
The stature of the Republic of the Philippines on the world scene is
the creation of its own people-of their skill; their imagination; their
courage; and, above all, their commitment to freedom. But their aspirations would have gone unrealized were they not animated by a spirit
of nationalism, of a patriotic love of their own land and its independence,
which united and directed them in their efforts.
This spirit was described by your late great leader and my personal
friend, Manuel Quezon, when he with great eloquence said: "Rightly
conceived, felt and practiced, nationalism is a tremendous force for good.
It strengthens and solidifies a nation. It preserves the best traditions of
the past and adds zest to the ambition of enlarging the inheritance of
the people. It is, therefore, a dynamic urge for continuous self-improve479
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ment. In fine, it enriches the sum total of mankind's cultural, moral, and
material possessions through the individual and characteristic contribution
of each people."
Significantly, President Quezon had this caution to offer, "So long as
the nationalistic sentiment is not fostered to the point where a people
forgets that it forms a part of the human family; that the good of mankind should be the ultimate aim of each and every nation; and that conflicting national interests are only temporary; and that there is always a
just formula for adjusting them-nationalism then," he said, "is a noble,
elevating and most beneficial sentiment."
In these words of clarity and timeless wisdom, President Quezon spoke
a message forever applicable to human affairs, particularly fitted to the
circumstances of this era.
Nationalism is a mighty and a relentless force. No conspiracy of
power, no compulsion of arms can stifle it forever. The constructive
nationalism defined by President Quezon is a noble, persistent, fiery inspiration; essential to the development of a young nation. Within its
ideal my own country since its earliest days has striven to achieve the
American dream and destiny. We respect this quality in our sister nation.
Communist leaders fear constructive nationalism as a mortal foe. This
fear is evident in the continuing efforts of the Communist conspiracy to
penetrate nationalist movements, to pervert them, and to pirate them
for their own evil objectives.
To dominate-if they can-the eternal impulse of national patriotism,
they use force and threats of force, subversion and bribery, propaganda
and spurious promises. They deny the dignity of men and have subjected
many millions to the execution of master plans dictated in faraway places.
Communism demands subservience to a single ideology, to a straitjacket
of ideas and approaches and methods. Freedom of individuals or nations,
to them is intolerable. But free men, free nations, make their own rules
to fit their own needs within a universally accepted frame of justice and
law.
Under freedom, thriving sovereign nations of diverse political, economic
and social systems are the basic healthy cells that make up a thriving
world community. Freedom and independence for each is in the interest
of all.
For that very reason-in our own enlightened self-interest, in the
interest of all our friends-the purpose of American assistance programs
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 JI 183
is to protect the right of nations to develop the political and social institutions of their choice. None, we believe should have to accept extremist
solutions under the whip of hunger, or the threat of armed attack and
domination.
We-free, self-governing peoples-readily accept that there is a great
variety of political, social and economic systems in the world; and we
accept the further fact that there is no single, best way of life that answers
the needs of everyone, everywhere.
The American way satisfies the United States. We think it is best
for us.
But the United States need not believe that all should imitate us. But
what all of us do have in common with the free nations in Asia, Africa,
Europe and Latin America are basic and weighty convictions, more important than differences of speech and color and culture.
Some of these convictions are: that man is a being capable of making
his own decisions; that all people should be given a fair opportunity to
use their God-given talents, to be worthy heirs of their fathers, to fulfill
their destiny as children of God; that voluntary cooperation among
groups and nations is vastly preferable to cooperation by force-indeed,
voluntary cooperation is the only fruitful kind of effort in the long run.
True enough, in a too lengthy period of history, some European nations
seemed convinced that they were assigned the mission of controlling the
continents. But always powerful voices within those countries attacked
the policy of their own governments. And we of the American Republics-twenty-one independent nations, once European coloniesdenied in arms and in battle the validity of the assumed mission. Colonialism died there because true nationalism was a more potent force.
Since 1945, thirty-three lands that were once subject to Western control
have peaceably achieved self-determination. These countries have a
population of almost a billion people. During the same period, twelve
countries in the Sino-Soviet sphere have been forcibly deprived of their
independence. The question might be asked: Who are today the
colonialists?
The basic antagonism of the Communist system to anything which it
cannot control is the single, most important cause of the tension between
the free nations in all their variety on the one hand, and, on the other, the
rigidly controlled Communist bloc.
One purpose of the Communist system's propaganda is to obscure these
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true facts. Right now, the principal target is the United States of
America. The United States is painted by the Communists as an imperialistic seeker of limitless power over all the peoples of the world, using
them as pawns on the chessboard of war, exploiting them and their resources to enrich our own economy, degrading them to a role of beggarly
dependence.
The existence, the prosperity, the prestige of the Republic of the
Philippines proves the falsity of those charges. You, as a people, know
that our American Republic is no empire of tyranny. Your leaders repeatedly have so testified to the world. But for a few minutes I should
like to speak to you on what America stands for: what it stood for before
I became President and what it will continue to stand for after I have left
office.
More important than any one year, any one incident, or any one man
is the role we have played through our whole history-the role we shall
continue to play so long as our Republic endures.
Two hundred years, lacking sixteen, have passed since our forefathers
proclaimed to the world the truths they held self-evident: that all men
are created equal; that they are endowed with inalienable rights to life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that governments are instituted
among men to secure those rights, deriving their just powers only from
the consent of the governed.
On the day of that proclamation, you and we and scores of other nowfree nations were colonies. Mankind everywhere was engaged in a bitter
struggle for bare survival. Only a few by the accident of birth enjoyed
ease without back-breaking toil. Naked power, more often than not, was
the decisive element in human affairs. Most men died young after an
all too short life of poverty.
Since then, free men-using their rights, embracing their opportunities,
daring to venture and to risk, recognizing that justice and good will
fortify strength-have transformed the world.
The wilderness and jungle of nature have been conquered. The
mysteries of the universe are being unlocked. The powers of the elements
have been harnessed for human benefit. The ancient tyrannies of hunger
and disease and ignorance have been relentlessly attacked and ceaselessly
reduced in their domains.
The evil of our forebears' times were manifold and entrenched and
often accepted without murmur. But to free men who saw in their
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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fellow men the image of God, who recognized in themselves a capacity
to transform their circumstances and environment-to such free men,
those evils were unbearable.
Not all of these evils were vanquished at the first assault. Indeed,
many still survive. Not always was success persistently prosecuted to ultimate triumph. Free men, however mighty their inspiration, are humanly frail.
At times they may be fearful when they should be girding and bracing
themselves for more vigorous effort; trading words when they should be
working; bickering over trifles when they should be uniting on essentials;
rioting when they should be calmly planning. Often they may dissipate
their energies in futile and wasteful exercise. Often they are mistaken or
for a while misled. Being human, these things are true about all of us.
Nevertheless, the resources of free men living in free communities, cooperating with their neighbors at home and overseas, constitute the
mightiest creative temporal force on earth.
In your sister Republic of the United States, the greatest achievement
of our history is that our rebels against colonialism, against subjection,
against tyranny, were the first in this era to raise the banner of freedom
and decent nationalism, to carry it beyond our shores, and to honor it
everywhere.
What we stood for in 1776, when we were fighting for our freedom,
we still stand for in 1960.
To maintain our stand for peace and friendship and freedom among
the nations, the United States must remain strong and always faithful to
its friends, making clear that propaganda pressures, rocket rattling and
even open aggression are bound to fail.
Beyond the guarantees of American strength, we seek to expand a
collective security. SEATO demonstrates what can be accomplished.
Since its inception not one inch of free Southeast Asia territory has been
lost to an aggressor.
Collective security must be based on all fields of human endeavor, requiring cooperation and mutual exchange in the areas of politics, economics, culture and science. We believe in the expansion of relations
between nations as a step toward more formal regional cooperation. In
accord with this belief, we support the initiative taken by the Government
of the Philippines during the past several years in establishing closer ties
with its neighbors.
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Patience, forebearance, integrity, an enduring trust, must between our
two countries characterize our mutual relations. Never, I pray, will the
United States because of its favored position in size and numbers and
wealth, attempt to dictate or to exercise any unfair pressure of any kind, or
to forget or to ignore the Republic of the Philippines-its equal in
sovereign dignity. And never, I pray, will the Philippines deem it advantageous either at home or abroad to make a whipping boy of the United
States. Each of us proudly recognizes the other as its sovereign equal.
And my friends, at this point I just want to interpolate one simple
thought on the cooperative efforts for our own security, for advancing the
standards of living of peoples, for everything that we do together, there
are of course differences in the ability of each nation to make contributions.
Each of us as an individual is different from every other individual.
Physically, mentally, and in the possession of the world's goods, we are
somewhat different. But I submit, Members of the Congress, that there
is one field where no man, no woman, no nation, need take a secondary
place, and that is in moral leadership.
The spirit of a people is not to be measured by its size or its riches or
even its age. It is something that comes from the heart, and from the
very smallest nation can come some of the great ideas-particularly those
great inspirational ideas that inspire men to strive always upward and
onward.
Therefore, when I say that our two nations are sovereign equals, I
mean it just in that spirit, in the sense that you have just as much to
contribute to the world and to yourselves and to freedom as the greatest
and the most powerful nation in the world.
Now finally, in this great cause of peace and friendship and freedom,
we who are joined together will succeed. The eternal aspirations, purposes, ideals of humanity inspire and hearten and urge us to success.
But we face repeated challenges; endless temptations to relax, continuous campaigns of propaganda and threat. Let us stand more firmly
together against them all.
And so doing, and with God's help, we shall march ever forward
toward our destiny as free nations and great and good friends.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 4 p.m. In Daniel Z. Romualdez, Speaker of the
his opening words he referred to Eulogio House of Representatives.
Rodriguez, President of the Senate, and
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I 84 4I Remarks to the Staff of the U.S. Embassy
and the American Community in Manila.
June 15, I960
Ladies and gentlemen:
In numerous places in the world I have been privileged to meet with
the members of the United States diplomatic missions and the auxiliary
forces and services that work with them. Always I try to point out that
each of you is in fact an ambassador. You are representing America,
and you are not doing it in the style that is described in very exaggerated
fashion in "The Ugly American." You are trying to show those qualities
of integrity and of friendliness and readiness to cooperate with others for
good, that recognition that men and women are, after all, children of
God, and we try to treat each other in that way.
Now when I come to this spot, here is a country with whom we have
had a long association, and before it took its completely independent place
in the family of nations we had toward it a position of tutor and helper,
in order that it could fittingly take over the heavy responsibilities of
sovereignty.
It seems to me, therefore, that in this particular Embassy, and in each
particular individual that is connected with it, from the youngest child
that can think to the oldest employee, that we have a very special effort to
place America before the consciousness of not only every Filipino but
every visitor to this city that does not know our country as we know it.
I believe, in doing so, you are not only discharging one of the gravest
responsibilities that belongs to a public servant in the United States, but I
believe it is an effort that if we want to pursue it with our hearts and our
minds, it is one of the most joyous and one of the most satisfying efforts
that can come to anyone-that can be performed by anyone. It is a
great opportunity.
Now I served in this land something over 4 years myself, about a quarter century ago. It is an entirely different land from what I knew then.
The progress in everything, as I see it in the people, in their education,
in the buildings and the streets-industries-it is amazing. I see no limit
to its future.
Therefore, we are not only fortunate to have this country as our great
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partner in the work that we do to pursue peace with justice and freedom,
but we are very-indeed happy to have it. And I think and I am quite
sure each of you feels this way.
I do not mean by any manner of means to be lecturing you or implying
that you have not been doing exactly what I am now talking about.
What I do mean is that this is an effort that concerns me so deeply that I
have been traveling for many thousands of miles just for this one purpose,
on the part of the individual who for the moment is the spokesman for the
United States, to say these things over and over again. Because if there
is one thing we want-I mean the United States wants-it is good, loyal
friends, inspired by the same ideals of human dignity and decency that we
ourselves cherish. So I envy you your assignment. I congratulate you
for the way you have been doing it. And I just say: double it in spades.
Thank you very much indeed. Goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:45 p.m. at the American Embassy.
i85 j1 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given
in His Honor byPresident Garcia. June I5, i960
Mr. President, Mrs. Garcia, and distinguished guests:
There are some of you at this dinner that attended a somewhat similar
occasion in this very spot just a bit over 20 years ago. There was a
despedida given to my wife and me by President Quezon. It was both
a joyous and a sad occasion. Two things had happened. Europe was
at war, and most of us believed that the United States could not prevent
itself from getting embroiled. So by agreement with President Quezon,
I went back to the United States, and I was very happy that I was to be
given the opportunity to help prepare, Mr. President, our country and
its forces for the coming struggle.
The occasion was also sad, because we were leaving so many other
friends that we had formed through 4 years of intimate association with
them, working with them and playing with them.
Now I want to call your attention to those 2o years, not to review
merely the record that history has written about them in science, in
literature, in construction, and all the marvels of men's genius that we
now enjoy. I want to point out the pace at which we are now moving.
We had already achieved trans-Pacific air transport in I938 or some486
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960 (I 185
thing of that kind, but those boats were flying boats and they could move
only in daytime, they tied up at night and they were nothing at all like
the later transports-the Constellations and the DC-7's and so on. They
were followed in turn by the jets. And now the companies advertise
that their jet is faster and faster-and possibly soon we will be going
from breakfast to one spot in order to have dinner the night before in
another, because in such fashion we will outrace the earth's movement.
Electronics was something only discussed in the laboratories by scientists. Our whole system of communications, of transport, and aids to
aviation have all been developed in these 20 years.
And now let's think for a second of the time from Cleopatra to Napoleon. In all those centuries the pace of transportation never once
moved forward. The ancient Egyptians had chariots, and while sailing
ships had achieved some improvement, we were still dependent upon the
wind to get across the oceans, and the horse or the camel was our best
transport on land.
I think we should stop and recognize how this pace-let's say the
curve of civilization-has leaped forward in leaps and bounds in these
very few years. Even if we go back to the beginning of the Industrial
Revolution, we still have a pace that, compared to the prior years, was
like taking a race horse and comparing it to a snail.
This means, I think, that the years in front of us are going to be just
as dramatic and are going to witness the same kind of changes we have
in the past 20. I think that any individual here would have to have a
bold imagination to sit down this evening and try to write out for himself
what are going to be the achievements in the several sciences and arts
in the coming 20 years.
President Garcia spoke of the need for preparation, and of the people
he pointed out that won't fight and who are never prepared. We must
fight. But above all we must be prepared. And I do not mean to fight
wars as we have understood that.
Weapons have now come upon the scene that make war as we have
understood it in the past a complete absurdity and really impossible and
preposterous. They mean, in short-if used in the profusion that prophets
sometimes predict-really the destruction of civilization as we know it.
This cannot be.
And yet, with all of these changes certain to come upon us, we must
keep a steady mind and a steady heart. We must keep a steady purpose.
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We must look forward to those next 20 years, and we must be ready with
every reasonable idea and conviction and faith that we can bring to
bear, as we confer with our friends and even those that are hostile to us,
to make certain that this world does not become so badly out of balance
that only catastrophe can result.
When I talk about these dire possibilities, I do not mean to be pessimistic. I am quite sure that there was never in war a battle won by a
pessimist. We must be optimists. But optimism by no means should
beget complacency.
I believe that the time for working harder, more thoughtfully, in more
dedicated fashion, is now with us. We must strengthen our spiritual
powers in a deeper faith in the Almighty. We must dedicate ourselves
more to the ideal of peace, not a peace of surrender, not a peace of
appeasement-a decent, reasonable peace, permanent and with justice
for all.
We must train ourselves-we must look to our educational processes,
and in this way, though we may not in those 20 years-since that is the
space I have chosen to speak about this evening-we must not for one
moment give up this effort to induce those hostile to us to see things in a
better light and to follow with us the path of reason.
But at the very least, we must make certain that associations among
us-and by among us I mean all friends of freedom, the people that
believe in the dignity of man and his rights under and given to him by
the Almighty-these are the ideals in which we must bind ourselves
closer together than ever before. And if the mighty forces that are available in all the free world will so bind themselves, will so dedicate themselves, will so work unremittingly, then no matter whatever may betide,
we cannot be in danger. It is merely, as I see it, up to us.
Now the point of my remarks is this: over these 60 years we have
gradually achieved better and better relations between our two countries-between the Philippines and the United States of America.
Today I think they are stronger and better than they ever have been
before. But I think they are not yet good enough. Because we must
work as brothers, not as two people sitting across the table and arguing to
the point that we can say there can be no agreement. We must have
agreements, and they must be achieved in such a way as to satisfy the
sense of reason and logic of both sides. Then we will go further and
further forward, and we will be one element in that mighty team in the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
qy i86
free world of making certain that peace with justice and in freedom will
be a reality.
I cannot tell you how deep my faith is that this will come about, and
one of the greatest factors in the development of this belief and this conviction and this faith is our association, our work with and our friendship
between the United States and the Philippines.
So it is with a sense of, really, obligation to a great nation and its head
that I ask this company to rise with me to drink a Toast to my friend, the
President of the Philippines.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at 9:48 p.m. at a dinner at the Malacafiang
Palace.
I 86 eT Remarks at the University of the
Philippines Upon Receiving an Honorary Degree.
June i 6, I 960
Mr. President, faculty members and staff, students and friends of the
Philippine University:
I express to you my deep and lasting gratitude for the honor you bestow
on me today. The kindness of the University of the Philippines in granting me the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws has a particular personal
significance.
Mr. President, if the records of the Philippine University were so
fortunate as to survive the destruction of the late war, you will find in
your records an incident in which another American was awarded an
honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. This was General MacArthur.
As a major, I was a staff officer with him and accompanied him to the
exercises.
At that time it could scarcely ever have crossed my mind that one day,
sir, I should be awarded the honorary degree of this great university,
and indeed later as President of my own country to be privileged to carry
back to you General MacArthur's personal greetings, transmitted to me
only 3 or 4 days ago in Washington.
He said, "One of the high moments of my life in the Philippines was
when I received the Honorary Doctorate of this great university."
This university stands as a visible monument to a tradition which
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your country and mine share. That tradition is: the right of the citizen
to education on the basis of merit.
When I lived in Manila, the university was located in Ermita. At
that time, the healthy growth of the school already required larger facilities, and the move to Diliman had begun. As one who has experienced
the problems of an administrator in higher education, Mr. President, I
congratulate you on the wonderful university which you have here, and
on the strength and vitality of the educational tradition which you
represent.
Now, sir, in order to get in perspective my own short experience as a
president of a great university, I trust you will not be offended if I tell a
story that was told years ago, at my expense.
The story was this, that in the university, when they found that a man
was no longer a good professor, they made him a dean. But when he
was no longer a good dean, they made him president.
I hasten, my friends, to add, the story applied only to me.
You and all who are associated with you-faculty, staff and students,
friends and public officials-are joined in a noble human endeavor-the
search for truth; the teaching of it; the preservation of truth for ages
ahead.
In the long future before us, command of technical skills, knowledge,
understanding of the past and a vision of what free men can accomplish,
integrity in every public trust and in every personal responsibility, faith
in ourselves and in our fellows and in the guiding hand of our Creatorall these qualities of mind and of spirit are essential, if our accomplishments are to match our hopes and our dreams.
Their possession far outweighs all physical defects and wants. Given
them and a genuine fellowship, a sound partnership with other peoples of
like mind and purpose, every physical lack can be filled; every physical
resource developed in the fullest measure for our mutual good and the
profit of mankind.
In these days when an aggressive and strong ideology proclaims a purpose of world domination, the free world cannot afford to neglect
its own security-its moral, economic, intellectual, and material
strength. But all too often we measure the place and the power and the
prestige of a nation by its numbers and its riches in nature and in gold.
Population in men and women, of course, is an index to potential
stature, if those men and women are eager in freedom to expand them490
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q i 86
selves and all their talents; growing in mastery of nature; ever more conscious of their dependence on their fellows; always devoted to supporting
the prosperity, the dignity, the priceless freedom of their own nation and
of all mankind.
We are so minded-we of the Philippines and the United States and
of all the free world.
In numbers, we are mightier than all those who are allied against us
and those still in bondage under them. Let us never for a moment forget
this world fact: the bulk of the earth's people are joined with us in the
eternal pursuit of freedom and dignity and justice for every single
individual.
But our chief and most potent asset, in the battle for men's minds and
their loyalty, is our commitment to the mutual interchange of knowledge
and wisdom and culture; and our commitment to the mutual interchange
of new skills; of our power in machines; of our mastery over nature.
Not all peoples and their nations are so minded. For them, no matter
how immense their numbers may be, if the minds and souls within them
are chained in the dictates of tyrannic master plans; conceived only for
the purposes of those who rule; enforced by distant and pitiless bosses,
the ultimate products will be: sterility in works, hopeless futility in spirit,
increasing resentment that finally ignites revolt.
Tens of millions cannot forever be denied their freedom to venture on
their own. They will not eternally remain chained to the mastery of
other men.
In so speaking I merely echo a deep seated conviction expressed by
Jose Rizal-scholar and writer and scientist, doctor of medicine, leader
of men, patriot.
Were he here today in the land that he so fervently loved, in the halls
of the learning that he pursued all his days, not one of us could equal him
in praise of this university's purpose. None of us, I am certain, could
hope to reach his heights of inspiration, or his exhortations that we use
our every muscle of body, every talent of mind and soul toward the
golden goal of peace and friendship with freedom among men and their
nations. Nevertheless, in all humility and in recognition of his greatness
in voice and thought, I venture to suggest that the core of his message
might be this:
Filipinos, Americans, forever strengthen your brotherhood; forever
grow together in knowledge; in wisdom; in your faith as children of
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God so endowed by God that you can achieve, under His guiding
providence, mastery of the universe for all people's good and His glory.
Again, my friends, I thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at o: I a.m. ferred to Dr. Enrique Virata, Acting
His opening words "Mr. President" re- President of the University of the
Philippines.
187 If Remarks at a Luncheon Given by the
Chamber of Commerce in Manila. June i6, 1960
Mr. Orosa, Mr. Balatbat, Mr. Robie, members of the Philippine and
American Chambers of Commerce, and my friends:
Some years ago I became President of Columbia University. I
learned within 24 hours that a president of a university had to be ready
to speak at the drop of a hat, but I learned something more: the trustees
were expected to be ready to speak at the passing of the hat. Now the
president of a university, according to my experience, is no more ready
to speak than any member of any chamber of commerce that I know,
whenever he gets a chance or opportunity to talk about his own home
community. As a matter of fact, he doesn't even have to have any
ready-made opportunity.
There was a Texan went to a neighboring State and was there at the
time of a hanging. Well, it turned out that in that particular State there
was a law that the condemned man, before the final act, had 5 minutes to
say anything he wanted to in the world.
Well, this condemned man knew he was guilty and didn't know what
he should talk about so he said he didn't want his 5 minutes. And the
Texan immediately was on his feet and he said, "Mr. Sheriff, I submit, if
the condemned can't use this 5 minutes, I can, to tell them about Texas."
And he did, 5 minutes' worth!
Now as a sort of vicarious representative of the chamber of commerce
of the Manila Hotel, I could do a little talking here about this place where
I spent 4 very happy years with my wife. And I could be, I think, something of a speaker for the Chamber of Commerce of Manila and of the
Philippines, because my duties here took me to every sector of these
Islands. I think in those days we had constructed 94 separate stations,
and I am sure that I visited, at one time or another, each of them.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q i87
But within the few hours that I have to spend in Manila, I want to tell
you a little bit about the impression I have of progress, progress in which
you people-both the Philippine and the American Chambers of Commerce-have had a part. Your industrial skyline has changed immeasurably. Within the city itself, the changes are so great that I have
been unable-and would have been unable to find myself in any place in
the city except with the aid of a friend riding with me. Even the Luneta
seems to have changed. It has a big bandstand I never saw before and
other buildings to the left.
Now these instances of progress are not confined to the city. Secretary
Serrano and I went out to Fort McKinley this morning. I was amazed
at the factories that have gone up and are going up. The industrial
housing that is springing up everywhere, the kind of thing that shows a
thriving city, and more than that, a vibrant, dynamic, energetic people.
This progress is so great that it could possibly induce complacency.
But I want to talk to you for a moment about the problems that are
unsolved, that still are to be done. In all the world there is greater need
for education, for better understanding, for a freer flow of information,
for more success in our fight against disease, for better housing, better
comfort. In short, better living standards for all peoples. And this
means, particularly for the newly developing countries, a better average
income, which they must have.
In these problems and all their related auxiliaries, there is a challenge
to every man and woman of goodwill in this whole world; because the
things of which I speak are the substance out of which universal peace
will finally emerge.
If all people are ready to share their efforts, their hearts, their dreams
with others, and then share their material possessions to make better the
lot of the less fortunate, this will finally be peace.
Because, let us remember, it is greed, it is selfishness, it is lack of consideration for the other, it is a narrow pursuit of material goods and
wealth that makes for struggle everywhere in the world. And it breaks
up the cooperation that we need so desperately, if we are truly to reach
our goal.
Now by no means do I mean that anyone should slack off his efforts
to gain more for himself, for his family, and for his community. This is
the motive, this is the incentive that makes us work harder. But the point
of it is, what then do we do, because whatever we gain we do as a part of
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society of which we are a part, and we owe that society our help, our
leadership, our assistance in every single area in which any of the problems to which I have adverted has not been solved.
And how much more so, if the free world is to bind itself together
tightly to make certain that the concepts of human dignity, freedom,
liberty, equality before the law for all people-I say if these concepts are
to triumph, they will do it only as free man and free nations find themselves ready to help each other. The strongest helping the weaker, and
the weaker always able to put something in the "pot" to make this
operation go better and faster.
There is no such thing as a nation too poor to help. As I pointed out
in a talk yesterday, any man or any nation may Ibe poor in material goods.
It may be weak physically, or weak militarily, but that is no reason that
its heart should not be just as great as that of the greatest nation in the
world. There is no reason why the tiniest country in this whole world
can't give to each of us larger nations new ideas, new inspiration; because often indeed the example of sacrifice made by the weak is something that can shame us into doing more ourselves.
I say to you that all of these things that we seek must have, of course,
at their foundation a better economic strength in each of the peoples in
which we are interested-the free nations. This means that for both of
these chambers of commerce there is a great mission, a great opportunity: not just to make Manila more beautiful, more attractive-and
indeed, that is rather impossible-not just to make this nation bigger,
stronger, although you do that as part of your problem. You are making
your nation capable economically to develop its spiritual and intellectual
strength so that in all circumstances and in all areas you are a true leader
for peace-for peace with justice in freedom.
Now, my friends, I have been highly complimented here from this
platform. Indeed, Mr. Balatbat, with his nomination of me for the
Presidency of the world, forgot one thing: the frailty of the human; although I am proud to say that I use my entire strength, my entire life, to
try to promote the ideals and the concepts of which I have so haltingly
spoken. Yet we cannot look to one man, no matter how great he could
have been-a man with the wisdom of Solomon, the patience of a Lincoln, the military genius of a Napoleon, the philosophical insight of a
Socrates. Even such a man could not carry on this crusade and this
necessary work by himself.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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Every one of us that knows in his heart that he can help, if he so chooses,
can help. In so doing he becomes a leader, a leader for the noblest cause
that man has ever held-and has indeed held for centuries, even millennia:
peace with justice in freedom.
If we keep this thought before us, then every gain we make is no longer
a selfish one, no longer is it merely the result of selfish ambition. It is
something to do to strengthen you, to make better and stronger your
efforts for the attainment of this great goal.
I realize I am talking of something that is a bit idealistic. But I believe
this with my whole heart. Only as each of us makes himself a little
better in this regard, does the world become better.
I refer again to human frailty. I and every man I have ever known
have some evidence of this frailty. We are not omnipotent. We pray
to God for guidance, but it is on our own shoulders that the responsibility
rests to reach the objective I have tried to outline. None of us will do it
perfectly, but each can do it a little better.
And if we can do this, in this one audience alone, the aggregate of improvement will be revolutionary.
Ladies and gentlemen, I congratulate you all for what I have seen in
this city and this country, which shows the capabilities of the people and
the organizations that you here represent. I simply say this: my confidence in the Philippines, and my confidence in the United States, and
my confidence in the solidarity of their partnership will do still better in
the future. And you have the great opportunity to be one of the agents
of that betterment.
Thank you very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke at I: I5 p.m. Merle S. Robie, Acting President of the
in the Fiesta Pavilion of the Manila American Chamber of Commerce of the
Hotel. In his opening words he referred Philippines. Later in his remarks he reto Jose Orosa, the master of ceremonies, ferred to the Secretary of Foreign AfMarcelo Balatbat, President of the Cham- fairs, Felixberto Serrano.
ber of Commerce of the Philippines, and
I 88 eI Remarks at a Civic Reception at the
Luneta in Manila. June I 6, I 960
MR. PRESIDENT, you, on behalf of the Filipino people, have just
bestowed a great honor upon me.
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Proudly, I accept, in the name of the American people, the award of
Rajah in the Ancient Order of Sikatuna.
My friends, this Luneta was for more than 4 years the scene of my
habitual evening walks. To this day it lives in memory as one of the
most pleasant, indeed even one of the most romantic spots, I have known
in this entire world. Leaving the front entrance of the Manila Hotel
of an evening, I could walk to the right to view the busy docks where
Philippine commerce with the world was loaded and unloaded. From
here, looking across the peaceful waters of Manila Bay, I could see the
gorgeous sunsets over Miravales. Walking toward the Club of the Army
and the Navy, and looking down toward the city itself, I nearly always
paused for a moment before the statue of the great Jose Rizal before returning to my quarters. One thing that made those evening promenades
so pleasant, so meaningful, was the deep sense of feeling I had of Philippine-American friendship.
To you, assembled before this platform-to Filipinos and Americans
everywhere, and to those who are gone from among us-is due the credit
of having our close friendship in war and in peace.
Now, upon both our peoples still rests the grave responsibility of working together tirelessly in the promotion of liberty and world peace.
The voluntary association of free peoples produces, from the sharing of
common ideals of justice, equality and liberty, a strength and a moral
fiber which tyrannies never attain by coercion, control, and oppression.
Such tyrannies can, of course, concentrate upon a single objective-the
toil of millions upon millions of men and women, working endless hours,
denied even the smallest happiness of human living, sometimes whipped,
sometimes cajoled, always treated as robots bereft of human dignity. For
a space of years, particularly if the peoples they regiment have known
little of freedom or of a decent prosperity, such dictatorships may seem
to achieve marvels. But in their denial of human dignity-their destruction of individual self-esteem-they write the eventual doom of their
system.
Long before many of us here today were born, a great Filipino, Jose
Rizal, in vivid and eloquent language, foretold the eruption of these
tyrannies and predicted their ultimate fate. He said:
"Deprive a man of his dignity, and you not only deprive him of his
moral strength but you also make him useless even for those that wish
to make use of him. Every creature has its stimulus, its mainspring.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, z960
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Man's is his self-esteem. Take it away from him and he is a corpse...."
Now tyrannies of many sorts still exist in the world. All are rejected
by free men. Some authoritarian governments, being narrow in ambition,
content themselves with local and confined dominance. Others are
blatant in their boasts of eventual supremacy over continents and even
the world; constant in their boast that eventually they will bury all
systems of freedom.
That boast will never come true. Even in the lands that Communists
now master with an iron rule, the eternal aspirations of humanity cannot
be forever suppressed. The truth enunciated by Jose Rizal is universal
in its application. But tyrannies, before their fated deterioration and
disappearance, can, sometimes for many years, engulf and enslave free
peoples unable to resist them.
In that knowledge, the free world-two-thirds of the earth's population-step by step moves forward toward a more effective partnership
that freedom, human dignity, the noble heritages of many centuries may
withstand successfully all aggression.
Some nations are still reluctant to commit themselves fully; others
are divided on commitments already made. Minorities in some-possibly
the victims of subversion or of bribe, possibly confused by propaganda
and threat-oppose even the most obviously profitable associations. But
most stand firmly together.
The free world must increase its strength-in military defenses, in
economic growth, in spiritual dedication. Thus the free world will withstand aggressive pressures, and move ever forward in its search for
enduring peace.
Your government has recently reaffirmed your determination to stand
steadfast by joining only 2 weeks ago in the communique issued in
Washington by the Council of Ministers of the eight nations of SEATO.
They stated clearly that:
"The Council availed itself of this timely opportunity to reemphasize
the firm unity of purpose of the member countries of SEATO and their
determination to maintain and develop, both individually and collectively,
their capacity to meet all forms of Communist threat to the peace and
security of the Treaty Area."
May I say here that the United States is proud and indeed is thankful
to be so closely associated and so staunchly allied with the Philippines
both in SEATO and in the Mutual Defense Treaty between our two
countries.
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But in this world of continuing tension and yearnings for social change,
it is insufficient that the free world stand static in its defense of freedom.
We must, all of us, move ahead with imagination and positive programs to improve conditions in which human freedom can flourish.
We must, collectively and individually, strive for a world in which the
rule of law replaces the rule of force.
Your country and mine have reaffirmed our faith in the principles of
the United Nations Charter. We share a common desire to settle international disputes by peaceful means. The task is not an easy one. Communist intransigence at the conference table, whenever they do agree to
sit at one, makes the attainment of an equitable agreement most difficult.
Moreover, the record of Communist violations of agreements is a long
one-indeed, a sad one. The continuation of Communist provocations,
subversion, and terrorism while negotiations are underway serves only
to compound the difficulty of arriving at peaceful settlements.
But we shall never close the door to peaceful negotiations. All of us,
all free nations, always hold out the hand of friendship as long as it is
grasped in honesty and in integrity. We shall continue to make it clear
that reason and common sense must prevail over senseless antagonism
and distorted misunderstandings and propaganda. The arms race must
be brought under control and the nuclear menace that is poised in delicate
suspension over the heads of all mankind must be eliminated. This, I am
convinced, can be done, without appeasement or surrender, by continuing
a course of patient, resourceful and businesslike dealings with the Soviet
leaders.
The goal of a world at peace in friendship with freedom is so worth
the attaining that every feasible and honorable avenue must be explored.
The support, understanding, and participation of all who cherish freedom
is essential to this noblest endeavor in history. The Philippine contribution will be mighty in its impact on the future.
And now, my friends, I cannot close without attempting once more to
express my very deep appreciation of all the cordial hospitality and
friendliness that has been exhibited to me and to all the members of my
party during our all too brief stay in this lovely country.
We know that in greeting us along the highway or in magnificent
crowds such as this, you are really expressing your basic affection for the
American people.
And I assure you-all of you-as the spokesman of the American
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
q i89
people, that their concern for you, your faith, your future, your wellbeing, their affection for you is equally deep with yours.
Thank you and goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at 5:03 p.m.
from the band shell in Luneta Park,
where he and President Garcia reviewed
a military parade. The Order of Sikatuna, Rajah, is the highest decoration
awarded by the Philippine Government.
During the parade the President
learned that the Japanese Government
had requested a postponement of his visit
to Japan. A White House release of the
same date stated that although the President would have liked to fulfill his longheld ambition to pay his respects to the
Emperor and to the people of this great
sister-democracy and ally of the United
States, he, of course, fully accepted the
decision of the Japanese authorities and
therefore would not visit Japan at the
scheduled time.
"In so doing," the release continued,
"the President wishes to express his full
and sympathetic understanding of the
decision taken by the Japanese Government. He would like also to express his
regrets that a small organized minority,
led by professional Communist agitators
acting under external direction and control, have been able by resort to force and
violence to prevent his good will visit and
to mar the celebration of this centennial
in Japanese-American relations.
"At the same time the President remains confident that the deliberate challenges to law and order which have
caused the Japanese Government to reach
its decision will not and cannot disrupt
the abiding friendship and understanding
which unite our two nations and our two
peoples."
I 89 e Joint Statement Following Discussions
With President Garcia. 7une i 6, i960
PRESIDENT EISENHOWER, at the invitation of President Garcia,
paid a state visit to the Philippines on June I4 to I6, i960, returning
the visit of President Garcia to the United States two years ago.
President Eisenhower recalled his personal association with the Philippines extending over a period of many years. As the first President of
the United States to visit the Philippines while in office, he expressed
his deep sense of satisfaction that he had been afforded this opportunity
to attest to the admiration and affection which the government and
people of the United States feel toward their Philippine allies.
President Garcia, on his part, viewed the affection shown to President
Eisenhower by the Filipino people as a grateful remembrance of the
latter's tour of duty in the Philippines some twenty-five years ago and
their admiration for his military leadership in the second world war and
his dedicated labors for a just and lasting world peace.
The visit afforded President Garcia and President Eisenhower, together
with other officials of both governments, an opportunity for a frank
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and cordial exchange of views on matters of mutual interest. In a
review of the international situation and of the bilateral relations of the
two countries, the two Presidents:
I. Reaffirmed the bonds of friendship and mutual understanding
which have historically joined the Filipino and American governments
and peoples.
2. Noted the problems facing the free world at the beginning of the
new decade and discussed the possibility of increased tensions in view
of recent statements by Communist leaders in Moscow and Peiping.
They renewed their determination to support the work of the United
Nations and the objectives of the United Nations' Charter in the interest
of true international peace and progress based on justice and the dignity
of the individual.
3. Assessed the continuing threat to peace in the Far East posed by
Communist China. They reaffirmed the importance of regional cooperation in insuring the independence of the nations of Southeast Asia.
They emphasized the important role of the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization in furthering such cooperation and in developing a sense
of regional solidarity; and they noted with satisfaction the contribution
being made by the Philippines toward strengthening its ties with its
Asian neighbors.
4. Noted that President Eisenhower's visit and the warm response
thereto by the Filipino people provided renewed evidence of the strength
and vitality of the alliance between the Philippines and the United States
and of its essential contribution to the security of Southeast Asia. To
promote the continuing strength of the alliance and to enable the Philippines to discharge its obligation thereunder, they emphasized the importance of close military collaboration and planning between the appropriate
authorities of their countries. They further expressed the view that this
close military collaboration and planning should be aimed at the maximum effectiveness in formulating and executing United States military
assistance programs and in furthering Philippine defensive capability in
the light of moder requirements.
5. Noted the recent meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers of
the SEATO held in Washington and expressed satisfaction with the
continuing effectiveness of the SEATO as a deterrent to Communist
aggression in Southeast Asia. They were also gratified that the Washington conference had given attention to the economic objectives of the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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SEATO, recognizing the importance of economic cooperation between
and among the members.
6. Recalled the provisions of the Mutual Defense Treaty. President
Eisenhower, on his part, renewed the assurance he had made to President
Garcia in Washington that under the provisions of this treaty and other
defensive agreements between the Philippines and the United States and
in accordance with the deployments and dispositions thereunder, any
armed attack against the Philippines would involve an attack against the
United States Forces stationed there and against the United States and
would instantly be repelled. It was noted that this understanding was
included in the agreement reached between the Secretary of Foreign
Affairs of the Philippines and the Ambassador of the United States on
October 12, 1959.
7. Noted with satisfaction the considerable progress that had been
made in talks between the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Philippines
and the Ambassador of the United States towards settlement of problems
arising from the presence of United States bases in the Philippines. They
expressed confidence that the few remaining problems will be similarly
resolved to the mutual satisfaction of the two governments.
8. Reemphasized the importance of strong, stable economies in furthering the objectives of peaceful development in the free world. President
Eisenhower expressed his gratification at the evident progress which has
been made in the Philippine economy, including notable advances in
industrializaton. The contribution which the United States aid programs have made and will continue to make to Philippine economic
development was emphasized. In recognition of the economic interdependence of all nations in the modern world, they discussed opportunities for increased private investment and expanded trade between the two
countries in a climate favorable to free enterprise and to the free movement of capital.
President Garcia and President Eisenhower concluded that the exchange of views and the renewal of personal associations made possible
by President Eisenhower's visit will further strengthen the traditional ties
between the two countries and will contribute significantly to the advancement of their cooperative efforts on behalf of peace and progress in this
vital part of the world.
NOTE: The joint statement was released in Manila.
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I90 g T Remarks in Manila Before Leaving for
Taipei. June i 6, I 960
Mr. President, Your Excellencies, members of the Armed Services of the
Philippines, and friends:
After this very brief visit to this beautiful country, the time has come
for me to say goodbye. To you, Mr. President, and to your associates
I must express the very deep appreciation of all my party and myself
for your many kindnesses and many courtesies. Truly we feel that we
have found in you, here in your own country, what we always knew you
were when you came to see us: a true friend, a true friend personally, as
friends live in affection with each other, but friends as the head of a
friendly government and a friendly people-a government and people
that stands with other free nations in defense of all the values that all
of us hold dear.
So as we go, we don't truly go. Our memories, our hopes, and our
hearts will be with you-always.
And frankly, when the burdens of my present office have been passed
on to someone else, and I can become a freer man than I am now, I still
nurture the hope that again I can come back here and with even less
restrictions than now, wander around this land and learn it once again as
I thought I knew it a quarter century ago.
Thank you, and through you I want to thank every single individual
who along the street or in crowds exposed to me a friendly face and
shouted a friendly mabuhay.
It has been heartwarming. And goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at II: IO p.m. the Chancery. The President then took
at the Presidential Landing near the a launch to the U.S.S. St. Paul, which
Manila Hotel, following a dinner given was anchored in the South Harbor waitin honor of President and Mrs. Garcia at ing to take him to Taipei.
I 9' Ie Remarks to the Officers and Men of the
7th Fleet. June i8, i960
[ Broadcast from the President's Quarters aboard the U.S.S. St. Paul]
GOOD MORNING. I take this opportunity to tell all of you how grateful my party and I are for all your effort to make this wonderful cruise
possible.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
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Because of your hard work, thoughtfulness, and courtesy, we have
enjoyed ourselves thoroughly and are indeed appreciative.
More important, however, than the gratitude of my party and myself,
is the gratitude the American people feel for you and our servicemen
all over the world for protecting our country.
Until the nations of the world find a way to insure their security without armaments, the Seventh Fleet must be strong enough to support
our allies, maintain our interests, and help keep the peace in the Far
East.
That strength is measured largely by the devotion to duty and professional skill of you, the men of the Seventh Fleet.
The American people know you are doing your job well. They and
the people of the free world are not deceived by the false propaganda of
the Communists.
And now may I say goodbye, good luck, and smooth sailing. Thank
you and God bless you.
I92 eI Remarks Upon Arrival at the Sungshan
Airport, Taipei. June i8, i960
President Chiang, ladies and gentlemen:
First, Mr. President, I must thank you for your cordial words of welcome. I am indeed gratified that you saw fit to acknowledge the significance of this visit as one that attempts to bring even closer together
our two countries.
For a long time I have hoped that I might be able to visit Taiwan.
Therefore, I was delighted when I found I could accept your President's
gracious invitation to come here.
I look forward to fruitful conversations with him as well as to the
opportunity to salute the Chinese people on the rapid progress made
on this island.
Our friendship, tested in war and in peace, is a real source of strength
in our development of Free World security.
The ideals that we share: our common commitment to self-government in our respective countries; our aspiration for a world of freedom,
justice and peace and friendship under the rule of law; all these demand
of us-as they do of all the Free World-increased vigilance and closer
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cooperation in the face of the threats posed by Communist imperialism.
Mr. President, to your people I bring the personal assurance of America's steadfast solidarity with you and your Government in the defense of
these ideals and in the pursuit of our common aspirations.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at io:oi a.m. U.S. Ambassador Everett F. Drumright,
He was greeted by President Chiang and Vice Adm. Roland N. Smoot, ComKai-shek, Vice President Chen Cheng, mander of the Taiwan Defense Command.
and other Chinese Government officials,
X'93 J Address at a Mass Rally in Taipei.
June i8, i960
Mr. President, distinguished guests, and friends:
I address this gathering today fully aware of the honor you have
bestowed on my Country and myself in inviting me to speak here. I
bring to your Nation greetings from the American people.
We Americans are in a very real sense your close neighbors: we look
out with you upon the same ocean-the Pacific. This largest of oceans
has been narrowed by the marvels of modern communication and transportation. No longer is it a formidable barrier separating America from
the Nations of the Far East.
We in America have accepted this tremendously important fact of
international life, and recognize its implications for the future of our
country. Therefore, I come to you, as to the other countries of the Pacific
which I am privileged to visit, as a friend and neighbor deeply concerned
with your-and our common interests.
This concern has shaped my country's policies toward the nations of
the Pacific. The realization that America's security and welfare are
intimately bound up with their security and welfare has led us to foster
the concept of collective defense; and to contribute money, materials and
technical assistance to promote their economic stability and development.
But though the United States provides assistance to the nations of the
Pacific Region, many of them recently emerged from Colonial status,
we have not sought to impose upon them our own way of life or system
of government. We respect their sovereignty as we do our own.
To do otherwise would be a betrayal of America's own traditions.
Our purpose is to help protect the right of our neighbors of the Pacific to
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q 193
develop in accordance with their own National aspirations and their own
traditions.
In this era of mass destruction weapons, the increasing intimacy in
which the peoples of the world live makes resort to global war, even by
the smallest of them, dangerous to the whole community of nations.
I come to you representing a country determined, despite all setbacks,
to press on in search of effective means to outlaw war and to promote
the rule of law among nations.
History has repeatedly shown that this high purpose is not served by
yielding to threats or by weakening defenses against potential aggressors.
Indeed such weakness would increase the danger of war.
You may be assured that our continuing search for peaceful solutions
to outstanding international problems does not reflect the slightest
lessening of our determination to stand with you, and with all our free
neighbors of the Pacific, against aggression.
The United States does not of course recognize the claim of the warlike
and tyrannical Communist regime in Peiping. In the United Nations
we support the Republic of China, a founding member, as the only
rightful representative of China in that organization.
The American people deeply admire your courage in striving so well
to keep the cause of liberty alive here in Taiwan in the face of the
menacing power of Communist Imperialism. Your accomplishments
provide inspiration to us all.
The search for lasting peace comprehends much more than the erection
of sure military defenses. Perhaps nothing offers greater hope to a war
weary world than the new opportunities for a better life which have been
opened up in the past few decades by the magnificent achievements of
science and technology. If the peoples of the world can not only master
the forces of nature but can find also the way to use them for peaceful
ends, we are on the threshold of a new era.
One of the great peaceful battles for a better life-which the Republic
of China is now in the midst of fighting here on Taiwan-is on the front
of economic progress. For you, the past has been full of hardships. But
for the people of this island each difficulty was a challenge to be
mastered.
During the years of this progress, freedom has not been a free ingredient, like air or water. Indeed, freedom has been the costliest
component of your daily lives. Even in sheer economic terms you have
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devoted a larger share of your incomes to keeping your independence
than have most other peoples on the globe. To do this you have had
to adopt progressive measures.
A great economic accomplishment of the past ten years was your program in land reform. Due to its fair and democratic conception and
execution it has become a model for similar reforms in other lands. It
dealt successfully with one of the fundamental problems the Chinese
people have faced throughout history. Moreover, in it you achieved
much more than a fair and equitable adjustment-you produced both
social dynamism and economic growth.
That reform, founded on Sun Yat-Sen's three peoples principles and
executed with due regard for law and for private property, stands in
sharp contrast to the brutal regimentation of your countrymen on the
mainland. There they are often herded into the soul-destroying labor
brigades of the Commune System. But Free China knows that a system
in which the farmer owns the land he tills gives him the incentive to
adopt advanced fertilization, irrigation and other farming techniques.
We are proud that we have been of some help technically, in carrying
through your agricultural reform program. We too have learned much
from our association in the Chinese-American joint commission on rural
reconstruction. We have been able to use this experience to good advantage in helping other countries. In the industrial field your friends in
the United States and all over the world have watched with satisfaction
your growing productivity and diversification. You have demonstrated,
under adverse conditions, the moral and physical strength, the imagination and the perseverance to achieve this near miracle. Now I learn that,
not satisfied with the impressive rate of progress already attained, you
are entering upon a new program for further speeding up your economic
growth.
In today's world, where many new nations of Asia and Africa are
seeking a path of economic development to satisfy the growing expectations of their people, Free China provides a shining example. Thanks
in large measure to the vigor and talents of its population and its leaders,
it has advanced to the threshold of the kind of self-sustaining economic
growth that has brought other free nations to wealth and power.
Free China thus has an opportunity, which is at the same time a responsibility, to demonstrate to less developed nations the way to economic
growth in freedom. Confronted with the harsh example of the Com506
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q I93
munist way on the mainland, you here are in a position to show how a
nation can achieve material strength and advance the well-being of its
people without sacrificing its most valued traditions.
Your success in this field can sustain and guarantee your secure standing in the community of nations. And it will become, for your own
fellow countrymen on the mainland, an ever more insistent refutation of
the false Communist thesis that modern economic development can be
purchased only at the price of freedom.
We in the United States have studied your plans for social and economic changes and do not underestimate the difficulties you will have to
endure during a period of transition. Economic growth, especially
accelerated growth, constantly calls for recurring revolutions in thinking,
in the way we do things, indeed in every phase of our lives.
As you know, we intend to join hands with you in this great enterprise.
By doing so we shall not lighten your load because you have already
pledged yourselves to maximum effort, but our partnership should demonstrate how rapid progress can be achieved by the methods of free peoples
freely joined in friendship for mutual benefit.
As representatives of the great and numerous Chinese Nation, heirs to
one of the world's most ancient and honored cultures, you-the people
of Free China-can play a unique role in the future of mankind. By
grasping the opportunities for the improvement of human welfare now
made possible by the advancement of science and technology, you can
blaze a trail of progress here on Taiwan that may ultimately shape the
destiny of all your fellow countrymen, of nearly one-quarter of the human
race. This is indeed a challenge of gigantic proportions.
In meeting that challenge, the United States-and all the free worldwishes you every success.
My friends, this morning I encountered an unforgettable experience.
I met thousands of you people along the road from the airport and everywhere I encountered only friendliness, courteous greetings and a face
lighted up with smiles. To each of you who lined that route, to each of
you who today came out to do me the courtesy of listening to what I had
to say, I give you my grateful thanks on behalf of my party, myselfindeed for the American people, whose concern for every one of you is
deep and lasting. So from your President to the humblest citizen of the
land, I say thank you very much, and God be with you.
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NOTE: The President spoke at 5 p.m. opening words "Mr. President" referred
from a balcony on the Presidential Office to President Chiang Kai-shek.
Building overlooking the Plaza. His
I 94 e4 Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in
His Honor by President Chiang Kai-shek.
June i8, i960
President Chiang, Madame Chiang, and distinguished guests:
Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for your recounting the recordthe long record-of Sino-American cooperation through the years. I
think we must never forget that effective, successful cooperation demands
mutual understanding. Where cooperation has been successful in the
past it is unquestionably because there was at that moment real understanding.
And where it has been less successful, it is because one or the other has
not understood the problem as did the other. I think if we have one
problem always before us, it is to make certain that this understanding, of
ourselves and of the other and of our mutual problems, is so clear, so
sharp, that there can be no mistake in judgment made that can have its
effect-a-anything less than true cooperation in pursuit of the ideals we
both believe in.
And now with your permission, sir, I should like to respond specifically
to your gracious remarks. Additionally, of course, I am grateful for the
wonderful reception I received from the Chinese people today.
And I am particularly happy to renew my personal acquaintance and
friendship with President Chiang, whom I first met in Cairo in I943.
Lasting associations between nations are founded not in personal relationships, but in community of interest, mutual respect, shared ideals and
aspirations, and common purpose. But international relations, like historical events, cannot be divorced from the persons who play a part in
them.
For a third of a century, President Chiang has played a decisive role
in the shaping of relations between our two countries. He first won
America's admiration and respect as a brilliant young revolutionary
leader who unified China in a series of masterly campaigns. He set it on
the road to becoming a modern democratic nation. He further deep508
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o
I I95
ened our respect and earned our gratitude by his indomitable leadership
of our great Far Eastern ally in the second World War.
As the President has noted, this is my second visit to the government
of the Republic of China. In I946, when I visited China, as Chief of
Staff of the Army, President Chiang had just led his embattled people to
victory in the face of tremendous odds. He was then acutely conscious
that China faced a new threat, one as yet scarcely recognized in the rest
of the world.
President Chiang, with undiminished courage and vigor, still leads
China in resistance to the menace he saw so clearly 14 years ago. He
stands now as our partner in a great alliance of free peoples, who have
come to share his own appreciation of the need for unity against the global
threat of Communist imperialism.
Our solidarity with the Republic of China has been proclaimed in
many forms-in our close political, economic, and cultural relations, in
our mutual defense treaty, in our common opposition to Communist
aggression, in the joint communique during the last visit of the late
Secretary Dulles to this island.
My presence here this evening will be taken, I hope, as another token
of that solidarity. It is also an occasion for reaffirming our steadfast
confidence, as Secretary Dulles said in I957, "that international communism's rule of strict conformity is, in China as elsewhere, a passing
and not a perpetual phase."
With these thoughts in mind I would like to propose a toast to President
Chiang and his charming wife to our lasting friendship, to his success in
his third term as President, and to the prosperity in freedom and peace
of the Chinese people.
Ladies and gentlemen, the President!
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at 8:30 p.m. at a state banquet in the Presidential Office Building.
195 qT Joint Statement Following Discussions
With President Chiang Kai-shek. June I9, I960
AT THE INVITATION of President Chiang Kai-shek, President
Dwight D. Eisenhower visited the Republic of China from June I8 to
June i 9, 1960. This historic journey of the President of the United States
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of America and the warmth and enthusiasm with which he was received
by the Chinese people demonstrated anew the strong bonds of friendship
between the two countries.
Both President Chiang and President Eisenhower welcomed the opportunity afforded them by this visit for an intimate exchange of views on
various matters of common interest and concern, calling to mind that the
two countries have always stood closely together as staunch allies in war
as well as in peace. The talks between the two Chiefs of State were held
in an atmosphere of utmost cordiality.
In the course of their discussions, the two Presidents reaffirmed the
dedication of the two Governments to an untiring quest for peace with
freedom and justice. They recognize that peace and security are indivisible and that justice among nations demands the freedom and dignity
of all men in all lands.
Taking note of the continuing threat of Communist aggression against
the free world in general and the Far Eastern free countries in particular,
the two Presidents expressed full agreement on the vital necessity of
achieving closer unity and strength among all free nations.
They pledged once again that both their Governments would continue
to stand solidly behind the Sino-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty in meeting
the challenge posed by the Chinese Communists in this area. They
deplored the outrageous and barbaric practice of the Chinese Communists
in shelling and ruthlessly killing Chinese people on alternate days and
noted that this practice emphasized the necessity for continued vigilance
and firmness in the face of violence.
Discussions were also held on the importance of accelerating the
economic expansion of the Republic of China in order to enhance the
prosperity and well-being of its people. President Chiang explained the
steps which his Government is taking to assure the early accomplishment
of his goal. He expressed the appreciation of his Government and people
for the valuable assistance which the United States of America has
rendered to the Republic of China. President Eisenhower expressed
the admiration of the American people for the progress achieved by the
Republic of China in various fields in recent years and gave assurance
of continuing United States assistance.
Finally, the two Presidents voiced their common determination that
the two Governments should continue to dedicate themselves to the
principles of the United Nations and devote their unremitting efforts to
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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the intensifying of their cooperation and to the further strengthening of
the traditional friendship between the Chinese and American peoples.
NOTE: The joint statement was released in Taipei.
196 eI Remarks at the Sungshan Airport, Taipei,
Upon Leaving for Okinawa. June I9, 1960
Air. President, and ladies and gentlemen:
I leave the Republic of China with only one regret, that my visit has
been so short. But I leave with a lasting impression of the warmth of
your welcome, and renewed appreciation of the depth and permanence
of the friendly ties that unite the Chinese and American peoples. I leave
with an unforgettable impression of the dedication of the Chinese people
to the cause of freedom.
My visit has been most instructive, as well as pleasant. My discussions
with your distinguished Chief of State and members of the government
have confirmed my belief that we have no more staunch friends anywhere
than right here in Taiwan.
I have learned at first hand of the strides you have made in developing
the military and economic strength of your country. I believe the plans
that your leaders have developed will make of this land a living demonstration of the better life, political, economic, and social, and that this
can be done by free men. Such a beacon of hope for your enslaved
countrymen on the mainland will, I believe, hasten the dawn of freedom.
Finally-and I would speak also to the Americans here today, for
they too are engaged in this endeavor-let me assure you again of the
full and unwavering support of the American Government and people
for the important part you are playing in our joint efforts toward a world
of peace with justice, in freedom. I know the American people would
join me in saying God be with you, and may He bring you the measure
of success which your deep dedication deserves.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:45 a.m.
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197 4J Remarks UponArrivalatKadenaAir
Force Base, Okinawa. June 19, 1960
Chief Executive Ota, General Booth, members of the military services
here, citizens of this Island, ladies and gentlemen:
The Ryukyuan people have a vital role for the free world in the circumstances of this era. Consequently, when the opportunity presented
itself, I decided to make a stop on Okinawa.
I have come here, as to other areas of free Asia, on a mission of peace,
friendship, good will, to learn at first hand more about the region. A fine
relationship exists, I am informed, between the Ryukyuans and the
Americans stationed in these Islands. I assure you that this feeling of
friendship is shared by the American people as a whole. They and their
government, conscious of the heavy responsibility they bear to the
Ryukyuans, have a deep and an abiding interest in the welfare of all who
live on these Islands, and in the steady improvement of their livelihood
and economy.
Together we of the Ryukyus and America present to the world a
splendid example of the mutual benefits that result when people of good
will work toward the common goal of peace and friendship in freedom.
On behalf of the American people, for what you have done, for what
you are doing, I thank you with all my heart, and I assure you personally
that I am delighted to have these few hours here to visit with you of the
Services and with the citizens of this Island.
NOTE: The President spoke at I I:22 a.m. Donald P. Booth, High Commissioner of
In his opening remarks he referred to the Ryukyu Islands and Commanding
Seisaku Ota, Chief Executive of the General of the U.S. Army on the Islands.
Ryukyu Administration, and Lt. Gen.
i98 e1 Remarks Upon Arrival at Kimpo
International Airportin Seoul. June 19, 1960
Mr. Prime Minister, Your Excellencies, officers and men of the armed
services of Korea and of the United States, ladies and gentlemen:
First of all, Mr. Prime Minister, permit me to thank you most sincerely
for your kind address of welcome to me and to my party.
For me and my party, as for all who love freedom, a visit here vividly
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recalls the memory of many months when Korea was a rallying place for
the fighting men of the free world.
Here they came from every continent and hemisphere. Here, in their
blood and valor, they proved that their devotion to freedom knew no
boundary of land or of ocean. Here they demonstrated that a people
determined to preserve their freedom against brutal aggression can depend
on help, men and for arms and food-from all over the world.
I first came here only months after the Korean Republic was established. Six years later, in I952, I saw the winter fighting in the mountains and felt the spirit and the will for sacrifice, and the courage out of
which greatness in freedom is built.
This third time I come here to learn better and at first hand the
progress you have made since war devastated your land; to discuss with
the leaders of the Republic our common concerns and purposes; to help
fortify and strengthen our mutual efforts in support of collective security,
and to assure you that the United States, with all its heart, works for the
noblest goal of mankind-peace and friendship in freedom.
I am proud to salute the men and women of Korea who have so amply
proven their love of liberty, and I bring from the people of the United
States their heartfelt wish for Korean growth and progress in the years
ahead.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:05 p.m. ment officials, members of the diplomatic
He was greeted by Prime Minister and corps, Mayor Kee Young Chang, and
Mme. Huh Chung, other Korean Govern- U.S. Ambassador and Mrs. Walter P.
McConaughy.
199 qf Remarks to the American Community in
Seoul. June20, I96o
WELL, FOLKS, to say that I am complimented by your conducting
this mobilization so I could meet you, is an understatement. I am delighted to see you, not only those that are connected directly with government, but those who are in business, who are in missionary work, or are
otherwise engaged in work in Korea. I have the feeling that everybody
who goes abroad absorbs and takes over an additional responsibility than
that of merely becoming a good citizen of the United States. He owes
something to the country that he visits, because anyone who comes here
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merely for profit or into a foreign country-any foreign country-merely
for a profit, finds soon that he has not made friends and therefore is not
making the profit he should like to make.
We have an obligation of service, in other words, to the country in
which we are guests, as well as we have to our own. This of course
applies with special force to anyone that is in the service of the United
States Government. If we are discharging our responsibilities properly,
we are trying to serve society. True, this may be the work of our own
choice, and we have a right to develop in it. And naturally we expect
to ibe happy in it. But we can be happy only if we are successful in
rendering service to the society of which we are a part. And therefore
we, knowing that it is to America's interest to make friends in the world
everywhere, have a similar obligation.
In a very real sense, every American in this crowd is an ambassador,
an ambassador of goodwill. You have exactly the same function, I
think-let us say a side function-that I have as a direct function, that I
am trying to perform by making this trip.
I would like to assure Korea that the United States recognizes an
identity of interest between this country and our own, and that this identity of interest comes about because of shared ideals, shared convictions
in the dignity of man, shared beliefs in the equality of every citizen before
the law regardless of inconsequential things like color or race or religion.
This is the kind of thing, I believe, that makes foreign service challenging and interesting. For my own part, a great deal of my governmental
service was performed in foreign countries, and I found it one always
challenging, always interesting, and of course frequently I felt that I had
not lived up to my own responsibilities. And I think that since humans
are frail, we all have that feeling at times.
But I am merely trying to say that you have here a great opportunity
as well as just the mere routine duties in which you are engaged, be it in
business, in government, in educational work, or anything else.
Now, on the personal side, I was delighted to see the Little Leaguers
here. I have got a grandson who is a very good second baseman and in
hitting. Now he doesn't field very well, and so the reason I delayed down
there was to ask these fellows how they were doing in fielding and in
hitting. I didn't get a chance to talk to them in detail. I am disappointed that I did not, but I should like, really, to talk to every one of
you about what you are doing, what is the interest that keeps you here,
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q I99
the one that really keeps you working-working to fulfill your own obligation to America, and to yourself, and to your family. I certainly don't
mean to preach any doctrine that is so idealistic that none of us can live
up to.
We start out by taking the advantaging of ourselves as an incentive that
keeps us working, and the advantaging of our families and everything
else-our communities. But I would like to find, by conversation with
each individual here, what we really are believing and trying to do.
Because I am convinced that only as we understand each other better in
this world, and particularly those parts that we are pleased to call the
free world, are we going to achieve the success we want for America, for
ourselves, and for humankind.
We must think of their-and our-spiritual aspirations, our moral
standards, our intellectual attainments, our economic strength, so that
we may have decent and rising living standards throughout the world.
Only as we understand these things and put our shoulders to the common
wheel is humankind going to achieve that future that we know it must
achieve if it is not going to risk the very grave dangers of global war-or
even less than that, just complete chaos and unease and fear.
We want to live as confident people. And if we are going to live as
confident people, we must live as a cooperative people.
So I think that we have identical missions, you and I. You will probably have them longer because I am going to lose my job pretty soon.
But as long as I am in it, I am going to continue to work for that understanding between peoples that spells success for freedom and for liberty
and for dignity of men in this world.
Now coming out of the house a minute ago, I had no idea what I was
going to say-and you may have no idea of what I was saying, because
I have been wandering around, playing with an idea that intrigues me
and consumes my attention all the time. Because I am so confident that
in cooperation is safety and progress, and in lack of cooperation is defeat
if not disaster, that I think it is a subject all of us should think of every
day.
And I am certain that those of you who are living here have found
unusual opportunities to ponder these matters because of the very great
dangers that the Republic of Korea has been exposed to-her trials and
tribulations as she is developing into true democracy. And you have this
lesson in front of you all the time. And I think as you show sympathetic
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understanding and readiness to help, you are really doing a very great
service to your country and to yourselves.
To the youngsters around here, I can promise only one thing: insofar
as I can go around the perimeter of this crowd and they have cameras, I
will wait until at least they can get one picture, if they want it. And
some of them, I see, seem to be well-armed with cameras-I saw one
with two.
Thank you again for coming out. It has been a great privilege to meet
you, the kind of meeting that thrills me every time I encounter this same
opportunity in countries clear around the globe. So, thank you again.
Good luck to all of you. God bless you.
NOTE: The President spoke at io: i5 a.m. on the lawn at the American Embassy
Residence.
200 qJ Toast by the President at a Luncheon
Given in His Honor by Prime Minister Huh Chung
of Korea. June 20, i960
Mr. Prime Minister, Your Excellencies, friends:
In the short span of its independence the Republic of Korea has provided inspiration to those engaged in the common struggle against Communist aggression.
This inspiration springs from the courageous and selfless attitude which
the Korean people have displayed both in times of conflict and in times of
uneasy peace. They have proved their readiness to die for those principles
under which they desire to live. May their example give heart to those
of every land who dedicate their lives to the defense and independence of
country, and to the strengthening of representative government.
Ladies and gentlemen, I ask you to join with me in a toast to His Excellency, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast the official residence of the Prime
at I p.m. at a luncheon at Kyung Mu Dai, Minister.
5i6
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(e 20I
20I 41 Address Before the National Assembly of
Korea. June20, 1960
Mr. Speaker, Members of the National Assembly, distinguished guests,
ladies and gentlemen:
First, I offer my apologies to the Members of this Chamber because of
my tardiness in arriving here. I assure you that the delay was unintentional.
You have signally honored me by your invitation to address this National Assembly. To you is entrusted the realization of the Korean
people's hopes and aspirations. This is no local, narrow or limited
mission. What you do and what you say in the discharge of your trust
is of deep significance and powerful impact far beyond the boundaries
of this Republic. You are watched by the entire world.
Korea, once a battlefield for survival over aggression, is now a proving
ground for responsible, representative self-government. This is a testing
time of Korean integrity, perseverance in the democratic process, loyalty
to the ideals on which the Republic was founded.
In all your efforts you have the sympathetic understanding and the
best wishes of the American people.
Impressive changes of many kinds have occurred here since I visited
your country in 1952. Then your land bore the deep scars of war. But
you of free Korea have struggled to rehabilitate your war-torn nation.
You have achieved better standards of living against odds that for a less
sturdy people would have been overwhelming.
Equally inspiring to us all in recent days has been the purposeful revitalization of the free institutions and practices on which democracy
rests.
You have reason today to be confident that your military forces,
together with those of your friends and allies, will permit no intrusion
across the borders of Free Korea. On behalf of the Government and
people of the United States I solemnly reaffirm the pledge of full American support to the Republic of Korea in accordance with our commitments under the Mutual Defense Treaty.
The primary responsibility, of course, rests squarely on the Korean
people and their Government. External aid to any nation can be used
effectively and indeed is deserved only as the recipient shows by stability,
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energy, unity and steadfastness of purpose its determination to sacrifice
for the ideals it deems paramount in its way of life.
Certainly, in its agonizing tests during three years of war, Korea showed
itself so determined. We shall forever pay tribute to the heroic soldiers,
sailors and airmen of Korea who, together with their fellow fighting men
from sixteen member nations of the United Nations, gave their lives in
the cause of freedom.
So long as a like spirit, a like will to sacrifice, animates the people of
Korea other nations will be inspired and, I think, anxious to help you in
every way they can. They have already proved such a readiness.
The United Nations response to the attack in 1950 was one of the
significant events of history. This united determination of free countries
will not be forgotten by those who would wage aggression or by those who
seek to maintain their full independence and security.
The cause for which free nations fought here in Korea transcended
physical stemming of Communist aggression. Their greater and more
far-reaching purpose was to strengthen and safeguard, on the mainland
of Asia, a nation founded on the principles of government by and for the
people.
This kind of government cannot endure without such basic institutions
and practices as:
I.-a free press;
2.-responsible expression of popular will;
3.-a system of public education;
4.-an assembly truly representative of the Korean people.
Events over the past few months in the Republic of Korea have demonstrated how aware its citizens are of the rights and obligations of a free
people.
Members of the National Assembly, I repeat that yours is a great
trust. You, and those new members who will soon be gathering here
in the next Assembly, have the opportunity and the heavy responsibility
to show that human freedom and advancement of the people's welfare
thrive even in the very shadow of Communist aggression.
The prompt and judicious fulfillment of the recently expressed wishes
of the Korean people is a momentous challenge. Your friends throughout
the world hope and believe you will meet this challenge with courage
and with moderation. And success in this undertaking will provide
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 20I
inspiration to your countrymen to the north who, I earnestly pray will
one day join you in a free, united Korea.
Over the past years, I have had an unusual opportunity to visit many
people throughout the world. In race, in color, in language, in creed
they were a cross-section of all mankind. But they were united in their
recognition that responsible and representative self-government best
serves the needs and welfare of free men. This National Assembly, for
example, has its counterpart in all free countries, which like you, are
striving for liberty, progress and peace with justice.
All free nations cherish these goals. All aspire to achieve them. But
not a single one-even the most rich and powerful-can hope, of itself,
for fullness of attainment in the circumstances of this time. All of usAsian and European, American and African-must work together in
cooperative purpose or we shall lose the right to work at all in freedom.
That we may effectively work together we must come to understand
more clearly and fully how much we have in common-the great goals
of free men, their eternal aspirations; a common destiny.
As we grow in such understanding, I am firmly convinced that all
artificial, man-made differences will shrink and disappear. In their
stead will develop full recognition of the tremendous opportunities for
mutual advancement that lie in cooperative endeavor. And we will use
these opportunities for our own good and the good of all mankind.
Free people, of course, must stand together resolutely against aggression.
But they must also stand together in combat against the enemies of
humanity: hunger, privation and disease. The American people have
devoted much of their resources to this cause. Here in Korea are some
of our largest programs for contributing to the economic progress of a
close ally and for strengthening its military capabilities.
Cooperation between our two countries has, as you know, extended
into many spheres-education, industry, defense, agriculture, social
welfare. Through Korean-American cooperation in all these diverse
fields, we have come better to understand each other. This common
understanding, which reflects our common stake, will, I am convinced,
grow deeper and firmer as we continue jointly to face the problems and
demands of the future.
Now, on the eve of the tenth anniversary of the Communist invasion
of your nation, let us rededicate ourselves to the cause of peace and
friendship in freedom among nations and men.
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My friends, I come before you this afternoon as a representative of
one sovereign nation speaking to the legislative representatives of another
sovereign nation. My message from America to you is this: we will be
watching your progress with ever growing concern. You can always
count on our friendship so long as we endure.
NOTE: The President spoke at 3:51 p.m. ferred to the Vice Speaker of the AsHis opening words "Mr. Speaker" re- sembly, Do Yun Kim.
202 ql Remarks at the Headquarters of the
Korean Army's Sixth Corps. June 20, I960
Mr. Prime Minister, General Yu, General Magruder, distinguished
guests, members of the United Nations Command, ladies and gentlemen:
Fighting men from the Republic of Korea, the Republic of Turkey,
the Kingdom of Thailand, the United Kingdom, Ethiopia, and the
United States are formed here on this field. In the reviewing stand are
officers and men representing Australia, Canada, France, Greece, New
Zealand. The parade field is flanked, I note, by the flags of the 16 nations
which served the United Nations cause here during the Korean conflict.
Through those of the "i6" who are represented here today, as well as
those who are not, I pay tribute to the contribution and sacrifice of their
people and fighting men in the Korean war.
And taking the privilege of a fellow citizen, in my case, I cannot fail
to observe with pride the men in American uniforms in the ranks before
me. Our countrymen in the United States join me in a prideful salute
to you who represent us in this land that lies along the frontier of freedom.
But in particular, I pay a special tribute to the Armed Forces of the
Republic of Korea. No one can forget the fortitude and bravery of the
Korean Army when, almost I o years ago this very day, it went into action
against Communist aggression from the north. The utmost of selfsacrifice was manifested by the Korean soldiers, and the sailors, and their
airmen defending these rugged hills that surround us, sparkling today in
their summer beauty, bleak and forbidding in the cold winter months.
This heroism is fittingly commemorated by the Unknown Soldier's
monument where a few minutes ago I was privileged to place a wreath.
All of us-soldiers and civilians alike-from all these I6 nations, salute
the soldier who lies there. He, like countless thousands of others, gave
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
41 203
his life not only in the defense of Free Korea but in the defense of freedom
for all people everywhere.
NOTE: The President spoke at 6:50 p.m. of the Republic of Korea, and Gen. CarIn his opening words he referred to Prime ter B. Magruder, Commander in Chief,
Minister Huh Chung, Lt. Gen. Yu Jai United Nations Command.
Heung, Commanding General, First Army
203 I] Joint Statement Following Discussions
With Prime Minister Huh Chung. June 20, I960
ACCEPTING an invitation of long standing from the Government of
the Republic of Korea, President Eisenhower today visited Korea where
he met with Prime Minister Huh Chung and other Korean leaders, including members of the Korean National Assembly, which he addressed.
President Eisenhower also visited the United Nations Command and
reviewed contingents representing United Nations Forces which are helping to defend this key Free World position.
President Eisenhower's visit highlighted the vital purposes served by
collective Free World action to preserve peace initiated almost exactly
ten years ago in response to international communism's attack on the
Republic of Korea. The manner in which the United Nations responded
in June, I950 to aggression and the retention over the past decade of a
strong Free World position in the Republic of Korea have been major
factors in preserving the peace in Asia and creating a climate in which
Free Asia nations can enjoy independence, promote human rights and
improve the spiritual and material welfare of these people.
The visit impressively reaffirmed the strong bonds of friendship and
close cooperation between the Republic of Korea and the United States.
The visit also provided an opportunity for discussions between Prime
Minister Huh Chung and President Eisenhower on questions of common
concern to their two countries. President Eisenhower reaffirmed the
assurance of the Government and people of the United States of their
continued support for the Republic of Korea and their solemn pledge to
preserve the independence of Korea.
The two leaders gave unqualified endorsement to the principles of the
United Nations Charter as standards for international behavior. They
pledged that their countries would continue to uphold United Nations
principles and work unreservedly and unceasingly toward maintaining
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peace. To this end. both leaders recognized the vital importance of preserving the alliance between the Republic of Korea and the United States
of America and of maintaining vigilance and strength, patience and foresightedness, in carrying out the purposes for which this alliance stands.
In the course of the discussions, Prime Minister Huh Chung and President Eisenhower took cognizance of the deep longing of the Korean
people for reunification of their homeland. They agreed that every
effort must be continued to bring a peaceful end to this tragic division in
accordance with the principles set forth in United Nations resolutions,
envisaging the achievement by peaceful means of a unified, independent
and democratic Korea under a representative form of government and
full restoration of peace and security in the area.
Prime Minister Huh Chung outlined measures being taken by his country to broaden its international ties and he affirmed his nation's strong
desire to be a full member of the United Nations. Prime Minister Huh
Chung and President Eisenhower agreed that the Republic of Korea is
entitled to United Nations membership and that its membership would
strengthen the United Nations.
Prime Minister Huh Chung and President Eisenhower agreed that
efforts should be made to encourage private investment and increase the
flow of trade between countries of the Free World.
Prime Minister Huh Chung and President Eisenhower examined
Korean and American economic and social programs and agreed that
they should be designed and executed so as to foster economic independence, assist social progress, and provide a strong foundation for democratic institutions. Both leaders agreed that continued United States
economic assistance is required to help the Republic of Korea maintain
economic growth and achieve economic viability as soon as possible.
Prime Minister Huh Chung and President Eisenhower expressed their
resolve to continue to serve the cause of peace and strengthen the bonds of
friendship between their two peoples.
NOTE: The joint statement was released in Seoul.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 204
204 41 Remarks in Seoul Upon Leaving for
Honolulu. June 20, I960
Mr. Prime Minister and citizens of Korea:
My all too brief stay here in Korea has for me been full of interest and
inspiration. I have seen the strength and vigilance of the forces guarding
an unnatural boundary which keeps Koreans in the north from their fellow countrymen in the Republic of Korea.
I have seen how free world forces from many nations are joined here
together in preserving a vital frontier of freedom and in furthering the
purposes of the United Nations Charter. I have had interesting and
profitable discussions with Prime Minister Huh Chung and other Korean
leaders. I have had the privilege of addressing your National Assembly
and meeting some of its members who bear such important responsibilities
in fulfilling the wishes of the Korean people.
I have had the memorable experience of seeing so many Korean people
along the routes of travel I have followed. To them, and to countless
numbers whom I could not see, I extend my warmest thanks for Korea's
hospitality.
I regret very much that some parts of my planned route for yesterday
became so greatly congested by friendly spectators that I could not ride
through all of the streets where people were waiting to welcome me and
my party. To them, who waited so long, I express a particular word of
thanks.
I must now say goodbye to you and to your fellow countrymen. On
behalf of all the members of my party, I wish to express our deep appreciation for the wonderful day we have spent here as your guests. We are
profoundly grateful.
Every best wish to you and to all the people of Korea wherever they
may be. And God go with you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 7:50 p.m. at the Kimpo International Airport.
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205 (T Remarks Upon Arrival at the Honolulu
International Airport. June 20, I 960
Governor Quinn, Admiral Felt, and all members of the armed services
here in Hawaii, and my friends:
It is a signal privilege that is mine to land here on this beautiful island
for the first time since it has been a State.
As your Governor has said, this is something that had been on my
heart for a long time, and more particularly since I942. To my theater
was sent the first Japanese-American unit, the iooth Battalion, which
covered itself with glory in a number of hard fought fields. Then came
the 442d, and apparently the desire to enlist was so great that it was an
over-strength regiment. Every man seemed to be anxious to prove not
only his loyalty to his adopted country, to America, but his readiness to
die for the principles that that country stands for.
To both those units and particularly to every man here who was ever
a part of those two units, I send my warmest and affectionate greetings,
and render them the salute due to brave men.
Hawaii, I think, should long have been a State for another reason.
Here we have a true example of men living together in human dignity,
men of every race and creed that can possibly exist on this earth. And
they have lived so together to their mutual benefit, mutual profit, and
their mutual satisfaction-and possibly even deeper than that, to their
mutual self-respect.
I cannot tell you what good I believe can come out of the effort or the
activities that will go on here in Hawaii, where it will act as really the
meeting place between the Western and Eastern Hemispheres in the
Pacific.
I understand the East-West Center is really getting off the ground and
going. I can't imagine anything better than for us to use this place, and
by this I mean Hawaiians using this opportunity in this area to bring
about a better feeling between the peoples bordering the Pacific all the
way around, so that among us we may live in greater strength, in greater
cooperation, and in mutual harmony.
So it is truly an eventful day for me. I thank the members of the
Honor Guard for coming out, and each citizen for doing me the courtesy
to come out here today in order that I might greet them.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(q 206
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 12:15 p.m. ernor William F. Quinn of Hawaii and
In his opening words he referred to Gov- Adm. Harry Donald Felt, Commander in
Chief, Pacific Fleet.
206 ot Remarks at Hickam Air Force Base,
Honolulu, Upon Leaving for Washington.
June 25, I960
Governor Quinn, Admiral Felt, officers and men of the armed services,
and my friends of Hawaii:
All of you have made my few days here in Hawaii a memorable
experience, a most pleasant and enjoyable one-and indeed an instructive
one. I have learned more about your history, your industrial development, your agriculture, your educational and cultural pursuits.
And incidentally, I want to say from all I have heard about this
East-West Cultural Center, that I assure you that you have my prayers
for its great success. I hope it will be supported properly, because I
am quite sure it will be one mechanism through which the friendly
States bordering the Pacific ocean will be brought closer together.
Now I cannot, of course, thank each of you individually for all you
have done to make the stay here of my party and myself so enjoyable.
There is only one thing actually you could have done for me, and
that was to show me how to beat number nine at Kaneohe. It looks
easy, but it fooled me.
To all of you, my thanks, my heartiest alohas and my prayers that this
State is going to develop to fulfill the highest aspirations and hopes and
dreams of all of your people-particularly those who have done so much
to bring about the present state of development in this lovely regionand those who saw that it should be indeed a sister State of the Union.
I am indeed proud that Governor Quinn has handed to me this medal,
because it was for me a very great honor to urge Statehood for Hawaii
and to sign the bill that made it a State.
So again as I go, thanks to all of you-particularly to everybody I saw
that was grinning and shouting along the road the other day, when I
left this city.
Thank you very much. Goodbye.
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NOTE: The President spoke at 4:30 p.m. The medal presented to the President
In his remarks he referred to Kaneohe, was inscribed as followed: "The Aloha
the Marine Corps Air Station where he State, August 21, 1959-Hawaii, 5oth
stayed during his stopover in Honolulu. State."
207 qI Message to President Tsiranana on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Malagasy
Republic. June 26, 1960
[ Released June 26, 1 960. Dated June 25, 1 960 ]
Dear Mr. President:
On the occasion of the independence of the Malagasy Republic, I
extend in my own name and on behalf of the people of the United States
most cordial greetings and felicitations to you and your countrymen.
The independence of the Malagasy Republic achieved in friendly cooperation with France is a source of deep satisfaction to the United States.
The Government and people of Madagascar and of France in their efforts
to achieve social and economic advancement in Madagascar through
democratic means have earned the admiration of all free nations.
On this historic occasion the Government and the people of the United
States look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government
and people of the Malagasy Republic.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
208 El Remarks Recorded for the Governors'
Conference at Glacier National Park, Montana.
June 27, 1960
Governor Boggs, Governor Aronson, members of the Governors' Conference, friends and guests:
I am recording this message on the eve of my departure for the Far
East.
Ever since I addressed you in Seattle 7 years ago, I have been concerned with the problems that engage the interest of the Nation's
Governors and the Federal Government.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 20f8
Our common philosophy through the years, I think, can be thus
expressed:
The first responsibility of the Federal Government is to maintain the
Republic strong and safe and free; to create a favorable climate for
the expansion of the national economy; to carry out the Constitutional
guarantees of full equality under law for all persons; to promote the
general welfare wherever and whenever national action is necessary to
insure common objectives.
The first responsibility of State governments is to provide all those
services, necessary to the welfare of our people, which can best be provided
by legislatures and executives close to the people; sharply aware of local
needs; free from the need to compromise conflicting claims by section
and region.
Through a preceding period, the traditional role of State governments
within our Federal Government was, or at least seemed to be, in the
process of reduction to secondary status.
At Seattle, I expressed to you my conviction that this role had to be
restored and maintained.
Moreover, I pledged frequent consultation with you concerning our
mutual problems.
Only so, I felt, might be developed a true partnership between the
National and State administrations.
The first step was an examination of the situation.
That was accomplished by the Kestnbaum Commission on Intergovernmental Relations-the first official study of Federal-State relations since
our Constitution was written.
Thereafter, 3 years ago in Williamsburg, I proposed that the National
government and the States cooperate in establishing an action committee
to consider the many facets of Federal-State relations.
Congress last year, with my approval, enlarged this joint enterprise into
a continuing, permanent, advisory commission with membership representing all levels of American government.
Accomplishments are measurable.
In areas of responsibility where the States have major concern-education, highways and public works, health, welfare and conservation-they
are spending twice as much today as they were IO years ago.
This increase in money is an accurate index, I think, to the increase in
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the States' acceptance of responsibility-an index to the restoration of the
traditional role of the State governments.
Take one example.
At your conference in New York in I954, the Vice President presented
on my behalf a proposal that the States and the national government work
together on a gigantic project to modernize our nationwide highway
system.
You approved and appointed a committee to work jointly with the
Committee appointed by me.
Together, we developed the greatest highway program in our history.
Nine thousand miles of the interstate system are now completed.
Another two thousand are scheduled for completion this year.
Of course, the program needs more money. But with your help, this
money will be found.
On many fronts, we have been engaged in an exciting and historic
effort to make our unique Federal system work, and to work better.
Our cooperative effort, I am certain, will be carried forward and
improved upon by our successors.
Certainly, in the talks I shall have overseas during the next 2 weeks,
I can speak with greater assurance than ever of our success and strength
in representative government, with greater confidence that we shall
continue our advance toward a more effective democracy at home, a
more vigorous leadership in the world.
In that sense, the trip ahead of me is a sequel to the philosophy and
the programs that have joined us in mutual effort.
Before closing, I should like to pay my respects to your distinguished
guest, the Prime Minister of Canada-the outstanding leader of our
neighbors and partners and friends to the north. And on behalf of all
our people, I salute him and the nation he represents.
To all of you and to the representatives of our neighbors to the south,
my best wishes for a productive and successful conference.
NOTE: The President recorded the mes- Aronson of Montana. In his closing resage on June I i. In his opening words marks he referred to Prime Minister John
he referred to Governor J. Caleb Boggs Diefenbaker of Canada.
of Delaware and Governor J. Hugo
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209 q4 Radio and Television Report to the
American People on the Trip to the Far East.
June 27, I960
[ Delivered from the President's office at 7:30 p.m. ]
My friends:
I have just returned to Washington from a trip to the Far East. It
has been a trip so marked by events of significance that I shall try this
evening to give you a simple background of fact, against which these
recent events can be viewed in perspective.
To begin, a few personal observations on the trip I have just concluded:
First, American relations with the Philippines, Taiwan, Korea and
Okinawa have been strengthened.
Second, the people of these Far Eastern lands took advantage of the
opportunity given by this visit to demonstrate anew their long and ardent
friendship with and for the people of America. The American people
are gratified, I am sure, as am I, by these heartwarming demonstrations.
Third, the ratification of the Mutual Security Treaty between the
United States and Japan represents an important victory for the Free
World-a defeat for international communism.
And now, let's look at the background of this trip-and the others I
have taken in the interest of world peace.
This trip was planned as one of a series which have, in toto, taken me
nearly around the world, to twenty-seven nations of Europe, the Middle
East, South Asia, North Africa, the Americas, and the Far East. Those
nations I have visited during the last ten months have populations reaching an aggregate of over a billion people.
To understand where these visits fit into the over-all foreign relations of
this government we must go back to 1953, to the time when I was assessing
the world situation with the late Secretary of State Dulles, preparatory to
my assumption of the office of the Presidency.
At that time we recognized that the Communists had, for some years
following the conclusion of World War II, taken advantage of the chaotic
aftermath of conflict-and of our own self-imposed military disarmament-to indulge in a continuous campaign of aggression and subversion
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in Asia and Eastern Europe. They had disrupted the lives of millions of
free people, causing lowered living standards and exhausted economies.
China and its half billion people had been lost to the Free World. The
war in Korea, then in condition of stalemate, still dragged on.
We began our studies with one essential fact before us. It had become
clear, by 1953, that the accumulation of atomic weapon stockpiles, whose
use could destroy civilization, made resort to force an intolerable means
for settling international disputes. Only in the rule of law-which meant
the attainment of an enduring peace with justice could mankind hope for
guarantee against extinction.
With these facts in mind we concluded, and have since been guided by
the conviction, that there were several things which we should do simultaneously, all of them in conformity with the ideals expressed in the
Charter of the United Nations.
It was, and is, mandatory to present before the world, constantly and
vigorously, America's great desire for peace and her readiness to sit at the
conference table to discuss specific problems with anyone who would
show an equal readiness to negotiate honestly and in good faith. This
we continue to do in spite of difficulties such as the regrettable action of
the Soviet delegation in walking out of the io-nation Disarmament Conference at Geneva this morning. But, from the very beginning we have
made it clear that until real progress toward mutual disarmament could
be achieved, our first concern would be to keep our own defenses strong,
modern, and alert.
We tried to identify all those areas in the world where serious trouble
could erupt suddenly, and developed suggestions for correcting the causes
of unrest and of enhancing stability in such localities. Through cooperation with our friends we have succeeded in removing causes of friction in
many of these areas.
In support of these purposes, we have sought, from the beginning,
frequent personal contact with responsible governmental officials of
friendly nations. Indeed, we have felt it wise, also, to seek to improve
communications between ourselves and the Soviet government. Akin
to this effort was one which has come to be called the people-to-people
program-a completely new type of venture in international relations
which has been amazingly successful.
Along with these objectives, we have constantly striven to devise
better methods of cooperation with our friends, working out with them
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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programs by which together we could improve our common security and
raise living standards. Our Mutual Security Program has been and is
a vital means of making such cooperation effective.
To carry out the purpose of proclaiming and demonstrating to the
world America's peaceful intentions, we first made a number of policy
statements and a series of concrete proposals that might lead to fruitful
discussions with the Soviets.
As early as April of I953, I suggested disarmament talks with the
Soviets and pledged that I would urge the United States to apply a substantial portion of any savings realized through mutually acceptable
disarmament to the improvement of living standards in the less developed
nations.
Later that year I proposed, before the United Nations General Assembly, that we devote all discoveries in atomic science to peaceful uses.
Nineteen months later at Geneva I suggested the Open Skies method
of mutual inspection.
In the meantime, the Secretary of State set out tirelessly to make calls
on friendly governments and to strengthen collective security. In return
we issued invitations to Heads of State to visit America and her people.
Other good will visits were concurrently made by the Vice President
and other personal representatives.
Many Heads of Government or State responded promptly to our
invitations to visit this country. In the past seven and a half years, more
than seventy Heads of State and Prime Ministers have come to the
United States (some of them several times) in visits extending from a
few days to some weeks. In this respect the period has been without
precedent. Other visitors are to come in the near future. Indeed,
tomorrow we shall be honored by the arrival in Washington on such a
visit of the King and Queen of Thailand, and later in the year the Crown
Prince and Princess of Japan, and the King and Queen of Denmark.
I early began to receive urgent invitations to make return visits to the
countries whose Heads had paid us the courtesy of coming to see America
and our way of life
Many months ago we concluded that I should personally accept some
of these invitations, as opportunity should present itself. Secretary
Herter, first as Under Secretary of State and later as Secretary of State,
enthusiastically concurred. Overseas visits by me, all of us felt, would
be a strong support of other successful programs.
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The great value resulting from these journeys to twenty-seven nations
has been obvious here and abroad. Throughout the world there has
been opportunity to emphasize and re-emphasize America's devotion to
peace with justice; her determination to sustain freedom and to
strengthen Free World security through our cooperative programs; her
readiness to sacrifice in helping to build the kind of world we want.
These visits involved, of course, valuable conversations between Heads
of State and Government, as well as the promotion of understanding
among peoples.
However, except for so-called Summit and the NATO Heads of Government meeting, none of my visits has been planned or carried out solely
as a diplomatic mission seeking specific agreements, even though discussions have invariably involved important issues.
Incidentally, I believe that Heads of State and Government can, occasionally, and preferably on an informal basis, profitably meet for conversations on broad problems and principles. They can, of course, also
convene to give solemn approval to agreements previously prepared by
normal diplomatic methods.
But Heads of Government meetings are not effective mechanisms for
developing detailed provisions of international compacts, and have never
been so considered by this government.
On the other hand, the good will aspects of a visit by a Head of Government can frequently bring about favorable results far transcending
those of normal diplomatic conferences. They have resulted in the creation of a more friendly atmosphere and mutual confidence between
peoples. They have proved effective in bringing closer together nations
that respect human dignity and are dedicated to freedom.
Indeed it seems apparent that the Communists, some time ago, reached
the conclusion that these visits were of such positive value to the Free
World as to obstruct Communist imperialism. Thus they have sought
every possible method to stop them. Through their propaganda they
bitterly opposed my entry into the Philippines, in Taiwan, in Okinawa, in
Korea, and, of course, Japan.
In Paris last month they advanced false and elaborate excuses for
cancelling my invitation to visit the Soviet Union, when all that was
necessary to say was that they found it inconvenient to receive me.
With their associates in Peiping, they went to great lengths and expense
to create disorders in Tokyo that compelled the Japanese government to
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I 209
decide, under conditions then existing, that it should revoke its longstanding invitation for me to visit that sister democracy.
These disorders were not occasioned by America. We in the United
States must not fall into the error of blaming ourselves for what the
Communists do; after all, Communists will act like Communists.
One clear proof of the value, to us, of these visits is the intensity of the
opposition the Communists have developed against them.
Respecting Japan, in spite of the outrageous conduct of a violent and
disorderly minority, I have been assured that the people there were, in
overwhelming majority, anxious to welcome me as a representative of a
nation with which they wished to cooperate and to have friendly
relations.
Of course, the basic objective of the Communist-inspired disorders in
Tokyo was to bring about the rejection by the Japanese government of
the Treaty. That the Communists were defeated in their frantic efforts
to prevent ratification of that Treaty speaks well for the future of
Japanese-American relations. Obviously that signal defeat for International Communism far outweighs, in importance, the blocking of my
scheduled visit.
Another purpose of the Communist-inspired riots in Tokyo was to
weaken confidence between our peoples and to persuade the United
States to change its basic policies toward Japan. It would be a tremendous victory for International Communism if we were to permit the
unhappy events of the past several weeks in Japan to disrupt our economic
relationships with that nation; or to weaken the feeling of friendship
and understanding which unites the vast majority of the Japanese and
American people.
Japan has once again become a great nation. Over the postwar years
she has painstakingly created a new image of herself, the image of a
responsible, peaceful and cooperative Free World nation, mindful of her
obligations and of the rights of others. Japan has made a fine record
in the United Nations as well as elsewhere on the international stage.
Since the loss of mainland China to the Communists in I 949, the need
to link the other nations of the Far East with the United States more
strongly, in their mutual interest, should be apparent to all. We seek,
and continue to build and strengthen these links, with Japan as well as
with the other countries, by actions of many kinds-of which my recent
trip was but a single example. In the present circumstances, a Far
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Eastern policy of "waiting for the dust to settle" will not meet the Free
World's need.
The other free countries of the Far East, small in relation to the
massive area and immense population of Red China, can survive in
freedom and flourish only in cooperative association with the United
States and a free Japan. Through our aid programs, through our
bilateral and collective defensive arrangements such as SEATO, through
our very presence in the area, we help them greatly. And a free and
friendly Japan can reinforce this American effort, as indeed she is already
doing through aid programs of her own.
Because of the Prime Minister's necessary withdrawal of his urgent
invitation of last winter for me to visit Japan on June i 9th, I was of
course unable to meet with the Japanese Government and people, or to
bring to them assurances of American good will. This was disappointing,
but we should not forget the favorable effects of visits elsewhere in the
Far East, as well as the final approval of the Japanese-American treaty
by both Governments. Moreover, the general improvement that has
come about through exchanges of visits by friendly Heads of Government
is recognized and appreciated throughout the Free World.
I wish that every one of you could have accompanied me to Manila,
Taipei, and Korea and thus witnessed for yourselves the outpouring of
friendship, gratitude and respect for America. The throngs of people
there, like the many millions who, during earlier journeys, lined the
streets of great cities in the Mid-East, Europe, North Africa, South
America-as well as in Canada and Mexico-had one overwhelming
message for our nation.
That message, expressed in glowing faces, friendly shouts, songs, gaily
painted placards, and home made signs, was that they wanted to be
partners with the United States. They share our ideals of dignity of man
and the equality of all before the law-they believe in their God; they
believe that the American people are their friends. They believe that
Americans are sincerely devoted to their progress which means so much
to them, and which is so evident on every side.
These demonstrations have been inspiring to all who have not closed
their eyes and minds to their meaning. Moreover, the leaders of the
free peoples I have met here or abroad have assured me, privately and
publicly, that they approve of America's purposes and policies, even
though details of implementation are frequently subjects for discussion or
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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negotiation. They have expressed the hope that visits to their countries
by the senior officials of our Government might be of greater frequency.
They have shown to me evidence of their marked material progress
through American cooperation. They have testified to the reborn hope
and restored confidence of their peoples.
Let me stress, however, that all the profit gained by past and any possible future trips will be quickly dissipated should we Americans abandon
our present course in foreign relations or slacken our efforts in cooperative programs with our friends.
This is what the Communists want. It is imperative that we act with
mature judgment.
We must recognize their tactics as a deliberate attempt to split the
Free World, causing friction between allies and friends. We must not
fall into this trap; all of us must remain firm and steadfast in our united
dedication to freedom, and, to peace with justice.
Above all, we must bear in mind that successful implementation of any
policy against Communist imperialism requires that we never be bluffed,
cajoled, blinded or frightened. We cannot win out against the Communist purpose to dominate the world by being timid, passive, or apologetic when we are acting in our own and the Free World's interests. We
must accept the risks of bold action with coolness and courage. We must
always be strong but we must never forget that peace can never be won by
arms alone; we will be firm but never truculent; we will be fair but never
fearful; we will always extend friendship wherever friendship is offered
honestly to us.
Now a final, personal wordSo far as any future visits of my own are involved, I have no plans,
no other particular trip in mind. Considering the shortness of the time
before next January, and the unavoidable preoccupations of the few
months remaining, it would be difficult to accept any invitation for me,
again, to go abroad.
But so long as the threat of Communist domination may hang over the
Free World, I believe that any future President will conclude that reciprocal visits by Heads of friendly Governments have great value in promoting
Free World solidarity.
And this I assure you. If any unforeseen situation or circumstances
arising in the near future should convince me that another journey of
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mine would still further strengthen the bonds of friendship between us and
others, I would not hesitate a second in deciding to make still an additional effort of this kind.
No consideration of personal fatigue or inconvenience, no threat or
argument would deter me from once again setting out on a course that
has meant much for our country, for her friends, and for the cause of
freedom-and peace with justice in the world.
Thank you and-good night.
2 I 0 qJ Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the
United Fund and Community Chest Campaigns.
June 28, i960
To the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies:
Last year, Government personnel demonstrated their individual concern for the health and welfare of their fellow men by voluntarily helping
to raise part of the record $455,000,000 collected throughout the Nation
during the United Fund and Community Chest campaigns.
Again this coming fall the United Community Campaigns will seek our
support for 27,ooo national-and local-health, welfare and recreational
organizations. The American National Red Cross will be included in a
number of these, along with other national organizations, such as the
Salvation Army, the USO, the Scouts and the Y's. By united charity,
we are able to support the work of hospitals, clinics, visiting nurses' associations and homes for the sick and aged in our local communities. We
are also able to strengthen various recreational and character-building
groups working among our youth.
The Honorable Thomas S. Gates, Jr., Secretary of Defense, has agreed
to serve as Vice Chairman of the United Community Campaigns for the
Federal Government. He merits our heartiest cooperation.
We, in Government, must bear our full citizens' share in the great
humanitarian efforts which advance the welfare of our fellow citizens and
communities. The support given by you and your personnel in the past
has been heart-warming. I know that Government employees will continue their fine record of voluntary giving.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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([ 2II
2 I I 4f Remarks of Welcome to the King and
Queen of Thailand at the Washington National
Airport. June 28, i960
Your Majesties and members of our visiting party from Thailand, and
friends:
Your Majesty, it is indeed a great privilege to welcome you to this
country. The record of the friendly relationships between our two countries is a bright one, and it is therefore with unusual pleasure that we
welcome here in this country the head of that nation.
You will find, sir, in all parts of this Nation a similar readiness to bid
you welcome and to express their friendship for your fine country in
southeast Asia. We sincerely trust that the journey that you make
through our country will be for you and for Her Majesty, the Queen, very
interesting and enjoyable, and indeed we hope to some extent instructive,
as you will learn more of our country and of our people and of their way
of life, just as visitors to your country learn about yours.
So, sir, again welcome to you and to Her Majesty, and our very best
wishes for an enjoyable stay in our Nation.
Thank you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 12 noon.
King Bhumibol Adulyadej responded as
follows:
Thank you so much, Mr. President, and
thank you for the kind words you have
just spoken now, and for the rousing
welcome you have given us. In fact, we
have arrived in this country when we set
foot on the island of Hawaii, just on the
14th, and then to California and to Pittsburgh. Everywhere we received a very
friendly welcome. So we are all very
grateful to you, Mr. President, for making
this visit possible.
And before coming on this tour, I had
told my people the object of such a state
visit; that is, when we are friends, between friends and relatives we like to go
and visit each other, for the ties of friendship; but now, with nations, it is quite
impossible for the people of each nation24 million of them-for my people to
come and visit your i90 million people in
this country. So I have to come as the
head of state and as their representative.
That is why I am here, and the people
understood very well. The day we left
Bangkok they gave us a very big send-off
and they showed by that they were quite
ready to give me support and to give their
good will. So now, as the representative
of my people, I bring to you as the representative of the American nation the
greetings and the good will of the Thai
people.
Both countries have had long and very
happy relations for a long time. That is
because we have the same convictions.
We say that we cannot have happiness
without freedom and independence.
Since we have been here we have seen
many similarities. Among the similarities, in dress-ordinarily, privately, the
Thai people don't like to dress too
formally, they like to be easily comfortable, as you people do. And between
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meals we take snacks, as you do. But the
difference is in the food-you have popcorn, you have hot dogs and ice cream.
Oh, that is very good. We have noodle
soup. And we have pickled fruit. So
among the differences we have many
similarities. And especially in the train
of thought; that is, we like to live simply.
And above all, we like freedom.
Now this visit is something more for me
personally. In Thailand we say-we call
the motherland the land of our birth,
the land where we live (the King spoke
in Thai). I was born here in this country, so I can say that the United States is
half my motherland. This visit is somewhat of a sentimental journey, and this I
feel with quite genuine emotion in coming back here. I say, "coming back
here." I never say "come" or "go" to the
United States. I say return to the
United States. All that emotion gives
me the conviction that our visit here will
be of great use for the strengthening and
reinforcement of the bonds of friendship
which have existed for a long time already between the United States and my
country.
So I thank you once again, Mr. President.
212 2 f Citation Accompanying Legion of Merit,
Degree of Chief Commander, Presented to the King
of Thailand. June 28, I960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States of America, authorized by
Act of Congress, July 20, 1942, has awarded the Legion of Merit, Degree
of Chief Commander, to
HIS MAJESTY, KING BHUMIBOL ADULYADEJ
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, ROYAL THAI ARMED FORCES
for exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding
services:
His Majesty, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, defender of the faith and
Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Thai Armed Forces, has since his
coronation on 5 May 1950, served as a symbol of unity and steadfastness
in the Free World. His Majesty's manifold tasks have demanded
sagacity and breadth of vision in perceiving that in a turbulent world
swept by war and ideological conflict, causes of freedom required collective efforts and mutual aid devoted to the interests of his country and
preservation of its freedom and ways of life. His Majesty has been a
staunch supporter of the South East Asia Treaty Organization since its
inception in 1955 and has significantly contributed to its growth and
development. His Majesty's personal efforts through extensive travel to
other nations have been singularly fruitful in developing a closer understanding among these countries. Indicative of the marked progress of
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 213
His Majesty's Armed Forces under his guidance and leadership is the high
esteem accorded to them by the United Nations Command, Korea, and
all nations of the Free World.
NOTE: The President made the presentation at the White House at 7:40 p.m.
2 3 41 Toasts of the President and the King of
Thailand. June 28, I960
Your Majesty the King, Your Majesty the Queen, ladies and gentlemen:
It is a very particular privilege that we have this evening in welcoming
to this city and to this house the King and Queen of Thailand. Fortunately, between these two countries there are no great problems. Our
history is that of friendship. And the experience that I have had over
the last few hours with the King and Queen convinced me that we are
just personal friends as well as official. We welcome them not only as
the head of a friendly and great state of Southeast Asia, but as a true
friend.
Now I have seen some speculation in papers, and heard it, as to what
heads of state can possibly talk about when they meet. People worry
about this. Now so far as we are concerned, we can talk of course about
the differing cultures. I can't tell him much about ours, because he
was born here. But I can learn something about his, which is helpful.
But by and large those are subjects that are just, I say, auxiliary to our
main purpose, and that is to find out what each is like.
Well, he likes noodle soup. He said so publicly today, and so I think
we have the right to ask him for the recipe. After all, I have four grandchildren who demand that the old gentleman occasionally get out and
take charge of a cookout; and when I can surprise them with a new
dish, it's a great triumph, and if I can do it with noodle soup, sir, I am
going to be very grateful to you.
So this is the kind of thing we talk about. And he showed me
reproductions of his paintings, which he tells me he has been practicing
only a few months. I promptly retired my brushes, because he is talented
and mine is what you would call a daub.
I find that they have four children, one boy and three girls. That's
just how many grandchildren I was able to get, so everything seems to
be going along splendidly on the basis of friendship.
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What I am trying to say in this rather round-about fashion is that it
is indeed a pleasure and a great privilege and honor to meet someone
who bears the responsibilities that fall upon the King in his country, in
his great country of 24 million people, and still who comes with the same
family concerns, the same human feelings toward his children, toward
what he and his wife are doing, as each of us does. This kind of thought
brings us closer.
So when I ask you to stand and drink a Toast this evening to the
King and to the Queen, and to the happiness and prosperity of the
people of Thailand, I do so, not as just my duty to ask you to drink a
Toast to the head of a friendly state, but to true and real friends of
America. Ladies and gentlemen, the King!
NOTE: The President proposed the toast
at io: i2 p.m. at a state dinner at the
White House. King Bhumibol responded
as follows:
Mr. President and ladies and gentlemen:
In a formal dinner like this, I usually
have this prepared speech to read to you,
but this speech has been prepared for
many days, so perhaps it would not reflect
the true sentiment that is in our heart,
only what we thought that would be. I
had put in about the appreciation of the
kind words. Well, I appreciate very
much the very kind words and touching
words that Mr. Eisenhower just spoke
now. I wanted to tell you that since our
arrival in this country we have received
many marks of friendship and good will.
Now, tonight, I have experienced
something more, to know, really know,
Mr. Eisenhower, Mrs. Eisenhower, personally-and to know like I thought they
were: very human. So this is the confirmation of my-what you call thoughts
that I had thought beforehand.
And so I don't have anything to say
very much because Mr. President has
stolen my words-something about the
noodle soup. It's the same thing as I
asked Mr. President to make ice cream
for me. Well, I asked the recipe for ice
cream, and perhaps I will find out the
recipe for noodle soup so I can give to
Mr. President for his grandchildren.
And ice cream is the delight of my
children. They have, since their arrival
in the United States, always asked for ice
cream, and yesterday, as a parting or as a
farewell ice cream party, we brought them
to an ice cream shop near Los Angeles
and they enjoyed it very much.
So for all this, I must say that it is
because Mr. President has invited us to
come that it has been possible to show
my children what a great country America is. And all the people here are so
friendly. That is a great lesson to show
our children, that the world is big and
everybody is friendly if you are friendly.
Now I want you to rise and drink to
the health of Mr. Eisenhower, Mrs. Eisenhower, and to the great American nation.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 960q
(e 2I4
214 eI Letter to the President of the American
Red Cross on the Nation's Voluntary Disaster Relief
in Chile. June29, i960
Dear General Gruenther:
Your heartwarming preliminary report of our Nation's voluntary relief
efforts in Chile was on my desk when I arrived home.
The total value of cash and supplies donated by our people was most
gratifying to me. It symbolizes an even greater asset: namely, the united
response of Americans-of all creeds and races-to their neighbors in
need.
This great outpouring of charity has served as a most human supplement to the official relief actions taken by our Government on behalf of
our stricken friends in Chile. I am sure it will help them to recover from
the shattering effects of disaster. This whole experience serves to
strengthen the bonds of affection and respect which unite our two
countries.
I would like to make an additional comment about one section of your
report which carried particular promise. That was the part dealing with
the needs of the 8o,ooo stricken school children of Chile and the major
effort by our young people on their behalf. I am proud that the youth
of America are demonstrating their concern for these children. This is
further proof that our best traditions are in good hands!
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: General Gruenther's preliminary to the President's appeal for aid to the
report was enclosed in a letter to the victims of the Chilean earthquake had
President dated June 24, I960. The re- been very gratifying, and that, as of July
port outlined the activities of each of the 24, the total value of cash and supplies
voluntary agencies participating with the contributed was nearly $4,500,000.
American Red Cross in the relief effort. The letter and the report (9 pp.,
In his letter General Gruenther stated mimeographed) were released with the
that the response of the American people President's reply.
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2 I 5 e1 Remarks at the AFL-CIO Testimonial
Dinner in Honor of Secretary of Labor James P.
Mitchell. June 29, i960
Mr. Chairman and distinguished guests:
I feel that there is something possibly symbolic about my appearance
here this evening. I stand in front of you in plain view and for some
years I have been the target for some of the sharpest barbs that some of
you had to launch in my direction. And I don't know of any time when
I have been more exposed than I am this moment.
But there are two specific areas outside of our common patriotism and
love of country in which I find myself always in agreement with the
AFL-CIO and indeed the other unions here represented. Those two are:
In our recognition that we are but one nation in the world and that
our own prosperity, our own progress, and our own peace depend upon
our friendship with other nations and our leadership with them in the
paths of peace.
And second, our common admiration for your guest of honor, Jim
Mitchell.
Now I would like to talk for just a moment about these two subjects.
Time and again I have been encouraged in heartwarming fashion by the
members of all our unions in efforts to increase the spirit of friendship and
the depth of understanding between this nation and other nations who,
like us, believe in the dignity of man and his possession of the inalienable
rights given to him by his Creator.
There is in the Cabinet a committee that has as its job trying to
better markets through the world so that our economy may prosper as
we help others to prosper. As their purchasing power rises, our prosperity
rises with it. This is the kind of thing that we understand together, and
this is the kind of thing in which the AFL-CIO has always been in the
forefront in supporting.
I cannot tell you how much this has meant to me, because there are
those short-sighted people who believe that by building around ourselves
walls-walls of guns and walls of tariff-that we can live in a secure and
prosperous isolation.
My friends, you at least-the people of your organizations-have
542
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 215
shown that they recognize the falsity of any such belief and, indeed, have
been on the positive side, working to destroy such illusions and delusions
in this country. Fortunately, the number of the people that so believe
are diminishing. I am completely sure that part of that result has been
because of your enlightened efforts. And for this, on behalf of the entire
nation, I must thank you.
Now I get to my second subject, Jim Mitchell. I was once told by a
very distinguished soldier that practically every general's reputation as it
was recorded in history was the result of his skill in picking a chief of staff.
I rather think that if I am going to live in history, one of the reasons
is the wisdom I had in selecting Jim Mitchell as Secretary of Labor.
He and I both have learned this about the leaders of labor. They may
not see eye to eye with us always, but they respect a man of courage, of
honesty, of integrity and who tries to dig under the facade of slogan, of
wisecrack, and to get at the facts-get them out so that peoples looking
together at the same problem are not talking about something that is
false or disorted but things as they are, the realities of situations.
I have had the great good fortune of having Secretary Mitchell at my
side now these 7 years. For that good fortune I thank the Almighty.
Secretary Mitchell has constantly championed the cause of labor, as
such, and its right to get its proper due. The people who with their
hands and their heads and their thinking produce the wealth of this
country are entitled to their proper dues and at the same time saying that
in a free enterprise country if we are to be preserved as such, we must
recognize the needs for profit, because if there are no profits, there will
be no investments, and free labor as we know it will not continue to exist.
This is the kind of thing he has taught, the kind of thing he has
preached, outside and within the confines of the Cabinet Room.
Each of us-you of labor-we of Government-have got a very deep
responsibility to the United States, the Nation that we believe under God
is destined to lead the entire earth to better paths-finer paths-toward
peace and justice in this world.
And so I think, regardless of the points of difference you have found
and discovered and criticized within this administration-which is your
right-but I say this: no man has ever been more dedicated to the idea
of whatever is good for the United States is good for labor than has Jim
Mitchell.
And therefore, as I salute you-all of you-of the labor movement,
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I salute him and his family who are so fortunate to be here as part of the
group that you are honoring along with him this evening.
Thank you and good night.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Statler ing words "Mr. Chairman" referred to
Hilton Hotel in Washington. His open- George Meany, President of the AFLCIO.
216 e Message to President Kasavubu on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of
the Congo. June 30, I960
Dear Mr. President:
On the occasion of the independence of the Republic of the Congo I
extend in my own name and on behalf of the people of the United States
most cordial greetings and felicitations to you and the Congolese people.
The independence of the Republic of the Congo is a source of deep
satisfaction to the United States, especially since this freedom was achieved
in friendly cooperation with Belgium. The attainment of independence
by I3.5 million Congolese is one of the most significant events in Africa
during this unprecedented year of 1960.
On this historic occasion the Government and people of the United
States look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government
and people of the Republic of the Congo.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
217 It Veto of a Bill To Increase the Salaries of
Federal Employees. yune 30, I960
To the House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 9883, a bill to increase
the salaries of Federal employees.
Whenever I have been presented with legislation providing for increases
in Federal salaries that were justified and warranted, I have unhesitatingly
given my approval to such legislation-and I would gladly do so again.
H.R. 9883, however, is indefensible by any light. This hastily drawn
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
q 2I7
bill violates every concept of fairness, every rule of reason and logic.
Were this measure to become law, the already conspicuous unfairness
and discrimination in our antiquated Federal pay system would be greatly
intensified. Instead of making progress-by improving the Federal pay
structure-we would actually be taking a long step backward.
The money cost of all this retrogression-not to mention its intangible
costs-would impose an annual burden on the American taxpayer of
three quarters of a billion dollars, and the money would not be wisely
spent. Such fiscal and legislative irresponsibility, and particularly the
bill's basic unfairness and the discrimination it would perpetuate, offend
all thinking citizens, Federal employees among them, and make this
legislation entirely unacceptable.
More specifically, H.R. 9883 is defective in the following respects:
i. The bill totally ignores the recognized precept that the only sound
basis for setting Federal salaries is reasonable comparability to rates
paid for similar work in private industry. Judged by this standard there
is reason to believe, from such information as is now available, that a
number of Federal salaries already exceed private rates of pay for similar
work and, conversely, that other Federal salaries are below corresponding
private compensation. H.R. 9883 in no respect addresses itself to these
disparities and, in fact, actually perpetuates and intensifies them.
Furthermore, in the haste to pass some kind of pay legislation in this
particular year, the national salary survey currently being made by the
Department of Labor to ascertain the comparability of Federal salaries,
grade-by-grade, with those paid in private business was completely
ignored-notwithstanding that the Congress itself appropriated $500,000
to finance it. This survey, which will be completed in September,' was
intended to provide a sound and defensible basis for adjustments in the
Federal pay structure-and it still will. To that end, such recommendations as are indicated by the survey and other relevant evidence will be
made to the Congress in January.
2. The inequities already present in our Federal pay structure
would be sharply accentuated by H.R. 9883. It increases by the largest
'The "National Survey of Professional, Administrative, Technical, and Clerical Pay,
Winter 1959-60" (49 pp., Government Printing Office, i960) was released by the
Bureau of Labor Statistics, Department of Labor, December 4, I 960.
A related report of the President's Committee on Government Employment Policy
on "Trends in the Employment of Negro-Americans in Upper-Level White-Collar
Positions in the Federal Government" (4 pp., mimeographed) was released by the
White House on October 5.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
percentages those salaries which are already apparently in excess of
compensation rates for similar work in private industry. On the other
hand, the lowest percentage increases are accorded those who appear to
be underpaid in relation to their counterparts in private business. To
thus heighten the present distortion would be grossly unfair and highly
discriminatory.
3. Even within itself H.R. 9883 is manifestly unjust. For a large
number of employees it would increase salaries by nearly 9%, but for
others performing exactly the same work the increase would be only
slightly over 7/2 %. Further, employees in the postal field service would,
in general, be given larger percentage increases than those provided for
nearly twice as many persons who are compensated under the Classification Act and other statutory pay schedules.
4. The claim by proponents of the bill that the pay increases it would
provide are justified by a rise in the cost of living is utterly without foundation in fact. Since June of 1958, when a Io% pay increase for Federal
employees was approved, the cost of living as measured by the Consumers' Price Index has advanced 2.1 %. More importantly, since the
beginning of this Administration in January of I953, Federal civilian
employees have received two general pay adjustments, increasing average
salaries 1 7 / to 20 percent in the aggregate, while during the same period
the Consumers' Price Index has advanced less than I I percent.
5. By not providing offsetting revenues for the $248 million a year it
would add to Post Office Department costs, the bill stands in complete
disregard of the policy which the Congress itself established in 1958 that
postal revenues should approximately equal postal costs less those costs
deemed attributable to the performance of public services. The consequences of this disregard, were H.R. 9883 to become law, would be to
increase the postal deficit, which must be met by the American taxpayer,
to $851 million a year.
6. The bill would unwarrantedly extend Federal retirement and life
and health insurance benefits to employees of locally-elected county
stabilization and conservation committees who are not Federal employees because not appointed or supervised by Government officers.
The Federal system should apply only to Federal employees. The legitimate needs of these people for such retirement and insurance opportunities should be met and the Department of Agriculture, accordingly, has
for some months now been exploring means by which the Government
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960(
q 2I 7
might appropriately act. I have asked the Secretary of Agriculture to
expedite these efforts.
Looking to the future, I urge the Congress, in accordance with my
recommendation of last January, promptly to enact legislation which
will make permanent the 2 Y2 percent temporary salary increase accorded
postal field service employees two years ago in I958. That increase is
now scheduled to expire in January of next year, so action prior to adjournment of the current session is advisable.
With regard to general pay legislation, I am convinced, as I have
indicated, that it is not presently required and should not be enacted until
we can at the same time intelligently modernize our pay system. Evidently, however, this view is not shared by the Congress. In an effort to
resolve the difference, therefore, I would be willing at this time to approve
a modest increase reasonably commensurate with the percentage rise in
the Consumers' Price Index since the last general pay increase became
effective. This is the only increase that could possibly be justified under
present circumstances. In fairness to the American taxpayer, however,
new postal revenues should be provided sufficient not only to offset the
cost of any such increase to the Post Office Department, but also to eliminate the current postal deficit.
I must preface my following remarks on another aspect of this legislation by emphasizing that I have an abiding admiration and respect for
the great mass of those who work in the Government service. It has been
my privilege to have lived and worked with them, in Washington and
throughout the world, for half a century. They deserve and rightfully
expect fair and enlightened treatment, in personnel matters, on the part
of the Government. At the same time, with regard to their remuneration, they desire only that the accepted principles of reward for merit,
length of service and especial competence be followed. I bear all of this
in mind in what I am about to say and I wish to make it clear that the
remarks which follow are directed only to a small minority, and in particular their leadership, of what are in the main a fine and outstanding group
of public servants.
The other aspect of this legislation to which I refer is unrelated to its
merits and is to me deeply disturbing. I am informed that the enactment
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of H.R. 9883 was attended by intensive and unconcealed political pressure exerted flagrantly and in concert on Members of Congress by a number of postal field service employees, particularly their leadership.
I fully respect the legal right of every Federal employee-indeed of all
our citizens-to petition the Government. But the activity of which I
have been advised so far exceeds a proper exercise of that right, and so
grossly abuses it, as to. make of it a mockery.
I am further informed that, in anticipation of my disapproval of this
bill, it is planned to resume these deplorable tactics, to an even greater
degree.
That public servants might be so unmindful of the national good as
to even entertain thoughts of forcing the Congress to bow to their will
would be cause for serious alarm. To have evidence that a number of
them in the postal field service, led by a few, have actually sought to do
so is to say the least shocking. Were the pressure tactics surrounding the
passage of this bill, and apparently further intended in the event of its
veto, widely known to the American people, their indignation and outrage in all its power would be quickly felt-and rightly so.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: On July I, I 960, the Congress less," the release added, "the President
passed the bill over the President's veto. will not abandon-but will continue unThereupon the Press Secretary issued a abated-his efforts to further responsirelease stating that for the second time bility in government."
pressure and pork barrel tactics had over- As enacted, H.R. 9883 is Public Law
ridden a Presidential veto. "Neverthe- 86-568 (74 Stat. 296).
2I8 e1 Joint Statement Following Discussions
With the King of Thailand. July I I 960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States and His Majesty the King of
Thailand have held a friendly and useful exchange of views on matters
of mutual interest.
Their Majesties the King and Queen of Thailand are visiting the
United States upon the invitation of the President. At the conclusion of
their stay in Washington on July 2, during which His Majesty the King
addressed a joint session of the United States Congress, Their Majesties
will begin a twelve-day coast-to-coast tour of the United States, during
which they will meet with various civic, cultural and business leaders.
548
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
Ij 218
The President recalled the fact that the King was born in the United
States and expressed the hope that this personal link would enhance the
pleasure of His Majesty's visit to the land of his birth.
The President expressed great admiration for the steps taken under
the King's leadership to foster the economic and social development of
Thailand in harmony with the aspirations and ideals of the Thai people.
He voiced profound respect for the moral inspiration which the King's
devotion to the welfare of his people continues to provide.
In their review of the world situation, the President and the King
expressed their mutual concern with the vital problem of preserving
freedom and independence as well as achieving lasting peace and establishing a world order based on international justice. They reasserted
their determination to work towards these goals, the achievement of
which will contribute immensely to the general progress, prosperity, and
welfare of mankind. They noted that the staunch adherence of Thailand
and the United States to the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization demonstrates a mutual belief in the indispensability of collective security as a
means of preserving the frontiers of the free world from aggression and
of promoting the peaceful objectives shared by both countries. The
President took this occasion to pay tribute to the steadfast partnership
of Thailand and the United States in all fields and reaffirmed to His
Majesty the unwavering determination of the United States fully to
honor its treaty commitments undertaken in the cause of collective
security.
The President and the King expressed a common belief in the ideal of
enhancing human dignity as the well-spring by which a free society
prospers and is nourished. They agreed that the American and Thai
peoples are dedicated to abiding respect for the principles of the sovereignty and independence of nations and of genuine noninterference in
the affairs of others. They voiced their profound conviction that any
attempt by any nation to impose its own economic system or political
beliefs on any other country should be condemned.
In recalling the long and fruitful tradition of friendship which binds
the United States and Thailand the President assured the King of the
continuing determination of the United States to assist the Royal Government of Thailand in its noble objective of promoting the economic and
social development of the country for the lasting benefit of the Thai
people. The President and the King expressed their mutual desire to
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maintain and further to strengthen the bonds of close and cordial collaboration between Thailand and the United States, both directly and
through the United Nations and other appropriate international organizations in which the two countries share membership, confident that in so
doing they are responsive to the highest aspirations of their peoples for a
world in which peace, freedom and the sanctity of human dignity are
honored and cherished.
2I9 Il Message to President Osman on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Somali
Republic. July I, 1960
Dear Mr. President:
It is with the greatest of pleasure that I extend in my own name and
on behalf of the people of the United States most cordial greetings and
heartfelt congratulations upon the independence of the Somali Republic.
We share deeply in your joy in this occasion for not only does a new
state join the family of nations but your country's accession to independence marks the successful conclusion of another United Nations trusteeship. This, understandably, is a source of great pride and satisfaction to
all who have dedicated themselves to making the United Nations an
effective instrument of world peace and progress and I am confident that
in the years to come your country will strengthen the ranks of those devoted to this noble purpose.
The Government and people of the United States welcome the independence of your country and look forward to a lasting friendship with
your Government and people.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
550
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 221
220 eI Message to President Nkrumah on the
Occasion of the Accession of Ghana to the Status of
Republic. uly 1, I960
Dear Mr. President:
Upon the accession of your country to the status of Republic and upon
your inauguration as its first President I extend in my own name and
on behalf of the people of the United States most cordial greetings and
felicitations to you and your countrymen.
In the more than three years of close relations between an independent
Ghana and this country strong bonds of friendship and mutual interests
have developed. It is the sincere hope of the Government and people
of the United States that these bonds will continue to grow stronger in
the years to come.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
22 I 4l Statement by the President on the United
Nations Freedom-From-Hunger Campaign.
July I, I960
ON THIS DAY, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United
Nations has begun an international Freedom-from-Hunger Campaign.
The basic objectives of this campaign are to raise levels of food production
and nutrition for the people of the world. These objectives have the
earnest support of us all.
The world is confronted by two great problems in hunger: The needs
of the present and the future. And the last is greater than the first. We
must try to raise the level of nutrition for many millions who now subsist
on an inadequate diet and we must find new sources of food for the
rapidly expanding family of man.
To achieve this end, all countries will have to exert supreme efforts
and inventiveness.
The United States took an active part in the formation and development of the Food and Agriculture Organization. We continue to support
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Public Papers of the Presidents
it as an instrument for intergovernmental consultation, for the exchange
of information, and to sponsor separate and collective actions by its
member countries in raising levels of nutrition. We wish the Director
General of FAO and his staff all success as they carry forward their
Program of Work of which this Campaign is a special part. Through
our Food-for-Peace efforts we are advancing the objectives of the
Campaign, and we are working with other countries in the common
task of improving humanity's standard of living which gives substance to
our hopes for the peace and freedom of all peoples.
222 fiq The President's News Conference of
July 6, 1960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning. Please sit down.
Do you have any questions?
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press International: Mr. President, I
wonder if you could give us your general reaction to the situation in Cuba.
Is there any limit, Mr. President, to this country's policy of nonintervention, and is there anything that can or will be done about the expropriation of American-owned property?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, first of all, the Sugar Act just passed by the
Congress-it came to my desk just a few minutes ago with the reports
from the several departments, and along with that there are our plans for
staff study and conferences with me during the course of the day. And I
am sure that there will be something said on the whole situation-if not
today, then early tomorrow.
And I think the part of wisdom, therefore, would be not to make any
casual statements until that has been done.
Q. David Kraslow, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, Senator
Johnson said yesterday that we can look forward to the establishment of a
Russian submarine base in Cuba. First, sir, do you agree with his estimate and, secondly, assuming that this occurs, what would you suggest
that the United States and the other nations of the hemisphere do, if anything?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think there is not only the Caracas Resolution,
but there is the OAS that is constantly-has a permanent body in which
these things are assessed and what might be done about them.
552
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19602
(t 222
Now I am not going to make any guesses about the possibilities of
which the Senator spoke. Always there are such possibilities in the world,
but I don't think it is a likelihood. I do say that through the OAS, but
if necessary to protect our own interests and to make sure that we are not
threatened, why we would have to act as we saw fit.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Sir, can you
conceive of a situation where a Russian military base and a United States
base would coexist on Cuban soil?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't believe I will comment or try to predict
on that one.
Q. Mr. Scherer: Mr. President, you have traveled almost ioo,ooo
miles in the cause of peace this past year and yet, for a number of reasons, your hopes have not been fulfilled. It has not been possible to reach
a detente with the Soviet Union. There was no summit, and the Japan
visit was canceled. Could you tell us how you feel about all this, in
personal terms-whether, for instance, you think it might affect your
place in history, and what part these recent developments in foreign
policy might play in the election campaign?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you certainly asked a big question.
[Laughter]
Well, let's dismiss the simple part at once. My place in history will be
decided by historians, and they will probably give consideration to these
years and to the war years that they think they deserve, and then they will
make a conclusion. And I don't think I will be around to differ with
them.
Now, as to the effort to produce better understanding among the free
nations, and in the hope that this will lead to a better road for seeking
out agreements-negotiations-with the Iron Curtain countries-the Soviets-of course, I have worked on this for a long, long time, and I tried
in my talk of a couple weeks ago to try to put this thing in perspective.
I see no reason, either, for despairing because such successes as were
achieved were not all that you would like to have been. On the other
hand, I see no reason for getting pessimistic and not continuing to work.
And I said then, I believe that any future President will find some
value in the occasional visit to other countries, and certainly I know that
if he is going to respond to the American wishes-the wishes of the
American people-he is going to be doing his very best to promote peace.
Now, that is all I can say.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Mr. President, an increasing number of economists appear to be expressing the view that a
recession may be edging up on us or may actually be under way. I
wonder what your own assessment is of the economic prospects.
THE PRESIDENT. Will you name the economists?
Q. Mr. Schwartz: Well, one in particular is the research director for
the Investment Bankers Association, who says that we actually may already be in such a recession.
THE PRESIDENT. I have seen two letters from interested parties, but
in the second quarter our GNP was $503 billion, which is an alltime high.
In May, the last month for which we have figures, the employment went
up a million. The personal income is over 400 billion.
Now, the one thing on which they must be predicting this recession is
the fact that steel is operating on the order of 5o percent.
Now, there are two things to remember. One, that such a tremendous
capacity-productive capacity of steel-was built in the few years in the
past that now the 50 percent activity is something on the order of 75
some very few years back. And possibly there is a reserve capacity that
is a very good thing. And you would not expect it to operate at Ioo
percent all the time, because then you would have to build some more
and then you would still have a low percentage or a lower percentage.
And the other thing is right after the conclusion of the steel strike,
everybody was astonished by the rate of steel production. And inventories were built up, and there is not now the same demand that there
was at that moment.
That is the only thing that I know on the horizon that gives legitimate
cause for the concern these people have expressed.
Q. Rowland Evans, Jr., New York Herald Tribune: Governor Rockefeller of New York, sir, made a series of statements recently questioning
the relative position of the United States versus the Soviet Union.
Specifically, he says that we have declined in terms of military, psychological, and economic strength in relation to the Soviet Union.
I wonder, sir, whether you agree with the Governor's assessment, and,
too, what effect do you think his campaign along these lines will have on
the Republican Party politics?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, now, let's talk about this thing, about defense
and how we have declined militarily. I have put in, I think it is now, a
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
(I 222
total of eight budgets. In five of those budgets the Congress has reduced
the amounts for which I asked. Three of those budgets-and only incidentally I remark that they were election years-they have raised those
budgets. Now, what I am at least getting at is this: that the judgment
of the Executive Department, which is reached after-well, tortuously,
you might say, through the long channels that have to follow before you
get to the making up of the budget, has been, by and large, approved by
the Democratic-controlled Congress during these years. There is not, in
other words, a very great deal of difference between us.
Now, there are individuals, of course, who get very deeply concerned,
and possibly even worried, about some of these things and believe that just
more money would do a better job.
I will say the Governor is not only entitled to his own opinions but is
entitled to express them. And I don't believe that that mere expression
will itself tend to wreck any party. That is-it happens to be his conviction; it is not mine.
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: Mr. President, Mr. Khrushchev has set up his plans so that shortly after a new administration takes
office, he may be in position to make very radical or dramatic proposals
with respect to Berlin, and so on. Have you given any thought yet, sir,
to the idea of a transitional arrangement with a new administration respecting foreign affairs?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'd say only this: When the election is carried
out and the results known, my successor, no matter who he may be, will
be given every facility to familiarize himself with every going policy,
every activity, every connection we have, and he and his associates that
he will appoint to take the place of my associates will be given like
opportunity, so that this Government can go forward according to the
convictions of the administration that comes in and can be informed in
so doing.
Now, so far as Mr. Khrushchev's opinions on this and his statements
are concerned, I don't believe that either party is-should be-concerned
about them, and I don't believe they are concerned about them. They
are very crude attempts to involve himself and his influence, if any, in
this country into our affairs, and I don't believe that either side is going
to try to find any advantage in whatever his advice to both of us may be.
Q. Charles W. Bailey, Minneapolis Star and Tribune: Sir, in the
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light of your two terms in the White House, I wonder if you could give
us your judgment, all other things being equal, on the importance of
age as a factor in choosing a President.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't suppose there is any ideal age, because
we've had people of all ages. As a matter of fact in my own case, if
the good Lord allows me to fill out my term, I'll be the oldest man that
ever served in this office.
Now, I have not, in spite of three illnesses, felt that physical defects
or a weakness has been any decisive factor with me and in the way I
have conducted my office. At times I may doubt a little bit my mind
and intellectual capacity and my good judgment, but I'll tell you one
thing: I never doubt my own heart and where it stands with America.
And I don't think that the physical has had a great deal to do with
whatever good I've been able to accomplish or the mistakes I have made.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. President, have
you received a report on the amount of the Treasury surplus for i960,
and have you made an estimate of how much, or guess as to what, the
i96 I surplus will be?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, we've got an estimate, but it has not yet been
finalized, and therefore I don't want to put the figure out prematurely.
I do think it is fair to say that, respecting the '6 i, after all, we asked for
the money that would make up the Post Office deficit and to raise the
taxes for aviation gasoline and the tax we-the additional half cent
we asked for in highways, of course, went into the trust fund and not
into the budget. On top of that, there has been a great deal of money,
including just an $8oo million slug just the other day for each year; so
it would be a miracle if the surplus for '6 i should be what I then
estimated.
But let's remember that that budgetary estimate lays down the conditions on which it is made; that is, the additional revenues and the estimate
as to the prosperity of the country at the time.
Q. John V. Horner, Washington Star: Mr. President, on the subject
of Cuba, is the United States making any serious efforts to get across its
story to the Cuban people so they will fully understand, some time in the
future, that our quarrel is not with them but with the present policies
of their present government?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes, we are. Now, I haven't had a recent report
as to how effective that is. But that is exactly what we are trying to do.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(f 222
And I have stated before this group time and again we not only have no
quarrel with the Cuban people, we want to be their friends and, indeed,
I think we both need each other. They are great producers of sugar,
and we consume-or we import-something like over 3 million tons a
year from them. It seems to me we have a very fine mutually beneficial
arrangement. And it is only the inexplicable actions of the government
that caused the trouble, as we see it.
Q. L. Edgar Prina, Washington Star: Mr. President, you and Mr.
Nixon have just had a long political talk, we understand. Can you tell
us anything about how active a role you plan to play in the coming
campaign?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, the only thing I know at this moment, I am to
be at-I'm to make a talk on the night of the 26th at the Republican
Convention and to be there the following morning for breakfast. And
then my wife apparently gets a free lunch, and then we are going on
from there.
Q. Mr. Prina: But beyond thatTHE PRESIDENT. Now, beyond that there are no plans made that I
know of.
Now, I do have, for some reason, an unusual number of prior engagements for nonpolitical meetings and all over the place, but I haven't
got any political engagements made for the time being, except that one.
Q. Spencer Davis, Associated Press: Communist China has been
contending that war is inevitable with the capitalist countries, and the
Soviet Union has been saying otherwise. What is your opinion of this
and to what extent should it guide our future policies?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you mean in the effort to split these two peoples
apart, or what do you mean-in our policy in avoiding war? What are
you talking about?
Q. Mr. Davis: Our policy in meeting the threat of a nation that
believes war is inevitable.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I will say this: if you will go back into the
writings of Lenin and even, I think, you will find it in Stalin's book on
the problems of Leninism, these same statements were made. Now, as
these people have gotten more productive, they have a much bigger
collection of productive mechanisms. In other words, they have
accumulated wealth, and they've also got a great arsenal of powerful
weapons; I think that there is-there comes a time when their views as
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to the methods they will use to dominate the world should be-might
be changed. And I think that there is a change going on there that
probably the Red Chinese have not yet decided upon. As of this moment,
they seem to be much more belligerent and much more, you might say,
quarrelsome than are their associates.
But I would think this: just as always in this world, vigilance, alertness,
and strength are the base from which you must work, as you try to
bring about conditions in which these things will not come about.
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President, as a
followup to that subject, would you care to comment on the statement of
Khrushchev in Austria that he would like to have the Communist flag
fly over the whole world during his lifetime?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think he once said in that same statement
that he wasn't talking about doing it by violence and by war; he said
this was a hope of his, but he said not an expectation.
Now, I may be quoting from a reporter from your newspapers; I'm
not sure. But he said it was a hope and not an expectation.
In other words, they, the Communists, have never retreated one step
from their conviction, their belief, that the Communist flag ought to fly
over the whole world from pole to pole. And so their intention is still
the same.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, in view of Premier
Khrushchev's derailment of East-West negotiations in the last few months,
do you see any way that we could get these talks and negotiations back
on the track during the remainder of your administration?
THE PRESIDENT. I have directed and I've made sure that there is a
clear understanding on the part of the Soviets that we are ready to talk
any time, honestly and without any equivocation or evasiveness, on the
problems that have been attracting our attention-I mean our common
attention. These are disarmament, nuclear testing, liberalizing movements, and exchange of ideas, and all that sort of thing between our
two sides.
Q. Lillian Levy, Science Service: Mr. President, on the subject of
disarmament, what were the plans we would have presented on nuclear
disarmament at Geneva had not the Russians walked out, and has their
walkout affected our decision concerning the resumption of nuclear
testing?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, to take the second part, the nuclear testing,
558
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 222
there is not yet any indication that they intend to walk out on these
particular negotiations.
The five nations on our side-Canada, Italy, Britain, ourselves, and
France-that are the part of the Io-nation conference, are staying there
for a while, because this gives them such a fine opportunity to refine and
agree upon the details of the plan that we should-would have submitted
to the Russians on the day they walked out.
Now, this plan has been exposed in its general terms and, as I say, is
now undergoing some refinement, and that's all there is to be done on
this thing.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, this is the
first press conference we've had in 8 weeks, and part of that time you've
been away, but part of that time you've been in the city. My question
is: do you base your decision on whether or not to hold a press conference
on some policy consideration, apart from the time element that you
have, or how do you decide whether or not to hold a press conference?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as a matter of fact, I suppose that there is some
little bit of whim that comes in there once in a while. But, in fact, I
don't try to be talking all the time. I don't try to take charge of the
microphone and carry that as my baton.
But the fact is now, one week I made a speech on Monday. I said
about all on the subject then that seemed to be engaging the headlines
that I could think of, and there seemed to be very little reason for a
press conference. And then, as you say, I'm away at times, and other
things come up. Whenever the day seems to be free and I can do it,
well, frankly, I enjoy many of them, you know. And so it is not any
running out on the thing; it's just, as I say, how it happens to strike me,
I guess.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: In the matter of nuclear testing,
Mr. President, I think it is now approaching 2 years since we volunteered
the ban on further testing, and there have not been, of course, any controls or assurance that Russia is not continuing its tests. Is it the intention
to continue the ban on our testing as long as the negotiations continue,
in view of-what I am getting at, Mr. President, the charge frequently
heard that this is gambling with the national security, of which we'll hear
more in the weeks ahead, I am sure.
THE PRESIDENT. As of this moment, of course, we are actually proposing certain tests in which the three countries will participate and on, you
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Public Papers of the Presidents
might say, an equal basis so far as that can be established. There are
very many legal and technical problems or obstacles to overcome, and
our hope would be that in this matter we would have this much-we
would have a sufficient, you might say, assurance-sufficient assurance
of progress and of honest intent on the part of the other fellow that we
could afford to stand for a few more months without testing.
Now, I've made quite clear about-I think it was about last January,
or something of that kind-that our promise no longer held. We had
said we will not test in the atmosphere, we will not do anything to
pollute it. We reserved the right, however, if we cannot get any kind
of agreement, to make such underground tests as we would choose.
Well, that decision has not been changed. On the other hand, when
we will make a decision that we now have to go in our own-in the
interests of our own security and defense-that is one that has to be
made when we see what happens. I can't-I must say it hasn't been
too hopeful in its outlook, but I think it is still worthwhile pressing for
some kind of an agreement.
Q. Charles H. Mohr, Time Magazine: During the period right after
the summit, Mr. President, when Mr. Khrushchev was releasing a whole
waterfall of words and abuse about you, he made a statement that at
Camp David you had said that you weren't in favor of German reunification, and that's been dealt with by a White House statement. But it
seems Mr. Khrushchev is embarrassed somewhat now because of his own
friendly attitude during this period, in view of the Chinese attacks on him.
Can you tell us some of the concessions he might have suggested at Camp
David and some of the other things that had passed between you on this
Berlin question over the months in communications?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, frankly, this talk, like between most heads of
state, heads of government, was of informal character, taking from one
end of the spectrum and going to the other. And the only concession
that was made that I know of was the one that I announced the following
morning, I think-let's say Tuesday or Wednesday after that-I guess
even before this body, that so far as his attitude on Berlin and his policy
on Berlin was concerned he had removed the time limit.
You remember, he had had a time limit that at first he put 6 months,
and then he hinted at another one, and he said there would be no time
limit, although he said he wanted to negotiate honestly, and we said we
560
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(l >222
wanted to negotiate honestly always, having in mind the basic problem of
the reunification of Germany.
Now, that was all that was-that I remember of a substantive concession made by him and certainly we didn't make any, because we didn't
have any to make.
Q. Charles W. Roberts, Newsweek: Sir, in the past, you have praised
Governor Rockefeller as a good Republican. Has your view of him
changed, or do you still consider him qualified for a place on the Republican ticket?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know what I've said-I've said this:
I've had a good number of years of experience with Nelson Rockefeller,
and I have found him a dedicated, honest, hard-working man, and that's
what I still think about him. Now this doesn't mean that I necessarily
agree with all the conclusions that he has made in a number of fields.
Q. Roscoe Drummond, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President, I
would like to return to an earlier question and ask whether you feel, in
view of the great uncertainty of foreign developments, after the election
there should be close and recurring personal consultation between you
and the incoming President regardless of who is elected?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't feel-after all, just like it takes two to
make a fight, it takes two to make an agreement. And assuming that any
individual wants this kind of consultation, he will certainly find me quite
ready and willing.
Now, I would say this: in my own case, I found that to get into the
documents, the budgets that were being proposed at that time-you see, I
have to make up a '62 budget and propose it; I have to make up a State
of the Union Message, and a whole-recommendations, including those
about my convictions about the necessary reorganization of Government
and all that. Now, we do have those documents which I think would
do him more good than too many-just talks. But he will always be
welcome to come in, I assure you.
Q. Kenneth M. Scheibel, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. President, in view
of the recent election in North Dakota, do you think the Republican
Party ought to adopt a new farm program, or some new policies?
THE PRESIDENT. I don't think any general policies. I will say this:
right now I think it would be very good for the farmers, to take this onethis troublesome wheat thing-and pass the bill that the Senate did pass
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Public Papers of the Presidents
and sent over to the House. It has not been passed yet, and I think it
would be a very great thing for them.
Actually, we talk about the farm problem like there is just one. There
are as many farm problems as there are commodities, as there are different localities in this country, and it is a real mishmash of problems. And
there is nobody that I know of that is ever going to cure it completely by
governmental action. And anyone that believes that either the economic
or the general economic or, more specifically, the farm problems are
going to be cured completely by legislation is fooling himself. That's all
there is to it.
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- ing from I0: 3I to II: 02 o'clock on
dred and eighty-sixth news conference Wednesday morning, July 6, 1960. In atwas held in the Executive Office Build- tendance: 215.
223 tf Statement by the President Upon Signing
Bill and Proclamation Relating to the Cuban Sugar
Quota. July 6, i960
I HAVE today approved legislation enacted by the Congress which authorizes the President to determine Cuba's sugar quota for the balance of
calendar year i960 and for the three-month period ending March 3V,
i96i. In conformity with this legislation I have signed a proclamation
which, in the national interest, establishes the Cuban sugar quota for the
balance of i960 at 39,752 short tons, plus the sugar certified for entry
prior to July 3, i960. This represents a reduction of 700,000 short tons
from the original I 960 Cuban quota of 3,1 I 9,655 short tons.
This deficit will be filled by purchases from other free world suppliers.
The importance of the United States Government's action relating to
sugar quota legislation makes it desirable, I believe, to set forth the reasons
which led the Congress to authorize and the Executive to take this action
in the national interest.
Normally about one-third of our total sugar supply comes from Cuba.
Despite every effort on our part to maintain traditionally friendly relations, the Government of Cuba is now following a course which raises
serious question as to whether the United States can, in the long-run,
continue to rely upon that country for such large quantities of sugar. I
562
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960q
41 2 24
believe that we would fail in our obligation to our people if we did not
take steps to reduce our reliance for a major food product upon a nation
which has embarked upon a deliberate policy of hostility toward the
United States.
The Government of Cuba has committed itself to purchase substantial
quantities of goods from the Soviet Union under barter arrangements.
It has chosen to undertake to pay for these goods with sugar-traded at
prices well below those which it has obtained in the United States. The
inescapable conclusion is that Cuba has embarked on a course of action
to commit steadily increasing amounts of its sugar crop to trade with the
Communist bloc, thus making its future ability to fill the sugar needs of
the United States ever more uncertain.
It has been with the most genuine regret that this Government has
been compelled to alter the heretofore mutually beneficial sugar trade
between the United States and Cuba. Under the system which has
existed up to this time, the people of Cuba, particularly those who labor
in the cane fields and in the mills, have benefited from the maintenance
of an assured market in the United States, where Cuban sugar commands
a price well above that which could be obtained in the world market.
These benefits also reached many others whose livelihood was related
to the sugar industry on the island.
The American people will always maintain their friendly feelings for
the people of Cuba. We look forward to the day when the Cuban Government will once again allow this friendship to be fully expressed in the
relations between our two countries.
NOTE: The act (Sugar Act Amend- tion of Cuban Sugar Quota" is published
ments) is Public Law 86-592 (74 Stat. in the Federal Register (25 F.R. 6414).
330). Proclamation 3355 "Determina- See also Item 373.
224 4I Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for
Relief of Juan D. Quintos and Others.
uly 7, i960
[ Released July 7, I 960. Dated July 6, I 960]
I AM withholding my approval from H.R. I5i6, "For the relief of
Juan D. Quintos, Jaime Hernandez, Delfin Buencamino, Soledad Gomez,
563
60295-61 39
(I 224
Public Papers of the Presidents
Nieves G. Argonza, Felididad G. Sarayba, Carmen Vda de Gomez,
Perfecta B. Quintos, and Bienvenida San Agustin."
The bill would waive the applicable statute of limitations and confer
jurisdiction upon the Court of Claims to hear the claims of these
individuals for losses of jewelry, coins, relics, and currency which were
somehow included in one of four large wooden boxes delivered to the
United States High Commissioner to the Philippines by the Philippine
National Bank in response to the Commissioner's direction, in December
1941, that the bank deliver to him "all cash reserves, bullion, negotiable
securities, and other negotiable papers held by your bank, or held by
you in trust for others." The purpose of the directive was to prevent such
items from falling into the hands of the enemy who, at that moment,
was invading the islands. When the property of these claimants was
discovered, it was turned over to a representative of the Philippine government, who rejected suggestions of United States Army officers that it be
sent out on an American submarine. Instead, he voluntarily placed the
property in a safe at Corregidor where it was confiscated by the Japanese.
From these facts it is apparent that the possibility of a valid claim against
the United States is very remote.
More importantly, these claimants had ample opportunity to present
their claims in a timely manner. Under the applicable statute of limitations, they had until December I947-two years after the end of the
war-to file suit in the Court of Claims. They had five months after
the Treasury Department, on July 25, I947, advised that there was no
statute or appropriation permitting the administrative settlement of
such claims. They waited, however, for four years, until I95I, before
petitioning the Court of Claims.
Nothing in the record justifies special treatment for these claimants,
particularly when it is remembered that many others filed suit against
the United States in the Court of Claims for damages arising out of
incidents in the Philippines during the war years and had their cases
dismissed because of the expiration of the statute of limitations.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
564
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 225
225!i Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill To
Provide for the Economic Regulation of the Alaska
Railroad Under the Interstate Commerce Act.
July 7, i960
[ Released July 7, i960. Dated July 6, i960]
I AM withholding my approval from S. 1508, a bill "To provide for
economic regulation of the Alaska Railroad under the Interstate Commerce Act, and for other purposes."
I cannot approve the bill because it would ( i ) subordinate certain
of the President's statutory powers to those of a regulatory commission,
(2) allow a State to regulate a Federal agency, and (3) apply to the
Alaska Railroad laws, rules, and procedures which are intended solely
for application to privately owned and operated railroads and which are
completely inappropriate for a Government agency established to carry
out a public purpose.
The power to construct and operate the Alaska Railroad and to set
the rates charged by it are vested in the President. To subject the
President's exercise of these powers to the review and perhaps disapproval
of the Interstate Commerce Commission would be repugnant to our
constitutional system.
By allowing the State of Alaska to regulate the Railroad, which is a
Federal agency, the bill violates the principle that the Federal Government's authority shall be supreme. Under S. I508, the State could
thwart public purposes declared by the President and the Congress, but
it would have no responsibility for the success or for the financing of the
Railroad.
The laws, rules, standards, and procedures concerning tariffs, rates,
accounts, services, and employees of private railroads are not suited to
a Government agency. Accounting standards established by the Interstate Commerce Commission for private railroads cannot, for example,
assure the President and the Congress of adequate control over the use
of Federal funds by a Federal agency. In requiring the Commission to
consider the needs of Government financial agencies, and in other exceptions it makes, the bill itself recognizes that standards applied to
private industry cannot be applied to the Alaska Railroad.
563
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Public Papers of the Presidents
By extending the Employers' Liability Act to cover the Alaska Railroad's liability to its employees, who are already covered by the Federal
Employees' Compensation Act, the bill may give this group of federal
employees either dual compensation from the Federal Government for
a single injury or the right to choose between two methods of obtaining
compensation. Either result would be inconsistent with the federal
workmen's compensation policy that all employees be treated equally.
The President and the Congress have ample authority to insure that
the Railroad operates in the public interest. In due course, it will be
determined that the Railroad's federal purposes have been achieved.
At that time the Congress should authorize disposition of the Railroad
to a non-Federal agency, and it would then automatically become subject
to Interstate Commerce Commission regulation.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
226 ~l Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for
Relief of Sam J. Buzzanca. Yuly 7, 1960
I AM withholding my approval from H.R. 6712, a bill "For the relief
of Sam J. Buzzanca."
Mr. Buzzanca, at a Federal tax sale in I954, purchased certain real
estate which had an estimated market value of $2I,ooo, but which was
subject to a mortgage prior in time to the Federal tax lien. It was announced at the tax sale that principal and interest in the amount of
$8,320 was due under this prior mortgage. The real estate was sold to
Mr. Buzzanca for $8,Ioo-far less than the amount of the Federal tax
lien which exceeded the market value of the property.
Two months later the holder of the first mortgage, who also had acquired whatever rights the heirs of the delinquent taxpayer and former
owner had in the property, successfully sued Mr. Buzzanca to obtain
possession of the property. Although the United States was not a party to
this action, the District Director for the area did render informal assistance
to Mr. Buzzanca. On appeal, the Supreme Court of Alabama affirmed.
Mr. Buzzanca's claim for relief appears to rest on the contention that
the first mortgagee obtained a judgment for possession of the property
because the tax sale to Mr. Buzzanca was defective and did not convey to
Mr. Buzzanca the former owner's interest.
566
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19602
eI 2 27
Internal Revenue Service records reveal no defect in the seizure and
sale. This being so, Mr. Buzzanca has no ground for complaint against
the United States. Because the existence of the first mortgage was made
known at the time, the tax sale did not purport to convey rights superior
to a valid first mortgage.
The United States cannot and does not attempt to warrant or defend
title to property seized and sold under the internal revenue laws. No
warranty is available to a purchaser at a tax sale and a deed is not a
warranty of the title conveyed. The right, title, and interest conveyed is
derivative, and the purchaser acquires only the interest of the delinquent
taxpayer. To compel the United States to warrant and defend the title
to all property sold by it for taxes would be costly and inadvisable.
For these reasons I cannot, on the facts at hand, approve this bill for
it would create a precedent that would encourage dissatisfied purchasers
at Federal tax sales to ask Congress to underwrite their losses and guarantee their titles.
Were Mr. Buzzanca, however, to adduce direct evidence establishing
incontrovertibly that the tax deed in question was defective, I would of
course be willing to sign a similar bill subsequently enacted.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
2 27 tI Statement by the President Concerning
Premier Khrushchev's Announcement of Support
for the Castro Regime in Cuba. July 9, I 960
THE STATEMENT which has just been made by Mr. Khrushchev in
which he promises full support to the Castro regime in Cuba is revealing
in two respects. It underscores the close ties that have developed between the Soviet and Cuban governments. It also shows the clear
intention to establish Cuba in a role serving Soviet purposes in this
hemisphere.
The statement of the Soviet Premier reflects the effort of an outside
nation and of international Communism to intervene in the affairs of the
Western Hemisphere. There is irony in Mr. Khrushchev's portrayal of
the Soviet Union as the protector of the independence of an American
567
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Public Papers of the Presidents
nation when viewed against the history of the enslavement of countless
other peoples by Soviet imperialism.
The Inter-American system has declared itself, on more than one
occasion, beginning with the Rio Treaty, as opposed to any such interference. We are committed to uphold those agreements. I affirm in the
most emphatic terms that the United States will not be deterred from its
responsibilities by the threats Mr. Khrushchev is making. Nor will the
United States, in conformity with its treaty obligations, permit the establishment of a regime dominated by international Communism in the
Western Hemisphere.
NOTE: Mr. Khrushchev's statement was Soviet Federal Socialist Republic.
made in Moscow on July 9 in an address The President's statement was released
to a group of teachers from the Russian at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
228 (f The President's News Conference at
Newport, Rhode Island. July I I, i960
THE PRESIDENT [reading]. During my trip to South America in February and in numerous talks in Washington, I have obtained the views of
leading Latin American statesmen on the problems which their countries
and the area in general now face. They have told me of the aspirations
and needs of their peoples for homes and land and a better life, and of
their efforts to meet those needs.
I know that other leaders in the Americas are thinking and working
along similar lines. I have given a good deal of thought to how the
United States might do more in helping these efforts.
The National Advisory Committee on Inter-American Affairs, which
I appointed last year to advise the Secretary of State and myself on
matters of hemispheric concern, has given us the benefit of its knowledge
and experience.
II.
Within the Organization of American States, joint action is underway.
The Council of that Organization, on the initiative of Venezuela, voted
three days ago to call a meeting of their Foreign Ministers to consider
matters of extreme gravity in the Caribbean area-matters that involve
a challenge to the ideals and purposes of the American community. The
United States supported this move.
568
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
(I 228
In September, the economic representatives of the twenty-one American Republics will convene in Bogota, Colombia, to consider an equally
important component of our hemispheric future-the problem of social
reform and economic growth. This problem is embraced within a joint
hemispheric concept known as Operation Pan-America-a concept
initially suggested by President Kubitschek of Brazil. This will be further
developed at Bogota.l
These two meetings will give the United States opportunities for
frank consultations with our sister republics on measures to advance the
political, economic, and social welfare of the peoples of the Americas.
III.
I believe it would be well for me to state the basic ideas which will
guide the United States' participation in these forthcoming meetings.
First, widespread social progress and economic growth benefiting all
the people and achieved within a framework of free institutions are the
imperatives of our time.
Second, our nation's history and traditions place us in accord with
those who seek to fulfill the promise of the future through methods
consistent with the dignity of free men. Our interests and sympathies
are with them.
Third, a new affirmation of purpose is called for in our cooperation
with friendly developing countries in their efforts to progress.
In the Americas as elsewhere change is the law of life, and the interests
of the people will be better served if that change is effected constructively
and peacefully, not violently. Clearly, the aspirations and needs of the
peoples of the Americas for free institutions and a better way of life
must be met. Our desire is to help the American nations to meet their
own responsibilities-to help them develop their institutional and human
resources, to strengthen the framework of freedom, to protect individual
dignity, and to gain a better life for those who are underprivileged, underemployed and undereducated.
Latin America is passing through a social and political transformation.
Dictatorships are falling by the wayside.
1 A statement released July 8 by the Press Secretary to the President noted that the
President had been working with the Department of State for some time on a comprehensive plan to be submitted to the meeting at Bogota "in the hope of making
more effective our mutual cooperative work in raising the living and social standards
of our respective populations." "The plan," the statement further noted, "will deal
particularly with methods for making United States participation more effective."
569
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Moderate groups, seeking orderly reform, are contesting with dictators
of both right and left who favor violence and authoritarianism. Many
of the extremists frequently endeavor to introduce dogmas which are
inimical to the traditions of the Western Hemisphere. Indeed, the
Foreign Ministers of the American Republics met last August in Santiago, Chile, to consider the problems caused by the blatant intervention
of certain extremists in their neighbors' affairs.
The interests of the United States no less than those of all the Americas
are directly involved in this struggle, a threat to the security of the
hemisphere. It is imperative that institutions be developed and strengthened sufficiently to permit the peoples' needs to be met through orderly
processes of change.
A renewed hemispheric determination to preserve principles of liberty
and the dignity of man is needed. There is also an urgent need for a
broader and more vigorous cooperative attack by all American governments and peoples if adequate economic progress with freedom, is to be
achieved.
IV.
Among the specific needs which it seems to me must be met through
cooperative action are:
First, we need to consider with the other American Republics
practicable ways in which developing countries can make faster progress
in meeting their own needs and ways in which their friends can most
effectively cooperate with them. A better knowledge and mobilization
of resources, their more effective use, and the improvement of legal and
institutional means for promoting economic growth are among the subjects
which require special consideration.
I have in mind the opening of new areas of arable land for settlement
and productive use. I have in mind better land utilization, within a
system which provides opportunities for free, self-reliant men to own
land, without violating the rights of others. I have in mind housing
with emphasis, where appropriate, on individual ownership of small
homes. And I have in mind other essential minimums for decent living
in both urban and rural environments.
Second, in our common efforts towards these goals more attention
needs to be given, in a manner which respects the dignity and rights of
all, to improving the opportunities of the bulk of the population to share
in and contribute to an expanding national product. Soundly based
570
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(f 2 28
economic and social progress in any of our countries is of benefit to all.
Each nation must of course resolve its own social problems in its own
way and without the imposition of alien dogmas.
Third, within this framework we need to consider whether there are
better ways to accelerate the trend which is already evident toward greater
respect for human rights and democratic government based on the will
of the people as expressed in free and periodic elections. The United
States with its tradition of democracy is opposed to tyranny in any formwhether of the left or of the right.
V.
Each period in history brings its call for supreme human effort. At
times in the past it took the form of war. Today it takes the form of
social evolution or revolution. The United States will not, cannot stand
aloof. We must help find constructive means for the under-privileged
masses of mankind to work their way toward a better life. Indeed, so
far as this Hemisphere is concerned, every American nation must
cooperate in this mighty endeavor. Even the poorest nation can
contribute its spiritual and intellectual strength. The important consideration is that every member of the American family of nations should
feel responsible for promoting the welfare of all.
I have requested the Secretary of State to take the lead in conferring
with our Latin American friends on these principles and purposes.
Assuming their agreement, he will prepare for my approval as promptly
as possible specific recommendations along these lines.
I intend to submit a message on this subject to the Congress promptly.
I shall seek authority for such additional public funds as we may deem
appropriate to assist free men and neighbors in Latin America in
cooperative efforts to develop their nations and achieve better lives. [Ends
reading]
Now, as far as the message itself is concerned, I am ready to entertain
two or three questions.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, you mentioned
here, I believe, that every American nation must cooperate in this new
plan or program. Would that include Cuba, the present Cuban
Government?
THE PRESIDENT. It would be only those nations who have shown a
willingness and a readiness to cooperate with the others in this great
60295-61 40
571
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Public Papers of the Presidents
effort-specifically with ourselves, because we are the ones that are making the statement.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Mr. President, is it possible at this
time to give any kind of estimate as to the order of magnitude of assistance
contemplated, and would the proposed program operate as did the European recovery program with the so-called shopping lists?
THE PRESIDENT. No. You are talking about the so-called Marshall
plan?
Q. Mr. Belair: Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, the Marshall plan was to repair and rehabilitate a destroyed industrial plant already existing. This is an entirely
different problem, and I think it would be unfair to compare the effort
we are now talking about-raising the social and economic standards
of the people-with the effort of the Marshall plan.
Now, when it comes to terms of magnitude of the sums that would be
affected, let us remember this, that I am talking about two meetings
still in the future which we are calling with our own friends and which
we are examining our own efforts, and it would be impossible to make
any kind of even rough guess.
But I do want to say this, which I have said so often: the only real
investment that is going to flow into countries that will be useful to them
in the long term, is private investment. It is many times the amount
that can be put in from the public coffers. And normally, the public
loans are made so as to encourage and make better opportunities for the
private investments that follow.
Q. Mr. Belair: Does it follow from what you just said, Mr. President,
that no larger expenditure would be made than is now being made?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I would think this-I just say this: that in my
own opinion, some additional sums would be probably necessary. But
there are many ways in which this could be done. For example, all
nations could agree to increase the capital and the lending capacity of
the American Bank. In other words, I would not think of it just as a
great-anything as remotely resembling the Marshall plan.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, I wonder
if you would be willing to tell us in what context the current Cuban crisis
was considered in your and the Secretary's discussion of this program?
We have been told that you were analyzing that situation, too. Is there
anything further you can say this morning?
572
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(t 228
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Marvin, this has been on our minds and thinking and even almost written preparation for some months-ever since I
came back from South America-and with my associates and the Presidents of those countries that I met or visited, this Cuban problem was
discussed. Very naturally, every day that this thing has been under
preparation, there has been discussion of the Cuban problem. But I
don't for the moment see any benefit in going further in giving our attitude than was expressed in my statement, I think it was the day before
yesterday, in answer to the Khrushchev rather crude threat. And I think
that statement speaks for itself.
Q. Mr. Arrowsmith: I wonder, you probably have seen that the President of Cuba last night strongly implied that Cuba might demand that
we give up the Guantanamo Naval Base. Did you have any discussion
of that? Do you have any reaction to that?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I will wait till I hear the demand on that one.
Q. Charles W. Roberts, Newsweek: Mr. President, do you have the
feeling, or do you have assurances from the other American Republics
that they favor going ahead on this regional hemispheric basis rather than
appealing to the aid-or accepting aid from powers outside of this
hemisphere?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, so far as all the countries I have spoken to
personally, this particular question has not been placed in specific terms.
But the whole attitude and atmosphere of our conversation was, to make
a more effective and stronger organization among all the States to work
in a cooperative-I mean all the American States-to work in a cooperative basis rather than to go each individually seeking outside help
somewhere. Now, if there's any specific difference outside of what we
have seen in Cuba, why I think you should ask the question of the State
Department, because I am not aware of it.
Q. Mr. Roberts: If I might rephrase thatTHE PRESIDENT. Yes.
Q. Mr. Roberts: do you feel the other powers are opposed to any
aid coming from outside this hemisphere to any country in the Western
Hemisphere-such as the aid that Russia has offered to Cuba?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would-I don't want to speculate on what
their general attitude is. I know the very cooperative attitude they have
shown to me in conversations with me, and I think it's a question I would
573
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Public Papers of the Presidents
rather have you put to the State Department, and put it in more specific
fashion, and let them give a specific answer.
Q. M. Stewart Hensley, United Press International: Mr. President,
you of course talked at some length with Mr. Kubitschek, Mr. Alessandri,
Mr. Frondizi, about this plan. From what you know of their aspirations,
and what you have in mind in the nature of the size of the American contribution, do you believe that your plan is going to satisfy all their hopes
in that respect?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, what I would say is this: if we can ever get a
true coordination and meeting of minds on the problem itself, and its
scope, and how it should be arranged in priorities, then I think the United
States would feel it should do its own proper share.
Now I do not believe that any nation can be saved merely by outside
help. The first need is the heart and the brains and the wills and the
determination and the morale in a nation itself, and to do those things
which it can itself do.
When it comes, though, to the need of foreign exchange, and so on,
and assistance in technical and scientific fields which can be given from a
country such as ours, I think that our nation will never quail from doing
what it needs to do. But I do not believe that just great sums of money
is the answer.
Q. Daniel Karasik, NBC News: Mr. President, would a question on
your Saturday statement be in order?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I put it on this-I wanted to put the questions
directly on this, and therefore I don't believe this is the place for that,
because I think you'll start a precedent for me.
Q. Frederic W. Collins, Providence Journal: In your soundings, do
you have a feeling that the other Latin American Republics would go
ahead with a general cooperative plan of this nature if it excluded Cuba?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think that no nation of course can come in
unless it wants to cooperate, and I would see no reason why the othersso that the remaining 20 of us could not go ahead-and as a matter of
fact, even if there were 2 or 3 excluded for any reasons of their own
choosing, I think this would still be a practicable thing.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Does this require any action
by Congress, apart from the funds, for this plan?
THE PRESIDENT. I can't tell for sure yet, Larry, for a very simple
reason, that there may be something in the authorization. For example,
574
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(J 229
suppose they want to authorize a little bit different kind of loan in the
American Bank, then each country's Congress would have to approve.
Q. Mr. Burd: Are you hoping to get it through in the next session of
Congress
THE PRESIDENT. I don't know. And the timing is just something that
I cannot predict.
Q. Mr. Burd: Otherwise it might be done after you are gone-after
you have left office?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would think that this plan would appeal to
any thinking American and so I would-if I have-now I would like to
get it done better, of course-quicker, but always as I think it's a soldier's
attitude, if you know what you want to do,, get it done in a hurry. But
in this, you take some time to get exactly the agreements that you want.
Q. Mr. Burd: Have you had any discussions with the Democrats
on this?
THE PRESIDENT. Not on this one.
Well, I think, gentlemen, that will cover the subject.
[Speaker unidentified]: Thank you very much, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT. Didn't know there were so many of you up here!
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I., at iO
dred and eighty-seventh news conference a.m., on Monday, July II,:960. The
was held in the Upstairs Press Room, attendance was not recorded.
Naval Headquarters Station Building, Secretary Herter was also present at
the conference.
229 eI Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Independent Offices Appropriation Act.
July 12, i960 I
I HAVE today approved H.R. I I776, the Independent Offices Appropriation Act, I 96 I.
In enacting this law the Congress refused to provide recommended
funds which would have enabled the General Services Administration, at
small cost, to include fallout shelters in certain appropriate new and existing Federal buildings. In fact, by a general provision, the law actually
precludes the construction of fallout shelters in Government-owned or
leased buildings unless specifically authorized.
575
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Public Papers of the Presidents
It is an aspect of the Federal Government's policy in this area to provide leadership by example. The incorporation of fallout shelters in
appropriate new and existing Federal buildings is intended to stimulate
State and local governments and the public to undertake shelter projects
on their own initiative.
State Governors attending a recent White House meeting on civil defense unanimously agreed that providing protection from fallout was an
essential requirement of national policy. Last year, in Puerto Rico, and
again this year in Montana, the Governors' Conference reached the same
conclusion.
The Congress accordingly should appropriate the omitted funds when
it convenes again in August. Such positive action would be in the best
interest of our national security.
NOTE: As enacted, H.R. 11776 is Public The statement was released at the U.S.
Law 86-626 (74 Stat. 425). Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
230 tI Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill
Concerning Wage Rates at the Portsmouth Naval
Shipyard. July 12, i960
I AM withholding my approval from S. ig, "To provide a method for
regulating and fixing wage rates for employees of Portsmouth, New
Hampshire, Naval Shipyard."
My reasons for disapproving an identical enactment of the 85th Congress still apply. This bill, like its predecessor, strikes at the heart of the
statutory principle that rates of pay for 673,ooo Federal wage board employees shall conform, as nearly as is consistent with the public interest,
with private rates of pay in the immediate vicinity of the particular
Federal activity.
This principle is sound. It insures Federal employees a fair wage. It
insures against the payment of unwarranted hourly rates by the Government. And it insures that Federal rates of pay will not upset the economy
of the community in which the Federal establishment is located.
S. I9 would disregard this principle by providing that hourly rates for
Portsmouth Naval Shipyard employees should be based on those which
obtain, not in Portsmouth, but rather in the Boston industrial complex,
576
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(l 230
6o miles distant. Private industrial rates are substantially higher in
Boston than in Portsmouth-and therein lies the explanation of the bill.
But why should the Government pay a much higher hourly wage rate
than do fair-minded private employers in the Portsmouth area? If the
Portsmouth Naval Shipyard were a private establishment, there would
be no question of a differential. The going rate for the area would be
paid. But because the Government is the employer, and just because it
is, there is apparently an expectation that the Government should pay
more than these hourly employees in fairness and equity have a right to
expect. Further, it is seemingly of little or no concern that in so doing
the Government would be departing from sound principle and business
practice and would be unsettling the economy of the Portsmouth
community.
This kind of legislation-this expectation of something-for-nothing
from the Government just because it is the Government-weakens our
national fabric and with each occurrence leaves it more seriously impaired.
The spread of this expectation, and its reflection in an increase of such
legislation, are profoundly disturbing for the future of America.
In this one instance, for example, S. I 9 as a law would provide a ready
precedent for the eventual dissolution of the wage board principle and
system. The Portsmouth Naval Shipyard in no way presents an unusual
situation. Several Federal establishments, less distant from Boston than
Portsmouth, have lower pay scales than those of the Portsmouth Naval
Shipyard.
By no rationale can this bill be justified. Wage disparities exist
throughout the United States but under the wage board principle the
Government pays the fair and equitable hourly rates of the particular
area in which it finds itself-and so it should.
For these reasons I am unable to approve the bill.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The memorandum was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
577
41 23I
Public Papers of the Presidents
23I 41 Statement by the President on the
Downing of an RB-47 Plane by the U.S.S.R.
Uly I3, i960
THE UNITED STATES Government is ready and willing to go to the
Security Council for a full discussion of the Soviet's wanton shooting down
of the United States Air Force RB-47 airplane in international waters
July I.
This Government itself had contemplated recourse to the Security
Council but only after trying the bilateral remedies specified in the United
Nations Charter. The United States has in fact proposed in its note
of July I 2 to the Soviet Government that a joint investigation be made.
The Soviet Government has ignored the provisions of the Charter which
call upon the parties to an international dispute to attempt to settle their
differences by negotiation or similar means prior to any action within
the United Nations itself.
The United States will focus attention in the Security Council on the
lawless actions and reckless threats of the Soviet Government.
NOTE: The Press Secretary to the President, in a release dated July I2, stated
that the American RB-47 plane was over
international waters and at no time flew
over Soviet territory, Soviet territorial
waters, or Soviet air space. "The shooting down of this plane, as the Soviet Government alleges," the release continued,
"can only have been a deliberate and reckless attempt to create an international
incident." The release further stated
that the plane had been missing i I days
and that it had been reported that at least
one Soviet ship was assisting, in good
faith, in the search for the missing aircraft. "Any attempt to connect the flight
of this aircraft with the U-2 flight of May
is completely without foundation and the
Soviet authorities, including Mr. Khrushchev, know this," the release added.
The note of July 12 to the Soviet Government is published in the Department
of State Bulletin (vol. 43, p. I 63).
The President's statement was released
at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
232 It Telegram to Senator Mansfield
Welcoming a Security Council Discussion of the
RB-47 Plane Incident. July I 3, I 960
Dear Senator Mansfield:
Thank you for your telegram in which you suggest that the matter
of the shooting down of the U.S. Air Force RB-47 airplane be brought
578
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(f 233
before the Security Council of the United Nations.
As you will have noted from this government's reply of July I2th to
the Soviet note of July i ith, the United States has proposed to the Soviet
government that a joint investigation be made. This action was taken
pursuant to the provisions of the United Nations Charter, which calls
upon the parties to an international dispute to attempt to settle their
differences by negotiation or similar means prior to any action within
the United Nations itself.
Press reports just received indicate that instead of responding to our
proposal, the Soviet government is requesting a meeting of the Security
Council on this subject. While we had contemplated recourse to the
Security Council only after trying bilateral remedies specified in the
Charter, we welcome the Security Council consideration of this question.
We propose to make full use of this opportunity to focus world attention
on the lawless actions and reckless threats of the Soviet government.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The letter was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
233 eI Statementby the President Upon Signing
Bill Providing for the Admission of Refugees.
July 14, I960
I HAVE today approved H.J. Res. 397, "To enable the United States to
participate in the resettlement of certain refugees, and for other purposes,"
because of its general merit and the urgent need to accomplish the purposes of the measure. Under this provision, the special authority of the
Attorney General to parole into the United States certain refugees could
be terminated upon the adoption of a simple resolution to that effect by
either House of Congress. The Attorney General has advised me that
there is a serious question as to whether this provision is constitutional.
Nevertheless, in view of the short period for which this power is given and
the improbability that the issue will arise, it is believed that it would be
better to defer a determination of the effect of such possible action until
it is taken.
NOTE: As enacted, H.J. Res. 397 is Pub- The statement was released at the U.S.
lie Law 86-648 (74 Stat. 504). Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
579
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Public Papers of the Presidents
234 J Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for
the Relief of Margaret P. Copin. July I4, 1960
I AM withholding my approval from H.R. 4546 "For the relief of
Margaret P. Copin."
This bill would direct that its beneficiary be credited with a 20-year
service period for purposes of civil service retirement annuity, payable
commencing October I, I958.
This claimant, during three periods beginning in August I920 and
ending in June 1949, was on the employment rolls of the Treasury Department for a total time of 20 years and 29 days. This included, however, 7 months and 21 days of leave without pay in calendar year 1922.
Her actual service therefore, totals only 19 years, 5 months and 8 days.
Nevertheless, in computing Mrs. Copin's length of service for retirement
annuity purposes, the normal rules of the law were applied, namely, free
credit of 6 months of leave without pay taken in 1922 and exclusion of
the excess amount.
Despite the credit of 6 months, the claimant still lacks 22 days of the
20 years of creditable service which would have given her the right to an
immediate reduced annuity beginning October I, 1958, when disability
annuity payments theretofore received were terminated pursuant to a
finding that she was reemployable. Instead, her status is that of a deferred annuitant, and retirement annuity will not be payable until
March I, I964 after she has attained 62 years of age. The difference in
the total value of the two annuities, based on life expectancy, is $4,200,
which would be, in effect, a gratuity from the Federal Government.
The record on H.R. 4546 discloses no valid justification for the favored
position the bill would accord this claimant. To confer such a preferential advantage on one individual participant in the retirement program
would be highly discriminatory and contrary to the principles of fair
play and equality of treatment which are basic to sound personnel
administration.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The memorandum was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
580
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960o
'y 235
235 ~l Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill
Relating to Payments to Bernalillo County, New
Mexico, for Care of Indians. July 14, 1960
I AM withholding my approval from H.R. I I545, "To amend the Act
of October 31, 1949, with respect to payments to Bernalillo County,
New Mexico, for furnishing hospital care for certain Indians."
A 1949 law authorized the Government to contribute $1,500,000
toward construction of a hospital in Bernalillo County upon Government
donated land. In return, the county must make available, when required,
at least ioo00 beds for the care of eligible Indians. Further, the cost of
caring for Indians admitted to the hospital was to be paid by the United
States and, as an experiment, the Government undertook to guarantee
the county a payment at least equal to the cost of operating 80 per cent
of the beds reserved for Indians irrespective of the number actually
hospitalized.
The minimum guaranty provision, previously twice extended and now
expired as of June 30, 1960, would be extended for still another year
under H.R. 11 545.
Ordinarily in such cases the United States pays for Indian care on
the basis of actual hospitalization. Accordingly, the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare, in reporting to the Congress in 1957
pursuant to the original law, recommended that the experimental 80
per cent minimum guaranty be permitted to expire. The Congress
nevertheless extended the guaranty provision for another three years.
Funds for contract hospital care should be available for expenditure
wherever the health needs of Indian patients so require, and no portion
of them should be mandatorily tied to a single contract facility without
regard to actual need or use. Moreover, because other Government
service contracts for Indian care do not include a minimum payment
guaranty, it would be highly inequitable to continue this provision solely
for the Bernalillo County Hospital.
Finally, the completion of other facilities now under construction will
in all likelihood reduce the number of Indian patients at Bernalillo
Hospital and the bill would thus mean unnecessary expense to the
581
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Government and without any corresponding advantage, either to the
Government or to this program.
For these reasons, I am unable to approve this bill.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The memorandum was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
236 ei Telegrams to Senators Kennedy and
Johnson Offering Them Briefings by the Central
Intelligence Agency. July i 8, I 960
The Honorable John F. Kennedy
Hyannisport, Mass.
I believe it to be in the national interest, and I hope it conforms to
your desire, for you, as the duly designated candidate of one of the major
parties for the Presidency of the United States, to have periodic briefings
on the international scene from a responsible official in the Central Intelligence Agency. Acting on the assumption that you likewise believe
such briefings to be in the national interest, I have already requested the
Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles, to arrange
procedural details with you or with some designated member of your
staff.
Because of the secret character of the information that would be
furnished you, it would be exclusively for your personal knowledge.
Otherwise, however, the receipt of such information would impose no
restriction on full and free discussion.
On the assumption that you desire me to authorize similar briefings for
the Honorable Lyndon Johnson, your Vice Presidential candidate, I am
offering them to him by telegram today, and these briefings will go forward unless you advise of any view to the contrary that you might have.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The telegram to Senator Johnson, telegram to Senator Kennedy and the
similar to the foregoing but without the latter's reply of acceptance at the U.S.
last paragraph, was released with the Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
582
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 238
237 e Statement by the President on the Budget
Surplus for Fiscal Year 1960. July 20, 1960
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT finished fiscal year I960, which
ended last June 30, with not only a balanced budget but a surplus of
$I.I billion. This represents a very encouraging turnaround from the
prior fiscal year when the Government incurred a recession-induced deficit
of almost $12 /2 billions.
The Budget surplus results from revenues of $78.4 billion and expenditures of $77.3 billion. Full details of receipts and expenditures are
available in a joint announcement being made at this time in Washington
by the Secretary of the Treasury and the Director of the Bureau of the
Budget.
This demonstration of fiscal responsibility not only reinforces economic
strength here at home, but reaffirms to the world that the United States
intends to run its financial affairs on a sound basis.
NOTE: Details of receipts and expendi- States Government-For the Period July
tures, as announced by the Secretary of I, I959, through June 30, I960" (Govthe Treasury and the Director of the ernment Printing Office, I960).
Bureau of the Budget on July 20, are The President's statement was released
published in the "Monthly Statement of at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
Receipts and Expenditures of the United
238 eI Statement by the President on the Need
for an Early Meeting of the Disarmament
Commission of the United Nations. July 2 1, 1960
I HAVE been greatly concerned that everything possible be done to
make progress on the question of disarmament
The abrupt breakup of the ten nation talks in Geneva by the Soviet
Union last month makes it desirable to take further steps so that the
vital issue of disarmament can be considered promptly once again. Our
efforts to get the Soviet Union to return to the conference table through
normal diplomatic channels have not met with success. The need for
disarmament in the present world situation is too important to set aside
at the present time when deliberate efforts are being made to increase
tensions.
583
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Public Papers of the Presidents
The United Nations under the charter has primary responsibility in
this field. I have therefore today instructed Ambassador Henry Cabot
Lodge to request an early meeting of the Disarmament Commission of the
United Nations so that we and other members of the international community can continue to search for ways and means to achieve the universal
desire to reduce the risk of war by controlled steps of disarmament.
NOTE: The statement was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
239 e Remarks at the Dedication of Eisenhower
Park, Newport, Rhode Island. July 22, i960
Mr. Mayor, Mr. Wilkinson, and fellow Americans and citizens of this
beautiful city:
It is an understatement for my wife and me to say that we are deeply
honored by the graciousness of the City Fathers in naming this spot for
us. I am deeply touched by this kind of gracious incident and thought,
for the simple reason that a name given to a place like this endures.
There will be future classes and groups of these Coggeshall Continentals on down the decades and possibly even centuries that will learn
of this rather long and unusual name, and will possibly wonder how it
happens that it was so named within this city.
But so long as they are people in those future times that live true to
the traditions that have inspired the people of Rhode Island and of Newport in the past centuries, then it will make little difference as to what
they think of the name of this spot at that time. But if they think of it
only that this is a place where freedom has flourished, where the dignity
of man has been respected, and they themselves can have the privileges
we have today, even to change the name of this park, but do whatever
may seem to them to be fitting, then indeed we will be fortunate peopleand so will they.
I was particularly honored that at this occasion they would bring here
this little group of the Continentals of the Coggeshall School. I have
been told it steals every parade and it is the great feature of every ceremony that is held in Newport.
I can well understand it because they, I can see, are exactly the age of
at least two of my own grandchildren, and I wish that my grandchildren
had that kind of uniform and could play fifes and drums as they do. I
584
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960q
q 240
congratulate the city and the school that has perpetuated this organization, and the leaders that have trained it so well.
As Mr. Wilkinson has said, this is our third visit here. We look forward to an opportunity for staying even a little longer, but the interruptions in the summer's vacation are not of our making but have to do
with some of the regular political activities of our country that break
things up into conventions and into recessed sessions of the Congress. So
I am afraid we cannot stay here as long as we had hoped and prayed we
could, because I assure you our gratitude to the people of Newport, for
the courtesies and thoughtfulness they have displayed towards us all the
time, makes it one of the places we truly like to come back to. And
possibly maybe next summer-in the summer-we can come here and
be sitting with the crowd to view somebody else who will then be in the
center of attention because of his particular position. Because I suspect
that future Presidents will learn something about this place and the fun
we have had here, and possibly they will even come to try it themselves.
And if they do they will repeat.
So again I say thank you most sincerely for the honor you have done
us. Again thank you for your courtesies, for the simplicity and yet the
niceness and beauty of this little ceremony. And I do hope that you will
never find any reason for changing your mind that the name of this park
is a good name.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 2:35 p.m. ferred to James Maher, Mayor of Newin Washington Square. His opening port, and former Mayor Henry C.
words "Mr. Mayor, Mr. Wilkinson" re- Wilkinson.
240 (e Letter to Dr. Henry M. Wriston on the
Progress Made by the Commission on National
Goals. July 22, I960
[ Released July 22, i960. Dated July i i, i960]
Dear Henry:
I was very happy to receive your letter of June twenty-seventh outlining
the progress and work of the Commission on National Goals. I am amazed
at the speed with which you have put this project together, and I am, of
585
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Public Papers of the Presidents
course, pleased that you now think it will be possible to have a report
by December.
Your recommendations, I am sure, will be most timely. I feel more
strongly than ever that your committee has the opportunity to make an
historic addition to our knowledge and understanding of the democratic
processes and our national ideals and purposes.
Again, my sincerest thanks for undertaking this most vital assignment.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Dr. Wriston's letter stated that
since the appointment of the Commission
in February (see Items 29, 30) the members had held both full scale and informal
meetings, appointed a small but highly
competent staff, and adopted a set of
procedures and a time schedule. Dr.
Wriston further stated that the final report would be a unified and self-contained
statement of the basic elements that, in
their judgment, should be included in
the national agenda over a workable time
span, in most cases 5 to 0o years. "We
intend to re-state what we conceive to be
the ultimate goals of the nation," his
letter continued, "but we shall give equal
weight to practical measures and priorities
of effort needed to make progress toward
those goals to the limit of our powers."
The release containing the text of the
letters announced that they would form
the basis of conversations on July 22 between the President, Dr. Wriston, and
Frank Pace, Jr., Vice Chairman of the
Commission.
The letters were released at the U.S.
Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
24 I tl Letter to Frederick M. Eaton Following
the Closing of the Ten-Nation Committee on
Disarmament. July 22, I960
[ Released July 22, 1960. Dated July 20, 1960 ]
Dear Mr. Eaton:
Upon the closing of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament, I
want you to know how deeply grateful I am to you for undertaking the
Chairmanship and for your efforts to find an agreement which would
halt the building up of armaments.
Your strong, courageous and imaginative leadership has been a source
of pride to all of us who have been working with you. It was not due to
any fault on the part of yourself and your associates that no agreement
was reached. In any event you have made the United States position of
dedication to peace clear to the world.
586
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1i960
(e 242
You have my congratulations and best wishes.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Eaton served as Chairman of
the U.S. delegation to the Conference of
the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarma
ment in Geneva. His letter, dated July 5,
was released with the President's reply at
the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
242 ~1 Statement by the President Making Public
an Interim Report on the Food-for-Peace Program.?uly 24, 1960
I HAVE received an interim report on the Food-For-Peace program.
This commendable effort provides a constructive use of our agricultural
capabilities and is our chief weapon in the world-wide war against want
and hunger.
There is no form of overseas assistance which this country is better able
to provide than the supplying of American farm products and agricultural science.
The overwhelming share of our Food-For-Peace effort is going to the
nations of Asia, Latin America, the Mediterranean area, and Africa
which need it most.
I note with gratification the achievements of the program thus far. I
am heartened by the prospect that our accomplishment can be further
improved, with emphasis on a continuing effort to make sure that the
hazards of the program will be minimized.
I am making this report public since it deals with matters of current
and prospective importance at home and abroad.
NOTE: The report "Food-for-Peace" (8
pp., mimeographed) was prepared by
Don Paarlberg, Food for Peace Coordinator. It was released with the President's statement at the U.S. Naval Base,
Newport, R.I.
In his report Mr. Paarlberg stated that
altogether, from 1954 through 1959, approximately the following quantities (in
shiploads) of surplus agricultural products had been moved: sales for foreign
currency-under Public Law 480, 3000,
through the Mutual Security Act, 1250;
relief of disaster (government-to-government), 275; donations through charitable
agencies (people-to-people), 400; bartered for strategic and other material,
1500; for a total of 6,425 shiploads.
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243 q Letter to the Administrator of General
Services Concerning the Design of Proposed
Buildings on Lafayette Square. July 25, i960
Dear Mr. Floete:
The Congress has recently enacted, and I have approved, an appropriation act which provides for the design and construction of several
Federal buildings throughout the United States. I have a particular
interest in the design of two of these buildings which are to be located on
Lafayette Square near the White House. One of these buildings is to
house certain court facilities on the east side of the Square, and the other
is to provide additional space for the Executive Office of the President on
the west side of the Square.
It is extremely important that the architectural plans for these buildings
be carried out with the greatest of thought and with attention to the
present and future dignity and beauty of Lafayette Square and its historic
past. Because this is a splendid opportunity to revive the historical and
architectural significance of this Square, I earnestly request that all preliminary plans and thinking in connection with these buildings be developed in close consultation with the National Capital Planning Commission and the Commission of Fine Arts.
It would be also advisable that whoever the architect may be, he will
approach the planning not only with his attention and inspiration fixed
upon the dignity and simplicity of some of the older buildings-the
White House, St. John's Church, the Treasury and Decatur House-but
also taking into account the planning for the west side of the Square as
it develops.
We should use this opportunity to leave Lafayette Square for posterity
as an architectural symbol of the simplicity, beauty and clean lines traditional to the American style.
Funds for the construction of a building for the courts on the east side
of the Square are appropriated for the fiscal year i 96i, and I understand
that it will be possible to develop plans for Federal Office No. 7 in
sufficient time to permit construction funds to be included in the i962
budget.
588
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig6o
e 245
I am sending a copy of this letter to the Chairman of the National
Capital Planning Commission and to the Chairman of the Commission
of Fine Arts.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The letter was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
244 ef Statement by the President Following the
Firing of the Polaris Missile by the Submarine
Patrick Henry. July 25, I960
THIS DEMONSTRATION exceeds in significance for the nation's
security even the most optimistic predictions that I had heard about the
expected efficiency of this new weapons system. I am proud of the
patriotic and competent personnel who have brought about this great
achievement. Moreover, in the crew, officers and men, I find another
example of traditional morale and training of our armed services
personnel.
NOTE: The President made a noon tour which he watched the firing of two
of the submarine U.S.S. Patrick Henry, Polaris missiles from the submarine.
then boarded the Barbara Anne, from
245 e Address at the Republican National
Convention inChicago. July 26, I960
Mr. Chairman, members of this convention, your guests, and my fellow
citizens across this broad land:
From our hearts, Mamie and I thank you for the warmth of your
greeting.
My friends, there is no individual who has been in political life for five
minutes that has not felt at times discouragement and disappointment.
But such a demonstration as you have given to my wife and me tonight,
after we have for seven and a half years been occupying the positions we
now hold, is indeed a tribute that warms our hearts. We shall never
forget you.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
The enthusiasm I find throughout this Convention evidences your
support of the domestic and international leadership that has been provided by Republicans during the past seven and a half years.
This means to me that, under sound Republican direction, you want,
first of all, to stimulate-never weaken-the sturdy self-reliance and
self-confidence of the American citizen, and sustain his equality before
the law.
Next, that you believe moral law to be the sure foundation of every
constructive human action.
Third, that you want to continue to foster a strong, expanding economy.
Next, that you are determined to continue the maintenance of a
national security position second to none.
Next, that your deepest hope is that each of us may do his or her part
in furthering the age-old dream of mankind-a universal peace with
justice.
And finally, that each of you is ready to roll up your sleeves and to work
tirelessly and in every conceivable, honorable way to help achieve these
great purposes.
My friends, I have come before you to testify to my great pride in the
America of today; and my confidence in the brightness of her future.
I glory in the moral, economic and military strength of this nation, in the
ideals that she upholds before the world, and in her readiness to assist
the less fortunate of the earth to obtain and enjoy the blessings of freedom.
So to this convention I bring no words of despair or doubt about my
country-no doleful prediction of impending disaster.
In this election campaign of 1960, I pray that Republicans will always
remember the greatness of our nation and will talk only the truth about
her-because, my friends, in spreading the truth we are not only being
true to our national ideals but we are planting the fertile seeds of political
victory.
We need not and we shall not distort or ignore the facts. The truththe whole truth-will lead the American people to wise decisions in
selecting the men and women to occupy positions of responsibility in
government, including the man who will ride with me up Pennsylvania
Avenue next January to be inaugurated as our next President.
And if we present the facts fervently, persistently, and widely, the next
President of the United States will be a Republican-and that will indeed
be a blessing for America.
590
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 J!2 45
So this campaign is nothing less than a vast educational endeavorpresenting to the citizens the evidence they need in order to arrive at their
individual judgments on the issues and the candidates.
Whoever misleads by calculated use of some but not all the facts, whoever distorts the truth to serve selfish ambition, whoever asserts weakness
where strength exists-makes a mockery of the democratic process and
misrepresents our beloved country in the eyes of a watching world.
The irrefutable truths are that the United States is enjoying an unprecedented prosperity; that it has, in cooperation with its friends and allies,
the strongest security system in the world, and that it is working ceaselessly and effectively for a peace with justice, in freedom.
Our own mounting living standards and the history of these Republican years, provide the proof that these are facts.
It's not my purpose tonight to review the detailed story of these past
seven and a half years. But our people are so deeply and naturally interested in the status and progress of American economic, military and foreign activities that to those fields I direct my particular attention.
Our foremost objective is the pursuit of peace with justice. To make
any progress toward this goal we must have both a strong economy and
adequate military strength. I will talk first of these two essential
conditions.
The economic story can be quickly, succinctly, and accurately told.
There are more Americans today employed, at higher wages and with
more take-home pay than ever before in our history. And with this they
have more confidence in the stability of their money than they have enjoyed in three decades.
Included in this record there is one economic comparison that has
particular interest in this election year. It involves what the economists
call the Gross National Product. Concerning it we are fed a great deal
of information-and much more of mis-information. Now the interesting fact to which I refer is that in these past seven and a half years
the annual Gross National Product has increased by one hundred billion
dollars-or 25 per cent.
This figure, though stupendous, is asserted by some to be unnecessarily
low. But what would they say if they knew that during the almost eightyear duration of the prior, Democratic, Administration, the Gross National
Product actually declined in every single peacetime year, save one.
Are we not justified in drawing some appropriate conclusions from
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Public Papers of the Presidents
this fact? And by the way, the facts that I am giving you are in terms
of constant dollars.
It is clear that whatever economic growth was realized during the
previous Administration occurred mainly under wartime circumstances.
Surely it is not suggested that this is the way for the United States to
seek prosperity!
During all the years of this Administration, I've heard much from the
opposition-especially from its free-spending clique-about increasing
the rate of economic growth, by depending principally on governmental
activity, with vastly increased Federal expenditures.
Here we encounter a major difference between the two parties: we,
as Republicans, reject the argument that healthy growth can thus be
bought from the funds of the Federal Treasury.
We believe profoundly that constant and unnecessary governmental
meddling in our economy leads to a standardized, weakened, and tasteless society that encourages dull mediocrity; whereas private enterprise,
dependent upon the vigor of healthful competition, leads to individual
responsibility, pride of accomplishment, and, above all, national strength.
This has always been, is now-and I pray will always be-basic
Republican doctrine.
Our total picture of economic well-being contains another fact vitally
important to every citizen: the amazing growth in national prosperity
since I953 has been accompanied by a radical reduction in the rate of
inflation.
Inflation-the most insidious and cruel form of taxation ever deviseddrove prices up 48 per cent in the previous Administration, thus robbing
millions of our people of savings and of purchasing power.
In the last seven and a half years, we have succeeded in keeping the
total price rise below eleven per cent. And, at least this is my fixed
opinion, this record could have been even better if I might have had the
privilege of working all these years with a Republican Congress.
Now over and above strictly material accomplishments, the American
people have every reason to be proud of their many domestic achievements
during these Republican years.
Our educational structure has been expanded and assisted to perform
better its traditional functions.
A higher percentage of Americans than ever before own their own
homes.
592
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
([ 245
In science and technology, advances have been unprecedented.
My Science Adviser informs me that funds going into research and
development are two and a half times greater than they were seven years
ago.
Fifty million more Americans have been covered by private medical
and hospital insurance.
Medical research has expanded five times.
Seven and a half million more of our people have been covered by
Social Security.
And, in the face of all the efforts of the reckless spenders to thwart the
Administration, a budgetary surplus has been achieved, fiscal responsibility has been maintained, and confidence restored.
Such results are the fruit of sound, deliberate policies-including
Executive veto of irresponsible, narrowly-conceived, pork-barrel legislation. These surpluses create new confidence in the principle of fiscal
responsibility in the Federal government, they lessen inflationary pressures and offer new hope for some debt reduction.
We have, of course, serious domestic problems still requiring attention.
Mere recitation of a few of these emphasizes the moral obligation of the
nation as a whole and each of its individual citizens in these matters.
Education must be improved.
Juvenile delinquency and crime cry out for renewed attack at every
level.
Constructive solutions must be found for difficult agricultural problems.
Racial and religious discrimination must be combatted.
City slums must be erased, and depressed regions in our prosperous
nation, where they exist, must be restored to economic health.
There can be no dispute about the necessity of getting on with the job
in these and other pressing matters. But the major question is how shall
it be done.
I repeat, it is Republican policy in such matters to rely first on the
ingenuity and initiative of citizens themselves. Because it is the people in
whom we place our faith. When government must undertake a program, we look wherever possible, to the State and local governments to
assume the responsibility. The Federal government undertakes only
those necessary tasks which cannot otherwise be accomplished. But even
so, the central government finds itself deeply involved, and the proper
performance of these duties requires time, resources, experience and
judgment.
593
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It is an irresponsible misrepresentation for any party to allege that all
the human and economic problems of this nation can be overcome in a
short time, or accomplished by reckless spending of our grandchildren's
resources-and all this, they claim, without increasing taxes or incurring
new deficits.
We demand that the Federal government give needed assistance cheerfully, but in ways that will protect the traditional relationship between
Federal and local government, and promote the dynamism of our total
economy. Republicans support the concepts that animated the Founding Fathers, who feared nothing else so much as they did the concentration of power and responsibility in the central government.
Our record proves that we have lived and worked in these convictions.
Now I come to the military field.
In the sum of our capabilities we have become the strongest military
power on earth.
But just as the Biblical Job had his boils, so we have a cult of professional pessimists who, taking counsel of their fears, continually mouth
the allegation that America has become a second rate military power.
This extraordinary assertion amazes our friends in the world who know
better; it even bewilders many of our own people who have examined
our seven and a half year record of military expansion and who are not
used to hearing their gigantic defense efforts so belittled.
But let me give you a few glimpses of the comparative record.
Let us go back to the last peacetime year of the previous Administration. Defense expenditures during the twelve months preceding the outbreak of the Korean War were less than $I2 billion. Today, we are
spending, after seven years without hostilities, over three times that
much-more than $4i billion annually on a powerful, flexible and adequate defense establishment, which commands world-wide respect.
In 1953 our mainstay in the Strategic Air Command was the B-36.
We still had many old World War II B-29s in operating squadrons.
Since then our fleet of heavy bombers has nearly doubled. And the
bombers with which the Strategic Air Command is now equipped are
B-52S, giant intercontinental jets which dwarf the power of the obsolete
B-36.
New supersonic B-58s are entering our operational forces to replace
some of the older, medium range B-47 jets.
594
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960 q 245
A third of this great force, deployed strategically around the world, is
maintained on continuous ground alert, able to take off within minutes,
carrying an unimaginable destructive power.
When this Administration took office, continental U.S. defense was
almost non-existent. Today, under single command, our continental
defense against manned aircraft has virtually been completed. Against
the threat of long range ballistic missiles, we are pressing forward with
vast programs featuring 3,ooo-mile range radar stations and satellite warning systems.
In I953, our Navy had yet to launch its first nuclear-powered ship.
Aside from a handful of destroyer types, not a single modem first-line
ship had joined the Fleet since the end of the construction program of
World War II.
Now the Navy has been progressively reshaped. Fifty new guided
missile ships have been authorized since I953. We have provided for
approximately the same number of nuclear-powered vessels. And two of
the revolutionary Polaris submarines will be operational this year-and
this has been done in two-thirds of the time predicted by the most optimistic of the scientists and sailors.
Incidentally, the Polaris submarine has just passed its final tests with
flying colors. And here is another interesting fact: this revolutionary
and practically invulnerable ballistic missile system was brought from
initial concept to operational status entirely within the years of the present
Administration.
How boastfully the Kremlin dictatorship would have gloated, had it
been capable of this great achievement!
Now this nation did not have a single long-range ballistic missile in
I953, and no real effort to produce such ballistic missiles was under way.
The total expenditure in this field by the previous Administration during
its entire tenure was less than 7 million dollars.
Now promptly after the close of World War II, the Soviet Union began
concentrating on missile development. But the present Administration,
entering office in I953, had to start practically from scratch. And what
have we accomplished?
We have developed a whole family of intermediate and intercontinental ballistic missiles. And missile squadrons are operational in
Western Europe. Our first operational intercontinental ballistic missiles
have gone into place. The whole effort becomes more and more efficient and is being accelerated.
60295-61 41 595
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Public Papers of the Presidents
The American space satellites, now providing answers to great scientific
problems, were ignored during the previous Administration. In this
kind of scientific exploration we now lead the world.
The Army of the United States, which was sent into the Korean War,
was but a slightly updated version of the Army with which we fought
World War II. Since then, the Army and the Marines have been
reorganized and re-equipped to fight under every conceivable condition.
New man-carried guided missiles and nuclear-capable rockets are giving
the foot soldier a vastly greater power than even that of a big bomber
of World War II.
Fellow Americans: the United States today possesses a military establishment of incalculable power. Combined with the strength of our
NATO, SEATO, and other allies, the Free World is prepared to meet
any threat, and, by its retaliatory strength, to face any potential aggressor
with a mighty deterrent.
Over all these years we have given priority to the nation's security
above other purposes and programs.
But, in addition to all this, competent military, scientific, intelligence
and State Department staffs keep daily touch with changing international
conditions as well as new possibilities for the technical improvement of
our forces.
I have time and again announced my purpose of recommending to
the Congress new methods and, where necessary, new appropriations to
meet new situations and take advantage of new opportunities for increasing our security. Such vigilance will never be relaxed.
All this-all this has been brought about by vigorous and imaginative
leadership, the genius of our scientists, the skill of our armed forces, and
by the sacrifices of the American people. To belittle this might, prestige,
pride and capabilities of these groups does such violence to my sense of
what is right that I have difficulty in restraining my feelings of indignation.
And mark this well: the world knows that this awesome strength is
maintained for one principal purpose: to make war so completely unthinkable that any would-be aggressor will not dare to attack us. And
with such a deterrent and defensive power, we have the opportunity to
work patiently toward the time when we can gradually transfer production from arms to the true needs of mankind. And this is America's
goal.
596
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
'[ 245
And now I turn to our dealings with other nations.
In this Administration we have employed the whole might of our
military, economic, political and moral strength to prevent war and to
build a solid structure of peace. If we can be blessed with experienced
and steady leadership in Washington, the possibility of the outbreak of
future war will be minimized and we can eventually win the peace.
By conducting foreign relations with patience and on firm principle,
we have made in these past years measurable progress in solidifying
dependable cooperation among our allies; the uncommitted nations have
come to have a clearer understanding of our purposes; the world is better
aware of the fundamental nature of the mighty struggle in which we are
engaged-a struggle to preserve the basic concepts which undergird our
free way of life.
In this vast effort we have experienced a great sweep of progress.
Now in such a gigantic program, working toward such great goals as
these, we of course encounter some disappointments-witness the difficulties in Cuba, the unrest in the Congo, and Communist-inspired mob
violence in Japan. But such as these we have to expect, and each is a
spur to harder work-never shall we cease or tire in this task.
In the pursuit of world peace, I have personally journeyed more than
90,000 miles during the past year, and I have visited the peoples of more
than a score of nations on four continents. I have heard the insistent
demands of multitudes for the right to live their lives in peace, and I have
seen and taken part in many impressive American initiatives directed
toward this crucial goal.
In Europe, our friends are more prosperous and stronger than at any
time in history, and NATO stands more solidly united with greater resources of strength than ever before.
The independence of South Korea endures, as does that of South
Vietnam and Taiwan. The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, organized in 1954, manifests our deep interest in the freedom and welfare of
175 million people in that quarter of the world, as does the new Security
Treaty between Japan and ourselves.
The American family of nations is more closely knit than ever before,
with new instruments for effective cooperation. We have created the
Inter-American Development Bank with our Latin American friends.
We have established the Development Loan Fund in order to avoid
placing unreasonable burdens upon developing nations-we have in597
(J 245 Public Papers of the Presidents
creased the lending capacity of the Export-Import Bank by approximately $2 billion. Despite the lawlessness and violence in one area of
this Hemisphere, there has been an increased recognition of the mutuality
of interest of the countries of the Americas in cultural, economic and
military ways; our importance one to another has been reaffirmed.
We have given of our strength, our skills, and our material abundance
in the task of building a strong, stable, secure and powerful community
of free nations. And from this work we shall not be deterred, despite the
blustering threats of Communists leaders.
Another matter engaging our constant concern is to make steady
progress toward controlled disarmament. The United States has made
proposal after proposal, each in good faith, in an effort to reduce tension
in the world and to lessen the economic burden of armaments. Moreover, we are prepared always to consider any reasonable proposal made
by others.
But on one point we must never waver-and that is our insistence that
agreements toward disarmament be accompanied by sound methods of
inspection and control. The absolute necessity of this caution is readily
understood when one recalls that the government with which we must
deal in these matters has, since I945, broken an uncounted number of
solemn agreements made with us and other nations of the free world.
The ideas, policies and cooperative programs among democratic countries must accommodate themselves to the frequent and erratic change in
the Soviet attitudes.
Only a few months ago, the men in the Kremlin were calling for complete and total disarmament. But suddenly thereafter they began devising one crisis after another.
They brutally wrecked the Summit Conference.
They have threatened us with missiles.
And today they cold-bloodedly boast of shooting down one of our planes
legitimately travelling over intercontinental waters.
All such events, emphasizing the tactical unpredictability and shiftiness
of Soviet leaders, call for constant analysis and reappraisal.
At this moment I am planning on an early conference with Congressional leaders of both parties on these significant events. And depending
upon developments in the meantime, I shall make such recommendations
for any changes in our own national programs as may then seem
appropriate.
598
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
(l 245
High in our thinking about the future of the world must be the fact
that millions of people are crushed under the heavy heel of Communist
imperialism. The conscience of America can never be completely clear
until the precious right of freedom of choice is extended to all people,
everywhere.
Now when the men of the Kremlin flagrantly misrepresent the facts
by saying that we seek to subjugate one of our near neighbors, when they
threaten us with missiles, they are apparently hoping to divert world
attention from the domination they maintain over once free and proud
peoples-these are people who have been guilty of nothing under the sun
save a craving for the right to live as they themselves choose to live.
The Soviet dictator has said that he has, in his recent journeys and
speeches, succeeded in damaging the prestige of America. Now this is
indeed an empty boast.
Concerning this matter of comparative national prestige, I challenge
him to this test: will he agree to the holding of free elections under the
sponsorship of the United Nations-to permit people everywhere-in
every nation and on every continent, to vote on one single simple issue:
That issue is: do you want to live under a Communist regime or
under a free system such as found in the United States?
My friends, are the Soviets willing to measure their world prestige
by the results of such elections? Well, you know the answer to that one.
But the United States would gladly do so.
To replace misunderstanding with genuine human comprehensionto develop and maintain sound relations among the nations-to find
ways to share the bounty of our harvests with others, without disrupting
normal world markets-to have sympathetic identification with all peaceful revolutions which seek greater freedom and better living-and to do
all these things without violating our basic policies of nonintervention
and freedom of choice for all-these are among the complex world problems with which the United States must deal.
And I profoundly believe that Republican policies and Republican
leaders provide us with our best opportunity to carry these, as well as
our domestic, tasks to completion.
And now, permit me a word about our personal approach to the
business of this Convention, and to our duty to ourselves, to our Party,
to our Nation.
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You delegates assembled here are a significant part of American life.
You are the leaders, the representatives and the workers of the Republican
Party.
You have come here on business of the utmost seriousness to the
Nation. Your purpose is not merely partisan victory, for political victory
except as it is for the achievement of noble aims is devoid of meaning
and value. But you are here to convince America that you, our Party,
by its record of integrity and accomplishment-and by reason of the
character and stature of the candidates it will put forward-is worthy
of the great national responsibilities and leadership which victory in
November will bring to them.
Your continuing objective is to serve every citizen-not a favored few.
You recognize each as a creature of God's creation; you make no distinction in according him equality before the law and respecting his rightful
dignity.
Now in the course of a year the members of this Convention come in
'contact with uncounted numbers of our citizens. I think you would
agree that there has been a great change in their attitude about politics
in the years since World War II.
They are no longer willing to condone or to brush aside trickery and
insincerity with the phrase, "That's just politics."
They expect and demand honesty, integrity and moral courage from
the men and women who bear public responsibilities. They know that
political office should be-and demand it be-a position of trust and
honor; qualification for it must comprehend more than mere personal
ambition. They realize, as never before, that the stakes in today's world
are too high to risk their futures to the hands of frivolous, irresponsible
or inexperienced government.
Now within this Convention I hear that there is some dispute among
the delegates concerning the Platform. Now there is nothing wrong in
this. It is good! Only through open, sincere discussion can we as a
Party present our united conclusions on the great issues that confront
Americans both at home and abroad. Your Party expects that you, the
delegates of the Republican Party, will work out these differences in a
spirit of patriotic dedication, and will adopt out of your collective wisdom,
a Platform that our nation can proudly support.
Though there is room for healthy argument within our Party, you
have come to this Convention with a unity of basic conviction and philos6oo
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960q
'f 245
ophy unprecedented in the nation's political history. This is because the
purposes and ideals for which your Party has striven, have commanded
your loyal cooperation and the respect of the public. And under them
our people have realized great gains.
In the successes of the past seven and a half years you have a solid
foundation on which to build toward new levels of attainment. But thank
God there is no smugness or complacency about your accomplishments.
Indeed, today's world demands that we be alert and responsive to
every national requirement, attacking it at every appropriate level of
government-as well as in every private sector-with vigor, judgment
and imagination.
My friends, finally, I express my confidence that we shall do nothing
here to insult the intelligence-to injure the pride or destroy the confidence
of the American people in the great nation they have built. We shall
do nothing here to serve the cult of pessimism, to spread false gospel among
our allies or create misunderstanding among ourselves. You will make
your decisions of your own free will-uninfluenced by any outside designs
and pressures.
You will return to your homes-as you came-serious, patriotic
American citizens, with a fuller confidence that you can lead our country
onward, always to greater heights.
You will go back with your spirits and your hopes held high. You
will be armed with far-sighted and progressive plans for the years ahead,
and an unquenchable determination to bring the truth to every citizen
everywhere. So doing you will assure victory once more for sound,
courageous and enlightened government in the United States.
Now-my friends, one more word. May I say that my wife and I
look forward, next January twentieth to meeting all of you, knowing that
you will come with the happy, glowing faces of victors.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:42 p.m. Chairman" referred to Thruston B.
at the Union Stockyards Amphitheater Morton, Chairman of the Republican
in Chicago. His opening words "Mr. National Committee and U.S. Senator
from Kentucky.
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246 eT Remarks at the Republican National
Committee Breakfast, Chicago, Illinois.
July 27, I 960
My friends of the Republican Party:
Any man who is compelled, and who, as a matter of duty and because
of circumstances of his office, to face constantly these microphones gets
a little bit weary of his own voice.
This morning I had a little incident that made me even a little more
discouraged with my efforts to limit my appearances before these devilish
mechanisms. I was getting up and, as you know, it was rather late when
we all got to bed last night; but my faithful helper, sure that I would want
to hear something on television surprised me when, by turning around,
I found myself talking to myself about things in the speech last night.
It did seem a little bit too much.
Now, the first thing I should like to do is to mention the great compliment paid to me by Governor Stratton and the people of Illinois in
presenting me with this bust of Lincoln. I might tell you that for eightfor seven and a half long years-there have always been in my office four
prints. All of us certainly know who they are; four men I admire extravagantly. They are Benjamin Franklin, George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and General Lee. I cannot think of any four men whose
histories and whose records could do more to inspire anyone to try to do
his blest.
You people have got a very tough job-I do not know whether it is
finished yet or not-and that is: getting up the platform. Now, this is not
merely a matter of composing differing views among able and dedicated
people; in addition they have got this in the background: I am still President of the United States for six months.
You cannot obviously put out a platform that tells exactly what Republicans are going to do in the future until there is some effort to make
sure that that is exactly what I am going to do.
I just give this as one of their complicating factors. I have no advice
for them. As a matter of fact, from all the things I have heard, they
have certainly got into a state of composition that does no violence to my
beliefs. But it does make a three-cornered, rather than merely a bilateral,
sort of argument.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
ql 246
You know, as an aside, I want to make one remark to you people who,
if you stop to think, would have known this anyway. It is this: foreign
affairs is today the greatest preoccupation of all people in positions of
political responsibility, for a very simple reason. Foreign affairs and our
relations with others affect every other problem we have. It involves
our taxes, our inner feelings of confidence or apprehension. It affects
our trade.
We have, right now, in the Cabinet a committee that, among other
things, has the job of trying to promote more foreign trade. Very naturally the State Department has to be in this, because the relations of our
countries, one to the other, is always involved.
But now here is a point: there is practically no such thing as a bilateral arrangement between two nations-just as your platform makers
have to take me into account in a small way, so does every diplomatic
interchange-let us say between Arabia and the United States or Britain
and the United States or Japan and the United States-such negotiations
always affect other nations.
And this is the thing that makes it so difficult to get these nice, cleancut decisions that so many of our experts-who are not carrying responsibilities as some of us do-can develop.
Just as all international trade is almost invariably a multi-lateral affair,
when we develop our food-for-peace plan we have to think how it affects
Canada, Australia, the Argentine, and any other wheat or surplus-wheat
producing country, or any country that produces the same surplus as we
do.
This is a serious matter.
So it is not merely a matter of saying we have i o bushel of wheat we
would like to get rid of-of course that has to have an exponent on that
io. If we do it in unwise ways, we damage very fine friends who want
to stay in the very same corner we are, fighting and working for the
freedom of men and the independence of their own countries-and the
safety of their own countries.
So I think the tenor of my little simple message this morning is this:
in human affairs there is no such thing-in vast organisms, at least-as
nice clean-cut "two and two is four" and set it aside and forget it. These
are matters of judgment, of long study, of-let us say-experienced
conclusions and, finally, readiness to make the particular decision, no
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matter even if it might be only the least harmful of three or four that
are possible.
And that is the one reason that I was delighted that your Chairman
introduced to you this morning some of the men who have been my close
associates over these years. They, with Republican leaders of the Congress, have met with me during different weekly meetings, and their conclusions, their analyses of problems, and their recommendations are made
not lightly, but through the study in midnight hours and with a lot of oil
burned in the lamps, in order that they may bring out something that they
believe is the best for the United States.
And then, of course, something that I shall approve.
And I want to say this about them: after all, they are all men of my
selection. I am not going to admit that I made too many mistakes in
naming them. And I cannot remember more than two or three occasions
when, with the overwhelming majority of my advisers saying, "Do this,"
that I have felt it necessary to "do that." And when I so did decide, I
have never had a single one of that Cabinet show any inclination to go
counter to that decision.
What I am saying here is we have had a group of the ablest and most
loyal men I know in America, and people who realize this one great
truth: in the operation of any great human organism, constructive plans
and programs must be developed in what we call the great middle road.
I always liken, in my own mind, the people marching forward into
tomorrow as occupying a great road. Most of them instinctively grow
to like the broad highway stretching before them and they understand
here is where human progress is achieved. Those that insist on marching
in the gutters in the extremes of the right and the left are, in the long
run, always defeated. People instinctively think of themselves-and now
I am excluding from this the moral field-you cannot, of course, use a
lie, then a smaller lie and believe that such a process brings you to the
truth. That doesn't work. I am talking about the practical affairs of
getting humans in great numbers to work together. You must find the
broad highway and you must ignore the gutters.
Fortunately, in our party, I find few if any people are in the gutters.
We Republicans have a broad spectrum of thinking. Unfortunately,
politics is too often described as a conservative against a liberal, or the
right against the left. But just as all America comprehends people,
good sound citizens who want to go ahead and do not feel they should
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 246
insist upon getting into the extremes of action-so does the Republican
Party.
Now, I think that all of us should hold this one truth in mind: every
Republican, everybody he reaches, every independent, every discerning
Democrat should be appealed to on the basis that we are truly a middleof-the-road party and by that I don't mean just walking a wishy-washy
path between right and wrong, not at all. The middle road is a kind
of path that is always difficult to defend, or at least requires intelligent
explanation to defend, because you get your attacks from both flanks.
And no commander going into battle of any kind likes to be compelled to fight on both flanks as he is trying to go forward, but that is
exactly what a middle-of-the-roader has to do. But because so many
people want to go exactly in that direction we have a tremendous
strength in our party, and we must make it our business to explain what
we mean by middle-of-the-road government.
This is the courageous, the constructive path that all of us must take.
We are deeply unified in our support of basic principles: our belief in
stability in our financial structure, in our determination we must have
fiscal responsibility, in our determination not to establish and operate a
paternalistic sort of government where a man's initiative is almost taken
away from him by force.
Only in the last few weeks, I have been reading quite an article
on the experiment of almost complete paternalism in a friendly European
country. This country has a tremendous record for socialistic operation, following a socialistic philosophy, and the record shows that their
rate of suicide has gone up almost unbelievably and I think they were
almost the lowest nation in the world for that. Now, they have more
than twice our rate. Drunkenness has gone up. Lack of ambition is
discernible on all sides. Therefore, with that kind of example, let's
always remember Lincoln's admonition. Let's do in the Federal Government only those things that people themselves cannot do at all, or
cannot so well do in their individual capacities.
Now, my friends, I know that these words have been repeated to you
time and time again until you're tired of them. But I ask you only this,
to contemplate them and remember this-Lincoln added another sentence to that statement. He said that in all those things where the
individual can solve his own problems the Government ought not to
interfere, for all are domestic affairs and this comprehends the things
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that the individual is normally concerned with, because foreign affairs
does belong to the President by the Constitution-and they are things
that really require constant governmental action. But for the citizen
himself, this is still to my mind the true, fine way of defining the "middle
of the road." I would like us to make it not just a casual explanation
of what we want to do. We ought to have it as a flaming battle flag at
the highest mast that the Republican Party can put up, and fight for it
always, because this is the way to make this great truth of Lincoln's
popular, understood, and followed.
Thank you very much.
May I add: in the home state of Governor Stratton, and because both
a Governor and a Senator are up for election this year, I want to give
my moral support and every kind of influence that I can honorably give
in favor of Governor Stratton and Mr. Witwer, who are to be elected
along with their congressional colleagues.
I wanted to get that plug in.
Thank you again.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Morrison Hotel in Chicago.
247 Il Statement by the President Concerning a
Program for the Development of Peru.
July 28, i960
THE PURPOSES of this program are closely in accord with those which
I had in mind on July i i when I stated that a new affirmation of purpose was called for in our cooperation with friendly developing Latin
American countries in their efforts to progress. I stated that the aspirations and needs of the peoples of the Americas for free institutions and a
better way of life must be met, and that among the things I had in mind
were the opening of new areas for settlement and opportunities for free
self-reliant men to own their own land and their own homes.
The Government of Peru has succeeded in establishing internal financial
stability and strengthening its economy, essential foundations for accelerated economic and social progress. It has established a concrete
program to achieve such progress and it will dedicate substantial resources to this end. Its program is to open for settlement virgin lands
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
q 248
in the rich Upper Selva, to make better use of land now under cultivation,
and to give urban working families the opportunity to own their own
homes.
Representatives of the Export-Import Bank, the Development Loan
Fund, the International Cooperation Administration, and the Department of State recently visited Peru and discussed the details of this
program with President Prado, Prime Minister Beltran, Cabinet Ministers
and other officials responsible for the program. They personally inspected,
from the air and on the ground, typical areas already settled and to be
settled, and urban areas where new homes are being built for workers
and their families.
NOTE: The statement was released at for land development and low-cost
Denver, Colo., following the announce- housing.
ment of a loan of $53.2 million to Peru For the President's statement of July
i i, see Item 228.
248 41 Exchange of Messages Between the
President and President Nkrumah on the Airlift of
Ghanaian Forces to the Congo. July 3, I 960
Dear Mr. President:
Thank you very much for your letter of July twenty-seventh expressing
your thanks for the assistance which my Government has been able to
provide in airlifting from Accra to Leopoldville Ghanaian forces contributed to the United Nations. The prompt and generous manner in
which your Government made its forces available in response to the
appeal of the United Nations is deserving of the highest praise.
I agree with you that the United Nations action in the Congo; is a most
heartening demonstration of the effectiveness with which the world community can cooperate.
The American Government is particularly gratified that it has been
able to play a part in this operation, and I want to thank you for the
indispensable assistance Ghana has given United States aircraft operating through Accra, not only those transporting Ghanaian troops but also
those making transit stops with Moroccan and Tunisian forces. This
splendid support has been a vital element in the success of our common
effort.
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I have learned of the military proficiency and the high morale with
which the forces of Ghana have carried out their duties under the United
Nations Command in the Congo. I extend to you and the people of
Ghana my admiration and that of the American people for the conspicuously successful contribution of Ghana in support of the United
Nations mission of peace in the Congo.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: President Nkrumah's message
follows:
Dear Mr. Eisenhower:
Now that the airlift of Ghana forces
to Congo is complete and all Ghana
troops have been carried safely to Leopoldville, I should like to send you my
personal thanks for the assistance which
America has rendered in this regard.
I am particularly happy that United
States of America, United Kingdom,
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and
United Arab Republic aircraft were able
to use Accra Airfield to cooperate with
Ghanaian civil aviation in support of the
United Nations. It gives me great pleasure that we have had in Accra so practical a demonstration of international cooperation in carrying out the Security
Council Resolution.
I hope that you will be able to convey
to the pilots and the crews who took part
in the operation, my thanks and the
thanks of the people of Ghana for the
service which they have rendered so ably
and efficiently in the cause of upholding
the principles of the United Nations.
Yours sincerely,
KWAME NKRUMAH
The messages were released at the U.S.
Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
249 4J Message to Prime Minister Maga on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of
Dahomey. August i, I960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
On the occasion of the independence of the Republic of Dahomey, I
extend in my own name and on behalf of the United States most cordial
greetings and felicitations to you and the people of Dahomey.
The United States has followed with great interest the progress of
Dahomey towards independence and it is with deep satisfaction that we
welcome this historic event, achieved in friendly cooperation with France.
On this memorable occasion the Government and people of the
United States look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government and people of Dahomey.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 250
250 eT Message to the Students of Korea.
August 2, 1960
To the students of the Republic of Korea:
Throughout my life I will cherish the memory of the warm and
gracious welcome recently accorded me by the people of Korea. For
this I wish to express my heartfelt gratitude. Your welcome afforded
convincing proof, if it were necessary, of the friendly and strong bonds
between our two peoples.
The world well knows the dedication of the youth and students of
Korea to the cause of freedom. You have proven your courage and
your willingness to defend man's most precious possession. You and
your country are now embarked upon the intricate, more difficult task
of ensuring that the liberties you have won will find lasting expression in
the Republic of Korea.
Youth has the priceless assets of vigor and enthusiasm. Yet you must
also bring to your tasks a sense of infinite patience, broad vision, and
deep humility if you are to meet the challenge which faces Korea and
the world. Courage alone will not suffice. You must demonstrate that
sense of individual responsibility and self-restraint which will serve to
guarantee both freedom and its inseparable twin, justice. Free men face
a difficult choice; whether they will dissipate their liberty through license;
or whether they will take up the burdens which liberty imposes and go
forward in the service of mankind. For freedom must be served as well
as sought. It imposes duties and obligations, as well as bestowing rights
and liberties. Your success in fulfilling these obligations will determine
whether your generation will succeed in maintaining a balance between
the extremes of license on the one hand and repression on the other.
There are those who would deny you your freedom to achieve their
aims-indeed they want to dominate the world. They exploit both
anarchy and servitude. They seek to convince you that the free world
poses a threat to peace and progress. In this they persist despite clear
evidence that they, not we, have brought a third of the world's people
into brutal subjugation; that they, not we, foment anarchy in troubled
lands; that they, not we, refuse to disarm and, instead, threaten to rain
down instruments of destruction upon the weak and the powerful alike.
There is, indeed, existing a threat to peace and progress, to your right
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of self-determination and your liberties; it is posed by the ruthless colonial
aggressions which characterize international communism.
Your generation, in Korea and elsewhere, faces as none before it the
issue as to whether mankind is to progress united in freedom and justice
or whether nations will fall victim one by one to a new and deadly
colonialism. Upon your response depend the future of your nation and,
in considerable measure, the future of the free world. I have deep confidence that you are equal to the task before you, and I wish you full and
complete success in this great responsibility.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The White House release of the Herald, a student newspaper published
text stated that this message had been at Chungang University in Seoul.
requested by Daeyung Kim, a member The message was released at the U.S.
of the editorial staff of the Chungang Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
251 (Il Message to Prime Minister Diori on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of
Niger. August 3, i960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
Upon the accession to independence of the Republic of Niger, I extend
in my own name and on behalf of the United States most cordial greetings and felicitations to you and the people of Niger.
The United States has followed with great interest the progress of
Niger towards independence and welcomes with deep satisfaction this
historic event which was achieved in friendly cooperation with France.
On this memorable day the Government and the people of the United
States look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government
and people of Niger.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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252 4T Exchange of Messages Between the
President and Prime Minister Ikeda of Japan.
August 4, i960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
I extend my congratulations and best wishes on your election as Prime
Minister. I look forward to working closely with your government on
all matters of mutual interest and to strengthening the bonds that link
our two countries in their dedication to the preservation of peace and
human freedom.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Prime Minister Ikeda's reply work for the strengthening of the ties of
follows: friendship and cooperation between our
two countries for the cause of world peace
Dear Mr. President: and prosperity.
I am most grateful for your cordial HAYATO IKEDA
message of congratulations on my election The messages were released at the U.S.
as Prime Minister. I shall continue to Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
253 4I Message to Prime MinisterYameogo on
the Occasion of the Independence of the Republic
of Upper Volta. August 5, i960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
On the occasion of the independence of the Republic of Upper Volta,
I extend in my own name and on behalf of the United States most cordial
greetings and felicitations to you and the people of the Upper Volta.
The accession to independence of the Upper Volta is a source of great
satisfaction to the United States, especially since this freedom was
achieved in friendly cooperation with France.
On this historic day the Government and people of the United States
look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government and
people of the Upper Volta.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
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254 j Message to Prime Minister HouphouetBoigny on the Occasion of the Independence of the
Republic of the Ivory Coast. August 7, 1960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
On the occasion of the independence of the Republic of the Ivory
Coast, I extend in my own name and on behalf of the United States
most cordial greetings and felicitations to you and the people of the Ivory
Coast.
The independence of the Ivory Coast is a source of deep satisfaction to
the United States, particularly since this freedom was achieved in friendly
cooperation with France. We shall follow with keen interest as the
newly independent Ivory Coast takes its important place in the community of nations.
I recall with great pleasure our frank and thorough conversation during your visit to Washington last November. Your clear exposition of
problems in Africa was of the highest interest to me.
On this historic occasion the Government and people of the United
States look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government
and people of the Ivory Coast.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
255 e Special Message to the Congress Upon Its
Reconvening. August 8, I960
To the Congress of the United States:
I welcome the return of the Congress. There is much important legislative work still pending that cannot await the selection and assembly
of a new Congress and a new Administration. The Executive and Legislative branches must act together on these pressing needs these next few
weeks. I shall do my part. I am sure that the Congress will be similarly
disposed.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(l 255
First, the world situation, with its great significance to us.
Fundamentally, it is as it was. The free world still faces a Communist
imperialism fixed upon conquest of all the world.
Vigilance, therefore, must still be our watchword. Continuing
strength, military, economic, spiritual, must remain our reliance. Our
basic objective-to secure a permanent peace-is yet to be won. Our
programs have long been keyed to this situation. They must continue.
During the Congressional recess events have dramatized tensions that
still plague the world.
We have seen an intensification of Communist truculence.
Indeed, the Soviet dictator has talked loosely and irresponsibly about
a possible missile attack on the United States.
An American aircraft has been attacked over international waters.
Our resolution requesting an investigation of this matter has been vetoed
by the Soviets in the United Nations Security Council. Surviving crew
members are still being held prisoner.
The Soviet Delegation has walked out of the Geneva disarmament
negotiations.
The Communists continue to exploit situations of unrest, flagrantly
striving to turn to their ends the struggles and hopes of peoples for a
better world. These Communist efforts have recently reached new
extremes in Central Africa.
All of us know about Cuba.
As a result of continuous appraisal of changing Communist tactics
and attitudes, I have ordered the military services to take certain practical
measures affecting the readiness and posture of our military commands.
These include the deployment of additional aircraft carriers to the Sixth
and Seventh Fleets. A number of B-47 medium bombers and their
accompanying tankers, which had been scheduled to be phased out of
our forces, will be retained in service for the time being; and the tempo
of operation of the Strategic Air Command will be increased and its
deployment further dispersed. The readiness of our ground forces will
be further improved by expanding the number and scope of strategic field
and airborne exercises.
I have also directed expansion of certain long-range programs. The
Strategic Air Command capability to conduct a continuous airborne alert
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Public Papers of the Presidents
will be further strengthened. More funds will be applied to the modernization of the Army combat equipment and to military airlift. Additional
effort will be devoted to the development of the B-7o and the reconnaissance satellite SAMOS.
During the Congressional recess we have made extraordinary progress
in testing one of America's most important weapons systems-the Polaris
Ballistic Missile Submarine. It is with great satisfaction that I report to
the Congress that the first test firings of the Polaris missile from the
submerged nuclear submarine GEORGE WASHINGTON had rifle shot
accuracy at great ranges. Never in my long military career has a weapon
system of such complexity been brought from its original conception to
the operational stage with such sureness and speed-an achievement that
in its entirety has taken less than five years.
The time is now right to increase the scope of the Polaris program and
five instead of three more submarines have been started this fiscal year.
Furthermore, I have directed the development of a much longer range
version of the Polaris missile, which will give America a weapon of even
greater versatility, power and invulnerability.
The Defense Department will carry out these defense measures with
its available resources insofar as possible. Measures pertaining to
weapons systems programs will be carried out by utilizing appropriations
already made in this session. Total resources are adequate, although a
modest increase in military personnel and in operation and maintenance
funds may prove to be necessary to carry out the readiness measures. If
such an increase should be required, I shall promptly request the necessary
funds.
Incidentally, provision will have to be made after the first of the year
to fund the civilian pay increases imposed by Congress a few weeks ago.
These will add permanently to our defense costs some $200 million a
year.
Once again I assure the Congress that this Nation's military power
is second to none and will be kept that way. Our long range strategic
bombers and air to ground missiles, our intermediate and long range
ballistic missiles, our Polaris submarines, our attack carriers, the tactical
air units overseas, the air defense forces, and the atomic and conventional
firepower of our ground forces world-wide are indeed a retaliatory and
defensive force unmatched anywhere.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(1 255
So much for administrative actions which I have recently taken.
Congressional actions, too, are required.
Our national security needs encompass more than excellence and
strength in our own military establishment. They include measures to
build free world strength everywhere. These require, and I therefore
request, appropriations of the full amount authorized by the Congress for
the Mutual Security Program. At this point in the legislative process,
these appropriations have been cut by well over a half billion dollars.
The Nation's security and our inescapable interest in a stable world
require that these amounts be restored.
In addition, I request a $ioo million increase in the authorization and
appropriation for the Mutual Security Contingency Fund. This increase
is needed to keep America poised for sudden developments such as those
in the Congo where a United States airlift and other efforts were needed
suddenly and critically. Happily, in this instance, we were able to
respond in a matter of hours. We must maintain ourselves in a position
to give rapid backing to the efforts of the United Nations in this troubled
region.
At my direction, two other matters will be presented to Congress,
their purpose being to promote free world stability by stimulating the
hopes, morale and efforts of our friends everywhere. These programs
are:
First, an authorization in the magnitude of $6oo million to help our
Latin American neighbors accelerate their efforts to strengthen the social
and economic structure of their nations and improve the status of their
individual citizens. This program, which should include further assistance for the rehabilitation of devastated Chile, will promote the dynamism
and effectiveness of all our efforts in this Hemisphere. I urgently request
enactment of this authorization prior to the Economic Conference of
the American Republics, which convenes at Bogota on September 5,
so that discussions leading to the development of detailed plans may
be initiated there.
Second, a proposal to be presented in September before the General
Assembly of the United Nations, whereby we and other fortunate nations
can, together, make greater use of our combined agricultural abundance
to help feed the hungry of the world. The United Nations provides a
multilateral forum admirably suited to initiate consideration of this effort.
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I consider it important that Congress approve a Resolution endorsing
such a program before the United Nations Assembly convenes.
Turning to domestic problems, clearly we face a legislative log jam,
the possibility of which I suggested, by special message, on the third of
May.
Only one major measure-civil rights-had then been passed, and
this had two major deletions which I hope will now be restored in keeping
with the bipartisan support evidenced for these items last month.
Legislating time is now short, and so far in this session only six of the
twenty-seven measures I cited last May as required by the Nation's interests have been enacted into law. Because those that fail of enactment
before adjournment will go begging for months to come, I urge the Congress to attend to them now. In addition to those already mentioned,
I cite these:
-Federal assistance in the construction of facilities for colleges, universities and elementary and secondary schools;
-assistance to older people to meet serious illnesses;
-expansion of coverage of the Fair Labor Standards Act;
-a moderate upward adjustment of the minimum wage;
-constructive measures to meet existing farm problems;
-a sound area assistance program directed specifically to the areas
in need;
-the authorizing of 40 new judgeships to expedite the rendering of
justice;
-proper financing to avoid delays in our Interstate Highway Program;
-an increase in the aviation fuel tax to facilitate proper financing of
our Airways Modernization Program;
-removal of the interest rate limitation on long-term Treasury bonds;
-a postal rate increase to avoid saddling the next administration and
taxpayers generally, wholly unjustifiably, with a postal deficit nearing a
billion dollars a year;
-liberalization of our immigration laws;
-continuation of the long-established authority for the President to
reorganize the Executive branch;
-and a grouping of measures generally in the conservation field.
Also still needed and long ago recommended are Senate ratification
of the important Antarctica Treaty, amendments to speed our space
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(1 255
exploration efforts, and a restoration of the traditional relationship between
the active duty and the retired pay of our military personnel.
All of these items are at least as urgently needed for America as when
first recommended. So I urge that we stay on the job until it is done.
Certainly we cannot adjourn the public interest.
I have a special comment on two of these matters.
First, agriculture. I reiterate the theme of my February ninth and
May third messages on this subject. The well-being of our farm people
still demands that we act with good sense on their pressing problems,
notably wheat. The public will have every right to register its serious
protest should the Congress adjourn without responsible action in this
area.
The recent history of this problem has been deadlock. The Congress
has refused to accept my recommendations and insisted upon unrealistic
programs which, of course, I have rejected.
Last January I made one further attempt to resolve this issue. I urged
Congress simply to work its will, provided only that the end result fitted
within broad guidelines assuring a truly beneficial result for the farmer
and the Nation. My own preferred program, leading to greater freedom
for the farmer, is widely known. I repeat, however, what I have said
many times-if a different approach is desired, and kept within the guidelines, I will unhesitatingly approve it.
Our farmers need constructive action and for years have been entitled
to it. They know, as does all America, that this Administration has been
unable substantially to alter the existing type of wheat program because
of lack of Congressional cooperation. It has been a program attuned to
calamity-war, depression or drought-but which in these years of peace
and great productivity has resulted in staggering surpluses which overhang the market, depress prices, and threaten the farmer's future.
The Congress should promptly provide the constructive remedies for
agriculture so long and so urgently needed.
For five years in a row I have recommended area assistance legislation.
Regrettably I had no choice but to veto the legislation the Congress did
pass this session. It would have frittered the taxpayers' money away in
areas where it was not needed and on programs that would not have
benefited those truly in need of help.
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A new area assistance bill, with Administration backing, was introduced immediately after my veto. It would channel more help directly
into stricken areas than any previous measure proposed. Failure to act
will deny this help for months to come. Human distress demands action
now. If later we find there should be changes either in the dollar
amounts or the methods used, experience will dictate the kind of adjustments to be made.
Last January I estimated that, if the Congress would adhere to my
appropriation and revenue recommendations, we could look forward to
a budgetary surplus of $4 billion. Since then, however, the spending
programs enacted and pending-coupled with the failure of Congress to
enact proposed new revenue measures-threaten to consume the entire
expected surplus.
This situation relates very importantly to your forthcoming deliberations because of the need of avoiding further deficit spending and of
making, in years of prosperity, savings to be applied either to debt reduction or to tax reform.
In meeting this need I shall not abdicate my responsibility to use the
Executive power to help keep the Nation's economy strong and sound
while we carry forward our urgent work at home and in the world.
This means that I shall not be a party to reckless spending schemes
which would increase the burden of debt of our grandchildren, by
resuming, in prosperous times, the practice of deficit financing. I shall
not fail to resist inflationary pressures by whatever means are available
to me.
This truth we must take to heart: in good times, we must at the
very least pay our way. This is the fundamental condition for a dependable future for our working men and women, for management, for consumers, and for the Government. If we will but handle responsibly the
taxpayers' money, as I am firmly determined that we shall, private and
public action can continue to move confidently ahead.
This simply means that we must adhere to necessary programs and
sensible priorities. I have herein suggested those in which I believe.
If the Congress prefers other priorities at greater national cost, responsibility dictates that it accompany them with the additional taxes to pay
the bill.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
I] 256
I recognize the magnitude of the task still before the Congress, and,
of course, I am not unaware of the other matters attracting public attention in this year 1960.
But I repeat-if during the critical months ahead we hold to the standard of national interest, the future will be bright for America-indeed,
for all the free world.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The President recorded the message in his office at 12 noon the same
day for news broadcasts over radio and
television networks.
On August 5 the Director of the Bureau of the Budget submitted, in response
to the President's request, a summary of
the effect of congressional actions on the
President's budget recommendations for
fiscal year 1961. This summary (7
pages) was released by the White House
on August 9.
In brief, the summary stated that as of
that date the net fiscal impact of all congressional actions in the second session
was as follows:
I. Net expenditures (i.e. spending and
losses of revenue required by congressional action over budget requests, plus
revenues requested by the President but
not granted) were increased by $I.6 billion for the fiscal year 1961 and by $I 1.8
billion over a period of years.
2. Pending legislation passed by one or
both Houses, and awaiting further congressional action in August, would further increase expenditures and reduce
revenues for I96 by $2.4 billion and
over a period of years by $7.8 billion.
The summary noted that if the pending
legislation were enacted, in addition to
actions already taken, the result would
be total revenue decreases and expenditure increases amounting to over $4
billion for fiscal 1961. "This would
practically wipe out the $4.2 billion surplus estimated in the I96i budget;" the
summary further noted, "and if revenues
were to turn out less than estimated, a
deficit would result."
256 (f The President's News Conference of
August 0o, 1960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning. Please sit down.
I have a very short statement about this Congolese situation.
[Reading] I believe that the Security Council resolution, adopted early
yesterday, represents another step forward in the United Nations determination, under the Secretary General's tireless efforts, to find a peaceful
solution to the difficult situation in the Congo. The United States welcomes the steps Belgium has already taken and has said it will take in
conformity with the Security Council resolutions.
Belgium has contributed much in past years to the development of the
Congo. The United States hopes that loyal cooperation with the United
Nations on the part of all concerned will restore confidence between the
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Belgian and Congolese peoples and enable Belgian civilians to continue
their contributions in the development of the new Congolese State.
[Ends reading]
Any questions?
Q. Jack Bell, Associated Press: Mr. President, both party platforms
promised, pledged, an acceleration in defense, and despite the steps you
have taken in the last few days and those that you outlined, Senator
Lyndon Johnson says that you still do not intend to spend $62 I million of
the money Congress has made available. Could you tell us why you
decided against spending that money?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, can you tell me how you decided that his
statement was correct?
Q. Mr. Bell: Sir, I didn't say that his statement was correct. I just
said that Senator JohnsonTHE PRESIDENT. You asked me why I decided it. Well, let's don't go
that far.
Q. Mr. Bell: All right. If youTHE PRESIDENT. I know of no reason for anyone to say that I have
decided not to spend this money. But I'll tell you this-when you make
changes in programs that remove from the budget some one and threequarters billions of money and put back into it about $i.i billion for
other purposes, now there's a lot of study and tedious allocation and
priorities to be settled and it's not done in a few weeks. It's a very
difficult thing. And to say that this money has been frozen is-the
proposition hasn't even been put before me in those terms at all, whatsoever.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, I wonder if you
could give us your reaction to the possibility that Premier Khrushchev
may lead the Soviet delegation to the discussion of disarmament in the
United Nations, and could you tell us if you might possibly do the same
for the American delegation?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, by no means would I disbar myself from going
up if I thought it were necessary. Now, Mr. Khrushchev proposed that
all heads of state apparently, or of government, head their delegations
when it comes to the General Assembly of September 20th, and that was
obviously a propaganda thing.
Now someone told me that he has suggested he might bring his
disarmament delegation. I haven't even given any thought to that, I
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
ql 256
just heard of it this morning sometime. [Confers with Mr. Hagerty]
Excuse me, I used the wrong date-September the I5th instead of
September 20th.
Q. William McGaffin, Chicago Daily News: Mr. President, do you
regret having kept Ezra Benson on as Secretary of Agriculture in view
of the unresolved farm problem that is giving Mr. Nixon such a hard
time in his campaign?
THE PRESIDENT. Ezra Benson has, to my mind, been very honest and
forthright and courageous in trying to get enacted into legislation plans
and programs that I think are correct. And, therefore, for me to regret
that he has been working would be almost a betrayal of my own views
in this matter. I think we must find ways to give greater freedom to the
farmer and make his whole business more responsive to market, rather
than just to political considerations.
Now, this is what we have been trying to do and, as you know, in
January I said-well, I've done everything I could to try to get the
Congress to accept sensible measures, and told them-I gave some very
broad outlines, largely economic in nature-that if they would bring
up a program that they thought was better, or that anywhere fell within
these guidelines, I would approve it. Well, they've never done anything
about it and the only bill that was passed that I know of was the Senate
wheat bill which was killed by the House.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Sir, Republicans are
saying that it's very likely that you will do a good deal of campaigning
in the South in behalf of the Nixon-Lodge ticket because you received so
many votes down there yourself in the last two elections. I'd like to ask,
sir, are you planning to come south on several speaking trips and do you
feel confident that the Nixon-Lodge ticket will do very well down there?
THE PRESIDENT. I think the Nixon-Lodge ticket is going to do well.
And whatever I can do to promote it, and its success, because of my
conviction that it would be good for the country, I shall do. Now this
doesn't mean that I possibly should be out on hustings and making
partisan speeches. I'm not so sure that it is-that it would be a good
thing. I've got a lot of other responsibilities and I've got a lot of other
commitments around the country. But I think these two fellows can
take care of themselves pretty well and I think they are tops.
Q. Rowland Evans, Jr., New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President,
in this special session will you spend more time discussing strategy with
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Public Papers of the Presidents
the presidential nominee of your party and will you give him a greater
voice in your final determination on vetoes for signing various legislation
than you have in the past, in view of his responsibility as the candidate
or nominee of the Republican Party?
THE PRESIDENT. In the final analysis my decisions have to be made
on what is best, what I believe to be best for our country-whether it is
a veto or approval of a bill or anything else. Now, I don't see how the
Vice President could be more closely drawn into the consultative process
than he has been in the past. He's always been there, in every important
meeting of which I can remember. But, I repeat, this is my responsibility
and will be until noon on January 2oth and until-as long as any question
is put up before me involving what I believe is the good of the country,
I'm going to decide it according to my judgment.
Q. David Kraslow, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, the Democrats
have charged that the administration proposed civil rights legislation at
this time simply to seek political advantage. Would you care to comment
on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I made a proposal in January. I called special attention May the 3d, I believe it was, in this year, and I think it would be
completely inconsistent if I failed to point out that in the legislation passed
this spring, the one major bill that had been passed before May 3d, two
of the provisions that I asked for were omitted and that's what I did. I
repeated those and I should like to point out that all this talk about me
starting a bunch of new programs is just a little bit silly. Go back and
look at what I have been recommending, not only during the months past,
but for years in some instances. For example, I know for 5 years I have
been recommending an area assistance bill, and have had to veto one that
was so completely beside the point that it was no good. But I still want
one. Now, I'm just asking for what I have always believed.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: Sir, I believe
you said that we could not permit a Communist-dominated regime to
come into our hemisphere. Do we not now have such a regime in Cuba,
and what can we do about it in a domination form?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mrs. Craig, I am not going to propose specific
plans of what we might do. But what I have said is: any organization,
I mean any government, that was dominated and controlled by international communism-that is, if it were in the same status, let us say, as a
satellite-any other satellite-state, this to my mind would call for very
definite action.
622
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(; 256
Now, the mere fact that someone that might believe in a different form
of government than I do and established it themselves freely, then I don't
see how the United States could properly object or intervene. Now, I
don't believe this is going to happen. I don't believe there is any case
in the whole world when any group of people have freely voted to make
themselves-to regiment themselves. Therefore I think that you have
got to take the situation itself, analyze it-what does it mean? What
is its significance in the international world? And then finally devise
those means that will defeat it.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Despite assurances from leaders of
both parties in the Senate, sir, and as some of the questions here this
morning would indicate, the first 3 days of the session have gotten off to a
rather partisan political framework. I wonder if you intend to address
yourself to this point when you meet with the leaders of both parties next
week, or whenever it is, and when would that be?
THE PRESIDENT. I am not going to address myself to the business of
lecturing them how they should carry out their own duties and to perform in conformity with their own consciences.
Now, what I shall do is lay out a situation in the international field,
which I think is important, and I'll put it this way: I'll invite them to
come if they should like, to explain further the details of the international
situation as I see it and which have been responsible for some changes in
my own programs.
Q. Mr. Belair: Has any date been set?
THE PRESIDENT. No.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: This is a question about the
agreement that the Vice President and Governor Rockefeller reached
just before the Republican Convention. What do you think of the
principles that they set forth, and do you think, as some members of the
party seem to, that the Vice President went too far perhaps in appeasing
the Governor?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't think he feels that he was appeasing.
I think he thought here was a proper activity for two major figures in the
political future of our party, and he decided that he should meet with
the Governor, and they did, and they came out with certain things. I
don't think any one of us would possibly agree with every single comma
and period and word, but I think this: I think that certain of the people
have already stated-here is a platform that the Republican Party can
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Public Papers of the Presidents
follow with honor and with the certainty that it would be good for the
United States.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post: On that same point, sir,
the Nixon-Rockefeller agreement, it was reported in Chicago at the time
of the Convention that you were personally upset at what that agreement
had to say about defense on the grounds that it was implicitly critical of
your administration. Were you upset and did you try to get the platform
language changed at Chicago?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I don't remember that I was upset. As a
matter of fact, I didn't see the details of the platform until after I
reached-I think it was the following morning, I think it was Wednesday
morning, they gave me a pamphlet that had the platform and I read it,
frankly, on the way out to Denver.
Now, there were many calls as to what I thought would be a good
thing to put in, in the planks of the platform that had to do with defense,
and I conferred by telephone with a good many people and for a good
many hours. I don't recall anything that I found that I thought of as
particularly critical. I have always insisted that you are dealing in a
platform with the years as you see them coming up. I've been having to
deal with the years that are now in the past, and therefore it would be
miraculous if you just said, "This is adequate for the future." And
what they say in one decade is not necessarily the same as another. I say
one era or one period or one atmosphere might justify one type of action;
another era, another atmosphere, might justify something else. In other
words, I thought of it as something as building; I hadn't looked at it in
the terms that you asked your question.
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: Mr. President, if Mr.
Khrushchev should come either to the Disarmament Commission meeting
or to the General Assembly meeting, would you see any advantage in
having him down here for a talk, or a meeting in New York?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, frankly, Mr. Hightower, I have considered the
possibility so remote that I haven't given it a thought. Now, if I were
to come to the conclusion that it was useful for me to see him, why, I
would of course invite him to come down if he so chose. But, I haven't
even given it the kind of thought that would allow me to make a decision
at this time.
Q. Peter Lisagor, Chicago Daily News: The Vice President is said to
be inhibited by the fact that he cannot speak on the Senate floor. Would
624
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
e[ 256
you have any objections to his holding press conferences about the legislative program?
THE PRESIDENT. I would have none, no. As a matter of fact I am
quite sure that while, with the exception of minute detail, he would be
saying exactly the same thing I would be, I have no objection to his going
and making any kind of public talk any time, anywhere at a place that is
applicable or appropriate and say just exactly what he pleases. Certainly the others do. [Laughter]
Q. John R. Gibson, Wall Street Journal: Mr. President, there is a lot
of discussion and certain amount of uncertainty as to what the economy
can be doing between now and the end of the year. What do your advisers tell you about it?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course, the one spot in the economy that
everybody watches is steel, which finally got down to 50 percent and is
now going back a little bit. Now, we've got to remember about steel,
that because of the rather hysterical production before and after the
strike that we were operating almost at o00 percent, and this country
cannot now consume and absorb a steel production that we are capable
of turning out. After all, I think we can do almost 150 million tons a
year. So, it would-we couldn't possibly expect to be operating at Ioo
percent, but that is nevertheless showing one of these ups and downs in
the steel production that is always bothersome.
As of now this is the latest report I have from the economic advisers.
Gross national product is-for the second quarter-is even higher than
we had estimated. Personal income is over $400 billion. Both of these
are records. Employment is almost 69 million, another record; and
retail sales continue to go up at a record.
Now, these are very hopeful signs and certainly there is no reason to
read what you might call a receding or any kind of depressionlike situation in our economy. People have talked a little about housing, how
right now they are building houses at a rate of 1,300,000, which is, I
think with one exception, as high as we have ever been. And automobiles-in July were not very good, but one reason is that they are
making their-still we are going on a 6 million basis this year and it looks
like we will make something over 6 million, which is really a very fine
year.
And on top of that the models are probably coming up earlier this year,
I have heard, and therefore there may be some hesitancy in buying the
new automobiles.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
All in all, while you do not see a picture of a burgeoning economy at
this particular period you certainly don't see any signs that anyone can
call a recession or depression.
Q. Spencer Davis, Associated Press: Do you see any need, sir, for
the United States to reexamine or reappraise its economic and military
aid program to Laos in view of the rebel regime that has ousted the
government there and invited our forces to leave?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, actually, for I guess about 30 hours now, I
have been trying to get some real details on the Laos situation, and we
really don't know anything about it. It does appear that all of the
country except the capital, taken over by a battalion of parachuters,
remains loyal to the royal government. So, until there is some clarification, I don't think we can make any answer whatsoever.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, there is some puzzlement
about your message that you sent to Congress Monday on the military
program. Is this an about-face on your program to expand the ground
forces and give them more modern equipment and increase the capability of SAC and B-7o bombers, is this an about-face or is it a change
that you took in light of the world situation or were you influenced to
do this by Mr. Nixon or Mr. Rockefeller? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wasn't influenced by anybody except my own
military and State Department advisers and my own judgment. Now,
anyone who does not see evidence that the Soviets have been trying to
create a very different atmosphere than what it had been trying to create
over the past couple of years is not reading very closely. This being so,
it seems to me that it's all a matter of keeping the confidence of your
allies and your own people that you are taking anything that within
reason shows your awareness of this kind of change and take such effective and reasonable steps as you believe will do something to counteract
them.
Q. Charles L. Bartlett, Chattanooga Times: Mr. President, what is
your present thinking on the question of underground nuclear testing,
and is there any difference on this point between you and the Vice
President?
THE PRESIDENT. Well I can't recall what he has ever said specifically
about nuclear underground testing. As you will recall, I think it was
in December of last year, I said we would be no longer bound by any
gentleman's agreement on this matter, but that we were going to hold our
626
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960 ([ 256
hand until we could exhaust every possibility of reaching some worthwhile agreement.
Now, this has been a very disappointing and discouraging thing and
we've apparently made no progress. But, I will just simply say this:
when we come to the place that progress is not possible, then we have to
take care of ourselves. But I will adhere, as long as I am here, to the
one promise I made: I will not allow anything to be exploded in the
atmosphere that would add anything to the apprehensions of people about
their health.
Q. Carleton Kent, Chicago Sun-Times: Can you tell us if there is any
substance to reports that there is a possible Soviet overt move in the offing
in Europe or in Asia this late summer or fall, perhaps against Berlin or
THE PRESIDENT. I haven't-where?
Q. Mr. Kent: Against West Berlin or somewhere else in Europe.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, the only thing I could think of that is related
to your question, is that Mr. Khrushchev continually says something to
the effect that he will be ready to sign a peace treaty with East Germany
at such and such a time. I believe that he made that statement most
recently in connection with his objection to the meeting of the Bundestag
in West Berlin. Well, this is something that has been going on for a long
time, and I don't know any reason why he should make this statement at
this moment. But otherwise, I don't know of anything that would indicate any intention on their part to do anything major.
Q. Ralph de Toledano, King Features: The Democrats have indicated that they will block all attempts to enact the programs that you
sent up to the Hill. Do you have any plans for going over the head of
Congress to the people?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know; possibly I'm doing it right now.
[Laughter]
I am just simply trying to say that I have been standing for a number
of things for quite a while, and I think to-now to desert them and say
we'll do nothing about them merely because Congress saw fit to recess
and then have what they say is a short session, we cannot just simply say
that politicking is more important than the Nation's business, and I don't
think it is. I think that the Nation's interest comes first, and we should
do what we can about it. And I personally think this: I think all this
talk about Congress having to take weeks and months and months to get
simple actions carried out and accomplished is a little bit silly. If there is
60295-61 43
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Public Papers of the Presidents
a determination on the great majority that there is now in the Congress,
to enact a constructive program, it could be done very quickly, because
they've got a 2 to i majority in both houses.
Q. S. Douglass Cater, Jr., Reporter Magazine: Mr. President, are you,
in your discussions with the Vice President, do you feel that there is any
serious difference between you on the size of the defense acceleration that
is needed at this time?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't think so. Certainly if there is, he hasn't
come to me with it, and we've talked about it.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Mr. President, would you
spell out for us the ideas you have in mind for your new Latin American
program?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, by and large it's this: to find better ways of
getting a cooperative effort in these nations to bring about the thing they
are always talking about-a rise of living standards throughout their
nations. Many of our lending institutions are not geared to this kind of
thing. You build roads and docks with what you call soft loans because
they are not immediately productive, and you help mines and industry,
initiating new industries and all the rest of it with different types like the
Ex-Im Bank, but what we need is something, and programs which we
can work out ourselves and have enough authorization or intent behind
them that we can begin to give more hope directly to people throughout
this hemisphere.
Q. Mr. Reston: Could I ask another question about that?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes.
Q. Mr. Reston: Well if you do not get in this month, these 3 weeks,
the program you want, will you then summon the Congress back at a
later date?
THE PRESIDENT. I wouldn't think it-well, it's not a matter I have
thought of yet. Congress has been here quite a bit this year, but I am
not asking for a specific program, Mr. Reston. I'm saying I would like
to have an expression of the sentiment in the Congress and its intent
that we would, together, find ways to bring about this raising of living
standards and bringing better life to these people generally, rather than
just confining ourselves to these particular different types of loans of
which I speak.
Now, if we have that then we can go to the Bogota conference and
talk definitely-what are the kinds of plans and what are the programs
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
eq 257
I don't want to make the programs from here for South America, as
you can well see. They are the ones that have to make the programs or
cooperate with them. Then, if we can find that we can support them
with a good heart and knowing that we are serving our own interests
as well as theirs, then I think we'd have something really worthwhile.
Jack Bell, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- from I0:29 to Io:59 o'clock on Wednesdred and eighty-eighth news conference day morning, August Io, I960. In atwas held in the Executive Office Building tendance: 206.
257 (I Message to Prime MinisterTombalbaye
on the Occasion of the Independence of the
Republic of Chad. August I, 1960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
On the occasion of the independence of the Republic of Chad, I extend
in my own name and on behalf of the United States most cordial greetings and felicitations to you and the people of Chad.
The accession to independence of the Republic of Chad is a source of
great satisfaction to the United States especially since it was achieved in
friendly cooperation with France.
The development of democratic traditions under your leadership at
the Crossroads of Africa is encouraging for the future of Chad.
On this historic day, the Government and people of the United States
look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government and
people of Chad.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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Public Papers of the Presidents
258 4I MessageRecordedforTransmissionVia
Communication Satellite Echo I. August I 2, I 960
THIS IS President Eisenhower speaking.
It is a great personal satisfaction to participate in this first experiment
in communications involving the use of a satellite balloon known as Echo.
This is one more significant step in the United States program of space
research and exploration. The program is being carried forward vigorously by the United States for peaceful purposes for the benefit of all
mankind.
The satellite balloon which has reflected these words may be used
freely by any nation for similar experiments in its own interests. Information necessary to prepare for such participation was widely distributed
some weeks ago.
The United States will continue to make freely available to the world
the scientific information acquired from this and other experiments in
its program of space exploration.
NOTE: The message was transmitted from ing its first orbit, and was relayed by the
the Jet Propulsion Laboratory station at satellite to the Bell Telephone LaboratoGoldstone, Calif., as Echo I was complet- ries station in Holmdel, N.J.
259 eT Message to Prime Minister Dacko on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Central
African Republic. August I 3, i960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
On the occasion of the independence of the Central African Republic,
I extend in my own name and on behalf of the United States most cordial
greetings and felicitations to you and the people of the Central African
Republic.
The United States has followed with great interest the progress of the
Central African Republic towards independence while carrying out the
traditions of the late Barthelemy Boganda. That this independence is
being reached in harmony and friendship with France is a source of great
satisfaction.
On this memorable day, the Government and people of the United
630
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig960o
(I 26i
States look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government
and people of the Central African Republic.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
260 eT Message to President Youlou on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of
Congo. August 15, i960
Dear Mr. President:
On the occasion of the independence of the Republic of Congo, I
extend in my own name and on behalf of the United States most cordial
greetings and felicitations to you and the people of Congo.
The United States has followed with great interest the progress of the
Congo towards independence in harmony and friendship with France.
It is with deep satisfaction that we welcome this historic event.
I recall with great pleasure and appreciation the thoughtful gift which
you made to me last year in the name of the Community. This tangible
token of affection of the Community and of yourself for the United States
will long be remembered.
On this historic day, the Government and people of the United States
look forward to close and friendly relations with the Government and
people of Congo.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The President referred to the gift of his visit to Paris in 1959 (see 1959
of a baby elephant presented at the time volume, this series, p. 652).
261 I qT Remarks Upon Inspection of the Capsule
Retrieved From the Satellite Discoverer XIII.
August 15, 1 960
I SHOULD LIKE to think of some way that I could properly commend
the people who are responsible for this remarkable achievement. I know
that mere medals and ribbons don't do this. But I do think that I can
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Public Papers of the Presidents
in a feeble way attempt to assure all of you that the American people are
indeed proud of what you have done.
This is another incident in a remarkable series of accomplishments
that show how rapidly America has forged far ahead into worthwhile
exploration of space. This one has so much promise for future development of the same kind of achievement and possibly even, finally, having
men to come back to tell us about it.
The great achievement of the sun satellite that for 22 million miles
and 3 months continued to telemeter back to the United States and to
the world-to the earth-information that never before had been
achieved.
And finally another recent one, this one about the balloon-this big
balloon. I just had a report this morning from scientific circles outside of
Government which said that this was the greatest advance in the science
of communications that had been achieved in many years.
So to have this remarkable achievement we have here today climax
this long series must indeed give every American a great deal of pride and
particularly those of you and all your associates that had a part in it.
Quite naturally, I am proud that someone thought of the thoughtful
gesture, so far as I was personally concerned, of giving me this little flag
that has certainly now for itself a unique history. I will try to see that it
is put into a place where all Americans can see it and be reminded of
this great accomplishment.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Con- had been released from orbit in outer
ference Room at the White House where space in the vicinity of our 49th State,
the capsule was on exhibit. Alaska, and recovered in the vicinity of
Gen. Thomas D. White, Chief of Staff the 50th State, Hawaii. Secretary of Deof the U.S. Air Force, presented the fense Thomas S. Gates, Jr., also spoke at
President with a flag taken from the cap- the ceremonies.
sule, which was recovered from the Pacific The remarks of General White and
Ocean on August 12. In presenting the Secretary Gates were released with those
flag General White noted that the capsule of the President.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 q 263
262 4T Message to PresidentMakarios on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of
Cyprus. August i6, i960
Dear Mr. President:
Upon the achievement of independence by the Republic of Cyprus,
I am happy to extend in my own name and on behalf of the people of the
United States most cordial greetings and felicitations to you, the members
of your Government, and the Cypriot people in the Greek, Turkish, and
other communities of the Republic.
The emergence of an independent and democratic Cyprus is a tribute
to your statesmanship as well as that of Vice President Kutchuck and
all those whose dedicated efforts have brought to a successful conclusion
the negotiations of the past year and a half. The United States is a close
friend of all parties to these negotiations, and is therefore especially gratified at their happy outcome.
The Government and people of the United States welcome the independent and democratic Republic of Cyprus to the family of nations, and
look forward to maintaining close and cordial relations with the Government and people of Cyprus.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
263 eI The President's News Conference of
August I 7, i960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning. Please sit down.
I had a few questions about the accomplishments of the Space Agency
over the past week, and so I had a short memorandum prepared this
morning that will be available at Mr. Hagerty's office if any of you want
them. It lists the unusual accomplishments of the week.'
Any questions?
Q. Frank Eleazer, United Press International: Mr. President, Francis
Powers, the U-2 pilot, pleaded guilty today to spying. Does this indicate
'See item 264.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
to you in any way that he may have been brainwashed or do you have
any other comments, sir, on the conduct of the trial so far?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, no, it doesn't show evidence that he has been
brainwashed. The only thing I would like to comment on would be the
past history of the case.
Under international usage-custom-any foreigner who is accused
of a crime in any country has been accorded the right to see counsel of his
own choosing and to see interested consuls or people of that kind of the
other government. In this case, of course, Mr. Powers has been given no
such privilege and we have asked that he should have it.
Now, in the actual conduct of the trial, as it goes on, I would have no
comment because it certainly wouldn't be helpful to Mr. Powers' case
for anyone in my position to be commenting on the conduct of a trial
in that other country.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President, a
number of us talked to Mr. Dirksen and Mr. Halleck after they conferred with you yesterday, and they said that generally they don't look for
much from this post-Convention session of Congress. Some of us got
the impression that Republican strategy will be to label this a "do-little"
Congress. Is that the way you see it, Mr. President?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, that is the first time that I have heard that
word "do-little" Congress and I didn't-I suppose they were speaking
as legislators, and possibly from past experience. You know, strangely
enough, someone called my attention to the fact that the Congress passed
in 2 weeks last year 436 bills. And now we have a program that was not
only presented last January for consideration during these past some 7
or 8 months, but it has been repeated to the Congress in messages of
various kinds during the time. This is not a new program. It is one that
was presented some months back. And I don't see any reason why there
shouldn't be some action.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Mr. President, in the
closing months of any administration, the President usually has the problem of persuading people not to leave their posts and go back to their
private businesses. I wonder if you are having that problem already, or
anticipate having it soon?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I haven't in any-there certainly has been no
volume of it. I remember one of my staff was offered a different position,
and he accepted, with my blessing. But I have always done that, and I
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, Ig96o
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have seen no great influx of letters of resignation at the moment.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post: Mr. President, since the
Democrats do not seem disposed to enact any, or much, of your 21-point
program, are you considering at all the possibility that you might call
Congress back into session before the elections, or do you prefer to leave
the issue to the voters in November?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Roberts, I think it would be a very unwise
thing to call a special session of Congress under the atmosphere in which
we are now living, unless actual emergency demands it. If Congress
doesn't want to act now, what would be the point in bringing them back?
If we are thinking of the public interest and not just of political maneuvering, why, there can be done what needs to be done. Then if the voters
are dissatisfied with either side, why, they can make their views known.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: Mr. President, this is a question about your project for an emergency fund for the
Congo and Africa, which the Senate Foreign Relations Committee approved yesterday. Do you think that a case can be made, particularly
at this juncture, for use of some of those funds through the United Nations, or does the administration think it would be wiser and easier to
spend the money independently?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wouldn't want to comment in such detailed
fashion about this question that I would appear to set up a new policy on
the spur of the moment. Actually, I believe that we must depend on the
United Nations to take the leadership in meeting these situations as they
arise. Actually, there haven't been too many of them, you know, when
you stop to think that, I believe, with the six nations now soon to come
into existence we have got something like 34 or 35 coming into existence
since World War II. And in many-most cases-these transitions have
been accomplished not only peacefully but in such ways that a certain
degree of stability has been achieved almost at once. Here we have had
the unfortunate spectacle of disorder and disruption of governmental
processes occurring. The United Nations ought to take the lead, and
we support it. Therefore, if some of the funds that we have to give to this
place go through them, it will be, I think, a proper way to do it.
Q. Mr. Morgan: How do you envision, sir, the use of those funds in
other ways? The funds that would not go through the United Nationshow do you expect them to be applied?
THE PRESIDENT. You will recall, I think it says not merely the Congo,
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but in the other areas of Africa. So you couldn't always do it through
the United Nations, because the United Nations probably wouldn't have
taken any cognizance of the need expressed to us by that nation.
I would think each one would have to be decided on its merits as it
came up. But I think if you will read Mr. Dillon's statement in detail,
the one he made before the Committee the other day, it was very explanatory.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Mr. President, you spoke a moment
ago of the U.N. taking the lead in Africa with our support. What will
you do, if you can say, sir-what do we do when U.N. troops are arrested
over there and also do you have any correspondence on this?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, this last incident-you mean when Lumumba
arrested some of them and then released them? Well, you have got
conditions that are deplorable, and there seem to be many actions taken
impulsively. I still say this: the United Nations must shoulder its responsibilities in such matters, and we must support them. And I think
that the vast bulk of the free nations will feel exactly as we do about this.
Now, this doesn't mean that things are always going to be easy, and we
are not going to have such incidents as occurred the other day-or
yesterday, I guess it was. But I think that on the whole, the record of the
United Nations gives a great deal of promise that it can continue to
handle matters like this expeditiously.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: Mr. President,
regardless of whether Congress did or didn't do what it should since
January, do you think it is possible for them now to deal with all of your
more than a score of points when the time is so short, or do you think that
they should go out and explain their future policies and platforms to the
voters between now and November?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, we have a Congress of the United States, set
up in the Constitution, to pass the laws that are seemingly needed for the
United States. And under that system we have developed the two-party
system. We have now in each House of Congress a two-thirds majority.
And as a matter of fact, from my viewpoint at least, such of this legislation as is constructive, and I believe those that I have recommended are
supported by the Republican group, I see no reason why you couldn't
get a lot of action, particularly when, as I pointed out, there were 436
bills passed in 2 weeks last year.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, I wonder if you
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 263
have some kind of a priority among these 21 proposals that you could list
for us.
THE PRESIDENT. No, no. Actually, after having put these things
before the Congress, the Congress will have to decide what it is going to
do and what it is not going to do.
Q. Peter Lisagor, Chicago Daily News: Suggestions were made in the
Senate this week that perhaps it would be wise to devise a program, a
multibillion-dollar program, for Latin American aid, something on the
concept of the Marshall plan. Can you tell us how you would feel about
such a program?
THE PRESIDENT. The Marshall plan was developed for a specific purpose. This specific purpose was the restoration of a damaged and, in
some cases, destroyed industrial fabric in Western Europe-mostly in
Western Europe. Now, this was-this had, in other words, a foreseeable
terminating date because it had a specific objective.
When you go into the problem of helping people raising living standards, this has no foreseeable end at the moment; it is a thing that has to
be studied year by year, adapted, changed to meet changing conditions,
and this is an entirely different thing. I don't believe any man is wise
enough today to foresee what will be the ultimate need and set up the
program and the money to meet it. I think that this is the kind of thing
where a family of nations, like a family of individuals, have to understand
they live together; and in living together, new needs come up. And if
they are met cooperatively by everybody putting his brains and his
resources into it, we will get somewhere. But I don't believe that any
nation could at this moment, for all the other 20, say, "We will put x
billion dollars, and here is a program, and if you do this you will be all
right." I don't believe that for a minute.
Q. Lambert Brose, Lutheran Layman: Mr. President, there has been
some criticism in the press of the hopeful signs you gave of our economy
at last week's news conference. And Newsweek magazine has taken some
of the Government statistics you quoted and shows that, according to
Newsweek, that they are not so favorable. May I quote several of them
to you?
THE PRESIDENT. It's all right with me. [Laughter]
Q. Mr. Brose: You said last week: "Retail sales continue to go up at
a record," and Newsweek says, "Total retail sales dropped during July
to I8.3 billion, lowest level in 3 months. It is no higher than it was a
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year ago, despite rising population and rising prices."
And then you said last week: "Right now, they are building houses at
a rate of 1.3 million, which is, I think with one exception, as high as we
have ever been." Newsweek says: "Home builders are in fact having
their worst year, with one exception, since I 954."
And one more-[laughter]-I just want to mention. You stated:
"Employment is almost 69 million, another record." Newsweek says:
"Unemployment, which the President didn't mention, is over 4 million, a
high 5.4 percent of the labor force."
My question is: do you think-[laughter]-the public may have received a slightly more favorable outlook of the economy at last week's
press conference than really is justified?
THE PRESIDENT. Allowing for the possibility that any man can always
misspeak himself a little bit, I don't admit that I made any error. But
I will tell you: you are talking now about a quarrel between Newsweek
and the Council of Economic Advisers, and I ask you to go and meet them,
and see what they have to say about it. [Laughter]
Q. Edward T. Folliard, Washington Post: Mr. President, last week
you were asked about your role in the campaign. As I remember it, you
said that you would do whatever you could to help the Nixon-Lodge
ticket, but you didn't think it would be wise to go out on the hustings.
And since then, it has been announced that you are going to make a
couple of nonpolitical speeches. What is your reasoning there, Mr. President, that nonpolitical speeches, so called, would be more helpful to the
Nixon-Lodge ticket? I was a little puzzled.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, certainly I wouldn't want to hurt that ticket,
because I think it is fine. But let's get this thing straight.
There becomes a division of responsibility with respect to the futureyou might say the political future of this country-that must be obvious to
everybody. I necessarily remain as President of the United States, and I
am responsible for every decision taken up, as I say, until January 20,
on the actions of this Government.
Now, there is a political campaign up, when by Constitution I am no
longer included. I am just a spectator in a way. Therefore, the direction of the political campaign as such-not the Government, but the
political campaign-falls into other hands.
Now, they come to me, because after all we have been working together a long time, and they do realize that what I do will have some
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
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definite influence on that election. Then they will tell me what they
want done.
What I am saying is that I have already accepted, oh, months back,
some engagements-like I am going up to speak for my old friend,
Cardinal Spellman, in the Catholic Church. I guess we have announced
this, haven't we?
Mr. Hagerty: Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. And in Philadelphia, and places like that. Now,
what I would do otherwise, I know that there is one-there is one performance coming in where I am going to be part of the political picture,
and make a political speech. I don't know how many. But they will
give me their ideas, and if I agree, why, that is exactly what I will do,
because I am going to do whatever I can to elect Mr. Nixon and Mr.
Lodge; you can bet on that.
Q. David Kraslow, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, this administration has prided itself on being budget conscious, yet it is sponsoring a
medical care program for the aged that will make a sizable dent in the
general Treasury, while the Democratic leadership, which has been criticized in the past on spending issues, is sponsoring a so-called self-funding
plan, pay as you go, as they put it. Will you comment on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I say this. I am for a plan that will be truly
helpful to the aged, particularly against illnesses which become so expensive, but one that is freely accepted by the individual. I am against
compulsory medicine, and that is exactly what I am against, and I don't
care if that does cost the Treasury a little bit more money there. But
after all, the price of freedom is not always measured just in dollars.
Q. Sarah McClendon, Manchester (N.H.) Union Leader: Mr. President, I presume from the reappointments in the State Department that
you have taken some look recently at the background and actions of-both
actions and policy in the State Department on the things that brought
about the Communist encroachment in Cuba. Now, I wonder if from
your look at that, if you have found mistakes that were made, and if you
would tell us who were making the mistakes?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you must be asking for some kind of white
paper-[laughter]-that will tell everything that we have ever done in
Cuba. I have not heard of any circumstances that would justify the
question you have just asked. And I know of no blunder which I can
attach blame to anyone for. Therefore-and I have had these reports on
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Cuba every day, I think, for the last month, either by telephone or personally-I don't know of any reason for apologizing for what we have done
in the past.
Q. Mrs. McClendon: Well, sir, may ITHE PRESIDENT. No, thank you.
Q. E. W. Kenworthy, New York Times: A further question, sir, on aid
to Latin America. While the situations confronting the Marshall plan
countries and Latin America are quite different, would it be helpful if
the Latin American countries would set up an equivalent organization
to the
THE PRESIDENT. Would set up a what?
Q. Mr. Kenworthy: an equivalent organization to the OEEC,
which the Marshall plan countries have, to help plan the aid they want?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wouldn't be too quick to give a specific
answer on this. I think it would be good. And I am speaking personally,
and not having discussed this particular point with others-very competent people in this field. I am sure of this: that the OAS must provide
a mechanism where this whole development is going to be on a cooperative basis, and where there is the actual decision made on a group basis,
because if it is made unilaterally, and we pretend to be the great experts
on Latin America, and everything that we say is to be done and nothing
else, then it will not work. It has got to be a very cooperative effort, and
if it is an organization something as we developed in the OEEC, why,
fine.
Q. Paul Martin, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. President, Marion Folsom
said the other day that, on this health bill, Congress should not act this
year in a political atmosphere. He suggested that we appoint a study
commission, composed of representatives of the insurance industry, medical profession, employers, labor, and so on, with instructions to report
next year, and let the next administration and the next Congress, with
the basis of facts, determine what they should do. What do you think
about that idea?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, first of all, I have great admiration for Marion
Folsom. Secondly, I very thoroughly believe in a thorough analysis of all
the facts that we can find in such thing-in such affairs, in such vast programs, before we take action.
Now, the fact is that there has been an awful lot of study. We have
conferred with the American Medical Association, with the insurance
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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companies, and everybody that seemed to have an authoritative voice in
this matter.
And I am not adverse to the studies. I doubt that you ever get a really
favorable year to do anything as difficult. People say it is either election
year or it is not an election year. Either one seems to be a good excuse
for not doing anything. But the fact is that if such studies would give
us a better and clearer idea, why, of course, I would have no objections.
But I do believe that something ought to be done now, because these
people are truly in need for this kind of support and help.
Q. Spencer Davis, Associated Press: Would you say, sir, how the situation in Laos looks to you now, and if you contemplate any need to pull
out American aid and military missions in that country?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Laos is a very confused situation. Of course,
the new prime minister is getting ready to present his newly established
government to the Assembly, and that is about the only development since
last week. And I can say only this: that both in Laos and here in Washington we are following the situation just as earnestly as we can, and certainly to take any kind of action that seems to be indicated.
Q. John V. Horner, Washington Star: Mr. President, now that the
American foreign ministers are in session, what do you think that they
should do, or what would you like to see them do, about Cuba?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think that they are brought together there to
study everything that is of interest, and particularly that seems to disturb
the public opinion in all the Americas, from here on southward. Both
by the report made to the foreign-to the Council-yesterday, both
Trujillo, the Dominican problem, and the Cuban problem are cited as
two of the items which they must study, and decide among themselves
what to do. And further than that, I would not want to comment,
because I am quite clear in my mind that these matters are for all the
states of the OAS. It is not merely because we have had some specific
problems and difficulties in these areas. This does not make it our
problem alone. If we can't solve it on a cooperative and general basis,
then indeed it would look quite bad.
Q. Lillian Levy, Science Service: Mr. President, there have been reports, sir, that there is some feeling among our allies that an agreement
on the cessation of nuclear tests cannot be achieved between East and
West before the end of your administration. What is your appraisal of
the possibility of an agreement between now and January?
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THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course the history of the whole thing doesn't
seem too good, for the simple reason that we have been working so hard
on this thing up to now. And I would say this: nothing could gratify me
more than to achieve, between the East and West, some agreement that
would bring a bit more of peace of mind to all our people, and would do
so by making certain that that agreement could be policed on both sidesthat is, inspected and kept everybody up to snuff.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Mr. President, the polls
are now beginning to show that Vice President Nixon is pulling ahead
of Mr. Kennedy in the presidential race, and his press secretary says he
now has closed the gap, and they are running neck to neck. I wonder,
sir, if you have any advice to Mr. Nixon's friends and the Republicans
not to get a little overconfident as was done in 1948, and maybe keep
working.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wasn't here in '48. But I would say this:
in any competitive enterprise, whether it is war or politics or anything
else, no one should be pessimistic or discouraged by some straw in the
wind, and certainly he should not be complacent with another straw that
seems to point favorably in his direction. I am quite sure that Mr. Nixon
is correct when he says he is starting a fight as rapidly as he can, and he
is going to wage it right down to the last minute of the campaign, because
I think he is too old a campaigner to take anything for granted.
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: I would like to raise the
question of the Powers case again, sir. The major Soviet propaganda
line in connection with this case is that the United States itself is on trial.
I wondered whether you had occasion to give this matter some thought,
and what your reaction is to this line.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't think it is, whatsoever. When we admitted publicly that the U-2 belonged to us and that it was on a reconnaissance mission, we were doing something that in a modern world was
the only way we could find out, to get any information, about a closed
society, and a society that is constantly threatening us by their strength,
boasting about what they could do to the world, and all the rest of it.
Now, this does not put the United States on trial whatsoever. If they
want to say that they are putting me on trial, that is their privilege.
But to put the United States on trial in this way is just another piece of
their propaganda that distorts fact into their own line of charge and
allegation.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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Q. Benjamin R. Cole, Indianapolis Star: Mr. President, in connection
with that, if the Soviets put the President of the United States on trial,
how, then, can they put an American citizen on trial for carrying out a
mission under the command of his Commander in Chief?
TIHE PRESIDENT. Well, they can't put him on trial, because they can't
take jurisdiction in the sense that you are speaking. What they are trying-they are trying to say that they are condemning the United States
before world opinion. Well, I think they have no case whatsoever. The
number of spies that we have caught, and cases of bribery and subversion,
which have been proved all over the world, gives their-just denies any
validity whatsoever to this kind of a charge on their part.
Jack Bell, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- from 10:30 to 10:59 o'clock on Wednesdred and eighty-ninth news conference day morning, August 17, 1960. In atwas held in the Executive Office Building tendance: 2 I5.
264 t1O Statement by the President on U.S.
Achievements in Space. August I 7, I 960
THE EVENTS of the past weeks have demonstrated beyond all doubt
the vigor, capabilities and leadership of the United States in the conquest
of the frontiers of science and technology and, in particular, in the exploration and utilization of space. The entire nation is proud of the
impressive array of successful experiments carried out by the United
States this year:
-Pioneer V, the sun satellite, which continued to receive and transmit
radio messages over a period of three months and to a distance of 22,500,ooo miles from earth;
-Tiros I, the meteorological satellite which took 23,000 cloud cover
pictures during its operating life of three months and provided increased
assurance that revolutionary improvements in the science of weather forecasting will be achieved;
-the success that has attended the efforts in the satellite-based navigation program called Transit I;
-the orbiting of Echo I, the ioo-foot balloon which circles the earth
at a distance of approximately I 000 miles and a speed in excess of I 5,000
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miles per hour serving as a reflector of radio signals from one point to
another and distant point on the surface of the earth;
-the record-breaking flights of the X-I5 research airplane;
-and finally, the spectacular recovery of the data capsule of the Discoverer XIII satellite.
All these are the results of a well planned and determined attack on
this new field-an attack that promises very real and useful results for all
mankind. Each of these satellites is destined to play an important part
in broadening man's understanding of the cosmos in which he lives.
While no one of them has been undertaken solely in an effort to achieve
a "spectacular first" in the eyes of the world, each has resulted in just
such a "spectacular first" in support of the desires of mankind for greater
knowledge and understanding.
The United States leads the world in the activities in the space field
that promise real benefits to mankind.
265 e Message to President M'ba on the
Occasion of the Independence of the Republic of
Gabon. August 17, I960
Dear Mr. President:
On the occasion of the independence of the Republic of Gabon, I
extend in my own name and on behalf of the United States most cordial
greetings and felicitations to you and the people of the Republic of Gabon.
The United States has followed with great interest the progress of
Gabon toward independence in harmony and friendship with France.
It welcomes this historic event with deep satisfaction.
The close ties between our countries and the excellent climate Gabon
has provided for United States and other Western investments constitute
a favorable omen for the future of your country.
On this memorable occasion, the Government and people of the United
States look forward to continued close and friendly relations with the
Government and people of Gabon.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 266
266 4I Letter Accepting Resignation of Henry
Cabot Lodge as U.S. Representative to the United
Nations. August i9, i960
Dear Cabot:
In the past seven and a half years the United Nations has indeed, as
you say, grown greatly in influence and as an agency for the preservation
of peace. This has not been so because of any one nation or any one man.
But the United States has sought to nurture that growth. As her Representative you have applied extraordinary talents of firmness, perseverance,
and imagination to pressing in that forum our aims of peace with freedom
and justice.
For your services in this cause and to the United States you have, I am
sure, the gratitude of all the American people-especially, perhaps,
groups of our citizens most recently of foreign origin. In behalf of all
Americans and for my own part, I thank you.
I accept your resignation as the Representative of the United States to
the United Nations and to the Security Council, effective, as you wish,
September third. The deep regret I feel at contemplating your leaving
your United Nations post is mitigated by the knowledge that you do so
only to offer yourself to the nation in an elective post of high responsibility
and opportunity for service. In this effort you have, as you know, my
heartiest endorsement. The country could ill afford in these times to lose
the service of a man of your abilities.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Lodge became Representative of resignation, dated August 17, was reof the United States to the United leased with the President's reply.
Nations on January 23, 1953. His letter
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267 J Special Message to the Congress on the
Sugar Quota of the Dominican Republic.
August23, i960
To the Congress of the United States:
The meeting of Foreign Ministers of the American Republics at San
Jose, Costa Rica, has just completed its deliberations on the charges made
against the Dominican Republic by the Government of Venezuela, as well
as on the flagrant violation of human rights by the Trujillo regime. The
Foreign Ministers voted unanimously to condemn the Dominican acts of
aggression and intervention against Venezuela, culminating in the attempt on the life of the President of that country, and resolved to (i )
break diplomatic relations with the Dominican Republic, and (2) interrupt partially economic relations with that country beginning with a
suspension of trade in arms and implements of war, with the provision
that the Council of the Organization of American States shall study the
feasibility and desirability of extending this trade suspension to other
articles. The United States joined with the other American Republics in
approving these measures.
Some 322,000 short tons of the sugar not being purchased from Cuba
pursuant to the reduction in the Cuban quota is, under the July amendment to the Sugar Act, to be allocated to the Dominican Republic. This
allocation is in addition to the Dominican Republic's i960 quota amounting to approximately I 30,000 tons. Since total imports of sugar from the
Dominican Republic in I959 amounted only to about 84,000 tons, the
statutory allocation would give that country a large sugar bonus seriously
embarrassing to the United States in the conduct of our foreign relations
throughout the hemisphere.
In view of the foregoing considerations, the Government should have
discretion to purchase elsewhere the quantity apportioned to the Dominican Republic pursuant to the July Amendment to the Sugar Act. I
therefore request legislation providing that amounts which would be purchased in the Dominican Republic pursuant to the July Amendment need
not be purchased there, but may be purchased from any foreign countries
without regard to allocation.
I would also remind the Congress that the Sugar Act's present termination date of March 3 I, i96 i-only three months after the reconvening of
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
IN 268
Congress next January-could cause a serious gap in supplies, because
it often takes as much as one or two months after purchase for sugar from
distant areas to reach our refineries. Thus an extension of the Sugar Act
beyond its present termination date is necessary at this session in order to
protect consumers in the United States against the possibility of unreasonable prices for sugar next February and March.
I request that the Congress give urgent consideration to and take favorable action on the proposed legislation.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: On September I a White House he has already recommended.
release was issued as follows: "As for sugar legislation, he regards
"Replying to inquiries from Congres- the situation resulting from failure to act
sional leaders, the President has indicated as extremely serious. He is disappointed
that he has no new measures to place be- that a measure similar to the one passed
fore the Congress. last evening by the Senate failed of
"He still supports the measures which enactment."
268 4I The President's News Conference of
August 24, 1960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning, please sit down.
For the benefit of the radio and television industry, I'll tell them that
I signed this bill on equal time this morning.'
Any questions?
Q. Jack Bell, Associated Press: Mr. President, after his version of the
medical aid bill was rejected by the Senate yesterday, Senator Kennedy
said, and I quote, "If we are going to have effective legislation, we are
going to have to have an administration that will provide leadership and
a Congress that will act." Would you care to comment on that?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know whether I have got equal time
in this debate. [Laughter] I have to watch these things, because I am
not a candidate.
The Democrats have a 2 to I majority in the Congress, in both Houses.
And I don't see how they could want more, or if they do, how. They
are having enough difficulty controlling this, because they apparently are
not getting anywhere with it. Now, I just say this, for the leadership end
of it, they are saying that a brand new program was put before them just
'The President referred to Public Law 86-677 (74 Stat. 554) suspending for the
i960 campaign the equal opportunity requirements of section 315 of the Communications Act of 1934 for nominees for the offices of President and Vice President.
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to enact within the last few weeks, or couple of weeks. And I have called
your attention time and time again, the very same things I sent down in
August, I sent in January and in May, and in numerous special sessions.
So I don't know why the complaints. They have got the majority-such
great majorities they can do anything they want to, if they get together.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President,
now that you have signed the bill which you mentioned a moment ago,
could you tell us how you look upon the prospect of debates between
Mr. Nixon and Mr. Kennedy, as a factor in the campaign and in the
election?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am not certain that it all has to be on debates.
I think equal time doesn't necessarily have to be in a debating atmosphere.
I do think that it is a very fine thing in the public service that the networks
will be performing by allowing these people to do this on an equal time
basis and without cost. Actually, it seems to me over these years the costs
of presenting the issues and cases and personalities to the public has gone
way up, and if these networks can help out on this equal time basis, it
will be a fine thing.
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President, would you
please give us your latest opinion as to the major issues in the campaign?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think that we have always agreed that politics
ends at the water's edge. But the conduct apparently of foreign affairs is
going to be a very important issue, whether or not I would believe it
should be. It apparently is going to be, because it has been talked so
much.
At home I would say that the basic material question would be the
farm, and of course I think we will make, most certainly, sound money
or-not sound money but preventing the debasement of our currency,
and with fiscal responsibility.
So I think things of that kind are going to be probably debated more
than anything else in the campaign.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, I wonder if you
could tell us why you feel, as Mr. Hagerty mentioned the other day
you do, that Captain Powers' sentence was too severe,1 in view of the fact
1 On August 19 the Press Secretary to the President issued the following statement:
"The President has been informed of the sentence imposed on Mr. Powers by the
Soviet court, and he deplores the Soviet propaganda activity in connection with the
entire episode, beginning last May, and regrets the severity of the sentence. He extends his sincere sympathy to the members of Mr. Powers' family."
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that, for instance, the United States sentenced Colonel Abel to, I believe,
30 years, and we have given less severe sentences to other Russian spies.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think I regretted that it was so long; I hoped
for less, when you come down to it. I have no measure of just what has
been done in like cases over the years, for the simple reason that this
particular kind of case has never before come up.
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: Mr. President, I wondered
if you could tell us under what circumstances and for what purpose you
might address the United Nations. Ambassador Lodge said it was a
matter under serious consideration.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it's a matter that is discussed every year when
there comes up the opening of the General Assembly. I did this in I953,
and one other time. I am not sure whether it was on the opening day,
but another time.
Now, this time there are so many things that are not completed. We
have had this long session of the nuclear tests which now is recessed, and
there are a lot of things that probably need to be repeated. But this
doesn't mean that I personally would do this unless I think it was something that I wanted sufficiently to emphasize as to ask for time before
them. Normally, the Secretary of State would do this.
Q. William H. Y. Knighton, Jr., Baltimore Sun: Mr. President, a few
weeks ago Mr. Hagerty, in discussing your political campaign plans for
this year, suggested that a great amount of your activities would not be
of a traditional nature. He has declined to explain that so far. I wonder
if you would care to enlighten us on that now, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I will have to say, quoting Mr. Hagerty, he
hasn't explained that to me, either. [Laughter]
What I think: we have got a thing coming up now where a President
wants to help perpetuate his party in the White House, and to increase
their strength in the Legislature, of course.
Now, as I pointed out the other day, there are two types of authority,
so far as party affairs, that are now to be observed. One of them is the
man still responsible for the running of this Government, and will continue to be so until January 2o. The other is the mapping out of these
campaigns.
Now, I would expect there will be two or three occasions when-and
probably no more-where the party as such wants me to do something,
and I will probably respond, so far as I can.
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Now, on the other hand, I have already a number of engagements
that take me through a great deal of this United States, and under various
bodies-economic, educational, accountants, charitable institutions. And
those I shall fulfill. But they will not be political. So I guess he meant
that my activities were going to be nonpolitical as well as political during
this time.
Q. Edward T. Folliard, Washington Post: Mr. President, you just said
that the farm problem might be an issue-was likely to be an issue. Over
the weekend a statement was made that the administration, including
Mr. Nixon and Mr. Benson, had brought disaster to the farmers. There
are usually two sides to these questions. Would you care to comment
on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. We are operating under laws-some of them go back,
way back into the late thirties. The laws have never been reformed.
We have struggled for 8 years to get real reform in the farm laws with
a basic purpose of making the farm production more nearly responsive
to the demand. And we have tried to increase world demand, or at least
world consumption, through PL 480, by expanding markets-commercial
markets. That is one of the reasons that Secretary Benson has traveled
so much and is still traveling-to produce better markets. But to say that
Mr. Benson and the administration have brought this problem-this farm
problem into its acute stage, whether you call it disastrous or not, is just
to my mind a distortion that is used for political purposes, and nothing
else.
Q. Andrew F. Tully, Jr., Scripps-Howard Newspapers: Sir, there has
been considerable comment that Pilot Powers didn't have a chance
because the United States had already pleaded guilty for him. Do you
think now, in retrospect, that there might have been an alternative to our
acknowledging that flight?
THE PRESIDENT. To my mind, the young man, Powers, that found
himself in that position, could not possibly be repudiated by the Government. And therefore, to have tried to have done so would have made
him some kind of adventurous fellow that suddenly had designed, manufactured a plane, flew it for himself, for no reason whatsoever. Now, this
doesn't make sense to me. And as far as I am concerned, for my part
of this, taking responsibility for this kind of action, I have no reason for
thinking I would change my mind.
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Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Mr. President, in view of the
indictment of the Castro regime by the American Republics foreign
ministers, and particularly the United States white paper along this same
line, do you consider that the Cuban problem is now beyond the realm
of personal diplomacy, involving yourself; and as a second part, has the
Monroe Doctrine been effectively supplanted by the Rio and other nonintervention treaties?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, let's take the second part. From my viewpoint, Mr. Belair, I think that the Monroe Doctrine has by no means
been supplanted. It has been merely extended. When the Monroe
Doctrine was written and enunciated, it had in mind such things as
happened when the Austrians and the French-or an Austrian Emperor
with some French troops-came into Mexico. Times have changed, and
there are different kinds of penetration and subversion that can be very
dangerous to the welfare of the OAS.
Now, the OAS is an organization that, for a long, long time we have
been supporting, just as strongly as we can. We do want it to use its
collective influence, its moral and political influence, in straightening out
these things. But that does not, as I see it, inhibit any government, when
it comes down to-when the chips are finally down, to looking after its
own interests. They must be represented, of course-I mean they must
be protected, of course.
Q. Edward V. Koterba, United Features: Mr. President, in a followup
to Eddie Folliard's question, a Midwestern poll shows an apparent resurgence of strong support for the Republicans across the Farm Belt.
Sir, would you say this indicated a renewed confidence for Ezra Benson,
who one Republican referred to last week as a scapegoat for all the
farmers' troubles? And could you at this time, sir, give us your judgment
on this man who has served as your Secretary of Agriculture for 7%/2
years?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think I did that a couple of weeks ago, when
I said that I have never known a man who was more honest, more dedicated, and more informed in his particular work. He is, moreover, a
courageous man in presenting the views of the administration, and with
his work I have not only had the greatest sympathy, but wherever I could
possibly find a way to do it, I have supported exactly what he has been
trying to do.
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Now, I don't know about-anything about the effects in the Farm
Belt at this moment, for the simple reason I haven't had any recent
reports of opinion there. I do know this: in the long run, people respect
honesty and courage and selflessness in the governmental service. And
I don't believe that any of us should be so free as to crucify Secretary
Benson. I think he has done a wonderful service.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. President, have
you specific plans for active participation in the congressional campaigns
comparable to '56 and '58?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I have-as I recall, there are three tentative
dates that could be called political on my calendar. Now, I don't think
they have yet been announced, so I won't try to get things balled up by
being too quick about it. [Confers with Mr. Hagerty] Oh, September
29th. That is the fundraising-and I am going to speak in one of the
things. That will be a io-minute speech, something like that, during
the half hour.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: In the last 7Y2 years, sir, you
have appointed a great many Presidential commissions that have done
a great deal of very good work in studying various national problems.
My question is whether you have thought of getting those commissions
to bring their work up to date, so that their conclusions could be modernized and presented to your successor, to guide him at the end of the
election.
THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Mr. Reston, I didn't think of it in those same
terms. But you have put a thought in my head, and I am going to look
and see whether something of this kind could 'be done. I did appoint a
commission to look into all the administrative activities of the Government, and it reported some years back. And we have had the question
up right now, whether we should not either reappoint that one or appoint
a new one, and to bring this up, because it will take some months. And
so in the-since the commission would be questioning and investigating
people of real experience, that this would be something to turn over to a
successor and would be very valuable. I do not for a moment question
the value of this if we can find a practical way of doing these things.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, will you tell us
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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some of the big decisions that Mr. Nixon has participated in since you
have been in the White House and he, as Vice President, has been helping
you?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mrs. McClendon, no one participates in the
decisions. Now let's see, we just-I don't see why people can't understand this: no one can make a decision except me if it is in the national
executive area. I have all sorts of advisers, and one of the principal ones
is Mr. Nixon. But any Vice President that I should have, even if I did
not admire and respect Mr. Nixon as I do, I would still keep him close
in all these things, because I think any President owes it to the country
to have the next individual in line of succession completely aware of what
is going on. Otherwise, you have a break that is unconscionable and
unnecessary.
Now, if just when you talk about other people sharing a decision, how
can they? No one can, because then who is going to be responsible?
And because I have been raised as an Army individual and have used
staffs, I think you will find no staff has ever thought that they made a
decision as to what should be done or should not be done when I was a
commander. And I don't think anyone in the Government will find or
you can find anyone that would say differently.
Q. Lillian Levy, Science Service: Mr. President, on May I 3 you signed
an Executive order which allows each interested Federal agency to fix its
own radiation safety standards and to exceed, if it deems necessary, the
standards recommended by the Federal Radiation Council. Is there any
reason why the Executive order did not provide that any standards set by
the individual agency which would exceed the radiation safety levels
recommended by your Council be subject to review and approval by the
Federal Radiation Council which originally was established, I believe,
for the purpose of recommending radiation safety standards for all
agencies, so that the confusion and conflict-[laughter]-within an
agency between keeping to standards of safety on the one hand, and
performing its functions in developing nuclear energy on the other, might
be eliminated? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as a matter of fact, the question is sensible,
because I assume, from the way you have read it, that there could be some
confusion here if any excess radiation were allowed to escape and were
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not reported to the proper people. If the order is defective, I will try
to find out about it.'
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Mr. President, the Democrats apparently are going to let Congress go home without passing your
oft requested bill for additional Federal judgeships. They are apparently turning down your offer to share these between the two parties, in a
gamble that maybe they can get all of them next year. I wonder, sir, do
you think maybe they are playing politics with this, or are you going to
make another appeal to them before they leave?
THE PRESIDENT. They will have to make their own decision.
Whether they are just ignoring the welfare of the United States and the
administering of justice, or for any other reason, I don't know what it is.
But I think in every year that I have been here, I have recommended
these judges. And I don't know why it was not done.
Q. E. W. Kenworthy, New York Times: Reports from San Jose, sir,
this morning indicate that a number of the Latin American foreign ministers have been appealing to Mr. Roa, the Cuban Foreign Minister, to
speak moderately when his turn comes. Evidently, this has made some
impression, because it has been reported that Mr. Roa has asked Premier
Castro if he may moderate his remarks.
My question is whether you think the situation is really irretrievable.
You spoke just now of cooperation in these matters. Do you think it
would be useful if a number of heads of government of the American
Republics met with Mr. Castro to try to prevent this situation from
deteriorating any further?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course, every time you bring up this question of heads of government meeting, why then there is so much speculation, and then next you have almost an intention, and sometimes you
1 On May 13 the President approved seven recommendations contained in a memorandum entitled "Radiation Protection Guidance for Federal Agencies" addressed to
him by Secretary Arthur S. Flemming, who served as chairman of the Federal Radiation Council. The memorandum, prepared as a report by the Council following a
study of the hazards and use of radiation, was made public by the White House on
May I7 and was published together with the President's statement of approval in the
Federal Register of May i8, I960 (25 F.R. 4402).
A further memorandum from Chairman Flemming, made public on October 13 by
the White House, stated that I4 Federal agencies had indicated in replies to the
Council's letter of July 15 that they were conducting radiation protection activities in
accordance with the approved guides, and that no deviations from the guides were in
effect or planned at the time of reporting. Mr. Flemming noted that a mechanism
for regular reporting on these matters had been established.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 9602
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practically have your ticket bought-at least in the papers.
Now, I repeat what I have said many times. Whenever we can seea number of us, I mean, not only in our own Government but in othersthat something of this kind will be useful, I will always be ready to participate. By no means do I want to admit or charge that this situation
is irretrievable. Cuba has been one of our finest friends. We were the
ones that conducted the war that set them free. And when they got in
trouble, we had an occupation, back about i908, and again we set them
on their feet, and set them free. And we have had a long history of
friendly relationships, and we have tried to keep our hands out of their
internal political affairs. We have not tried to throw out someone we
didn't like, or anything like that.
So I would think that the very welfare of the Cuban people finally demands some kind of composition of the difficulties between the American states, including our own on the one hand and Cuba on the other.
Q. Carleton Kent, Chicago Sun-Times: Mr. President, a news story
based on another look at the Potsdam papers quotes Marshal Stalin as
having called you an honest man who turned over I35,000 German
soldiers to the Russians. Would you care to comment on this historical
footnote?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know about this. And now I have to
call on memory. Under the treaty, or the arrangements made by the
several allies-and remember then Russia was an ally-I was ordered to
go into the German-the prison camps in our areas and get these people
and send them back to Russia. How many there were, I don't remember.
But I do remember this: there was trouble because some of them didn't
want to go back. And even after the-I think the mass movement was
accomplished, then we had to allow on both sides of the line missions to
go in to search and to find out whether there was anyone else who should
go back to the country of origin.
Now, it is a feeble memory that I have, but that was the story, and I
don't remember that there was any I35,000. It strikes me there were
more but maybe I'm wrong.
Q. Rutherford M. Poats, United Press International: Mr. President,
a moment ago you expressed regret at the possibility that the conduct as
well as the issues in foreign affairs would become a major issue in the
campaign. There has also been published speculation that both candidates might try to outdo each other in demonstrating how they would
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stand up to Khrushchev. I wonder, sir, if you could elaborate on your
expression of regret and tell us whether you regard this issue of standing
up to Khrushchev as one of the dangers you see in bringing foreign policy
into the campaign.
THE PRESIDENT. It never even occurred to me to make that as one
of the basic issues-what to do with Mr. Khrushchev. I assumed that
anyone who has got strong convictions as to the line he should take in
negotiation to protect and advance the interests of his own country would
push them forthrightly and courageously, and the point of mannerisms
would not be particularly important.
Now, this other part of your question-my regret. You must remember
I was in the Army a long time, and I had no politics. I served my most
important military positions under two Democratic Presidents, and it
never occurred to me to-and certainly never occurred to any of themto ask me what my politics were, if any.
Now, it is in this kind-with this kind of a background, that I would
have hoped that our foreign affairs could be truly-and as a matter of
tradition almost-conducted in a bipartisan spirit, and true bipartisan
action.
If we are going to make these things such an important part of political
or partisan debate, I think it is a little bit too bad.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: Mr. President, according to published reports, anti-Catholic propaganda has
markedly increased in the campaign. You have already told us that as
far as you are concerned, a candidate's religion should not make any
difference and should not be an issue. But a man whom you have publicly esteemed, Evangelist Billy Graham, now says that it is a legitimate
issue and could be a decisive one in this election. Do you have any comments on that, and do you have any further thoughts on the problem in
general?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as I say, my usual answer to this, I go back to
the Constitution. We do have freedom of worship, and I think the Constitution means exactly what it says. And I think it is incumbent on all
of us to respect the rights of others.
Now, I haven't seen Billy Graham's statement, and therefore I don't
know whether it is in context or not.
I would say this: it should not be an issue. But I, on the other handI am not so naive that I think that in some areas it will not be. It is just
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
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almost certain, because as long as you have got strong emotional convictions and reactions in these areas, there is going to be some of it; you
can't help it. But I certainly never encouraged it. And I don't think
I would ever admit that it is really a legitimate question.
Q. Charles H. Mohr, Time Magazine: Mr. President, one of your
answers to a previous question raises this question: one of the issues in this
campaign is seeming to turn on the question of Mr. Nixon's experience,
and the Republicans to some extent almost want to claim that he has had
a great deal of practice at being President. Now, in answer to the other
question, I wonder if it would be fair to assume that what you mean is
that he has been primarily an observer and not a participant in the executive branch of the Government. In other words, many people have
been trying to get at the degree that he has-I don't want to use that
word "participated"-but acted in important decisions, and it is hard to
pin down.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it seems to me that there is some confusion
here-haziness-that possibly needs a lot of clarification.
I said he was not a part of decision-making. That has to be in the
mind and heart of one man. All right. Every commander that I have
ever known, or every leader, or every head of a big organization, has
needed and sought consultative conferences with his principal subordinates. In this case, they are normally Cabinet officers. They include also
such people as the head of GSA, the Budget Bureau, and the Vice President as one of the very top. So the Vice President has participated for 8
years, or 7 i years, in all of the consultative meetings that have been held.
And he has never hesitated-and if he had I would have been quite
disappointed-he has never hesitated to express his opinion, and when
he has been asked for it, expressed his opinion in terms of recommendation as to decision. But no one, and no matter how many differences or
whether they are all unanimous-no one has the decisive power. There
is no voting.
It is just-you could take this body here, and say, "Look, we are going
to do something about the streets down here, about parking around here
for you people." All right. Now, everybody has got his say. But I have
to handle, let's say, around the White House, and so who is going to
decide-I am; not this body. So Mr. Nixon has taken a full part in
every principal discussion.
Q. Mr. Mohr: We understand that the power of decision is entirely
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yours, Mr. President. I just wondered if you could give us an example of
a major idea of his that you had adopted in that role, as the decider and
finalTHE PRESIDENT. If you give me a week, I might think of one. I don't
remember.
Jack Bell, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- 10:30 to II:oI o'clock on Wednesday
dred and ninetieth news conference was morning, August 24, I960. In attendheld in the Executive Office Building from ance: 203.
269 If Statement by the President on the 4oth
Anniversary of the Women's Suffrage Amendment.
August 26, 1960
FORTY YEARS AGO today, the I9th Amendment to the Constitution
of the United States became effective. This Amendment gave the women
of America the right to become full voting partners with the men of
America.
In observing this anniversary, it is fitting to honor such women as
Susan B. Anthony and Carrie Chapman Catt whose courageous work
paved the way for the passage of the i9th Amendment. I would also
like to pay tribute to the women of today who exercise their inherited
voting rights with pride and judgment. Their lively political concernat election time and whenever an issue of public moment arises in their
communities-contributes greatly to the strength of our local, State and
Federal Governments. As they study the issues, work for their Party's
candidates, and cast their responsible ballots at the polls, they illustrate
to people the world over the privileges and rights of a free society, selecting
by free choice the leaders who will represent them in the nation and the
world.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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270 41 StatementbythePresidentConcerning
Mutual Security Appropriations.
August 26, i960
I AM gravely concerned by the Conference action on Mutual Security
appropriations.
I have repeatedly stated that the appropriation of the full $4,o86 million authorized is vitally needed. Moreover, needs which have developed
since my original request, particularly the emergency in the Congo, have
made necessary an additional $ ioo million for the Contingency Fund.
Only day before yesterday, by a 67-26 vote, the Senate approved the
additional $ i oo million and at the same time increased last month's House
appropriation of $3,584 million by $297 million. The Conference, while
approving the $ioo million increase in Contingency funds, virtually disregarded the Senate restoration in the basic Mutual Security budget. It
accepted only $3 i million-one-tenth of the $297 million restoration that
the Senate had just overwhelmingly approved.
In short, the Conference recognized the need for $ioo million of new
funds but at the same time slashed by $265 million the budget to which
these new funds are to be added.
This cut would sharply curtail support indispensable to the defense of
allies now under intensified Soviet pressure and deny aid urgently needed
by other friendly nations struggling under the gravest difficulties to make
progress in freedom.
Not only are the funds now provided by the Conference inadequate,
but also a number of administrative restrictions were retained which
would impair the management of the Mutual Security Program.
Surely, in the world situation now confronting our country, the Congress will not accept these recommendations which fall so short of the
need.
I urge that this appropriation be returned to Conference. We must,
for America, correct its deficiencies.
A Congressional rejection of this request will hamper greatly the
Nation's Chief Executive who succeeds me next January. Upon him will
fall the heavy responsibility of continuing to guide our country in a
troubled world. He, no less than I, must have adequate funds to do the
job.
60295-61 45
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NOTE: The President's statement was re- Agencies Appropriation Act, i96i (Pub.
leased with the letters comprising Items Law 86-704, 74 Stat. 776), was approved
2 7 I and 2 72, below. September 2, I 960.
The Mutual Security and Related
27 I 4T Letter to the Majority and Minority
Leaders of the Senate on Mutual Security
Appropriations. August 26, I960
Dear Senator
I am deeply disturbed by the action yesterday of the conference on
the mutual security appropriation. I cannot state too strongly my belief
that a cut of this size will jeopardize the security of the country.
I hope the Senate will reject the Conference Report should the House
approve it. Both political parties and all of the major national candidates are publicly committed to the support of an adequate mutual
security program. No one can responsibly contend that this Conference
Report and the amounts approved constitute adequacy in today's world.
In view of the world-wide scope of this program and the necessity for
planning so far ahead in such an effort, time is of the essence. These
critical matters simply will not wait until the Congress returns in January,
then to assess the results of its actions taken now. There is at the moment
such an acceleration of events in the world that we must be forearmed
at all times and ready to deal with critical situations as they develop. It
must be evident to the Congress from the speed with which the situation
in Africa recently developed that we must stay ready and that our free
world security programs, economic and military, must be kept continuously adequate. Postponement of these funds needed now may irretrievably cripple us later.
I enclose a public statement that I have just released.
I am sending an identical letter to Senator (Johnson) (Dirksen) and
similar communications to the House Leaders.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: This is the text of identical letters McKinley Dirksen, Majority and Minority
addressed to the Honorable Lyndon B. Leaders of the Senate, respectively.
Johnson and to the Honorable Everett For the public statement, see Item 270.
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([ 272
2 7 2 o4 Letter to the Speaker and to the Minority
Leader of the House of Representatives on Mutual
Security Appropriations. August 26, I 960
Dear Mr.
I am deeply disturbed by the action yesterday of the conference on the
mutual security appropriation. I cannot state too strongly my belief that
a cut of this size will jeopardize the security of the country.
I am writing Senator Johnson and Senator Dirksen urging that the
Senate reject this Conference Report should, despite all our efforts, the
House approve it. I hope I can count on your cooperation in leading the
House to recommit the bill so that the final action can conform fully to
the national interest.
Both political parties and all of the major national candidates are publicly committed to the support of an adequate mutual security program.
No one can responsibly contend that this Conference Report and the
amounts approved constitute adequacy in today's world.
In view of the world-wide scope of this program and the necessity for
planning so far ahead in such an effort, time is of the essence. These
critical matters simply will not wait until the Congress returns in January, then to assess the results of its actions taken now. There is at the
moment such an acceleration of events in the world that we must be
forearmed at all times and ready to deal with critical situations as they
develop. It must be evident to the Congress from the speed with which
the situation in Africa recently developed that we must stay ready and
that our free world security programs, economic and military, must be
kept continuously adequate. Postponement of these funds needed now
may irretrievably cripple us later.
I enclose a public statement that I have just released.
I am sending an identical letter to (Speaker Rayburn) (Mr. Halleck).
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: This is the text of identical letters Speaker and Minority Leader of the
addressed to the Honorable Sam Rayburn House of Representatives, respectively.
and to the Honorable Charles A. Halleck, For the public statement, see Item 270.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
273 4J Message to President Po Sun Yun of
Korea. August 29, i960
Dear Mr. President:
It is with great pleasure that I extend my congratulations and best
wishes to you upon your assumption of the office of President of the Republic of Korea.
I wish you all success in discharging the responsibilities of this high
office, your accession to which bears eloquent testimony to the trust and
confidence reposed in you as a distinguished leader of a great people.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
274 eT Message to Prime Minister Chang Myon
of Korea. August 29, I 960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
Please accept my congratulations and warm good wishes upon your
accession to the post of Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea. This
honor is fitting recognition of your record of distinguished service to your
country.
I remember with pleasure our enjoyable and useful conversation at
breakfast during my visit to Seoul, and I wish you every success in carrying out the heavy burden of your office and in fulfilling the trust which
has been placed in your hands.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 276
275 I Letter to Judge E. Barrett Prettyman
Requesting Him To Serve as Chairman of the
President's Conference on Administrative
Procedure. August 29, i960
Dear Judge Prettyman:
The Chairmen of six of the independent regulatory agencies of the
Federal government, in a letter to me dated August 25, I960, a copy of
which is enclosed, have proposed that there be a new President's Conference looking to a continuation of the study of administrative problems
such as was achieved under the President's Conference on Administrative
Procedure in 1953-54 under your leadership. I have concurred in their
proposal.
I have also received from the Chief Justice a strong recommendation
for such a Conference and the endorsement of the Judicial Conference
of the District of Columbia, the American Bar Association and the Federal Bar Association. It would appear that the Conference would be
advisory, provide for the exchange of information and experience, and
make such suggestions as might reasonably improve agency procedure.
The suggestion, which I heartily approve, has been made that you act
as Temporary Chairman of the Conference and arrange for its initial
organization. I earnestly hope that you will be willing to do so.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Judge Prettyman was serving as The letter from the Chairmen of the
Chief Judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals six regulatory agencies was released with
for the District of Columbia. the President's letter to Judge Prettyman.
276 e Remarks at the Assembly Session of the
American Bar Association. August 29, I960
President Randall, Mr. Chief Justice, distinguished guests from many
nations, members of the American Bar, and friends:
It is a great privilege and a personal honor to be permitted to welcome
this body to the Nation's Capital and to address to you a few thoughts
that I should like to bring to your attention.
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We are, of course, flattered and complimented that such a group would
come from abroad to meet with our own Bar Association in studying and
contemplating common problems and seeking some kind of common
solution. We are particularly complimented by the arrival of 700 British
members to this conference. Our own lawyers have told me about the
hearty welcome they received when they went to British shores a couple
of years ago, but there is more significance in the British-American
lawyer relationship than mere exchange of visits in such groups as this.
There were 55 drafters of our Constitution. Of those, 34 were students
of law and most of them had studied law in Britain. The writers of our
Constitution were heirs to centuries of development and practice of law
in Britain, and when it came to the time for publication of that document-which Gladstone said was the most wonderful work that ever
came out of the mind and purpose of men at a single time-they were
well aware of all of this legal history. They were aware of what was then
modern thinking in the development of law, and there is no question
whatsoever that our Constitution, as we know it, could not have been
written in 1787 except for this great heritage obtained from the mother
country.
It was probably no mere coincidence that one authority says that in
the decade of the I780's there was a higher proportion of able and
distinguished Americans dedicated and committed to public service than
at any other time in our entire history. And from that decade we received this great and lasting document.
Now, of course, as much as we value our friendship with Britain and
our close relationship with her as inheritors of all these values, we seek,
hope for, and value friends everywhere in the world-and more especially in what we call the free world.
It is my conviction that such friends and such relationships can be
obtained and held only under a rule of law-a law that can develop and
maintain the relationships between nations that domestic law maintains
and develops among individuals.
Of course, all of us understand that the rule of law among nations
cannot, in any near future, have behind it the force of national power
that obtains in every free nation. But there is a mighty force behind it,
and that is world opinion. World opinion is not lightly to be disregarded. Both in the constitution of such a court and in the observance
of its decisions and opinions, anyone who does so flagrantly disregard its
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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authority and prestige will be guilty of a very grievous error.
It strikes me that of all of the people who should work for the rule of
law, lawyers should be among the forefront. I cannot conceive that
a good lawyer can think primarily-and above anything else-of the
size of his fee or the success he may have in achieving a good verdict for
his client. He is, I think above all, a public servant. He serves our
courts, as in all free countries, in order that the Nation, as we know it,
may prosper and be strong. In that atmosphere his client likewise can
prosper, and be confident of receiving justice in any quarrel with his
fellows, whether it is civil or any other kind.
So within the domestic scene lawyers uphold this main purpose of
service. I think we must extend our minds to the breadth of the earth
when we speak of law that is comparable to the kind of law we so respect
within our own nations.
Now, American lawyers are not always right. I know they can't
always be right, because they have differences. By the way, here I might
tell one little story. I had a friend who was just out of law school, and
not having many other things occupying his attention, it was his habit to
go into the local courts, possibly hoping for a piece of business to come
his way, but to learn about the practices and procedures of the courts.
Well, one day there was a man held under a charge of petty larceny,
and the judge turned to him and said, "I'm sure you know you' are entitled to a lawyer. Do you have one?"
''No, he said.
"Do you want the court to appoint one?" Yes, he thought he should.
And the judge said, "Well, we have three available. Here is Mr. Allen,
and here is Mr. Blair, and Mr. Kirk is another, but not here just now.
These three are available. Have you got any choice?"
He looked at the two. present, and said, "The other one!"
Now, I am not saying that the American lawyers are either of the two
in the room or the other one who was selected. The fact is that American lawyers do have differing characteristics and convictions. They
differ very strongly about America's relationship to the World Court.'
I am not a lawyer, and so they don't have to pay much attention to my
opinions. But, far be it from me to fail to express it.
1 Resolutions relating to the Connally Reservation concerning U.S. participation in
the World Court were under consideration by the Bar Association at this time.
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In so expressing it, the first thing I wvant to say is this: are we seeking
peace with justice? Which means, are we seeking a world of law, or
are we seeking to find ways in which we can cater to our own views and
ideas in the legal field rather than to put our minds to, finding some way
of achieving peace?
So, while I have been criticized-and praised also, in other instancesfor asking for the deletion of the self-judging clause in our laws, I believe
that this is one of those times where we must put our minds onl the major
issue. We must adopt a rule of reason. Let's not ask for defeat by pleading every kind of petty or important obstacle that can be imagined, not
every kind of difficulty that might be in the wray of a perfect administration of international justice.
What we ought to put our eyes on is what is now attainable, including
methods and schemes and plans. Under the world as we know it, and
with our eyes on the rule of reason, we must take a stand that will make
this accomplishment realizable.
So I merely say-and unfortunately, I have a lawyer in my own family
whom I haven't yet converted-I merely say to all of them: "Look at the
great objective, look what peace means."
How are we ever going to travel that road unless we are ready to make
some concessions-concessions that, as I see it, cannot possibly hurt us?
So, with that little contribution to your own family quarrel, I have just
one other statement to make. There was apparently some kind of agreement that involved a degree of selection in the guests who are to come
to the White House this evening for the garden party. And I believe the
confusion came about through the anxiety of your officers to make sure
that everybody could get into an area that is, after all, limited in size,
I want to tell you that I still believe in keeping the brighter, larger goal
in front of my eyes, not its difficulties. I say to you, all are welcome, and
I shall expect you this evening at 6 o'clock-or 7, whatever it is. You
will have to get detailed instructions from your own president, but I
expect to see you.
Goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at 2:40 p.m. sociation, and to Chief Justice Earl
at the Sheraton-Park Hotel in Washing- Warren. Near the close of his remarks he
ton. In his opening words he referred to referred to his older brother, Edgar EisenJohn D. Randall, President of the As- hower. who attended the meeting.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(1 278
277 4J Message to the King of Jordan on the
Death of Prime Minister Hazza al-Majali.
August 30, I960
Your Majesty:
It is with profound regret and sorrow that I have learned of the tragic
death of His Excellency Hazza al-Majali, Prime Minister of Jordan. I
know that you personally as well as the people of Jordan have suffered
a grievous loss through the wanton criminal act which resulted in his and
other deaths.
Please accept the sincerest condolences of the people of the United
States.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
278 eJ Remarks to a Group of Republican
Candidates for Congress. August 3 I, I 960
WELL, it's quite a ceremony we went through in there. I hope that the
pictures with each of you won't hurt any of you in your districts.
It is, of course, a very great honor for any man to receive the nomination of a major party for the Congress. So I congratulate you-each of
you-for the many steps you have taken to reach this point in your
political progress, and I wish you good luck in the election and in the
years to come.
There is a coincidence about i960 that may have escaped the notice
of some of you. The last time that all four of the principal candidates
on the national ticket came from or had had experience in the Congress
was in I86o-and that, I remind you, was a Republican year.
When I was a boy, 99 percent of the electorate voted for their Congressmen when they voted for the President. Now we have gotten to the
point that just under go percent of the population votes at the same time
for their Congressional nominee and for their national nominee.
I think this indicates that each of you has a job not merely of being
a member of a team that is promoting a common cause and promoting
a common philosophy. You have got to do a lot of walking and wearing
out of shoe leather and ringing of door bells and things on your own, not
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Public Papers of the Presidents
just leaving it to other people. You have got to meet everybody in your
district if you can.
Someone pointed out that among the qualifications that a candidate
must have is a personality that is outgiving. You cannot, I think, sit
inside an office and direct strategy and be remote. People have got to
know you, and they have got to like what they know. So I would say
four-fifths of our work is knowing what we want to do, promoting the
kind of country in which we want to live, and then working.
The other fifth is devoted to a number of other causes and activities.
But working and knowing what you are working for would be my
prescription.
I can't tell you how much I hope for each of you real success-resounding success. I am convinced that it is through such people as you
that we are going to keep this country secure, fiscally sound, and on the
straight, tough middle way to future progress.
And after all, no man has a right to be in politics unless he is thinking,
first of all, of the United States. I am sure that every single one of you
does.
Goodbye and good luck.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Rose dates, who were attending a conference
Garden at the White House. He was sponsored by the National Republican
photographed with each of the candi- Congressional Committee.
279 eI Remarks at the Fifth International
Congress on Nutrition. September I, I960
Dr. King, and ladies and gentlemen:
I am delighted to open this Fifth International Congress on Nutrition,
a Congress attended by representatives from 59 countries, including every
continent on the globe. Since you have previously met in London, Basel,
Amsterdam, and Paris, but this is your first visit to Washington, I bid
you a hearty welcome to this side of the Atlantic and to this city.
May I remark, President King, that I envy you in your association
with this Congress. You will not need to veto any of its actions. Now
this, of course, is because each of you is selflessly and wholeheartedly
dedicated to the advancement of a science that underlies human health.
You have come with a vision to build a better world, now and for years
to come.
668
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
Il 279
The twentieth century is unique in many ways-not the least of which
is the fact that ours is the first generation which has dared to think in
terms of food enough for all. And our age is the first to be deeply concerned about the quality as well as the quantity of the food supply. For
the first time in history, man's ancient enemies-hunger and malnutrition-are on the defensive. They are not whipped. But ours is the
first generation to catch the scent of victory.
Let me turn for a moment to one phase of the free world's campaign
against hunger, a program to send crop surpluses to needy areas. I
take as an example the case with which I am most familiar, that of my
own country. But first a word of caution. Any transaction involving
the transfer of commodities from one nation to another is of more than
bilateral interest. Thus, in moving our abundant surplus of food products overseas, we must be diligent to avoid disrupting the markets of
others. Irresponsible handling of our huge stocks of wheat, for example,
could unjustifiably harm a nation which is heavily dependent on foreign
exchange earnings from wheat and other cereal exports. My concern
regarding this problem is one of the reasons for recommending increased
use of the United Nations so as to distribute surplus crops under methods
that will benefit all.
During the past 6 years, the United States Government has sent more
than four thousand shiploads of food abroad in exchange for foreign
currencies.
In similar transactions, we have done or engaged to do things like the
following-to one country i 6 million tons of wheat and i million of rice;
for disaster relief, in earthquakes and hurricanes, 300 shiploads of food
have gone abroad-through voluntary charitable agencies 400 shiploads
of food to help 6o million stricken peoples.
Twelve hundred United States agricultural technicians are now working overseas, translating agricultural science into better living for the
world's millions. Last year we received more than three thousand agricultural visitors from other countries, who came here to study food production, agricultural research, and education, and to meet our farmers
and to see how they work.
We have loaned over $265 million abroad to build irrigation projects,
fertilizer plants, and to improve transportation facilities.
Now these activities of my own country are only a part of the total free
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world program to lift the scourge of hunger. Great efforts are being made
by the developing countries themselves. Much help has come from other
industrialized nations. The special agencies of the United Nations-the
World Health Organization, the United Children's Fund, and the Food
and Agriculture Organization-have all made outstanding contributions
in our common effort to eliminate hunger from this planet.
And the combined effort has been effective. There have been no major
famines in the free world during the past decade, and to my knowledge
this cannot be said of any previous decade. Nutritional levels in most of
the developing countries, while still distressingly low, have nevertheless
crept up slightly. World agriculture has generally kept abreast or ahead
of the population increase.
While we have thus helped lift production capabilities abroad, the
stream of agricultural and industrial exports from the more industrialized
nations has increased, not diminished. The reason is a simple one: a
better-fed neighbor is a better customer.
This is as it should be, and reflects the wisdom of programs which
meet current needs while building long-term self-reliance. To make the
recipient countries indefinitely dependent upon our assistance would be
disadvantageous to them and to us. Compassion and prudence are
equally important in this undertaking; our food-for-peace program partakes of both.
There is a Danish proverb which says: "You may light another's candle
at your own without loss." Indeed there is gain in the lighting of many
candles; in the brighter light we can all see better.
There are risks, indeed, in our undertaking. But the risks of failing to
face up to our opportunities are greater than those involved in considered
action. Political explosions can result, in a shrinking world, from a widening gap between the wealthy and the underdeveloped nations.
And science has given us a set of tools designed for human betterment.
Farm people, in the United States and elsewhere, have translated these
tools into a capability for constructive action. Though the task is gigantic,
we seek opportunity to move ahead rather than becoming preoccupied
with despair.
The world cups its ear to hear the rattling of rockets. It listens less
closely to the sounds of peace and well-being which emanate from the
slow but steady improvement in world health and nutrition.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
I 280
For centuries orators and writers have developed the habit of warning
about the crossroads that the world was facing at the very moment of the
particular speaking or writing. Many of these crossroads have existed
only in a lively imagination. Yet if history, which will one day view the
events of this period in perspective, could only say that it was at this
moment the world began truly to take the high road of health, and plenty,
leading toward peace, leaving forever the path of strife and anxiety, then
indeed would our great-grandchildren call this the brightest era of all
time.
To each of you, my best wishes for a successful Congress. To the
degree that you succeed, the human family in the nations here represented will step from under the shadow of want. This is the purpose that
has brought you half-way around the world. The earth's nearly three
billion people join me, I am sure, in my good wishes for your success.
And may God ever be your helper.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at I 1:05 tific Director of the Nutrition Foundation,
a.m. at the Sheraton-Park Hotel in Wash- Inc., of New York City, and President of
ington. His opening words "Dr. King" the Fifth International Congress on
referred to Dr. Charles Glen King, Scien- Nutrition.
280 4q Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill
Authorizing the Payment of Subsidies to Producers
of Lead and Zinc. September 2, I960
I HAVE WITHHELD approval of H.R. 8860, "To stabilize the mining
of lead and zinc by small domestic producers on public, Indian, and other
lands, and for other purposes."
H.R. 8860 authorizes lead and zinc subsidies based on the difference
between market prices and a price of 17 cents per pound for lead and
142 cents per pound for zinc. The subsidies would be paid on the output
of mines producing not more than 2,000 tons annually of each commodity.
The problems of our lead and zinc miners have caused me concern for
some time. To help solve these problems, the Administration has taken
administrative actions and has twice proposed legislation which the Congress did not enact. Thereafter, in October of 1958, I reduced imports
by imposing quantitative controls.
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Now the Congress has enacted H.R. 886o, but unfortunately it would
harm rather than help the lead-zinc industry. It would negate the progress of recent years, increase the problems of lead-zinc producers, subject
the market to instability, and burden our taxpayers with unsound subsidies. Apart from the fact that the appropriations authorized by the bill
would be completely inadequate to pay the proposed subsidies-with the
result that the bill's intended beneficiaries could be misled into production
for which they would not receive the promised subsidies-the bill has these
fatal defects:
First, H.R. 886o would intensify the industry's problems by generating
substantial additional production at the expense of other miners' jobs.
Its subsidies would induce the opening for full-time production of many
mines which are not now operating, some of which have operated only
intermittently in the past. The substantial additions to supply would
depress lead and zinc prices and thus cause cut-backs and lay-offs of mine
workers in the unsubsidized mines.
Second, the subsidized production induced by this bill would complicate, even frustrate, programs now in effect that are gradually bringing
the production and demand of these commodities into balance. As a
result of existing import controls and continuing international cooperation, the volume of imports is at the lowest levels, and constitutes the
smallest percentage of total lead-zinc in supply, in nearly a decade. This
has made it possible during I959 for domestic lead and zinc producers
to reduce excess stocks and to increase mine output. While consumption
of these two metals has been at disappointing levels, the domestic industry
should, with increased demand, again move rapidly forward to normal
and stable operation at reasonable prices. The depressed prices that
would result from the subsidy program would represent a backward step.
A lasting solution can best be achieved through a world-wide balance of
production and consumption, and that is the object of past and current
international consultations.
Third, approval of H.R. 886o would generate demands for equal
treatment and similar subsidies from other producers of lead and zinc as
well as producers of many other minerals. Such a system of subsidies
would make a substantial portion of domestic mining totally dependent
on Federal appropriations and would thereby lessen incentives for the
technological improvement vital to the continued health of American
mining.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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For these reasons, I am compelled to withhold my approval of H.R.
8860.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
281 l Letter to the Chairman, Civil Aeronautics
Board, Concerning International Local Service to
Regina, Saskatchewan. September 2, 1960
Dear Mr. Chairman:
I have reviewed the Board's recommendations in the Service to Regina
Case on the basis of the broad national welfare, foreign policy and defense
considerations, and other matters within my special responsibilities. I
am compelled to return the Board's proposed order without my approval.
International local service should not, in general, be instituted in the
absence of a reasonable probability that such service can survive. Can
it be expected, for example, that traffic on this route would expand sufficiently to satisfy the Board's present "use-it-or-lose-it" policy within the
three-year duration proposed for this certificate? If so, does the Board
find that the carrier's operations on this route could become self-supporting? And if these questions can be answered in a manner favorable to
certification, there remains the necessity of judging whether the subsidies
involved are or would become excessive.
These questions are not intended to be exhaustive but only to suggest
the difficulties of judging the public interest in this international case in
the absence of policy and findings more closely defined than I find in the
record before me.
On several occasions, as you know, I have expressed concern about the
great and increasing cost of government subsidies to local service airlines.
I hope that the Board will intensify its efforts to review and restate its
policies governing the certification and subsidization of local service.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
The Honorable Whitney Gillilland
Chairman, Civil Aeronautics Board
Washington, D.C.
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282 I Statement by the President: LaborDay.
September 5, 1960
IN THIS, my final Labor Day message as President, I reaffirm my faith
in the traditions of America's working men and women.
Over I84 years ago, the people of the thirteen colonies declared themselves free, proclaiming their purpose of upholding the principles of
justice, dignity, and equal opportunity for each citizen in the land. Upon
the foundation of these principles Americans have built a dynamic society
which has earned the respect and raised the hopes of working people
throughout the world.
As a Nation of free men and women, we have worked-with abundant
success-to convert our principles into reality. By freely asserting our
rights as citizens, we have improved our standard of living, bettered our
working conditions, and achieved greater security for ourselves and our
families than any other society in the history of mankind.
Today we are challenged to show that our society can make progress
in freedom-challenged by an aggressive rival, communism, which seeks
adherents to its brand of progress. This rival system is based upon an
attitude of life diametrically opposed to ours. Under its flag, the individual worker is harnessed to an enterprise directed by the State. Their
system is a powerful machine, capable and ruthless, but it lacks one
essential element: the spark of freedom which Americans hold most
dear, and without which no sustained or satisfying achievement is possible.
On Labor Day I960, I am proud to salute the working men and
women of America.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
283 j4 Remarks at the Dedication of a New
Building at the Industrial College of the Armed
Forces, Fort McNair. September 6, 1960
General Mundy, General Lemnitzer, the Chiefs of Staff of the Services,
and friends of the Industrial College:
It is a distinct pleasure to come here and take part in the ceremony
dedicating this new building to the service of the United States. This
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
( 283
structure is a far cry from the humble habitation of the old Army Industrial College with which I was identified in the early thirties, just as the
atomic-age curriculum of this year's class is far removed from the course
of study in the college almost three decades ago.
Before I give to you the few thoughts I have-before formally dedicating this building-I think it might be fitting for me to indulge in a
few of the reminiscences to which Mr. Ward has alluded, as he told you
about the beginnings of this Industrial College.
I came into the Office of the Assistant Secretary of War about I930,
when the Industrial College was limping along in its course for about 7
years. Limping, I assure you, is an exaggeration of the progress it was
making.
But a few civilians had a great vision. The one with whom I came
in closest contact was Mr. Baruch. When I was assigned to the Assistant
Secretary's Office and told that one of my principal functions would be
to be a liaison with the Industrial College, because the Assistant Secretary
of War was then its boss, I thought that my career in the Army had come
to an end. Service people at that time looked down a very long and
disdainful nose when they thought about the Industrial College and its
mission-indeed, they rather thought that it had no mission.
I was impressed here today by two of the speakers talking about the
quality of the officers selected now for these classes. At the time I am
talking about, selection was completely in the hands of the Chief of the
Supply Services of the Army, and that officer had trouble in filling the
quotas. Because they did, the Industrial College became known among
the knowledgeable as rather a year of rest for the poor officer who no
longer was desired by his chief but who nevertheless had a long record
on which he could not be classed B.
In fact, so wide was the difference of outlook on the part of those who
really had the vision about the Industrial College, that the Chief of Staff,
in my time, issued instructions to his general staff that they would not
enter the Office of the Assistant Secretary of War, because he felt that
they would, apparently, thereby be contaminated.
If I have any claim to the allegation that I have helped toward the
development of this College at all, it came about by one thing: I had just
come recently from the Army War College-the building right across the
way-and I had found out, working under the Assistant Secretary of War
and the Chief of Staff, that officers could come there only if they qualified
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in the very highest ranks so far as their particular and respective fitness
reports and efficiency reports were concerned. Well, I thought this was
a good idea, if we were going to raise the quality of the Industrial College.
So I induced our bosses to say no one could come to the Industrial College
as a student, unless his efficiency report in quality fell within a certain
high category of priority and excellence.
Well, there was a great outcry. There were many people that were
going to be taken out of some comfortable billets and we did have to make
a compromise to say that those who were then currently in the school
would not be fired. But from that time on, people began to realize there
was a distinction to be assigned to this school. Why? Because they knew
among their fellows that their efficiency reports were high and this was
an advertisement that never ceased to have a great deal of effect on the
character of this school.
I lived in that atmosphere, I think, until I935, and I can tell you that
even within those very few years, the change, in spite of the meager
accommodations that we then had, was indeed remarkable.
Times indeed have changed. In I930 few among us gave serious and
comprehensive thought to national security. The defense budget totaled
a bit over i percent of our gross national product. The United States
Army, which included the Air Corps and the Philippine Scouts, totaled
some I40,000 people. In the Armed Forces even a sketchy knowledge
of tactics was deemed far more important than the deepest understanding
of the productive capacity of the United States. Indeed one of the purposes of the Industrial College was to bring about a firm and permanent
relationship between the fighting forces and the economy on which they
necessarily had to exist.
Today, national security is one of the central facts of our existence.
Ten percent of our gross national product is devoted to it; over one-third
of our scientists and engineers are engaged in it; half our research moneys
are committed to it. No fewer than five million of our citizens are directly
and wholly involved in its programs.
Thus there has been an intrusion of defense matters into our national
life on a scale never before approached except in time of war. And this
condition will continue until powerful aggressors renounce their aims of
world conquest. Until that time arrives, our first priority task is to
develop and sustain a deterrent commanding the respect of any potential
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aggressor and to prepare to face resolutely the dangers of any possible war.
At the same time, we of course cannot neglect the vital problems of a
nation at peace. This places a heavy responsibility upon Government
and especially upon those charged with the management of the human
and material resources which we devote to our national security. The
wise and prudent administration of the vast resources required by defense
calls for extraordinary skill in meshing the military, political, economic,
and social machinery of our modern life. It requires the finest understanding of how a complex industrial economy may best be put at the
service of the Nation's defense so that the greatest effective use is made
of resources with a minimum of waste and misapplication.
Our liberties rest with our people, upon the scope and depth of their
understanding of the spiritual, political, and economic realities which
underlie our national purpose and sustain our Nation's security. It is
the high mission of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces to develop
such understanding among our people and their military and civilian
leaders. So doing, we will make the wisest use of our own resources in
promoting our common defense. The Industrial College has been a
guidepost pointing to the greatly increased quality of our defensive capacity; it must continue to point to an ever-ascending progress for the years
ahead.
This splendid structure, which now we dedicate, will enable the College
to do its work more efficiently, and it is a tribute to the continuing high
public esteem in which it is held. To all who had a part in making this
possible, I offer my warm congratulations, and officially dedicate this
College to the service of the United States of America.
NOTE: The President's opening words the U.S. Army. Later he referred to J.
"General Mundy, General Lemnitzer" re- Carlton Ward, Jr., Chairman of the Board
ferred to Lt. Gen. George W. Mundy, of Advisers of the College, and Bernard
USAF, Commandant of the Industrial Baruch who lectured at the College durCollege of the Armed Forces, and Gen. ing the period of the President's associaLyman L. Lemnitzer, Chief of Staff of tion with it.
284 4f The President's News Conference of
September 7, I960
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning. Please sit down.
In a very depressing world picture that we see so often, there is one
bright spot that seems to me worthy of mention, and that is the settling of
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the Indus River water problem between Pakistan and India. I think
the world-at least, certainly, the free world-should offer a vote of thanks
to the people that have been so instrumental: not only President Ayub
and Prime Minister Nehru, but Eugene Black of the World Bank and
his deputy, Mr. Iliff. This has been brought about by long, patient negotiations with concessions on both sides, and among the governments that
of course necessarily had to assist in financing over and beyond what the
World Bank could do, and the countries themselves. In both cases I
know that this-particularly between the two governmental heads-this
negotiation has gone on for a long time. When I was in these two countries we talked about the matter, and their expressed intention there to
settle it has finally come to a fruition for which all of us should be very
grateful and gratified.
Q. Rutherford M. Poats, United Press International: Sir, in that connection can you suggest to us the breadth of the political possibilities in
this step toward a rapprochement between India and Pakistan? Do you
see this as a step toward, say, tackling the problem of Kashmir?
THE PRESIDENT. In this sense, yes: that with both these countries water
is a tremendous matter-problem, and the agreement here cannot fail to
lead, in my opinion, to the settlement of other problems about their
refugees and displaced persons, and even it might have some effect on this
very touchy question of Kashmir. Certainly that is the hope.
Q. Kenneth M. Scheibel, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. President, Vice
President Nixon has said that he will not make religion an issue in this
campaign. Now, the other day a prominent American said that the
Republican Party is bringing religion into the campaign as an issue
through the back door. Do you have any comment?
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Nixon and I agreed long ago that one thing that
we would never raise, and never mention, is the religious issue in this
coming campaign. I have made my position clear before this group, and
I suppose I do not need to repeat it.
I not only don't believe in voicing prejudice, I want to assure you I
feel none. And I am sure that Mr. Nixon feels exactly the same.
Now, the very need for-apparently for-protesting innocence in
this regard now, in itself, seems to exacerbate the situation rather than to
quiet it. I know of no one, certainly no Republican has come to me and
said, "I believe we should use religion as an issue," or intimate that he
intends to use it either locally or nationally. I do not believe that any
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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group of leaders has been more emphatic upon this point than have the
Republican leaders. And, I would hope that it could be one of those
subjects that could be laid on the shelf and forgotten until after the election is over.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President,
how do you evaluate reports from the Congo that Russian planes are being
used to transport troops outside U.N. jurisdiction?
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Scherer, that's one question I knew I was going
to get-[laughter]-and so, I have written an answer because I want to
make perfectly clear what we feel about it.
[Reading] The United States deplores the unilateral action of the Soviet
Union in supplying aircraft and other equipment for military purposes
to the Congo, thereby aggravating an already serious situation which finds
Africans killing other Africans. If these planes are flown by Soviet military personnel this would be contrary to the principles so far applied regarding use in the Congo of military contingents from the larger powers.
As far as I know, these rules have previously been upheld by the Soviet
Union itself. Therefore, it would be doubly serious if such participation
by military units were part of an operation in the civil war which has
recently taken on very ugly overtones.
The main responsibility in the case of the Congo has been thrown on
the United Nations as the only organization able to act without adding
to the risks of spreading the conflict. The United Nations maintains very
strict principles regarding foreign military intervention in the Congo or
in any country. I am sure that within the limits set by the Charter itself,
the United Nations is doing what it can to uphold these principles and will
do so in the future.
The constitutional structure of the Congo Republic is a question which
should be worked out peacefully by the Congolese themselves.
This objective is threatened by the Soviet action which seems to be
motivated entirely by the Soviet Union's political designs in Africa. I
must repeat that the United States takes a most serious view of this action
by the Soviet Union. In the interest of a peaceful solution in Africa,
acceptable to all parties concerned, I urge the Soviet Union to desist from
its unilateral activities and to demand its support-to lend its support
instead to the practice of collective effort through the United Nations.
[Ends reading]
And I might add that the United States intends to give its support to
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the United Nations to whatever they find it necessary within the limits
of the Charter to keep peace in this region.
Q. William McGaffin, Chicago Daily News: Sir, continuing this discussion upon a very grave question, do you-could you give us the benefit
of your thinking as far as you can within security reasons, on our chances
of keeping the lid on the Congo, of keeping it from succumbing to communism, and of avoiding another war, Korean-type war there?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know that you could describe the type
of war. I think this: this job can be done if others see the problem in
the same serious way that the United States, and I think the United
Nations, does see it. But if they, someone, or if the Soviets insist on acting
unilaterally, I can say this would create a situation that would indeed
be serious.
Q. Thomas N. Schroth, Congressional Quarterly: Sir, it's often been
said that you preferred to stand above politics. I wonder if you would
give us your views on the role of the Presidency in political campaigns,
and would you tell us whether you personally enjoy political activities?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, first of all, I of course am not responsible for
the opinions of others saying I like to stay above politics. I've never said
so. I recognize that I have, or have had, the responsibility to be the head
of a party, a party that upholds the basic philosophy that I believe to be
correct for application in this Nation to keep our economy strong and
expanding.
Now, believing that, and having been responsible for directing the
operations of the executive department for the past 7 Y2 years, it would be
odd if I simply became a sphinx and refused to show why I believe these
things and what were my hopes for it in the future. Now, I do think
this: I think that the President, as long as he is President, still has an
obligation to every single individual in this Nation. Therefore, the rule
of reason and of logic and of good sense has got to apply in these things
if a man in such position, concerned with the dignity of the office, concerned with its standing, he cannot just go out and be in the hustings
and shouting some of the things that we see stated often irresponsibly.
I believe he does have a right to make his views known to Americans
wherever they are.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: Sir, Senator
Kennedy said yesterday that you cannot get Mr. Khrushchev to bargain
seriously about peace either by arguing with him or smiling with him.
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Now, you've tried "summitry" and you tried inviting him here. Do you
think it would have been better if you had taken a tougher road, and
would you so advise Vice President Nixon?
THE PRESIDENT. What do you mean by "tougher road"?
Q. Mrs. Craig: Not stop nuclear testing, perhaps not had him here.
THE PRESIDENT. I don't see anything that would be tough about refusing to see a man as long as there was any possible chance of his
agreeing to one of the main efforts we are making toward disarmament.
I do not see that it is merely in, as part of the contest between, in perfecting weapons that we want to stop testing. We are talking about
everything we can do to bring some peace to the world; that's what we
are trying to do. Now, toughness comes in standing in front of the man
and telling him what you will do and you won't do. Our country is peaceable; we want peace. Is it tough just to say we won't even talk peace?
That makes-that seems to me to be silly. Now, I don't care who says
it, you have got to explore every avenue there is, and you've got to work
on it day and night and think about it day and night. And I am not
concerned about any criticism about my past actions. I have worked
for what I thought was the good of the United States and the peace of
the world, and I will continue to do so.
Q. William H. Y. Knighton, Jr., Baltimore Sun: Mr. President, on a
less serious subject, it appears as though now the world series will be
played possibly only 40 miles from here. [Laughter] Would you consider attending one of the games, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes, sir.
Q. Mr. Knighton: Thank you.
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, on a more serious
subject again-[laughter]-you have indicated that you are considering
going to the United Nations General Assembly and I am wondering if
you have made your decision to go, if you could tell us about that decision; and, secondly, will you possibly see Mr. Khrushchev when he's
here?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would think the chances of the latter were
very, very slim indeed. And there would have to, again, to be some
conditions fulfilled because-before that could happen.
I think we must start off with this premise: we must respect the United
Nations; we must believe in the United Nations or the case for relieving
some of the burdens that mankind is now carrying, for removing some
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of the worries and the fears that plague men's minds and hearts, will
never be achieved. Therefore, I do not intend to debase the United
Nations by being a party to a, well, a battle of invective and propaganda.
Now, I have been thinking even more this year than formerly of the
possibility of making a pilgrimage to the United Nations. I have done
it twice. But every year it comes up. This year there would appear to
be very definite reasons for going there, but at the same time I must insist
I am not going there in any attempt to, you might say, to debase that
organization in the minds of people everywhere.'
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President, would you
please give us your reaction to the recognition of Communist China by
the Castro regime in Cuba?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it seems that it's what you might have expected.
I think it is a very grave error.
Q. David Kraslow, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, there has been
quite a bit of soul searching of late about our national purpose. How
would you define our national purpose, and do you think the American
people are losing sight of it?
THE PRESIDENT. You know, I think there's a lot of talk about this.
The United States purpose was stated in its Declaration of Independence
and very definitely in the first ten amendments to the Constitution, and
as well as the preamble to that document.
I am not concerned about America losing its sense of purpose. We
may not be articulate about it, and we may not give daily the kind of
thought to it that we should; but I believe America wants to live first in
freedom and the kind of liberty that is guaranteed to us through our
founding documents; and, secondly, they want to live at peace with all
their neighbors, so that we may jointly find a better life for humanity as
we go forward.
This, to me, is the simple purpose of the United States.
We have to take many avenues and routes to achieve it. We have to
keep tremendous defensive arrangements. We must help others in different fashions, but that is always the purpose, and I see no reason for blinking it or dimming it or being afraid to speak it.
1 On September 14 the Press Secretary announced that the President would go to
New York on the morning of September 22 for the purpose of addressing the General
Assembly of the United Nations. It was further stated that the President would make
specific proposals to the United Nations delegates at that time.
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Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, how do
you feel about these NSA defectors, and do you think there is anything
that should be done to try to prevent the hiring of this type by our top
security agencies?
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Arrowsmith, I don't know of anything that hasany internal or procedural problem-that has more engaged my attention
for these past years. And this is only natural, I think.
I was a commander of an enormous force, an allied force, in which the
dangers of leaks and defectors and spies in our midst were always very
great and I have possibly been more sensitive to the dangers to our country
as created by this kind of weakness, human weakness, than have most
people.
Now, I believe that an incident such as this shows that we must be always on the alert, very alert. I would think we must go through our
entire procedures to see if there is any one way we could better it. We have
every kind of organization-every kind of group-that is possible to be
party to these investigations into the backgrounds and character of the
people in sensitive positions. I believe we must continue to do so. And,
for my part, whenever it's a choice of the Nation's safety in keeping an
individual, I will do something to get him out of a place-where he cannot hurt us.
I recognize that even in Government-although Government employment is a privilege and not a right-that the rights of the individual
must be respected, but this incident, I believe, should be a lesson to all of
us that we must never cease our vigilance in the large and small places at
any time.
Q. M. Stewart Hensley, United Press International: Mr. President, you
have spoken of the Russian, use of Russian planes to transport Lumumba's
troops within the Congo. Do you have any evidence that the Russians,
in addition to this, are supplying any arms to Lumumba's forces?
THE PRESIDENT. I have no-and, as a matter of fact, two things: we
do not know as of now that there are any Russian [military] crews operating these planes, and we do not know that there are any weapons in the
cargoes.
Now, there were o planes that, on the request of the Russians, landed
in Athens on the condition that they were inspected for the character of
their cargo and it was all of a legitimate type for peaceful uses. But I
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believe, understand that there have been no more requests made to land
at Athens. [Confers with Mr. Hagerty]
Well, Russian military crews, I'll correct that.
Q. John Scali, Associated Press: Mr. President, in answer to an earlier
question you said you thought the chances were very, very slim of your
meeting with Premier Khrushchev until some conditions were fulfilled
beforehand. Could you spell that out a bit; by "conditions" would you
have in mind something like freeing the RB-47 fliers which they are now
holding in jail?
THE PRESIDENT. That would be one thing that I would expect, yes.
But I don't believe I will go into the entire gamut of the possibilities. I
think I will let your imagination answer that one.
Q. Edward V. Koterba, United Features: Mr. President, again in
a lighter vein, on next October 4th, just io days before your 70th birthday, you will have passed the age record of Andrew Jackson who became
the oldest Chief Executive in history, as he left office at the age of 69
years, I I months, and I 9 days. As this milestone in presidential history
approaches, sir, could you give us a few hints on how you've succeeded
in maintaining such apparent good health despite the tremendous burdens
of your office?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, now, first of all, I believe it's a tradition in baseball that when a pitcher has a no-hitter going, no one reminds him of it.
[Laughter] So, I don't take it very kindly that you are taking for
granted that I am going to reach October 4th.
As a matter of fact, I see no particular virtue or not that a man should
be the eldest President ever to serve. I do, think about age in the terms
of two men that were going down the road, and one of them was very
woeful about the fact that he was getting into so many advanced years.
And he complained about this and all of the joys of youth and middle
age that he was now missing, and finally the other one could stand it no
longer and he says, "Well, I'm certainly glad I'm old." And the fellow
said, "Well, what's the matter; are you crazy?" "Well," he says, "considering when I was born, if I weren't old, I'd be dead." [Laughter]
Now, I, the way I feel of it, concerning, considering the day I was
born, why, I'm glad I'm old!
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Sir, the Congress has
gone home without acting on nearly all of the requests you made for
legislation. And Senator Kennedy and the other Democratic leaders are
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g96o
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saying it's mostly your fault, or the Republicans' fault. And I wondered
if you have other reasons than that.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, apparently this other-this other party then is
making me responsible for splitting theirs. I think that should be something for self-examination and not for calling for comment from me.
Next, they had a 2-to-I majority. They were in session for a long
time, and they did very little indeed.
I think the record was disappointing and certainly it was disappointing to me, but that isn't important. I think that it should be disappointing to the United States.
Within any little bit of give-and-take which, after all, is necessary in
the legislative process, we could certainly have had a reasonable raise
in the minimum wage. The administration had asked for it. We could
have had some schoolrooms constructed, and which would have been the
kind of thing that I think the Federal Government could well help out.
And we could have had other things like that done with a little bit of
give-and-take.
Now, I am not going to start castigating people for motives or anything else. I am merely relating the facts which I think are such as to
cause some disappointment, if not dismay, throughout the American
Nation.
Q. Mikhail R. Sagatelyan, Tass Telegraph Agency: Sir, at several
recent news conferences you repeated, repeatedly stated, that the United
States and you personally are ready to do everything which may appear
necessary for strengthening peace with justice, and mainly for progress
in the field of world disarmament. Would you, sir, tell us what new steps
for obtaining the above-mentioned aims the United States and you personally are going to make during the coming session of the General
Assembly in which a certain number of heads of governments will
participate?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know whether you can say that there is
anything new. There will be renewed effort made, there will be renewed
effort to place the whole record of America in this field before the world
again, to show where are the areas where we want to negotiate, concessions we are ready to make, the kind of agreements we are ready to
make, provided only that every agreement has with it the kind of control
and inspection that can make each side confident that both are acting
in good faith. That is the sole reservation we make in these negotia685
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tions, and I think it will be, of course, reemphasized.
Now, as far as any new proposal, I believe there have been one or two
made in the United Nations again about a good many tons of U-235,
and so on, ready to-[confers with Mr. Hagerty]-I think made byMr. Lodge made this before the United Nations just in a matter of a
month. We will continue to stand by such offers as that. But in every
place we will review the whole situation and say, "Here is what we stand
ready to do."
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, in appraising
the short session of Congress, how much responsibility do you think the
Southern Democrats and conservative Republicans, the coalition, must
bear for not getting through the domestic, social welfare legislation you
spoke of?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it turns out, Mr. Spivack, that this contest now
in which everybody is so interested, and in the context of which all of
this record of the Congress is viewed, is between Democrats and Republicans. So, there is where I would leave the Congress.
Q. Charles W. Roberts, Newsweek: Sir, in the statements made by
the two NSA defectors in Moscow, they indicated that they had made
known their unhappiness here, made to a Member of Congress, and there
was an indication that the State Department was informed that they
were unhappy and contemplating defection. I wonder if any reports
coming to you show that there was evidence anywhere in the Government
that these men were under surveillance or were suspected of defecting
prior to the time they left?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I haven't-this is a new statement in the thing,
so far as I am concerned. And, I would say this: the Defense Department has already made quite a statement in-and one of these men, I
believe, is-he was investigated by the, originally, by the Navy, the other
by the Army, and I think those two services could give you more detailed
information on this matter than I can. I know nothing about this, as
a specific charge.
Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- T0: 30 to I I: o I o'clock on Wednesday
dred and ninety-first news conference was morning, September 7, i960. In attendheld in the Executive Office Building from ance: 243.
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285 eI Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill
Concerning the Marking of Imported Articles and
Containers. September 7, I960
[ Released September 7, I960. Dated September 6, 1960 ]
I AM withholding my approval from H.R. 5054, "To amend the Tariff
Act of 1930 with respect to the marking of imported articles and
containers."
The bill would provide that new packaging for articles imported in
containers required by present law to be marked with the name of the
country of origin must be similarly marked by the repackager, whether
the importer, distributor, retailer, or other handler of the merchandise.
Goods in packages not so marked would be subject to seizure and forfeiture. The requirement could be waived only where found to necessitate
such substantial changes in customary trade practices as to cause "undue"
hardship.
H.R. 5054 runs counter to one of our major foreign policy objectivesthe reduction of unnecessary barriers and hindrances to trade. The
burdens the bill would impose are unnecessary because the Federal Trade
Commission requires the disclosure of the foreign origin of repackaged
imported articles when it is in the public interest to do so.
The United States and other principal trading nations of the world
have recognized that burdensome marking requirements can be a hindrance to trade and have agreed to the principle that such hindrances
should be reduced to a minimum. H.R. 5054 might well result in successive domestic handlers requiring written assurances of proper marking
in order to avoid the severe penalty of seizure and forfeiture. The cost
and the complications involved in such cumbersome paper work would
tend to discourage such imports. Moreover, this measure could prove
ultimately damaging to our export-expansion efforts, for needlessly restrictive action on our part could readily lead to similarly restrictive action
by other countries against American goods.
In addition, the bill would unnecessarily extend the Bureau of Customs
into new areas by requiring the Bureau to follow goods after they have
entered the stream of domestic commerce and to act against handlers of
merchandise who are not importers. The Bureau would be required to
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determine the nature of customary trade practices and the possibility of
"undue" hardship in a field outside its normal competence. Aside from
the unnecessary additional expense, these new responsibilities would be
most awkward for the Bureau to administer.
For these reasons I am withholding my approval of H.R. 5054.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
286 eI Message for the SEATO Day Ceremonies
at Bangkok. September 8, 1960
TODAY, the eighth of September, I960, marks the Sixth Anniversary of
the signing, at Manila, of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty
which brought into being the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, more
commonly known as SEATO. Joining together in accordance with the
purposes set forth in the charter of the United Nations, the member nations of SEATO-Australia, France, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thailand, the United Kingdom and the United States-have
demonstrated a firm adherence to the principle of equal rights and
self-determination of peoples, have subscribed to the attainment of selfgovernment through peaceful means and are supporting the development
of economic and social well-being of all peoples in the Treaty Area.
SEATO has, in its six years of existence, performed admirably the task
of coordinating the efforts of its members in collective defense for the
preservation of peace and security against the threat of Communist
imperialism. At the same time, SEATO's accomplishments in fostering
social and economic progress have been noteworthy. It is working towards the eradication of the scourge of cholera in Southeast Asia and is
conducting other medical research in the area. It is training and developing a needed reservoir of skilled Asian technicians. It is advancing education through grants of scholarships and fellowships, cultural exchanges
and lecture tours by persons eminent in their fields of achievement. It
has established a Graduate School of Engineering, now in its second
successful year in Bangkok, for the advanced training of Asian engineers
and scientists. It is currently planning for an area-wide radio meteorological network and for an institute of tropical agriculture. All these
constitute examples of the way SEATO is carrying out its objectives.
The United States is proud to share in these accomplishments and it
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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was honored by having the opportunity last May to act as host for the
Sixth Annual Meeting of the SEATO Council of Ministers in Washington. On that occasion I had the great honor and pleasure of greeting
personally the Council members, their senior civil and military advisers,
the Secretary-General and the Chief of the Military Planning Office of
SEATO. At the Sixth Annual Meeting, the member nations renewed
their pledges to insure mutual security, reaffirmed their determination to
resist Communist aggression and subversion and further developed their
plans to foster and support the economic and social advancement of the
Treaty Area. On this occasion, I am happy to reaffirm United States
support for these solemn pledges.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
287 eJ Remarks at the Dedication of the George
C. Marshall Space Flight Center, Huntsville,
Alabama. September 8, i960
Governor Patterson, Mrs. Marshall, Mayor Searcy, Dr. Glennan, Dr.
Von Braun, Members of the Congress here present, other distinguished
guests, and my fellow Americans-all of you:
It is always good to come back to our Southland, this region of traditional hospitality and friendliness. I thank you, Governor, for making
me feel so much at home, and so welcome in your State.
I have long looked forward to visiting this spot. I know that, for an
old foot soldier, it will be a revelation to see at firsthand the efforts here
under way to probe into the mysteries of the universe millions of miles
from our earth.
Already, in brief visits with your distinguished men of rocketry, I have
made a significant discovery of my own.
I find that the leaders of the new space science feel as if Venus and
Mars are more accessible to them than a regimental headquarters was
to me more than 40 years ago, when I was a platoon commander.
To move conceptually, in one generation, from the hundreds of yards
that once bounded my tactical world to the unending millions of miles
that beckon these men forward, is a startling transformation.
Now I freely admit to sentimentality in my contemplation of these
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advances, because so much of this dramatic accomplishment was pioneered in the United States Army, which until recently was my home
and my life.
Here, under Army guidance, Redstone and Jupiter and a whole family
of missiles have taken form. Here, too, was created Explorer I, America's first earth satellite. I share with the Army its gratification in these
trail-blazing achievements, which have their counterparts in other services. These achievements have thrilled the American people and won
plaudits throughout the world.
The momentum thus gained accelerates today under the civilian management of the new National Aeronautics and Space Administration,
guided by Dr. Glennan, and his Deputy, Dr. Dryden. The gifted scien
tists, engineers, and technicians who splendidly served the Army are now
eagerly developing, for this new organization, the gigantic launch vehicle
Saturn.
No doubt this mighty rocket system makes its presence known loudlypossibly too loudly-in Huntsville. But it is a significant forward step
in our conquest of space and for growth in human comprehension.
Already we have improved our understanding of matter, energy, motion, and life processes through our early efforts in space.
The characteristics of the radiation belts girdling the earth-the true
nature of our space environment, including solar storms-the appearance
of the earth's total cloud cover-the feasibility of a worldwide communications system utilizing satellites-these and other space ventures have
opened new vistas of thought, of understanding, and of opportunity.
These, of course, are only beginnings. This past month new milestones in space exploration have been headlined throughout the world.
As the months go by we shall see many more.
But marvel as we will at these technical achievements, we must not
overlook this truth:
All that we have already accomplished, and all in the future that we
shall achieve, is the outgrowth not of a soulless, barren technology, nor of
a grasping state imperialism. Rather, it is the product of unrestrained
human talent and energy restlessly probing for the betterment of humanity. We are propelled in these efforts by ingenuity and industry, by
courage to overcome disappointment and failure, by free-ranging imagination, by insistence upon excellence-with none of this imposed by fiat,
none of it ordered by a domineering bureaucracy. In this fact is proof
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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once again that hard work, toughness of spirit, and self-reliant enterprise
are not mere catchwords of an era dead and gone. They remain the
imperatives for the fulfillment of America's dream.
Not pushbuttons nor electronic devices, therefore, but superlative human qualities have brought success and fame to this place. These qualities I mention because they typify a distinguished American, George
Catlett Marshall, in whose name we carry forward this activity.
General Marshall was supremely endowed. He was a man of war,
yet a builder of peace-forceful and dynamic as a leader, calculating and
prudent in judgment, yet warmly regarded by his associates. He was
selfless, indeed self-effacing, yet known and admired throughout the
world. Though dominating in personal force, in action and thought he
was humble and considerate.
Northern born and Southern schooled, all-American through military
service, he ultimately became a citizen of the world. I, of course, knew
him best during the prosecution of World War II. I found him immune
to discouragement, relentless in carrying the war to the enemy, and unsparing of himself in his leadership of the great forces he directed. But
so profound was his devotion to the constructive works of peace, so outspokenly was he their advocate as Secretary of State, that he later became
the symbol of renewed hope for scores of millions of suffering people
through his great plan for Europe that will forever bear his name. He
became, in consequence, the only professional soldier ever to be honored
with the Nobel Peace Prize.
During his final 20 years he lived with, he counselled and influenced,
the greatest men and movements of his time. Through it all he remained
unaffected, reserved, completely disinterested in self, and dedicated to
our Nation's highest ideals.
We, participating in this brief ceremony, agree with Sir Winston
Churchill, who said that succeeding generations must not be allowed to
forget General Marshall's achievements and his example.
There are ways to do this that General Marshall would have prized
far more than what we do here today. It is not enough that we rest with
praise of his name.
But we can newly resolve to work ceaselessly, with all our hearts and
with such talents as we may possess, as he did throughout his life, for the
good of this land and its freedoms.
Thus we shall carry forward the noble mission of our Republic, ever
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striving to strengthen peace, ever advancing the cause of human liberty,
ever doing our best to build a better life for all.
That is what George Marshall would wish from us today.
In this spirit, and with deep satisfaction in having shared in this
tribute to a revered friend, I dedicate this, the George C. Marshall Space
Flight Center.
May this great Center be ever worthy of its honored name.
Now, Governor Patterson and friends, I have an additional comment
that is especially meaningful to me. With us is Katherine Marshall,
General Marshall's constant helpmeet during the world events of which
I have spoken. Without her inspiration, loyal support, and companionship, the great American whom we honor here today could not have
hoped to achieve the heights I have briefly outlined.
I salute this distinguished lady. I am, with all of you, delighted that
she could be with us today, as we permanently enshrine a bust of her
husband which will serve as an inspiration to all who work and visit here.
Mrs. Marshall, I would be deeply grateful if you would step forward
with me and unveil this sculpture of General George C. Marshall.
NOTE: The President spoke at 10:35 a.m. ville, T. Keith Glennan, Administrator,
in the Administration Building. His open- National Aeronautics and Space Admining words referred to John Patterson, istration, and Wernher von Braun, DirecGovernor of Alabama, Mrs. George C. tor of the George C. Marshall Space
Marshall, R. B. Searcy, Mayor of Hunts- Flight Center.
288 e Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for
the Relief of Raymond Baurkot.
September 9, i960
[ Released September 9, 1960. Dated September 8, I960 ]
I HAVE WITHHELD my approval from H.R. 6767, "For the relief of
Raymond Baurkot."
This bill would permit the filing of a tax refund claim that was in fact
filed after the deadline date set by law.
Public Law 85-859 provided for the refund of internal revenue taxes
paid on certain liquors lost as the result of a major disaster occurring prior
to the date of enactment, September 2, 1958. It required that claims be
filed on or before March 2, I959. The claimant filed on March I6, I959
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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for a refund of $382.IO paid in taxes on beer destroyed in a I955 flood.
He asserted that he had telephoned the branch office of the District Director's office in Easton, Pennsylvania, on February 26, I959, and was
informed by an unidentified person that he had a "couple of months" in
which to file.
The Easton branch office has no record of any such request for information from Mr. Baurkot. That office, moreover, does not itself handle
alcohol tax problems. Its standard procedure is to refer such inquiries to
the Assistant Regional Commissioner's office in Philadelphia which has
general supervision over such matters.
Information concerning Public Law 85-859 and its filing requirements were widely disseminated to the liquor industry by the Internal
Revenue Service. It appears that the claimant received the Industry
Circular published by the Service but thereafter misplaced it. This Circular set forth the March second deadline and specifically provided that
inquiries regarding claims should be addressed to the Assistant Regional
Commissioner's office.
Under these circumstances I am unable to approve this bill. The
statutory period of limitations, which the Congress has included in the
revenue system as a matter of sound policy, is essential to the achievement
of finality in tax administration. Efficient administration of the tax laws
is dependent upon taxpayers meeting statutory deadlines. To, grant special relief in this case would be to discriminate against other similarly
situated taxpayers and to create an undesirable precedent.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
289 qJ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill
Amending the Bankruptcy Act.
September 9, i960
[ Released September 9, I 960. Dated September 8, I 960]
I HAVE WITHHELD my approval of H.R. 7242, "To amend sections
I, 57j, 64a(5), 67b, 67c, and 70c of the Bankruptcy Act, and for other
purposes."
I recognize the need for legislation to solve certain problems regarding
the priority of liens in bankruptcy, but this bill is not a satisfactory solution.
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It would unduly and unnecessarily prejudice the sound administration
of Federal tax laws. In some cases, for example, mortgages would be
given an unwarranted priority over Federal tax liens even though the
mortgage is recorded after the filing of the tax lien.
This and other defects of the bill can, I believe, be corrected without
compromising its primary and commendable purpose. The Treasury
Department and the proponents of H.R. 7242 have been working toward
solution of recognized problems in present law. Further cooperative
effort should produce satisfactory legislation that would avoid the undesirable effects of this bill.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
290 eIT Remarks at the Openingof the
Republican Campaign, Friendship International
Airport Near Baltimore. September 12, I960
Mr. Vice President, Senator Lodge, my associates in Government of
whom I see so many here on the platform, and my friends:
When I was first invited to come over here this morning, I really demurred on the grounds that it was a mistake to have me here. This is
the starting of a campaign, and we have new faces, new energies, new
candidates. It seemed a time to just look forward, never backward.
Well, I was wrong, I think, because as an old war horse-sort of
smelling a bit of the dust of battle-I have not only changed my mind, I
am glad I am here. I am not even using the notes that I so laboriously
scrawled down. I just want to chat with you as I have so often in the
past.
First of all, I have heard this rain and this hurricane mentioned. To
my mind, it is a good omen. I recall that back in I952 in June, I was
finally persuaded to come back from Europe and announce that if nominated, I would be glad to run for the Presidency of the United States.
My first meeting was in Abilene, Kansas. And such a rainstorm you
have never seen. Then we had no nice big room where we could have a
ceremony. It was out in the ball park, and we had to take it. So I see
nothing at all to be downhearted about because there is a rainstorm that
impeded some of your movements.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I 290
Next, this seems to be a really good place to start a campaign such as
we are now beginning. You have a record of sending champions out
for the last couple of years-at least the Colts, as I understand, have been
champions. I expect you can sort of adopt Dick and Cabot as another
team and send them out also to win the championship. And I might
mention that right behind me here is a little boy carrying a unique sign.
It says: "I am for Nixon, I am for Lodge, I am for Blum." I am not
exactly sure who Mr. Blum is, but down at the bottom the sign says: "I
am for the Orioles." So I think this particular crowd at least could, by
adoption of Dick and Cabot into their teams, possibly bring some luck.
As Republicans, we have selected our leaders for a campaign and for
a Government that we hope and trust will be established in Washington for the next 4 years. They are going out as messengers-messengers
to carry to every nook and corner of this country the story of the record
that has been established by Republican leadership in the House, the
Senate, and in the executive department over the past years. They are
going out with a promise to build upon that record, respectful of its past
accomplishments, but never satisfied that the answers have yet been
reached to America's problems. They are going out, therefore, to stand
on the platform of the Republican Party as written in Chicago. They
are going to make pledges on their own part, as to the responsibilities
they see before them, and how they will carry them out and perform them
when elected.
They will do this honestly, as men of proved integrity. By no means
will they be placing before the American people something that they
think certain sections or certain groups may like, and do this presentation
only in the hope of attracting votes. Whatever they say to the American
people about programs, about pledges, will be a promise and a prelude
for action.
They are men of demonstrated capacity in every kind of activity in
carrying heavy responsibilities in the vicissitudes of foreign visits and in
carrying the American flag in the United Nations debate. We have, by
all odds, the finest team America could choose-for showing to America
what we as a Nation are standing for in the world, what we shall fight for.
We shall never be content with less.
They will fight, then, for peace. They will fight for those things that
should help us toward the road to peace. They will fight for disarmament, continuing the struggle that has been going on along these years, to
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find whether the two opposing camps cannot, by honest negotiation, lift
from the backs of men some of this burden that mankind is now condemned to carry.
There are many facets to this problem of disarmament. In the past
we have proposed every conceivable kind of approach to that problem.
They will possibly find new ones. But I know this: they will stand firm
on this one principle-we shall have methods by which the good faith of
each side may be proved, or we shall never lay down one single necessary
weapon of our own.
As long as the other side is willing to adopt methods which will show
the good faith of both sides-in other words, inspection-to see that both
sides are doing what they say they are doing, Dick and Cabot will never
cease, will never tire in this effort that means so much to people everywhere.
They will be concerned always also with the welfare, the progress of
our citizens. They will look for everything to inspire, to lead our people
to better heights, using Government where necessary, but depending first
of all upon the initiative, the pride, and the self-respect of every single
American individual wherever he is.
And of one thing they will always talk about-our liberties. They will
remind every American that we will never put personal convenience,
material gain, above our personal, priceless liberties. Because if ever we
put any other value above liberty and above principle, we shall lose both.
Now, my friends, I am not here to make a campaign speech. I was
supposed to be down by the airplane to say goodbye to two of my very
best friends in Government as they start on this pilgrimage-this campaign-for the benefit of the United States and the free world.
I believe they are-I repeat-the finest team that all America could
have chosen for this effort. All of us wish for them Godspeed and good
luck. And all of us-if I may speak now for you-each of you-pledge
them our support, even the little girl who was wearing a badge which
said: "If I were 21, I would vote for Nixon," right up to the oldest
patriarch-this whole audience-because across the board we need good
government, we need Nixon and Lodge.
Thank you very much and goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at 1o:27 a.m. David Blum, Republican candidate from
In the fourth paragraph he referred to the 7th Congressional District of Maryland.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 29I
291I Ii Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for
the Relief of Eric and Ida Mae Hjerpe.
September I4, i960
I AM withholding my approval from H.R. 2074, for the relief of Eric and
Ida Mae Hjerpe.
In their income tax return for I 952 these taxpayers reported as income
certain disability payments received by Mr. Hjerpe from his employer.
During I 952, however, the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit had
held such disability payments excludable from gross income, even though
the Internal Revenue Service had ruled to the contrary, and in I 957 the
United States Supreme Court affirmed.
The taxpayers' claim for refund, based upon the excludability of the
disability pay received by Mr. Hjerpe, was filed almost four years after
the I952 return had been filed and approximately i o012 months after the
expiration of the applicable three-year statutory period of limitations.
The claim was accordingly disallowed.
The last Congress enacted legislation to grant general relief, on a nondiscriminatory basis, to taxpayers who had paid income tax on disability
pay excludable from gross income under the Supreme Court decision.
Relief was not provided, however, for taxpayers who, as in the case at
hand, had not attempted to protect their rights by filing timely claims for
refund.
H.R. 2074 would direct the payment to Mr. and Mrs. Hjerpe of
$1,096.48 as a refund notwithstanding their late filing and failure to
qualify under the general relief legislation. The bill is similar to several
others from which I have withheld my approval in the past.
The statutory period of limitations, which the Congress has included
in the revenue system as a matter of sound policy, is essential in order to
achieve finality in tax administration. A substantial number of taxpayers
paid income tax on disability payments received by them and failed to
file timely claims for refund. To grant special relief in this case, where
a refund was not claimed within the time prescribed by law, would constitute a discrimination against other similarly situated taxpayers and
would create an undesirable precedent.
Under the circumstances, therefore, I am compelled to withhold my
approval of the bill. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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292 41 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for
the Relief of H. P. Lambert Company,
Incorporated, and Southeastern Drilling
Corporation. September I4, I960
I AM withholding my approval from H.R. 7618, a bill "For the relief
of H. P. Lambert Company, Incorporated, and Southeastern Drilling
Corporation."
The bill would waive the applicable statute of limitations and permit
a claim for refund of duty paid on certain non-dutiable equipment imported into the United States.
The claimants requested that certain oil field equipment be entered
under provisions of the Tariff Act affording duty-free status to property
originally manufactured in the United States. The equipment was admitted duty-free after the Lambert Company, the brokerage firm in the
case, had posted a bond to assure production of the documentation required to establish United States origin. At the request of the brokerage
firm, the time covered by the bond was extended on several occasions.
At the end of two years and when no further request for extension had
been received, customs officials personally contacted the firm and advised
that the duty would be payable if the requisite documentation were not
furnished promptly. Despite this notice and despite a subsequent assessment of the duty, of which the brokerage firm was apprised and which
it could have protested within 60 days, the Lambert Company failed to
produce proof of United States origin until after its consideration was
barred by applicable law and regulations.
Statutes of limitations should be set aside only when justified by compelling equitable considerations. No such considerations appear here.
The only extenuating circumstance advanced in this case is that the notice
of the assessment of duty was sent to the wrong party. I am advised,
however, that the notice was properly sent to the brokerage firm as the
party liable for the payment of duty. Furthermore, the firm, presumably
well-versed in the customs laws, had not only been given repeated extensions on the bond it posted but had also been specifically advised of the
imminence of an assessment of duty.
For these reasons, I am unable to approve this bill.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
698
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(9 2 94
293 eT Statement Recorded for the Opening of
the United Community Campaigns.
September I5, i960
IT IS a privilege to serve as an "advance herald" for the united community campaigns. From now until Thanksgiving, these charitable campaigns will be conducted in cities and towns across the country.
In your home town the campaign may be known either as the United
Fund or Community Chest. In both, many health and welfare agencies
join together to ask our help once a year, in one campaign.
Much depends on the results of these nationwide efforts. They supply
the funds for many of our local welfare groups and for some great national organizations like the American Red Cross and the USO. Money
given in these campaigns also goes to the support of health agencies and
medical research.
America has a proud reputation in the field of charity. It is true that
we have more of the world's goods than many other nations. But it is
also true that we share them generously, with the world and with each
other. We do this primarily, I believe, because our spiritual heritage
includes a deep sense of responsibility for our fellow men. The united
community campaigns testify to the vitality of this heritage.
294 eI Exchange of Letters Between the President
and Prime Minister Ikeda of Japan.
September i 6, I 960
Dear Mr. Prime AMinister:
I deeply appreciate the warm sentiment for the United States expressed
in your personal letter to me which Foreign Minister Kosaka handed to
Secretary Herter.
The American people share with the vast majority of Japanese the
earnest wish for lasting American-Japanese friendship. Let me assure you
that the American people fully understand the circumstances which led
to the request by your government to postpone my visit to Japan. I share
the regret, which you were kind enough to express, that the planned visit
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could not be carried out at that moment. But I assure you that the ties
that link Japan and the United States are much too strong to be impaired
by such momentary developments.
Rather than dwelling unnecessarily on events of the past, I would prefer to stress my great confidence in the future of relations between our
two countries. The partnership existing between Japan and the United
States today is built on a solid foundation of common interest, mutual
confidence, and mutual trust. I am certain that we can look forward with
assurance to even closer ties between our two countries in the coming
years. I trust, too, that at some future time I may have an opportunity to
accept your cordial invitation.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Prime Minister Ikeda's letter
follows:
My dear Mr. President:
It affords me the greatest of pleasure
to send this personal letter to you by our
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Kosaka,
who is visiting Washington to have a frank
exchange of views on matters of mutual
interest with your Secretary of State, Mr.
Herter, and other leaders of your country,
prior to attending the I5th General Assembly of the United Nations.
I wish to express my profound regrets
that the Japanese Government was compelled to ask you to postpone your visit
to our shores in June and, at the same
time, my deep gratitude for the sympathetic understanding shown by you, Mr.
President, and by the American people, of
the most unfortunate circumstances. I
also wish to convey to you the deep feeling of friendship which the overwhelming
majority of the Japanese people entertain
toward you and the American people and
our hopes that we shall be able to welcome you to our country in the near
future.
It is our affirmed policy to maintain
and to develop the broad basis of cooperation and partnership between our two
countries which have the common aim of
a peace based on freedom and justice and
the betterment of human welfare. I am
firmly resolved to adhere to this basic
policy and sincerely hope that the mutual
understanding between our two peoples
will be further strengthened and that our
relations of goodwill and friendship will
be further promoted.
Finally, I wish to take this opportunity
to express our sincere appreciation to you
for extending a cordial invitation to Their
Highnesses the Crown Prince and Crown
Princess to visit your country. I am confident that their forthcoming visit to your
country in this auspicious year which
marks the centennial of Japan-United
States relations will serve immeasurably
toward further cementing the ties of
friendship between our two peoples.
With kindest personal regards and best
wishes for your continued good health,
Sincerely yours,
HAYATO IKEDA
700
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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295 e Statement by the President Upon Signing
Bill Raising Support Prices for Butterfat and
Manufacturing Milk. September I6, I960
I HAVE TODAY signed S. 29I7, setting minimum price supports until
March 31, 1961 for butterfat and milk for manufacturing purposes. The
price of fluid milk, not subject to price support legislation, is not dealt
with in the bill.
In I954, the Congress turned away from rigid price supports and
authorized the administrative determination of price support levels, within
a stated range, so that agricultural production could be brought into line
with demand. S. 2917 elevates minimum support prices for butterfat and
manufacturing milk above present support levels and, if continued in
effect beyond its termination date, could pose the threat of a return to the
disastrous dairy surplus situation of only a few years ago.
The bill would have little practical effect, however, for present prices
in the market place for butterfat and manufacturing milk are, depending
on the item, above, at or only slightly below the minimum prices that
S. 2917 would establish. Moreover, the bill by its own terms will expire
on March 3 Ist of the new year.
The bill, therefore, can do little, if anything, to benefit the dairy farmer
and, even more important, will do him little harm. Nor should it add
materially to the cost of the Federal Government's dairy product price
support programs or have a significant effect, if any at all, on the prices of
dairy products to consumers.
For these reasons, and because I am mindful that the Congresswhich passed the bill overwhelmingly-has by its adjournment no opportunity to attempt to override a veto, I concluded that the bill could and
should be signed. These reasons seem to me the more compelling because
this is an election year. Had the bill been presented to me under different
circumstances, however, I doubtless would have withheld my approval
because the bill on its face violates long established and well-known policies of this Administration. But because its practical effects are negligible-and hence the violations more theoretical than real-I believe it my
duty this year to avoid so far as possible any action on my part that would
only serve to engender intensely partisan political charges and countercharges in the dairy regions.
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Early next year the new administration will be confronted with this
problem, but it will then be very real, for any extension of S. 29I7 would
pose the serious threat I have described. At that time, however, the
matter can be discussed and resolved in an atmosphere free of election
year politics. In that regard, I wish it to be perfectly clear that for my
part I shall continue to support the policy that agricultural production
must eventually be controlled by economic law rather than by political
maneuvering. Until this has happened, there can be no settlement of
the so-called "farm problem" and no sound prosperity for the family-size
farm.
NOTE: As enacted, S. 2917 is Public Law 86-799 (74 Stat. 1054).
296 e Statement by the President Concerning
the Attendance of Chiefs of State and Heads of
Government at the U.N. General Assembly.
September I7, i960
THE UNITED STATES Government and State and local authorities
are faced with an extremely difficult security problem in view of the forthcoming attendance at the United Nations General Assembly of nearly a
score of Chiefs of State or Heads of Government, several of whom have
been bitterly antagonistic to the United States.
In this situation, I am confident that I can count on the traditional
dignity and cooperation of our people. Although the Chiefs of State or
Heads of Government are coming to New York to attend the United
Nations and not to visit the United States, it is essential that their activities
in connection with the United Nations be in no way impaired. The
United States Government, by its Agreement with the United Nations,
has guaranteed free and unimpeded access to the United Nations so that
the representatives of foreign governments may properly discharge their
functions in connection with that organization.
The calm and reasonable conduct of our citizens will give a renewed
demonstration of our nation's sense of responsibility.
NOTE: The statement was released at Camp David, Md.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o
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297 eStatement by the President on the Signing
of the Treaty Between Pakistan and India Relating
to the Waters of the Indus River.
September i 9, i 96o
I WARMLY WELCOME the signing today at Karachi of the Treaty
between Pakistan and India by President Ayub and Prime Minister
Nehru on the use of the waters of the Indus River and its tributaries.
This brings to a salutary close a dispute of major proportions which had
existed between these two free world countries since their independence
I3 years ago. The livelihood of some 50 million people will be enhanced by the solution of this problem.
The peaceful settlement of this issue marks the inauguration of a new
chapter in the conduct of international relations wherein the expert
"good offices" of an international organization have served to assist two
equally determined nations to reconcile their opposing viewpoints andto reach an amicable agreement over a highly contentious dispute.
President Ayub and Prime Minister Nehru together with their representatives have demonstrated to the world a quality of the highest statesmanship in reaching the compromises necessary to an agreement on this.
question. President Eugene R. Black and Vice President W. A. B. Iliff
of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development deserve~
the highest praise for their years of patient effort in assisting India and,
Pakistan to negotiate their differences in this matter.
The World Bank must also be commended for subscribing its ownfinancial support and in enlisting the support of six friendly governments,
to participate in the financing of this enormous project of development.
of the Indus Basin, without which agreement would not have been pos —
sible despite the large investments being made by Pakistan and India,
themselves.
The United States is proud to be able to participate in this cooperative.
endeavor in the interest of the economic growth and security of thesenewly developing nations. It was with great interest that I was able todiscuss this matter with President Ayub and Prime Minister Nehru whenI was in their capitals last autumn.
The amicable and friendly resolution of this difficult issue with multi-v703
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lateral assistance is a striking example of the value of international
cooperation and good will in the pursuit of a lasting peace with justice
for all the world.
298 e Remarks to Members of the American
Nationalities for Nixon-Lodge.
September 19, 1960
SOMEONE told me there are 20 million Americans that are classed as
belonging to the Nationality Groups. I asked a few minutes ago why
aren't there I80 million that belong to the same groups. We all came
from somewhere, that's sure.
I asked, "Why don't I belong to the Germanic, with my name?"
Well, I was told I would have to get the permission of, I think it was,
my great-great-grandfather.
In any event, what I am saying in this awkward fashion is that I have
difficulty in addressing a group when I feel that they are different from
other Americans. All of us are Americans. I don't know how to speak
to a Jewish group or a Catholic group or a Presbyterian group, or any
other. I like to talk to Americans.
So as I welcome you here to our Capital City for your conferences, I
would very much like to urge that all of us, in these days which seem
now to be unusually troublous-with at least what seems to be troublemakers trying to come to our country-that we all stand behind a strong,
firm, national policy that really spells out our determination to be free,
and to help others enjoy the same freedom that we in this Nation won so
many years ago.
World problems color our domestic problems. Sometimes though our
domestic problems seem very severe and urgent-the farm problem or
arguments about easy money or inflation or anything else-they are
dwarfed when you come to compare them with the age-old struggle of
mankind to achieve international order and peace.
You people with your identity to these national groups are more closely
related, possibly, than some other citizens. With individuals and with
populations from which you or your forebears have more recently come,
these national groups enlist your interest, your support, so that we all
may achieve this international order. I am convinced that if enough
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people in the world-whether it's in Africa or Asia or all the Americas,
or in Europe-if each of us puts his mind to this one great problem,
eventually we shall solve it.
Possibly first we have to solve it by making certain that we cannot be
attacked successfully, penetrated successfully, and certainly not subverted
successfully. If we can in our hearts and in our minds and by the strength
of our economies-and where necessary by our military strength-make
ourselves absolutely sure and secure, then in the long run we win.
I must say this does not include any aggressive intent toward any person. The time has come when anyone talking about an aggressive war
on a global scale is also talking about suicide. I think at least all of us have
got that much sense.
So as you talk about your common problems in these groups-I care
not what they are in detail-I do say let's all of us dedicate ourselves anew
to unionizing the thinking and the spiritual, economic and material
strength of our whole free world in order to make ourselves secure. By
being secure and living these principles in which we all are talking about
now-the principles of freedom and of human liberty and of dignityfinally we win.
And that's the thing I would like to see the whole world do.
Goodbye. Good luck.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Rose Garden at the White House.
299 4J Statementby the President: National
Science Youth Month. September 20, I960
THIS present age requires a constant renewal of the Nation's supply of
trained scientific personnel to meet the demands of industry, government,
and research. Young Americans with aptitudes in science and technology
must be given every opportunity to develop their abilities. At the same
time, we can encourage all citizens to work toward a deeper understanding of these subjects.
America's future is dependent to a large degree upon the strengthening
of every area of education. I hope the annual observance of National
Science Youth Month will further stimulate our people's desire to learn
and will help increase their respect for the quality of intellectual excellence.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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300 ~J Statement by the President: The Jewish
High Holy Days. September 2, I960
DURING the season of the Jewish High Holy Days it is always a pleasure
to extend greetings to my fellow citizens of the Jewish faith.
I know this is a time of deep meaning for them. In the honored tradition of their ancient faith they are led to special acts of contrition, thanksgiving and praise. Sustained by the creative and moral power of their
fathers' God they enter their new year with confidence.
This is my last opportunity to extend greetings on this occasion but as
a private citizen I shall continue to remember these Holy Days each year
with warmth and respect.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
30 I i Message to the Fourth General Conference
of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
September 2, 960
[ Read by John A. McCone, Chairman of the United States delegation ]
Mr. President and delegates:
Nearly seven years ago, at the United Nations General Assembly, it was
my privilege to give voice to a hope that was rising in many minds and
many places.
The hope was to harness the new force of the atom for the benefit of
all peoples of all Nations. The challenge was to do it.
The almost universal approval of the Atoms for Peace proposal demonstrated the hope of people everywhere that the great new force of atomic
energy would be devoted to the peaceful advancement of mankind.
This International Atomic Energy Agency is one expression of that
hope. The historic mission of the Agency was to make a new approach
in international cooperation to translate the concept of the peaceful atom
into a practical, positive program on a world basis.
In three short years, the Agency has become the prime international
organization in the nuclear field. Its activities are stimulating much of
the global effort to bring to more people more benefits of this still new
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atomic age. It is providing sound advice and guidance for the management of the many new atomic projects underway in its member states.
The Agency is making substantial contributions on an international
basis in such fields as education and training and technical assistance.
It is making great strides in spreading the knowledge of the many uses
of the radioisotopes in the fields of medicine, agriculture and industry.
In addition, the Agency has a paramount role in the development of the
necessary health and safety standards.
This Agency is an organization that has no secrets; an organization
devoted to the sharing of effort, research and information; one in which
the major powers can lay aside political differences to work for the common good.
In broad outline, I can see the Agency fulfilling the basic purposes of
its historic charter and thereby contributing to world peace. I can see
it as a unique forum where technical skills and resources are pooled for
the benefit of mankind.
The United States is gratified and encouraged at what has been done
in three short years. My country will continue to support this organization and I wish for it continued progress and success.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The opening words "Mr. Presi- The conference was held in Vienna, Sepdent" referred to Gueorgui Nadjakov, tember 20-October I, I960.
chairman of the Bulgarian delegation.
302 4 Address Before the 5th General Assembly
of the United Nations, New York City.
September 22, I960
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, members of the General Assembly,
and guests:
The people of the United States join me in saluting those countries
which, at this session of the General Assembly, are represented here for
the first time. With the admission of new members, mainly from the
giant continent of Africa, almost 0oo nations will be joined in a common
effort to construct permanent peace, with justice, in a sorely troubled
world.
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The drive of self-determination and of rising human aspirations is creating a new world of independent nations in Africa, even as it is producing
a new world of both ferment and of promise in all developing areas. An
awakening humanity in these regions demands as never before that we
make a renewed attack on poverty, illiteracy, and disease.
Side by side with these startling changes, technology is also in revolution. It has brought forth terrifying weapons of destruction, which for
the future of civilization, must be brought under control through a workable system of disarmament. And it has also opened up a new world of
outer space-a celestial world filled with both bewildering problems and
dazzling promise.
This is, indeed, a moment for honest appraisal and historic decision.
We can strive to master these problems for narrow national advantage
or we can begin at once to undertake a period of constructive action which
will subordinate selfish interest to the general well-being of the international community.
The choice is truly a momentous one.
Today, I come before you because our human commonwealth is once
again in a state of anxiety and turmoil. Urgent issues confront us.
II.
The first proposition I place before you is that only through the United
Nations Organization and its truly democratic processes can humanity
make real and universal progress toward the goal of peace with justice.
Therefore, I believe that to support the United Nations Organization
and its properly constituted mechanisms and its selected officers is the road
of greatest promise in peaceful progress. To attempt to hinder or stultify
the United Nations or to deprecate its importance is to contribute to world
unrest and, indeed, to incite the crises that from time to time so disturb all
men. The United States stands squarely and unequivocably in support
of the United Nations and those acting under its mandate in the interest
of peace.
Nowhere is the challenge to the international community and to peace
and orderly progress more evident than in Africa, rich in human and
natural resources and bright with promise. Recent events there have
brought into being what is, in effect, a vast continent of newly independent nations.
Outside interference with these newly emerging nations, all eager to
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undertake the tasks of modernization, has created a serious challenge to
the authority of the United Nations.
That authority has grown steadily during the 15 years since the United
Nations pledged, in the words of its own Charter, "to bring about by
peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustments or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace."
And during those years, the United Nations successfully supported
Iran's efforts to obtain the withdrawal of foreign military forces; played a
significant role in preserving the independence of Greece, rallied world
resistance to aggression against the Republic of Korea; helped to settle the
Suez crisis; countered the threat to Lebanon's integrity; and most recently,
has taken on an even more important task.
In response to the call of the Republic of the Congo, the United Nations
under its outstanding Secretary General, has recently mounted a largescale effort to provide that new Republic with help. That effort has been
flagrantly attacked by a few nations which wish to prolong strife in the
Congo for their own purposes. The criticism directed by these nations
against the Secretary General, who has honorably and effectively fulfilled
the mandate which he received from the United Nations, is nothing less
than a direct attack upon the United Nations itself. In my opinion, he,
the Secretary General, has earned the support and gratitude of every
peace loving nation.
The people of the Congo are entitled to build up their country in peace
and freedom. Intervention by other nations in their internal affairs
would deny them that right and create a focus of conflict in the heart of
Africa.
The issue thus posed in the Congo could well arise elsewhere in Africa.
The resolution of this issue will determine whether the United Nations
is able to protect not only the new nations of Africa, but also other countries against outside pressures.
It is the smaller nations that have the greatest stake in the effective
functioning of the United Nations.
If the United Nations system is successfully subverted in Africa, the
world will be on its way back to the traditional exercise of power politics,
in which small countries will be used as pawns by aggressive major
powers. Any nation, seduced by glittering promises into becoming a
catspaw for an imperialistic power, thereby undermines the United Na709
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tions and places in jeopardy the independence of itself and all others.
It is imperative that the international community protect the newly
emerging nations of Africa from outside pressures that threaten their independence and their sovereign rights.
To this end, I propose a program which contains five major elements:
First: A pledge by all countries represented at this Assembly to respect
the African peoples' right to choose their own way of life and to determine
for themselves the course they choose to follow. And this pledge would
involve three specific commitments:
To refrain from intervening in these new nations' internal affairs-by
subversion, force, propaganda, or any other means.
To refrain from generating disputes between the states of this area or
from encouraging them to wasteful and dangerous competition in
armaments.
And to refrain from any action to intensify or exploit present unsettled
conditions in the Congo-by sending arms or forces into that troubled
area, or by inciting its leaders and peoples to violence against each other.
These actions my country-and many others-are now avoiding. I
hope this Assembly will call upon all its members to do likewise, and that
each speaker who follows me to this platform will solemnly pledge his
country to honor this call.
Second: The United Nations should be prepared to help the African
countries maintain their security without wasteful and dangerous competition in armaments.
United Nations experts are being asked to train the Congo's security
forces. If the Secretary General should find it useful to undertake increased activity in order to meet requests of this nature elsewhere, my
country would be glad to join other Member States in making essential
contributions to such United Nations activity.
More importantly I hope that the African states will use existing or
establish new regional machinery in order to avert an arms race in this
area. In so doing, they would help to spare their continent the ravages
which the excesses of chauvinism have elsewhere inflicted in the past. If,
through concerted effort, these nations can choke off competition in armaments, they can give the whole world a welcome lesson in international
relations.
The speed and success of the United Nations in dispatching substantial
forces to the Congo should give these states assurance that they can rely
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on the United Nations to organize an effective response if their security
is threatened. This should reduce any pressures on them to raise larger
forces than are required to maintain internal security. Thus they would
help to free their resources for more constructive purposes.
Third: We should all support the United Nations response to emergency
needs in the Republic of the Congo which the Secretary General has shown
such skill in organizing. I hope that states represented here will pledge
substantial resources to this international program, and agree that it
should be the preferred means of meeting the Congo's emergency needs.
The United States supports the establishment of a United Nations fund
for the Congo. We are prepared to join other countries by contributing
substantially for immediate emergency needs to the $ I oo00 million program
that the Secretary General is proposing.
Fourth: The United Nations should help newly developing African
countries to shape their long-term modernization programs. To this end:
The United Nations Special Fund and Expanded Technical Assistance
Program should be increased so that in combination they can reach their
annual $ oo million goal in 1961. The Special Fund's functions should
be expanded so that it can assist countries in planning economic
development.
The United Nations Operational and Executive Personnel program for
making available trained administrators to newly developing countries
should be expanded and placed on a permanent basis. The United States
is prepared to join other countries in contributing increased funds for this
program, and for the Special Fund, and for the United Nations Technical
Assistance Program.
The World Bank and International Monetary Fund should be encouraged increasingly to provide counsel to the developing countries of Africa
through missions and resident advisers. We should also look forward to
appropriate and timely financial assistance from these two multilateral
financial sources as the emerging countries qualify for their aid.
Of course, many forms of aid will be needed: both public and private,
and on a bilateral and multilateral basis. For this assistance to be most
effective it must be related to the basic problems and changing needs of
the African countries themselves.
Fifth: As the final element of this program, I propose an all-out United
Nations effort to help African countries launch such educational activities
as they may wish to undertake.
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It is not enough that loud speakers in the public square exhort people to
freedom. It is also essential that the people should be furnished with the
mental tools to preserve and develop their freedom.
The United States is ready to contribute to an expanded program of
educational assistance to Africa by the family of United Nations organizations, carried out as the Secretary General may deem appropriate,
and according to the ideas of the African nations themselves.
One of the first purposes of this assistance, after consultation and approval by the governments involved, might be to establish, staff and maintain-until these governments or private agencies could take overInstitutes for Health Education, for Vocational Training, for Public
Administration and Statistics, and perhaps other purposes.
Each institute could be appropriately located and specifically dedicated
to training the young men and women of that vast region, who are now
called upon to assume the incredibly complex and important responsibilities inherent in an explosive emergence into nationhood.
If the African States should wish to send large numbers of their citizens
for training abroad under this program, my country would be glad to set
up a special commission to cooperate with the United Nations in arranging to accommodate many more of these students in our institutions of
learning.
These then are the five ingredients of the Program I propose for Africa:
Non-interference in the African countries' internal affairs;
Help in assuring their security without wasteful and dangerous competition in armaments;
Emergency aid to the Congo;
International assistance in shaping long-term African development
programs;
United Nations aid for education.
III.
Such a program could go far to assure the African countries the clear
chance at the freedom, domestic tranquility and progress they deserve.
The changes which are occurring in Africa are also evident elsewhere.
Indeed, Africa is but one part of the new world of change and progress
which is emerging in all the developing areas.
We must carry forward and intensify our programs of assistance for
the economic and social development in freedom of other areas, partic712
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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ularly in Latin America, Asia, and the Middle East.
Beyond this, we must never forget that there are hundreds of millions
of people, particularly in the less developed parts of the world, suffering
from hunger and malnutrition, even though a number of countries, my
own included, are producing food in surplus. This paradox should not
be allowed to continue.
The United States is already carrying out substantial programs to make
its surpluses available to countries of greatest need. My country is also
ready to join with other members of the United Nations in devising a
workable scheme to provide food to member states through the United
Nations system, relying on the advice and assistance of the Food and
Agriculture Organization.
I hope this Assembly will seriously consider a specific program for
carrying forward the promising Food for Peace Program.
IV.
In the developing areas, we must seek to promote peaceful change, as
well as to assist economic and social progress. To do this-to assist
peaceful change-the international community must be able to manifest
its presence in emergencies through United Nations observers or forces.
I should like to see member countries take positive action on the suggestions in the Secretary General's report looking to the creation of a
qualified staff within the Secretariat to assist him in meeting future needs
for United Nations forces.
To regularize the United Nations emergency force potential, I proposed
in i958 creation of stand-by arrangements for United Nations forces.
Some progress has been made since that time. Much remains to be done.
The Secretary General has now suggested that members should maintain a readiness to meet possible future requests from the United Nations
for contributions to such forces. All countries represented here should
respond to this need, by earmarking national contingents which could
take part in United Nations forces in case of need.
The time to do it is now-at this Assembly.
I assure countries which now receive assistance from the United States
that we favor use of that assistance to help them maintain such contingents in the state of readiness suggested by the Secretary General. To
assist the Secretary General's efforts, the United States is prepared to earmark also substantial air and sea transport facilities on a stand-by basis,
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to help move contingents requested by the United Nations in any future
emergency.
Over the long run, further progress toward increasing the United Nations' ability to respond to future needs is surely possible. The prospects
for such progress, however, will remain just that-prospects-unless we
move now to exploit the immediate possibilities for practical action suggested by the Secretary General.
V.
Another problem confronting us involves outer space.
The emergence of this new world poses a vital issue: will outer space
be preserved for peaceful use and developed for the benefit of all mankind? Or will it become another focus for the arms race-and thus an
area of dangerous and sterile competition?
The choice is urgent. And it is ours to make.
The nations of the world have recently united in declaring the continent of Antarctica "off limits" to military preparations. We could extend this principle to an even more important sphere. National vested
interests have not yet been developed in space or in celestial bodies.
Barriers to agreement are now lower than they will ever be again.
The opportunity may be fleeting. Before many years have passed, the
point of no return may have passed.
Let us remind ourselves that we had a chance in I946 to ensure that
atomic energy be devoted exclusively to peaceful purposes. That chance
was missed when the Soviet Union turned down the comprehensive plan
submitted by the United States for placing atomic energy under international control.
We must not lose the chance we still have to control the future of outer
space.
I propose that:
I. We agree that celestial bodies are not subject to national appropriation by any claims of sovereignty.
2. We agree that the nations of the world shall not engage in warlike
activities on these bodies.
3. We agree, subject to appropriate verification, that no nation will put
into orbit or station in outer space weapons of mass destruction. All
launchings of space craft should be verified in advance by the United
Nations.
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4. We press forward with a program of international cooperation for
constructive peaceful uses of outer space under the United Nations.
Better weather forecasting, improved world-wide communications, and
more effective exploration not only of outer space but of our own earththese are but a few of the benefits of such cooperation.
Agreement on these proposals would enable future generations to find
peaceful and scientific progress, not another fearful dimension to the arms
race, as they explore the universe.
VI.
But armaments must also be controlled here on earth, if civilization is
to be assured of survival. These efforts must extend both to conventional
and non-conventional armaments.
My country has made specific proposals to this end during the past year.
New United States proposals were put forward on June 27, with the hope
that they could serve as the basis for negotiations to achieve general
disarmament. The United States still supports these proposals.
The communist nations' walk-out at Geneva, when they learned that we
were about to submit these proposals, brought negotiations to an abrupt
halt. Their unexplained action does not, however, reduce the urgent need
for arms control.
My country believes that negotiations can-and should-soon be
resumed.
Our aim is to reach agreement on all the various measures that will
bring general and complete disarmament. Any honest appraisal, however, must recognize that this is an immense task. It will take time.
We should not have to wait until we have agreed on all the detailed
measures to reach this goal before we begin to move toward disarmament.
Specific and promising steps to this end were suggested in our June 27
proposals.
If negotiations can be resumed, it may be possible to deal particularly
with two pressing dangers-that of war by miscalculation and that of
mounting nuclear weapons stockpiles.
The advent of missiles, with ever shorter reaction times, makes measures to curtail the danger of war by miscalculation increasingly necessary.
States must be able quickly to assure each other that they are not preparing aggressive moves-particularly in international crises, when each
side takes steps to improve its own defenses, which actions might be mis
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interpreted by the other. Such misinterpretation in the absence of
machinery to verify that neither was preparing to attack the other, could
lead to a war which no one had intended or wanted.
Today the danger of war by miscalculation could be reduced, in times
of crisis, by the intervention, when requested by any nation seeking to
prove its own peaceful intention, of an appropriate United Nations surveillance body. The question of methods can be left to the experts.
Thus the vital issue is not a matter of technical feasibility but the political willingness of individual countries to submit to inspection. The
United States has taken the lead in this field.
Today, I solemnly declare, on behalf of the United States, that we are
prepared to submit to any international inspection, provided only that
it is effective and truly reciprocal. This step we will take willingly as an
earnest of our determination to uphold the preamble of the United
Nations Charter which says its purpose is "to save succeeding generations
from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold
sorrow to mankind..."
The United States wants the Soviet Union and all the nations of the
world to know enough about United States defense preparations to be
assured that United States forces exist only for deterrence and defensenot for surprise attack. I hope the Soviet Union will similarly wish to
assure the United States and other nations of the nonaggressive character
of its security preparations.
There is a more basic point: in an age of rapidly developing technology, secrecy is not only an anachronism-it is downright dangerous.
To seek to maintain a society in which a military move can be taken in
complete secrecy, while professing a desire to reduce the risk of war
through arms control, is a contradiction.
A second danger which ought to be dealt with in early negotiations is
posed by the growth and prospective spread of nuclear weapons stockpiles.
To reverse this trend, I propose that the nations producing nuclear
weapons immediately convene experts to design a system for terminating,
under verification procedures, all production of fissionable materials for
weapons purposes.
That termination would take effect as soon as the agreed inspection
system has been installed and is operating effectively, while progress in
other disarmament fields is also being sought.
The United States is prepared, in the event of a termination of pro716
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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duction, to join the USSR in transferring substantial quantities of fissionable materials to international stockpiles. The United Nations
Disarmament Commission has already heard the proposal of Ambassador
Lodge, to set aside not pounds, as was proposed by the United States in
I954, but tons of fissionable materials for peaceful purposes. Additional transfers would be made as progress in other aspects of disarmament is accomplished.
If the USSR will agree to a cessation of production of fissionable materials for weapons purposes, some production facilities could be closed
without delay. The United States would be willing to match the USSR
in shutting down major plants producing fissionable materials, one by
one, under international inspection and verification.
The proposed working group of experts could also consider how to
verify the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, which is part of the
third stage of our proposed disarmament program of June 27. There is
as yet no known means of demonstrably accomplishing this; we would
hope that the experts could develop such a system.
United States officials are willing to meet immediately with representatives of other countries for a preliminary exchange of views on these
proposals.
Some who have followed closely the many fruitless disarmament talks
since the war tend to become cynical-to assume that the task is hopeless.
This is not the position of the United States.
Men everywhere want to disarm. They want their wealth and labor
to be spent not for war, but for food, for clothing, for shelter, for medicines, for schools.
Time and again, the American people have voiced this yearning-to
join with men of good will everywhere in building a better world. We
always stand ready to consider any feasible proposal to this end. And
as I have said so many times, the United States is always ready to negotiate with any country which in integrity and sincerity shows itself ready
to talk about any of these problems. We ask only this-that such a
program not give military advantage to any nation and that it permit
men to inspect the disarmament of other nations.
A disarmament program which was not inspected and guaranteed
would increase, not reduce, the risk of war.
The international control of atomic energy and general and complete
disarmament can no more be accomplished by rhetoric than can the
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economic development of newly independent countries. Both of these
immense tasks facing mankind call for serious, painstaking, costly, laborious and non-propaganda approaches.
VII.
I have specifically avoided in this address mention of several immediate
problems that are troubling the United States and other nations. My
failure to do so does not mean in any sense that they are not of great
concern both to the United States and to the entire international
community.
For example, accumulating evidence of threatening encroachments to
the freedom of the people of West Berlin continues to disturb us deeply.
Another instance, though, of special concern to the United States, the
shooting down of an American aircraft last July first over international
waters, the apparent killing of four of its crew members and the imprisonment of two others on trumped-up spy charges, is a shocking affront to
the right of all nations to peaceful passage on and over the high seas.
By its veto in the Security Council the Soviet Union prevented a full
investigation of the facts of the case. But these facts still demand to be
heard as a proper matter for the consideration of an impartial tribunal.
The particular problems I have just mentioned are not merely isolated
instances of disagreements among a few nations. They are central to
the issue of peace itself, and illustrative of the continuous and interdependent nature of our respective national concerns. They must be confronted with the earnestness and seriousness which their settlement
demands.
VIII.
The basic fact today of all change in the domain of international affairs
is the need to forge the bonds and build the structure of a true world
community.
The United Nations is available to mankind to help it create just such
a community. It has accomplished what no nation singly, or any limited
group of nations, could have accomplished. It has become the forum of
all peoples, and the structure about which they can center their joint
endeavors to create a better future for our world.
We must guard jealously against those who in alternating moods look
upon the United Nations as an instrument for use or abuse. The United
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Nations was not conceived as an Olympian organ to amplify the propaganda tunes of individual nations.
The generating force behind a successful United Nations must be the
noble idea that a true international community can build a peace with
justice if only people will work together patiently in an atmosphere of open
trust.
In urging progress toward a world community, I cite the American
concept of the destiny of a progressive society. Here in this land, in what
was once a wilderness we have generated a society and a civilization drawn
from many sources. Yet out of the mixture of many peoples and faiths we
have developed unity in freedom-a unity designed to protect the rights
of each individual while enhancing the freedom and well-being of all.
This concept of unity in freedom, drawn from the diversity of many
racial strains and cultures, we would like to see made a reality for all
mankind. This concept should apply within every nation as it does among
nations. We believe that the right of every man to participate through
his or her vote in self-government is as precious as the right of each nation
here represented to vote its own convictions in this Assembly. I should
like to see a universal plebiscite in which every individual in the world
would be given the opportunity freely and secretly to answer this question: Do you want this right? Opposed to the idea of two hostile, embittered worlds in perpetual conflict, we envisage a single world community, as yet unrealized but advancing steadily toward fulfillment
through our plans, our efforts, and our collective ideas.
Thus we see as our goal, not a super-state above nations, but a world
community embracing them all, rooted in law and justice and enhancing
the potentialities and common purposes of all peoples.
As we enter the decade of the i96o's, let us launch a renewed effort
to strengthen this international community; to forge new bonds between
its members in undertaking new ventures on behalf of all mankind.
As we take up this task, let us not delude ourselves that the absence
of war alone is a sufficient basis for a peaceful world. I repeat, we must
also build a world of justice under law, and we must overcome poverty,
illiteracy, and disease.
We of the United States will join with you in making a mounting effort
to build the structure of true peace-a peace in which all peoples may
progress constantly to higher levels of human achievement. The means
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are at hand. We have but to use them with a wisdom and energy worthy
of our cause.
I commend this great task to your hearts, to your minds, and to your
willing hands. Let us go forward together, leaving none behind.
Thank you, and God bless you.
NOTE: The President spoke at I I: 2 a.m. H. Boland, Permanent Representative to
His opening words "Mr. President, Mr. the United Nations for Ireland, and SecSecretary General" referred to Frederick retary General Dag Hammarskjold.
303 eT Remarks at a Luncheon for Latin
American Delegates to the U.N. General Assembly,
New York City. September 22, 1960
THIS IS the time, I think, to re-affirm some of our convictions and our
beliefs that are important to all of us. I have, someone told me today,
2 days less than 4 months still to serve in my present office, and possibly
this is the last time I shall have an opportunity to tell you, as representatives of your several governments, something of my affection for the
people of Latin America with whom I have worked, and the affection of
my government for these governments, all of which have served and
worked so closely with us.
I tried to tell you this morning something of the importance that we
of America attach to the functioning and indeed the existence of the
United Nations, and the possibility it has for furthering the aspirations
of men. But I want to tell you in somewhat more intimate fashion how
deeply I believe in the Organization of American States, organized
within the limits prescribed by the charter of the United Nations.
Gentlemen, our nations are bound together not merely by inescapable
ties of geography. We are strong, and we are worthwhile only because
we are bound together by things of the spirit. The dedication we have
to imperishable values, of human dignity and liberty, and the sovereignty
of our respective nations-these are the things that are worthwhile.
But because we do believe in these values and have these same dedications, we must devote ourselves as a unit to the production of that kind
of atmosphere, that kind of situation in the world that will let us progress,
with the help of the God in which we all believe, toward a better life, not
merely for such people as sit around this table, but for the lowliest peon,
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the lowliest farmer, the lowliest dweller in Harlem and the East Side
toward a better life.
My friends, our neighboring Republic to the South and ourselves
decided to build a dam, and it began by being called, according to the
name of where it was situated, El Diablo. The President of Mexico and
I decided to change that name, and it is now the Amistad Dam. This
is the word that, it seems to me, all of us can well adopt as our motto,
because we do have, as I said, the same dedications, the same devotions,
and the same beliefs.
Now although I had already promised there would be no speech, I
found I have already violated my promise, but I will ask you all to stand
with me to drink a toast to Amistad.
NOTE: The President spoke at a luncheon United Nations at the headquarters of
which he gave in honor of the chiefs of the United States delegation in the Walthe i8 Latin-American delegations to the dorf-Astoria Hotel, New York City.
304 e1 Address in Philadelphia Before the
American Institute of Certified Public Accountants.
September 26, i960
President Seidman, members of the American Institute of Certified Public
Accountants, and friends:
I am particularly delighted to be with you this morning. I have
never had the privilege before of talking to a big group of accountants
all in one spot. I run into them in my daily life, but not in such numbers.
One of the more statistically-minded people in the Government told
me not long ago that I had appointed more certified public accountants
to Government positions than any prior President. I certainly did not
do this just because they are accountants. I have been for all these 8
years searching for talent-people of dedication, of training, of education,
of capability-people who have a sense of civic responsibility. So, since
I have appointed so many of this type of person who have been public
accountants, I suppose it's a fair conclusion that your profession averages
very high up among those that are so dedicated and so capable.
The Director of the Budget-Mr. Stans-is a public accountant. I
have heard that he rather divides Government officials into two classesthose who are certified public accountants, and those who are not quite
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so able. I make allowances, of course, for his somewhat prejudiced
viewpoint. Nevertheless, I do agree that the excellent performance of
the some two thousand of accountants who are now in the Federal Government is one of satisfaction to me, and I am sure to yourselves.
I shall not try to talk about your profession. Certainly you know
more about it than I do. I assume that one of your great functions in
American industry and in American business life is to make certain that
corporations, companies, and others that are conducting businesses do
not go bankrupt because of reckless financial and business practices. If
they show tendencies this way, you are there to point out where the error
is and what they must do if they are going to keep in the black.
My friends, the biggest business in the world is the United States Government. It employs directly 5 million people, and it spends each year,
$80 billion of your money. I cannot conceive of a greater need anywhere
for certified accountants than in the Federal Government.
I want to talk to you a little while this morning about Government
rather than about your profession, and indeed, even your functions within
the Government. Since this big Government business of ours is owned
by all our people, affects all our people, and depends upon all our people,
then indeed this is something that must be the concern of every serious
thinking person.
I want to make an observation-a sort of truism from my old military life. There was an old adage that went something like this: in war
you can do nothing positive except as you do it from a firm base. This
means that unless a commander has an area in the rear from which
he can draw his replacements for casualties, his new ammunition supplies
and food-all the things that an army needs in a campaign-then in the
long run he cannot win. Most of you know that Hannibal, a great
general of early times, campaigned successfully up and down Italy for
some dozen years trying to win a war, but finally lost it because he had
no firm base.
Ladies and gentlemen, the firm base for the problem of leading the
world toward the achievement of human aspirations-toward peace with
justice in freedom-must be the United States. America's moral, spiritual, and intellectual strength is vitally important, but I do not intend to
discuss these strengths this morning. What I want to discuss today is the
need, within the United States, for a strong, expanding, and growing
economy.
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Going back to a comparison with business, I said that if a business is
reckless in its spending, if it doesn't know what its accounts are, it is going
to find itself at the end of the year in a very bad spot-if not bankrupt,
at least in need of reform. I pointed out that the Government-the
Government of the United States, the biggest business of all-is not exempt from the practice of these basic principles of financial integrity, of
knowledge of what we are doing and where we are going, of efficiency
and effectiveness in its operations.
The biggest thing, then, about budgeting is to try to pay as you go. If
a business or the Government does not pay for its current costs out of
current revenues when the business and the Government seem to be in
prosperous times, then when is it ever going to pay its bills? If it doesn't
pay its bills-if it depends upon deficit spending, upon piling up the debt
which our grandchildren, if anybody, will have to pay-then I submit
that the Federal Government is in a very tough position. Deficit spending
is not only robbing our children of their rightful heritage, but it brings
with it the evils of recklessness in Government, of rising costs; indeed,
it is one of the great factors in bringing about the evil of inflation.
So if I should be able to give you one conviction this morning, it would
be this: the Government of the United States, in view of the long-term
nature of the program facing it, must look carefully to its financial processes and its fiscal operations, so that rather than ruining its economy by
inflationary practices, it will make up its mind that every new program
must have the revenues in sight that are going to support it.
All this means efficient government because no government can afford
to ignore the priority needs of its people. Each need of the people,
whether it be in health or in education, or in insurance or anything else,
must be carefully weighed in order that we do not go overboard in expenditures without knowing where we are going. On the other hand, we
must not ignore any need. This extends, of course, to the needs of our
security. By security I mean not only our own military defenses and
mechanisms, but the help we give those people who with us want to live
in freedom, who are dedicating themselves to the ideals in which we believe, and whose combined strength will make our position in the world
better, stronger, and higher.
So, knowing that all of these functions are not only necessary but essential to our existence, it is more and more a duty of those who believe in
efficient government to lay out before the American people-all i8o
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million of them-the day-by-day record of the Government's operations,
so that everyone may know whether or not these things are being done as
the mass of our people want them done.
This brings me to the last point I should like to make. We must remind ourselves all the time that in our open society only the force of a
public opinion provides the motivation for all that Government does.
Senators and Congressmen and Presidents are sensitive to the force of
public opinion. If that public opinion is well informed of the facts of our
present existence, of the aspirations and hopes we hold out for ourselves
and for those things that make for effectiveness and efficiency, then indeed
we will have representative government-self-government at its best.
With such principles as these in our minds, we look forward not backward. It is not that we merely look at "pie in the sky." As someone
said, "we keep our heads in the clouds but our feet on the earth," and
that probably is still a good adage.
What I mean is this: in looking at any bright prospect-any glittering
promise held up before our eyes-we must see those things through basic
principles of responsibility, of effectiveness, and of efficiency, if we are
going to put them in their right focus. Before we adopt them, we must
measure them against those principles. This we must never forget.
I believe that people who have been trained and educated like yourselves, people who have spent their time in thinking as you people have
done, have a great responsibility for informing and organizing this public
opinion of which I speak, which is the force that will always keep us
going.
You must talk to all people in terms of principles, of soundness, of
progress, of responsibility. If we all do this, we will have a great country.
There is no reason why it cannot be done. In such a problem and in such
a function-such a duty-I can think of no greater body than this one
because I am told that there are seventy thousand of you in the United
States.
I want to point out this one feature of this job. If you will do your
part, you have undertaken a lifetime enlistment. There is no short term.
No election-no single administration-can mark the end of the efforts
of such a body. Rather, this must be a dedication of yourselves and your
successors and those you train and those that may come after you, right
on down to the end of time. You and your successors must teach and
believe these principles so that the United States will be ever a stronger
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influence in the world-commanding the respect of others, winning their
adherence to her lofty ideals and principles-and finally, leading all the
world to that great day when we can believe that we have achieved peace
with justice in freedom.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at Io a.m. at referred to J. S. Seidman, President of
the Academy of Music in Philadelphia. the American Institute of Certified Public
His opening words "President Seidman" Accountants.
305 eI Remarks in Philadelphia to a Group of
Eisenhower Exchange Fellows.
September 26, i960
Mr. McCabe, Fellows of the Eisenhower Exchange Program, Trustees
and friends:
I have been more or less in a public position-a publicized positionfor the past i 8 or i 9 years. By this time, I should think, it would be impossible to surprise me. When Mr. McCabe asked me to come over here
this morning, I had a vision of going into his office to chat a little bit about
this program. I had no idea that the Fellows themselves were going to
be here or that I would have such an audience as this.
Nevertheless, far be it from me, with 8 years of political experience behind me, to hesitate to take advantage of such an opportunity and express
some views which I hope will have some value.
I have had many presents given to me in my life. None has touched
me more deeply-none has seemed to me more significant-than the one
which in I953 was given me and presented to me by some of my devoted
friends.
The Eisenhower Fellowships are a living, vital present-one that promises and is already producing greater understanding in the world. This
present is helping to bring about those conditions which all mankind
realizes must be brought about before we can achieve the deepest of our
aspirations.
There are many fine research organizations in the United States that
support basic research in science, applied research in all kinds of industries, and everything we can think of-pure knowledge and applied
knowledge. But it is very difficult to conceive of a research program that
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is going to produce that quality of leadership-much more elusive than
the factor of pure knowledge.
I don't know exactly how you could define the characteristics and
qualities that are most promising in the production of these things. Those
of us looking at our own grandchildren and children have some probably
prejudiced viewpoints. But we think we know what they will do. There's
a story, you know, of a grandfather looking at his children and someone
asked their ages. He replies, "Well, the doctor is 7 and the lawyer is 5."
Possibly someday we will have some mechanized brain that at the very
earliest stages of human life will determine what the characteristics of
these children will be and what functions they will perform best as they
grow up, and particularly whether or not they will be natural leaders.
I don't believe that we can yet visualize such a machine, and if it is on
the horizon, I would suspect it is probably about the smallest item that
we can detect.
So therefore, this group, under the leadership of Tom McCabe, had
the theory that some leadership could be developed by this Exchange
Program. They wanted, naturally, young men. There is not much use,
for example, educating me much further. By the time you got done
with it, I wouldn't be much use to many of you. But they did want
people that had experience and had proved their qualities of leadership.
And these people-the men that make up the members of these Fellowship groups, whether you are going abroad or whether you are coming
here-have produced or multiplied their own capacity for learning and
for understanding by hundreds of times, because they have already proved
their qualities of leadership. This, I submit, is a quality that is the most
needed of any I can think of in the world.
Leadership is not merely trying to satisfy personal ambition. Leadership must have some quality in it, of desiring to give service to othersyour country-your community-your business-humankind. Indeed, I
believe it would be a generality that could be sustained, that those men
who have been most successful in business are those who thought fal
more of making that business successful than themselves successful. This
particular characteristic must be in everybody who is going to be a leader,
because only in that way can he influence others along the right path.
We know the world is changing, and I believe these Fellowship exchanges bring about an understanding of everyone who comes to the
United States, or who goes out and brings back an understanding of how
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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much this world is changing. Whether you come from New Delhi to
Washington, or from here to the Philippines or anywhere else-South
America, Asia, Europe-we do find that changes are taking place, and
we don't resist these changes. We merely want to direct these changes
into those things that will bring about this basic objective: peace with
justice.
This means, as I see it, each one doing his self soul-searching, making
certain that he knows what he wants to do, preparing himself for doing
it, and then using the greatest possible influence that he can exert on
getting everybody else to do the same thing-or at least to follow the
same basic principles.
For our part-for our own country-our country is going to be strong
as long as leaders-and I mean leaders in business, in education, in
philosophy, in the professions, and in Government-recognize the need
for obeying and respecting the great principles that have brought us to
our high position of today. They must adapt the changes that must take
place in such a way that those principles will not be violated. We do
not want to fall prey to the belief that merely spending will bring about
progress. We want to set up our needs in order of priority, starting with
the security of our Nation, the soundness of our economy, and all the
methods that will keep us strong.
Our strength will be useful not merely to us, but our strength will be
useful to the world if we are the kind of leader I have been so feebly
trying to describe. If we have the kind of leader who informs himself,
by studies of his own, by mingling with peoples of his own nation and
others, developing his understanding of humankind and of its problems,
and above all, wants to see the society of which he is a part advance to
ever higher standards-spiritually, intellectually, materially-and can
keep producing them in the United States, our country, then, on a
national basis will always be in a better position to lead the world toward
the great objective of all.
It is for reasons such as these that I express my congratulations to every
person here who has had a part in this Exchange Program, particularly
to the groups that belong to the Exchange Program-to those leaders
and its director-because in spite of the machine-the imaginary machine
of which I spoke-I think the methods that Mr. McCabe and his associates have developed to get these proven young leaders, are still the
methods on which we must depend.
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So, to all of you, my felicitations, my congratulations, and my deep
thanks for your attention.
Goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at Io:30 a.m. Chairman of the Board of Trustees and
at the Bellevue-Stratford Hotel in Phila- of the Executive Committee of the Eisendelphia. His opening words "Mr. Mc- hower Exchange Fellowships.
Cabe" referred to Thomas B. McCabe,
306 e Address at the Golden Jubilee Dinnerof
the National Conference of Catholic Charities,
NewYorkCity. September 26, I960
Cardinal Spellman, Your Eminences, Your Excellencies, Governor Rockefeller, Mayor Wagner, the Republican Senatorial delegation from Washington, members of the National Conference of Catholic Charities, and
my friends:
The approach in early November of an all-important event upon which
the eyes of the nation are centered, suggests that I begin my remarks tonight with a special footnote. The problem prompts me to cite the case
of a tormented man in a troublesome time in Ireland's history who, feeling the need to relieve his conscience, sought out his local pastor. Having
been admitted to the priest's study, the man said, "Father, I have just
killed a man." To which the priest replied, "This is neither the time nor
the place for discussing politics."
So it is that I am sure we can all agree that we are gathered here
tonight in a wholly unpartisan spirit. We have come to honor one of
the noblest of all human qualities-charity-the benevolence of men of
good will toward their brothers.
I have heard too often the word "charity" disparaged in public discussions, people saying there should be no need for charity and we should
have none of it. I personally hold that when our country has lost the
spirit of charity, then our government and our form of life will be changed
for the worse.
Charity helps the recipient but if given in the right spirit it ennobles
the giver, whether the gift be only a kind word or a fortune. So I make
no apology for speaking of charity as one of the noblest of man's virtues.
Now quite possibly it would seem natural this evening to spend my
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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time before such an audience in recounting the extraordinary accomplishments of the Catholic Charities. The list is indeed long and impressive.
Moreover, Cardinal Spellman's record of alleviating human suffering
would, in itself, provide material to interest, and excite the admiration,
of every American.
But I have chosen as my subject not gifts themselves. For, as Lowell
the American poet so movingly said, "The gift without the giver is bare."
It is through the spirit of the giver and in the preservation of this spirit that
we sustain one of the indispensable bulwarks of American life.
Over a century ago a keen French observer visiting our land wrote
that the greatness of America springs out of the goodness of its people.
More cynically minded persons, too deeply impressed by our unquestioned
wealth and material progress, have tried to refute the truth of this conclusion. Such people not only ignore the transcendence of spiritual
values-they are blind to our nation's history. Concern for a neighbor's
welfare and a warm generosity have been more typical of the American
way than any alleged worship of money or preoccupation with material
success.
Our literature abounds with tales of how early settlers helped one another build homes, clear land, establish schools, tend the sick, and rally
when disaster struck. I remember very well that in my days of youth
in Central Kansas, charity was primarily an individual matter. Helping
one another was as common for parents as raising their own children.
But today, charity has taken on a corporate character and national
breadth. Yet the spirit of true charity is the same.
The American people accept as a clear responsibility the combatting of
privation and suffering. The growth in private philanthropic contributions in the past ten years has exceeded both the rate of growth of our
population and our personal income. Another amazing fact is that in this
year 1960, 45 million Americans will lend their time and talents in raising
over 9 billion dollars for philanthropic causes.
Now this responsibility is not laid upon us by any constitutional or
legal mandate. Our belief, that men are brothers in divine origin and
destiny, is a part of our religious heritage that reaches back to the hills of
Galilee and imposes upon each of us a spiritually-rooted obligation.
Moreover, the methods by which we discharge this obligation must conform to the true spirit of the giver. And, today, they involve a lasting and
fruitful partnership between citizens and their government.
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While the government must be concerned about the welfare of all the
people, we must exercise great care lest we encroach upon the domain
of private philanthropy. We must be especially careful not to dilute
local responsibility, self-reliance and the spirit of "taking care of one's
own."
Of course in those humanitarian undertakings that are so complex
in character and so wide in scope as to make futile the efforts of the individual, whether acting singly or in voluntary cooperation, the responsibility for major action falls upon government-either local or central.
But money raised by taxes, although willingly paid, can never wholly
replace voluntary giving by individuals and groups.
Even as government cannot guarantee us happiness or satisfy the
deepest aspirations of mankind, the State cannot more than partially and
in special circumstances satisfy the obligation-the compulsion within
us-to help our neighbor. Were it to assume entirely this or any other
fundamentally personal obligation, the government-the instrumentwould eventually become the master. Political considerations might
easily become paramount over human values. A concern of heart and
spirit would degenerate into a machine-like operation of bureaucratic
processes. The will to sacrifice for others would be replaced by reliance
on governmental administrative procedures.
The American people, instinctively sensitive -to this, have developed a
way, a method, an approach to charitable giving unmatched in its scale
in human history. Thereby, men and women join voluntarily in discharge of self-imposed obligations, confident that proper goals can be
achieved by individuals and organizations of citizens, either by supplementing or making unnecessary governmental activity in the same field.
Now we are met this evening to commemorate fifty years of service by
one of these organizations-the National Conference of Catholic Charities. I suggest that, for a moment, we look at the spirit, purposes, and
values exemplified by the Conference against a world-wide background of
governments and men absorbed in the frantic pursuit of transistory temporal power, unworthy ambitions, and false greatness.
In our season of history, beyond any previous era, the world spectacle
seems most violent in its surface turmoil; most intense in its inner passion;
most titanic in its destructive potential. Our waking and working hours
seem too often filled with the alarms of new threats, the clamor of the
aggressive, and the cries of the fearful.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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Against the dangers inherent in the attitude and announced purposes
of a powerful, secretive dictatorship, we steadfastly maintain the military,
moral, economic and political strength to assure the nation's safety. Further, knowing that peace and freedom are weakened if not shared, we
help other nations which, like ourselves, uphold the dignity of men and
maintain their liberty. But in spite of these inescapable burdens, America, if true to herself, will never be tempted to abandon her noble goals.
For close to two centuries our nation has thrived under the bracing
influence of belief in God and the dignity of the individual. Should this
spiritual base of our society ever become dimmed, our faith in the destiny
of America would disappear before a vain reliance on materialism, and
crass political maneuver.
Then, even should we seem, for a while, victorious over world circumstances and all visible foes, we would be tragic losers-robbed of our heritage in ideals and our destiny as a leader for world peace with justice.
An apparent triumph would become a soon-exposed illusion. A materialistic America-bereft of spiritual purpose-could be nothing more than
a rudderless ship of state, and eventually a victim of the fury of international storms and internal decay.
That tragedy will never be visited upon us so long as our churches and
our synagogues and chapels-and people who believe in God and in
themselves-continue to give of their spirit, of their time, and of their
substance, that they may be secure and their fellow men may have faith
and hope and courage.
Clear it is that a great charitable and intensely dedicated organization
like the Conference of Catholic Charities is far more than an agency for
alleviating suffering; it is the collective expression of the spirit of the giver;
it is a great bulwark against collapse into materialism and utter dependence on the omnipotent State.
The physical evidence of your work is, of course, immense; without
such effort our American communities would lack priceless institutions to
help the needy, to relieve suffering, to heal the sick.
Nevertheless, I say again that your greatest contribution is not your
gifts; rather it is the example of selfless service you and others set for all
Americans; the inspiration you give to your fellow citizens, and to the
world; and the direct call you make to their hearts, whatever their creed.
For I am sure-and in this, I think Cardinal Spellman will be quick
to support me-your works could hardly in these days be accomplished
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had you not the help and the prayers of many, many Americans who are
not of your Church.
By the same token the men and women who support this Conference
participate also in the good works of others. For the spirit of the giver is
not narrow-it is as broad as his understanding of human need.
So, at this Golden Jubilee Dinner, I salute the devoted men and
women-clergy and lay-joined in the National Conference of Catholic
Charities. I applaud their record of achievement in helping the less
fortunate, for the proof they provide that we live not by bread alone-or
by dollars, or by machines.
So long as our America is served by such people and such organizations we shall go forward in self-reliance and confidence; we shall be recognized as good neighbors by all the world's people and we will remember that, despite our fears and ignorance of each other, we are of one
brotherhood under God.
Thank you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:52 p.m. at the Statler Hilton Hotel in New York City.
307 41 Joint Statement Following Meeting With
Prime Minister Macmillan To Discuss the Situation
Before the United Nations. September 27, I960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States and the Prime Minister of
Great Britain had a breakfast meeting this morning starting at 8:oo
o'clock in the President's suite in the Waldorf Astoria Hotel. They were
joined at 9:00 A.M. by the Secretary of State and British Foreign Secretary Lord Home.
The President and the Prime Minister reviewed the situation in the
General Assembly of the United Nations and considered the policies best
pursued by their two countries towards their common goal. They were
in complete agreement as to the vital role of the United Nations, particularly in the Congo crisis and the need to give full support to the Secretary
General in his task. They greatly hope that after a stormy start the General Assembly will now be able to concentrate on serious, sober and constructive work, notably in the matter of disarmament.
NOTE: The joint statement was released in New York City.
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308 II Toasts of the President and the Crown
Prince of Japan. September 27, I960
Your Imperial Highnesses, ladies and gentlemen:
In the past 8 years that it has been the good fortune of my wife and
myself to entertain representatives of nations great and small at this
table, one thing is certain, we have never entertained a couple who
showed such youth, vitality, and charm as the couple that we are so
fortunate as to have this evening.
Possibly they won the hearts of America as they have come across our
continent partially because of their youth, because our country is a young
country. But we must remember also that Japan, although a very old
nation, is also young. Starting just a century ago, there began in that
country a great renaissance. We are proud that we had a small part in
bringing about its beginning.
Today it is flowering into a great production and prosperity that will
certainly continue on into the future, and Japan stands again as one of
the proud countries that values its independence and with us believes in
the democratic ideal of life.
So I think all of us will deem it a great privilege, as we honor the Crown
Prince and the Crown Princess at this table, to drink a Toast also to this
country and its Emperor, His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Japan.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast May I say, Mr. President, that you are
at 0o:04 p.m. at a state dinner at the held by all free peoples the world over in
White House. Prince Akihito responded the highest respect and affection because
as follows: of your candor and sincerity, your warmness of heart, and above all your love of
Mr. President, Mrs. Eisenhower, and dis- peace.
tinguished guests: Ladies and gentlemen, I have the honor
I am deeply moved, Mr. President, by to propose a Toast to the great friend and
the cordial words addressed directly to me pre-eminent leader of the free world, the
and to the Princess, and through us, I be- President of the United States and his
lieve, to the people of my country. gracious Lady.
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309 e1 Address in Chicago at the I 960 Victory
Fund Dinner Rally. September 29, I960
Mr. Chairman, fellow Republicans, and all dedicated citizens everywhere:
For 8 years I have been introduced at party gatherings and many
public affairs functions by a good friend of mine, the Vice President of
the United States. Tonight, with your permission, I would like to have
the privilege of reversing that order. But first, some brief remarks:
In this gathering, all of us are joined to make certain, through our own
dedication and our sacrifice of time, effort, and pocketbooks, that we
will assure victory on November 8th for Richard Nixon and Cabot Lodge,
and with them the continuation of sound government.
The reason we work for their election is our confidence in their capacity
to provide the Nation with the best possible leadership in the years immediately ahead. For my part, this confidence is based upon an intimate
acquaintance with their talents, their experience, and their character.
I have known Cabot Lodge for many years.
During World War II, I knew him as a soldier.
He was the only man in the United States Senate since the Civil War
to resign from his seat to fight in the Armed Forces.
He served in the North African campaign, and continued to serve with
distinction until the close of the war, after which the voters of Massachusetts gratefully returned him to the Senate.
His career in the Senate was in keeping with the brilliant record of his
family. Five of his ancestors served in that body. He began his own
active political career in the Massachusetts Legislature.
There, Cabot Lodge quickly came to understand that good representative government requires a system under which certain responsibilities and
powers are allocated to each level-local, State, and national government.
In his most recent role, as our representative to the United Nations the
past 7 years, Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated, day by day, his superb
qualities of leadership. He has stood firmly on a platform of truth to
confound the delegates of the Soviet Union and its satellites who have
falsely misrepresented the peaceful intentions of the United States. We
salute him for his enviable record as a public servant, because he has
been a stout and skillful representative of the United States, and because
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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his performance in the United Nations has brought growing respect and
admiration for that great international institution among our countrymen.
It is upon such a record that we acclaim Cabot Lodge as our vice
presidential candidate.
Heading our ticket is Richard Nixon, the possessor of a vast richness of
experience in domestic affairs, foreign relations, and person-to-person
diplomacy. In important functions in executive work, he has served the
Nation well. In some half-hundred countries around the world the Vice
President has carried out assignments at my request-assignments requiring tact, sound judgment, and courage-in all of these he has been extraordinarily successful.
In the 171 years of this Republic, 34 men have occupied the high position of trust and responsibility of the American presidency. Today, possibly more than ever before, the office is the principal channel for the
expression of our national purpose-of our hopes, beliefs, and aspirations
for a world living in peace with justice.
In the years ahead your President must be a man capable of calm decision in the midst of frenzy-a man who is neither intimidated by selfish
pressure groups at home nor tyrants abroad.
Richard Nixon is such a man.
Of late I have noted allegations that the Vice President has contributed little to the affairs of government. On this matter, let me set the
record straight-and certainly no one is in a better position to do so.
For 8 years I have worked closely with him. During these years Dick
Nixon has participated with me and high officials of your Government in
hundreds of important deliberative proceedings of the Cabinet, the
National Security Council, and other agencies. In these meetings he has
proved himself time and again to be a man with a comprehensive understanding of both the problems of our age and the demands upon
government.
His counsel has been invaluable. He is dedicated, decisive, persistent
in pursuing new ways for improving government, and a man possessed
of the character, patience, and sound judgment so essential for effective
leadership in the troubled world of tomorrow.
Leadership is not proved by a mere whirling across the public stage
in a burst of glib oratory. It is forged of experience in the many workshops of public affairs-at the council table, at the diplomatic con735
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Public Papers of the Presidents
ference; it is ripened in unlimited contacts with those who work at the
summit and those who labor in the vineyard. It gains deeper insight as it
explores into the ideas and problems that disturb world leaders and bewilder humankind the world over.
It is on this basis I make this unequivocable statement. As a man
qualified to enter on the duties of the presidential office, Dick Nixon has
the broadest and deepest preparation and experience of any man I know.
Alexander Hamilton once prophesied of a time to come when "every
vital question of state will be merged in the question," he said, " 'Who
will be the next President?'"
In this election such a time is at hand.
We want presidential leadership that rejects both irresponsible promises and deceptively simple solutions to national problems. We are against
leadership that seeks to center all government in Washington. We want
leadership that sees government as the willing partner, not the controller
of human progress and achievement.
We do not want leadership that recklessly exhausts the rightful heritage
of our grandchildren. We do want leadership that will fight against
the debasement of the dollar at the grocery counter, and the erosion of
our pensions and personal savings.
We do not want leadership that sees only dark continents of despair
in American life-leadership that has a stultifying preoccupation with our
faults. We do want leadership that gauges our problems with definitive
care, and then produces a solution patterned carefully to the problem,
regardless of the carping of the irresponsible.
I ask you: do we want leadership from a trained team, unmatched in
experience in the affairs of modern diplomacy, to continue and enlarge
upon what we have done to build peace with justice?
Of course we do-we want Nixon and Lodge.
The Nation needs this team. So, under the bracing influence of our
philosophy of freedom and dignity of the individual, let us pledge ourselves to an all-out drive to assure victory for our national ticket. And
let's back them up by giving them a big crew of Republican Congressmen
in Washington and Governors in the Nation's statehouses.
So doing, we shall begin our second century of Republican leadership
with a sound assurance that America's bright hopes for a better world
will be steadily advanced.
736
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q( 3IO
And now, ladies and gentlemen, it is my privilege and honor to introduce Richard Nixon, the next President of the United States!
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:26 p.m. The address was broadcast to similar
at the Conrad Hilton Hotel in Chicago. dinner rallies in 35 cities joined by closedHis opening words "Mr. Chairman" re- circuit television. The Vice President
ferred to U.S. Senator Thruston Morton spoke in Boston; Senator Morton, who
of Kentucky, Chairman of the Republican served as toastmaster, spoke in PhilaNational Committee. delphia.
310 o f Remarks at the Polish-American Congress
in Chicago. September 30, 1960
Mr. Rozmarek, distinguished guests, and my fellow Americans:
First of all, I must thank you personally, Mr. Rozmarek, for the very
generous terms in which you have introduced me.
I want to say, first, that I am especially delighted to have a chance to
meet briefly with the Polish-American Congress. This is not a mere
formality, because from time immemorial, the people of Poland have
shown such a fierce dedication to the conception of liberty and personal
freedom, that they have been an example for all the world.
We must remember that spirit is, after all, the major force that animates all human action. Material strength we have, and we are fortunate in having it; we have economic strength and intellectual strengthbut what is in the heart of the human is, after all, the thing we must seek
when we say he is our friend or our ally, or our brother in the convictions
and beliefs that we hold.
So, from the days of Kosciuszko (and here I must pause for a moment,
because once in Poland they used that name quite often, and it was a
whole day before I knew what they were saying, but my pronunciation is
Kosciuszko) from the day he came to help in our struggle for independence in this country, there has never been a time when the Polish
people and Polish fortunes have been absent from the hearts and minds of
the American people.
Only in the time of Woodrow Wilson, one of his Fourteen Points that
he laid out as his formula for peace with Germany after World War I,
was the permanent independence and the territorial integrity of Poland.
That the people of our country and the people of Poland have been
akin in spirit, I think was again demonstrated very definitely when Vice
737
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Public Papers of the Presidents
President Nixon went to that country only a year or so ago, and had a
quarter of a million people cheering him, voluntarily bringing in arms
of flowers to throw in his path, trying to let him know that through him
they hoped to send a message to America, "We still, with you, believe in
freedom."
In I952, I promised the American people that whatever I could do by
peaceful means would be done, in order that those people who are held
in bondage by a tyrannical dictatorship might finally have the right to
determine their own fates by their own free votes.
This is still a tenet in the faith of every right-thinking American. It
is as yet unachieved, but this does not mean that anyone must give up
hope. We must continue, by our unity and freedom throughout the
world, to oppose the bloc that by making the State a deity and the individual just a plodding animal do the bidding of that State.
So, just as we keep faithful to our religious teachings, and the religious
background on which this Nation was formed, we keep faithful to that
ideal of freedom, well realizing that freedom and peace are in the long
run indivisible.
There must be peace for the world, or no nation can truly enjoy it.
People of your blood have come to this country. You are citizens of
the United States. Your loyalty to the United States is exactly as that
of your forefathers, of yourselves, to your mother country. But citizenship is not a mere matter of expressing our pride in our traditions, in our
historical figures. Citizenship is the carrying forward of the ideals on
which nations based on freedom are maintained and sustained. It is a
matter of discharging our responsibilities.
The individual's way of discharging his responsibilities is found in many
channels. It is in obedience to the law; it is performing with others the
cooperative works of communities and sects and organizations that have
to do with the alleviation of suffering. But there is one thing that right
now is uppermost in our minds: it is discharging your responsibility of expressing your view about the political future or the immediate political
future of our country.
This you do by registering and by placing your vote in the ballot box.
It makes no difference, so far as I am concerned-but I don't mean to
say I am disinterested-but it makes no difference for what individual
or party you vote, as long as you are voting your own honest convictions.
And if you do not do that, you are not discharging your responsibilities
738
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
( 3IO
either to this great country, or to the traditions that you have brought with
you from the culture from which you came.
I cannot tell you what great importance I attach to this business of
making certain that our government is surely a representative one. It is
not representative of us at all if anyone fails to perform this duty. You
know, after I go, but before you people leave this room, I would like each
person here to turn to his two neighbors or her two neighbors and say,
"Have you registered? Are you going to vote?" If you can get a
hundred percent "yes," this will be one of the most magnificent meetings
that I have ever attended-and it will be an example for all the United
States. And then, as you go out, and you meet two other peoplein your home, at your work, wherever you are living-and say "Have you
registered and are you going to vote?" This is truly what we must do, if
self-government, representative government, is going to exist permanently
and healthily.
Because, if you are doing this, you are also thinking of what are the
issues, who are the leaders you want to follow. You are going to do it
thoughtfully, you are not going to let a brand name, or anything else,
influence you. And I cannot tell you how earnestly I pray that every person here will do just that.
Now there's one other phase of this relationship among free countries
that I should like to mention, before I close these brief and very informal
remarks.
I was told the other day that there are 213 nationalities recognized by
our Immigration Service-2I 3 nationalities that have in some way or
other contributed to the development of our civilization in this country.
There is one point I want to make. Our country has found it necessary
to establish quotas, quotas on immigration. Whether or not you and
I happen to think that quotas are correct at this time, and used properly,
or we may think they are not generous enough, the fact is we have had
quotas.
Has any Communist country had to establish quotas to keep people
from immigrating to their nation?
So when we talk about this prestige between free countries and Communist countries, I would like to make that simple test: how many of
you here want to apply for passports and visas to go to Russia?
In other words, we are not only proud of our citizenship, we are proud
of every nation that, with us, gives the opportunity to the individual to
739
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Public Papers of the Presidents
realize the most out of his talents and his opportunities. In other words,
it is the human spirit that must be free. And this is the thing that brings
213 nationalities finally into one single nation.
I think that each of these nations should be proud of its heritage. It
should be proud of the traditions and the faiths that it brings, because
with that kind of pride in traditions it helps to build our country. Our
country is a great amalgamation, and we each live with the other in
friendship, with mutual self-respect, and because we find that in this
great mixture of cultures and thinking, and traditions and history, each of
us is enriched.
Now among the free nations of the world, we have got to have something of that kind of spirit. We must not, as I see it, appear superior
to any other country that is, like ourselves, working for the same kind of
civilization which respects the dignity of men. We must not be either
patronizing, resentful, or either because of race or religion or color or
background or some other inconsequential factor treat them as a stranger
or enemy.
Just as we seek peace and order and progress and greater unification
among our own people, we must seek it through all those people who like
ourselves believe in God and base their whole ideals concerning humanity
on that faith.
Now, my friends, I was told I was to come over here and just greet
you, and wish you well, but I guess possibly I have been so long in political life that I can't help, when I've got an opportunity, to just start
talking.
But I might tell you one little story about that. We had one State
that had in its laws a provision that anyone convicted for murder and was
to be executed, was to be given 5 minutes to say anything he wanted to,
before the final act.
And there was in this State a man who was so convicted and was just
about on the brink. And the sheriff, in front of the assembled crowdand they had come from everywhere to see this thing-offered this man
very solemnly and officially his 5 minutes.
Well, the man promptly refused it. But another man in the gathering
jumped up quickly and says he's running for Congress, "Can I have the
5 minutes?"
I didn't mean to take the time that somebody else should have hadalthough not in those circumstances, of course. But I cannot tell you how
740
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(q 3I I
much I wish you well, how proud I am of the record of your country, its
convictions, of the great contributions the people of Polish extraction have
brought to this New World.
And again to say, don't forget to make sure that you have registered and
your two neighbors have. And vote for somebody!
Thank you very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Sher- Charles Rozmarek, President of the
man Hotel in Chicago. His opening Polish-American Congress.
words "Mr. Rozmarek" referred to
3 " I 41 Message to the People of the Federation of
Nigeria on the Occasion of Their Independence.
October i, i960
ON BEHALF OF the people of the United States of America, I wish
to extend to the Government and people of Nigeria heartiest congratulations on the occasion of their independence.
We in the United States have watched with sympathy and admiration
the progress of the people of Nigeria toward this historic and welcome
event which is the result of fruitful cooperation between the people of
Nigeria and the Government and people of the United Kingdom. We
are confident that this spirit of cooperation will inspire Nigeria's future
relationships with all who hold freedom dear.
In expressing the best wishes of my country, I speak for a people who
cherish individual liberty and independence, and who have made great
sacrifices so that these vital principles might endure. It is with special
pleasure, therefore, that we witness the assumption by this new nation
of its sovereign place in the world community.
I am keenly conscious of the friendship which has marked the relations of our two countries. We take great pride in bonds established by
Nigerian government leaders whom we were privileged to receive as
guests, and by the many Nigerians who have studied in our land.
For the future, we in the United States stand ready to work with the
people of Nigeria to reach the goals we all share of health, enlightenment
and material well being. I am confident that in years to come our two
countries will stand as one in safeguarding the greatest of all bonds between us, our common belief in a free and democratic way of life.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
74I
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Public Papers of the Presidents
3 2 t Joint Statement Following Meeting With
Prime Minister Macmillan and Prime Minister
Menzies. October 2, I960
THE PRIME MINISTER of Australia met for an hour and a half at
the White House this morning with the President of the United States
and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. They continued the
discussion of current problems at the United Nations which the President and Mr. Macmillan had started in New York on Tuesday last. They
adjourned their meeting at I o: 50 A.M.
All three were agreed in the hope that the General Assembly will
now be able to achieve real progress on the problems confronting it,
notably that of disarmament.
The United States and British Secretaries of State plan to meet again
this afternoon at the British Embassy at 2:30 to carry forward the review
of certain of the points under discussion this morning.
313 41 Letter in Reply to a Proposal for a Meeting
of the President and Chairman Khrushchev.
October 2, I960
Dear
I have received your letter of September 29, informing me of your
intention to submit to the current session of the General Assembly a
resolution calling for a meeting between the Chairman of the Council
of Ministers of the USSR and myself. I assure you again that I share
the concern expressed in this communication over the present state of
international relations, and I understand and sympathize with the motives which led you to propose this step.
As President of the United States I have sought on every occasion to
explore to the full any possibility for the resolution of outstanding international questions by negotiation.
Following the refusal last May of the Soviet government to participate
in the long awaited Summit Conference which was to deal with certain
of these questions, especially disarmament and problems arising out of
742
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 3I 3
the war, the President of France, the Prime Minister of the United
Kingdom and I issued a declaration which stated: "They remain unshaken in their conviction that all outstanding international questions
should not be settled by threat or the use of force but by peaceful means
through negotiation. They themselves remain ready to take part in
such negotiations at any suitable time in the future."
Speaking for the United States this statement still holds good.
I have at no time utilized any threats whatsoever with reference to any
international question. This is, I am sure you will agree, a matter of
historical record.
On the other hand, the Soviet Union far from following a comparable
policy of restraint appears to have undertaken with deliberate intent a
policy of increasing tension throughout the world and in particular of
damaging relations with the United States.
Instead of avoiding threats of the use of force, the Soviet Government
has threatened rocket retaliation against many members of the United
Nations including the United States on the pretext of contrived and
imaginary intentions on the part of these countries. While these threats
have necessarily only strengthened our resolve to maintain our readiness
to deter and, if necessary, to resist any aggression, they have nevertheless
caused uneasiness throughout the world.
The Soviet Government has refused any thought of an impartial international body to investigate the shooting down on July i of an aircraft
of the United States Air Force, and is still holding incommunicado two
members of its crew.
The Soviets have unilaterally disrupted the ten-nation disarmament
talks in Geneva with full knowledge that the Western Powers there represented were about to submit new proposals which took into account those
made earlier by the Soviet Union.
I believe that a comparison of the international behavior of the
participants of the Paris Meeting since its collapse demonstrates where
the responsibility lies for the increase of international tension and the
failure to make any progress in the solution of outstanding problems.
I reiterate what I said in my speech before the General Assembly on
September 22: The United States is always ready to undertake serious
negotiations with the Soviet Union and other interested countries on any
unresolved international question, and especially in the field of disarmament. I also pointed out that there are needs for great constructive
743
'f 3I3
Public Papers of the Presidents
action, for which I have made proposals to the General Assembly, that
are primary in their importance to the peace and progress of major
areas of the world. However, the chief problems in the world today
are not due to differences between the Soviet Union and the United
States alone, and therefore are not possible of solution on a bilateral
basis.
The questions which are disrupting the world at the present time are
of immediate and vital concern to other nations as well. The importance of these matters is such as to go beyond personal or official relations
between any two individuals to impede their solution, and I have many
times personally pledged myself, regardless of every kind of personal
consideration, to meet with anyone at anytime if there is any serious
promise of productive results. There is nothing in the words or actions
of the government of the Soviet Union which gives me any reason to
believe that the meeting you suggest would hold any such promise. I
would not wish to participate in a mere gesture which, in present circumstances, might convey a thoroughly misleading and unfortunate impression to the peoples of the world.
If the Soviet Union seriously desires a reduction in tensions it can
readily pave the way for useful negotiations by actions in the United
Nations and elsewhere. If Soviet representatives should wish to discuss
concrete measures to reduce tensions my representatives, including the
Secretary of State, are always available for this purpose. Should such
exploratory discussions reveal that the Soviet Union is prepared to return
to the path of peaceful negotiation with some prospect of fruitful results
then I personally would be prepared to meet and negotiate with the
representative of the Soviet Government and with the heads of other
governments as their interests were involved.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: This is the text of identical letters President Nasser of the United Arab Readdressed to President Nkrumah of public, President Tito of Yugoslavia, and
Ghana, President Sukarno of Indonesia, Prime Minister Nehru of India.
744
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 q 314
314 q( Remarks to the 67th Annual Conference
of the International Association of Chiefs of Police.
October 4, I960
President Woodson, Chief Murray, and members of the International
Association of Chiefs of Police:
Very shortly I am going to be out of government, and I won't have
some of the arrangements that are normally conducted around me-to
make sure I don't misbehave. I don't know of any crowd that I want
to make stronger friends of mine in the years to come than the police
chiefs-so if I get out of line they will be very lenient with me.
It is truly a privilege to come here to welcome such a body as this,
a body that stands for law and order in the world. I understand there
are gathered here not only the chiefs of police throughout my own
country, but representatives of 39 countries.
If this world needs anything more than law and order, I would defy
anyone here to tell me what it is. I am quite sure that if we could only
get your dedication to this concept of law and order and decent behavior
adopted on the part of all humans-if we could get that concept understood and practiced in the nations-indeed your work would be much
easier. It is the tensions and the problems and the worries of the world
that I think often lead individuals themselves to conduct themselves
improperly.
My thanks are due not only to the police of my own country for the
many courtesies and favors they have given to me and my party as I have
gone around this country during the past years, but to those of other
nations which I have visited. In all these visits, I have never seen a
single case of discourtesy or of lack of attention to his duty by police
officers in any single one of these countries. My admiration for the
discipline that is maintained in their organizations, for the obvious
dedication of each man to his duty, is indeed high.
So as you go about your work, I would like you to know that it is not
only someone like myself who is the recipient of so much attention because of the office, but America and the world-the people in the nations represented here-who also recognize the value of your work. They
know the difficulties you have, particularly when, after having apprehended some guilty persons and by some kind of technicality they are
745
(q 3I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
freed and you think your work has all to be done over, you may get
discouraged. You should understand that people who read your newspapers also appreciate this problem, and as a matter of fact pray with
the rest of us that these things can be corrected.
I say I will not again have the opportunity to greet such a body as
this. But I would not want to go away without explaining to you that
my appreciation is sincere.
I want also to call your attention to one police body that I have recently seen operating effectively and at full force and overtime. This is
the New York City Police, which is operating under a man, a friend of
mine who cannot be here today, Commissioner Kennedy. Because of the
extraordinary burdens placed upon that force, they are working according to the records shown me recently, from 12 to I8 hours, 7 days a
week. Commissioner Kennedy has his entire force denied any leave or
any furlough, all equipment is mobilized, and even those that were on
furlough or leave were in many instances recalled. So I would personally like to think that all of the people here understand what the
responsibilities of such a job are-and I myself know something about it
because I have been on these motorcades and I know the police haven't
got very easy jobs. I would like to see you give him and his force at
least a silent salute for the way he and they are working, not only for all
of New York City, but for the Nation and indeed for all freedom-loving
people everywhere.
I merely cite his case, which may be duplicated in many other
instances in different ways in all your cities, for all I know. I happen
to know that that one is now, you might say, at the dramatic height
of its activities, and is doing a very splendid job, as I can well testify.
So again, to all of you, thank you for inviting me here. Good luck
to you, and may everyone that you have caught and is found guilty get
his proper punishment. Similarly I hope that in every case where you
apprehend a man and you are doubtful about the case, if you can find
real evidence to show that he is innocent, that again will be something
that will bring up in the minds of people everywhere the value of a true
police force.
Thank you, and goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Statler Woodson, Jr., President of the InternaHilton Hotel in Washington. His open- tional Association of Chiefs of Police, and
ing words "President Woodson, Chief Robert V. Murray, Chief of Police of the
Murray" referred to Col. Charles W. District of Columbia.
746
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960 q 315
315 e Remarks to a Group of Engineers From
India Upon Completion of a Training Program in
the United States. October 5, I960
Mr. Minister, Mr. Riddleberger, and alumni of this training and educational program:
I shall not attempt to make a commencement address in the traditional
sense that we do in this country at least, whenever a class graduates from
an institution of learning. But first I should like to welcome you here
to this Capital where I understand you have gathered from the various
institutions and industries in which you have been training, and now
you are going to talk among yourselves and with others about the training
you have had and how you can help each other with the special instruction you have received.
The United States has been committed for a long time to what we
call a people-to-people program. We think this is one of the most
brilliant features of this kind of getting together of nations, of different
philosophies-at times, of different races-and certainly of different
backgrounds and histories.
So we are indeed happy that you are here in this country and have
gone through these institutions which we believe you will find helpful.
More than that we hope that aside from the individual advantage you
get, there will be real improvements brought about between the understanding-mutual understanding-of our two countries.
Now I would like to talk a little bit about my own country and its
purposes, particularly in this kind of operation.
We believe by helping other peoples to bring up their economic
standards-individual standards of living-that this is good for the
United States. We want to live in a peaceful world. We are an industrious people. We are not combative-but we are determined to take
care of ourselves.
You have been in institutions that are operated under the free enterprise system. Of this we are very proud. We have grown up in that
tradition, and we believe in it, and we want to maintain it.
You have seen something of the way it operates here. In your own
country industries are operated sometimes differently, sometimes in the
747
(I 3I5
Public Papers of the Presidents
same pattern. To us that makes no difference. You do it your way.
What we believe is this: it is important to us that the mind and spirit of
man is free so he can himself decide what it is that he as one of the
representatives of his own country-what that country wants to do. As
long as the man has a free mind and a free spirit, we believe he is no
danger to peace.
On the contrary, we believe that the great populations of the world,
every one of them, wants peace. Governments-and possibly I as one
member of my Government-can sometimes be stupid or ignorant or
lack in understanding. But there is one thing sure: we do know that
peoples want peace. They want to act according to their own ideas
and convictions and deeper feelings-and their religions. That is what
they want to do, instinctively, because we are humans.
Our country would like to see that done, and indeed our Government
would like to see that done. It has been the main policy of our Government for many, many years, long before I came here. We will attempt
to proceed along that line. We hope that more of you people will come
here and carry back with you, as you will, a clear understanding of how
we do things. We will say this should help you to make up your mind
on the matter of how you want to do it. We don't say that you should
have our system. Maybe our system isn't necessarily good for others.
After all, we came here as a very small population into a vast region of
rich resources.
Countries today that are trying to industrialize are not in that situation. So therefore they have got different problems. We merely ask
you to remain free in mind and spirit, and on that basis you will certainly have a friend in the United States of America.
We want nothing-no territory. We want no influence, or domination that comes about either by military or economic power, or political
power. We want to be friends with people on a basis of mutual understanding and respect, and a common dedication to the concept of the
dignity of man.
I hope as you learn something more about engineering and industrial
production and about steel-I can't talk about them, I wouldn't know
anything about them, and you would laugh at me-but I do know this:
you have learned something more because you have come out from your
own environment and lived with people who are doing things somewhat
748
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I 3i 6
differently than you do. Living under those conditions and all the rest
of it, this is good.
Any one of us that goes to another nation, even for brief hours, learns
something. You have gotten a real comprehension of United States
thinking because you have talked not just to Presidents and politicians
and Senators, you have talked to people that work, and in the production
of the things that the world needs.
So I say, as you go, good luck, Godspeed. We are looking forward
to having more of you here. I believe during i 96 I your six hundred-man
program is going to be completed. I think all of us should thank the
Iron and Steel Institute for the help it has given, but I am quite sure that
private enterprise and private industries and the Government will want
to see this continued in some way. One of these days you people, in turn,
are going to have to bring others in to show them your plants-whether
it be in Africa or Asia or anywhere else, showing them how you do it there,
and how you do it better than the United States.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Rose just completed 7 months training under
Garden at the White House. His open- the Indian Steel Training and Education
ing words "Mr. Minister, Mr. Riddle- Program. This program, sponsored by
berger" referred to D. N. Chatterjee, Min- the Ford Foundation and the Internaister of the Indian Embassy, and James tional Cooperation Administration, is deW. Riddleberger, Director of the Inter- signed to provide India with 6oo trained
national Cooperation Administration. engineers by the end of i96 I.
The group of go Indian engineers had
3 I 6 e Letter to Secretary Mitchell on Receiving
Report on the Effectiveness of the LaborManagement Act. October 7, I 960
[ Released October 7, i960. Dated October 6, I 960]
Dear Mr. Secretary:
I have read with interest your October first report to me on the Labor
Department's first year of operations under the Labor-Management
Reporting and Disclosure Act of I 959.
It is indeed heartening to see how the provisions of this law are being
utilized by America's working men and women to safeguard against the
corruption and abuses of power it was designed to correct. While such
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corruption and abuses have occurred only among a small minority of
those in the labor-management field, all of us are agreed that in a free
society these practices cannot be tolerated no matter how few may engage
in them.
Clearly, the experience of the past year under this statute attests to the
wisdom of those who worked so diligently for passage of an adequate
labor reform law, and it particularly supports the judgment of those in
the House of Representatives who voted for the Landrum-Griffin bill to
replace the weak and ineffective measure approved earlier by the Senate.
It is my hope that our working men and women will continue to use
the provisions of this law where they are appropriate, and that our Nation
will continue its advance toward truly responsible labor-management
relations.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Secretary Mitchell's report stated curbing of improper practices and colluthat the law had brought about a renewed sion between union officials and manageawareness and participation on the part ment, or by management and their repreof union members in the affairs of their sentatives against the interest of working
unions; a restoration, where it had been people.
denied, of the democratic rights of union The report, in the form of a letter
members to manage their own affairs; the dated October I, 1960, was released with
protection of the dues moneys paid by the President's reply.
union members from their wages; and the
3 7 eJ Toasts of the President and Prince Albert
of Belgium. October 7, I960
Your Royal Highnesses, ladies and gentlemen:
We are privileged today to have as our honored guests Their Royal
Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Liege. It is a peculiar privilege
also to tell you people about one thing that I have learned here today.
The Princess is a citizen of the United States by reason of the fact that
she is a descendant of Lafayette.
I have been trying to persuade her to stay here until November 8th,
and I am doing a little bit of electioneering to see her vote is on the
right side.
However, it is a great honor to tell you about this particular relationship of hers, because as far as I am concerned, it is the first time I have
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(e 3I8
met one of the relatives of any of the descendants of our great French
hero in America.
The country of Belgium is one of America's closest friends. We
served with Belgium in two wars, and we saw her bring about her renaissance after the tremendous destruction of World War II. Today she
is a happy, prosperous country, a champion of liberty. And because
she is a champion of liberty, she is a close relative of ours, because any
two peoples that have this kind of similar dedication cannot fail to be
brothers.
So I today deem it a great privilege that I can ask you-this company-to rise with me to drink a Toast to His Majesty the King of the
Belgians.
NOTE: The President proposed this toast
at a luncheon at the White House in
honor of Prince Albert and Princess Paola.
Prince Albert responded as follows:
Mr. President, Madame, ladies and
gentlemen:
First of all, I want to apologize for
doing very, very short and uninteresting
speech, because of my knowledge in English is incomplete. I hope you will excuse
me.
Mr. President, I want to thank you for
your very kind words to us, my wife and
I, and to our country-and also to my
brother.
Madame, let me thank you in the name
of my wife and me for that delicious meal.
We enjoyed it.
As you know, I have the honor of heading an Economic Mission which main purpose is to foster economic cooperation,
especially from the industrial point of
view. In name of the Belgian Economic
Mission, I want to thank you especially,
Mr. President, and all the American people, for the warm welcome they have
given to us everywhere where we have
been until now. We have received the
nicest welcome we have ever received.
When we were talking together, my wife
and I, over our mutual impressions of
America and the American people-we
were completely de le coeur to use a
French word-that really the American
people are terribly kind and terribly nice.
I am sure that this visit will have as a
result to bind us more-if I can use this
expression-the relationships between Belgium and America.
May I ask you, ladies and gentlemen,
to join me in drinking a Toast to the
health and the happiness of Mr. President of the United States, and Madame
Eisenhower.
3 I 8 IJ Remarks to Regional Office and Hospital
Managers of the Veterans Administration.
October 8, i960
GOOD MORNING. Maybe it's a little bit early for some of you, but
I am an old soldier. Actually, I am a veteran-some of you people
some day are going to have to take care of me.
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I wanted to chat with you a little bit because of the great importance
your organization achieves in the United States Government, and your
part in that organization. After all, the third item in our budget is for
the Veterans Administration, and it gets something over five and a half
billion and with I70,000 of you people-office managers and hospital
managers-dealing with this matter of some 22 million veterans all over
the United States, it is not only important that you meet in such places
as Washington to talk among yourselves about your problems and how
you can improve the service, but it is also important that all of the United
States knows that you are doing your job well.
Since the United States does provide generously for, as Lincoln said,
"the widow and the orphan and those who have been disabled in the
service of their country," then, in order that that generosity may be
properly expressed, you people have to do it. Mr. Whittier or any other
individual here in this office can set a tone. You people do the work.
Consequently, from all these angles of the great amounts the Nation
provides, the need and the numbers of veterans who have in some form
or other been receiving help through your hands, this is a very important
and really a vital function that you perform.
Now in the last few years I have been more than gratified by the
reports I have from Mr. Whittier's office of the increasing efficiency. He
tells me that there is something on the order of 3 percent of all our
appropriations that can be allocated to overhead. This, to my mind,
is really great efficiency. I am sure in view of the reports that have come
to me from leaders of the Veterans Administration, about the way that
our veterans are treated, you are also doing your part in making this a
human organization. I realize that it is through your recommendations
that many of the administrative improvements are achieved. But when
you come down to it, it is the 170,000 people, starting with the Philippines
and Hawaii and Alaska and down into the heart of our country here,
our Continental United States, it is through you that the human touch
that is so important to these people is brought about.
So not only do I congratulate you for the work you have been doing,
I urge that every one of you continues to make his ideas and beliefs and
convictions known to the headquarters concerning efficiency, effectiveness,
and even reporting how to take care of these people-not that they are
given a dole, but that they are treated as human beings who have deserved well of their country. All of this, it seems to me, from every report
752
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960 q 319
that has come to me, outside of Government and inside, you people have
been doing.
So I have, then, besides the duty of thanking you, one of expressing very
great personal satisfaction in this matter. I had, in Europe, the greatest
number of people ever sent into the field under one command, and of
that command over three million were Americans. They are the ones
that are our responsibility. I saw them-many of you saw them-there
and in the Pacific, dirty, muddy, sometimes cold and freezing, nearly
always tired-and looking for a coca cola.
But today, as I go back in my memory to the days when I was living
among those people all the time, I feel again that tremendous hope that
some way they would get to know America's real appreciation of the
sacrifices they make, and I think it is through you people more than
anyone else that they do.
So, my personal thanks on behalf of all those people who served and
for the widows and orphans or dependents of those who did not come
back.
I apologize again for bringing you out here at this early hour of the
morning, but it was the only way I could see to meet you, and I did want
to do that. I thank you for coming out, because it has been a great
pleasure to talk with and see such a great group of dedicated Americans.
Thank you very much. Goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Rose course of his remarks he referred to
Garden at the White House. In the Sumner G. Whittier, Administrator of
Veterans Affairs.
319 1I Remarks to Participants in the
International Field Hockey Festival.
October ii, 1960
Colonel Eagan and gentlemen:
I have never seen a field hockey game. The nearest I ever came to it
was as a boy we played a game called "shinny," and you got whatever
club you could and then you took a tin can and you "batted" it into the
shape of a ball and then you really went at it. You could sometimes
have very unfortunate results.
But I am very much interested in this group for two reasons. First,
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Public Papers of the Presidents
because of your interest and participation in sports, and secondly, because
of your love of sports, you are involved also in the people-to-people program which Colonel Eagan had a part in establishing some years back.
I think most of you know about my deep conviction that through
formation of friendships between groups of people from different nations
we can progress toward the road of mutual understanding. That means
in the long run a common peace for all of us with justice. If we can do
this, or we can further it just one tiny bit, then I think we have all done
something worthwhile. If there is anything this poor old world needs
more than anything else, it is a better understanding in one nation of
the people of another.
Through this kind of sport participation, you meet your opponents and
your associates and you form friendships that in some cases will exist
throughout your lives. And through that, and through the communications, there will radiate out from your own knowledge and consciousness,
something of this friendship for others that you yourselves feel. So the
sport itself is important because it produces healthy bodies and strong
attitudes of sportsmanship and decency and fair play. But even more do
I applaud this practice because of its bringing together of the peoples of
different nations. Colonel Eagan tells me you are planning soon, or in
the next couple of years, a very large tournament in which there is going
to be a lot of nations participating-a world's championship. That will
be something.
I don't know whether any of you are particularly interested-outside
of the citizens of our own country-in football or baseball, but right now
it happens we are in the midst of both. We are just trying to end up a
world series in baseball, and our collegiate football is right at its height.
I hope some of you will get to see one of these games, as I hope to see one
of your field hockey games. They tell me the only real relationship
between it and the games I played was that they had i i men. When I
played football at the Academy, we did have i i men.
Now I don't know how long all of you from the other countries are
going to be here. I know that you speak several languages, but I
suppose most of you speak enough English to get along and to get things
to eat and places to sleep. So I do hope you will take advantage of the
opportunity to see different parts of the United States. There are different modes of life here and there, and you will find many differences in
accent and all the rest of it. But I will tell you one thing: everywhere
754
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 320
you go you will find first, hospitality; second, you will find a complete
dedication to the idea of peace with justice, and of minding our own
business. In countries that we help in this world, we do it with no
thought of domination. We want no one else's territory. We don't
want to have any influence over others, whether it be economic, military,
political, or even social. We want partners. We want partners, and
that's all we do want.
So I just ask you to check, as you see these people of America, and
find out whether you do not agree with me that that is their basic feeling
about other nations in the world.
So as I congratulate you on your opportunities to participate in
this kind of sports-and all sports are fun, so I know you have had a
lot of fun-I do want also to say you are a valuable instrument in bringing about this understanding we so greatly need.
Thank you very much-I'll be seeing you.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Rose with headquarters in New York City.
Garden at the White House. His open- The group consisted of members of field
ing words "Colonel Eagan" referred to hockey teams from Venezuela, Bermuda,
Col. Edward P. F. Eagan, Chairman of Holland, West Germany, and the United
the People-to-People Sports Committee, States.
320 oe Remarks of Welcome to the King and
Queen of Denmark at the Washington National
Airport. October I, I960
Your Majesties and friends:
It is indeed a pleasure to welcome to Washington the King and
Queen of Denmark. Their country, like our own, is a member of the
NATO alliance, standing to defend the security of their countries and
the freedom of their people and of all those others of the alliance, and
as a great bulwark against the loss of freedom in any other section of
the world.
This is a country I have visited during my different tours of duty in
Europe and found it hospitable and its people always courteous and
ready to help.
I learned something of the country there, but I learned far more
about it from one of my oldest friends who was born a Dane and came
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Public Papers of the Presidents
to this country-I think he was I 4, Your Majesty. But he has been
a great citizen of our country and one of my warmest and oldest friends.
From him I have learned more about your people, and I have found
that he is typical of their worth to this Nation-their industriousness,
their readiness to cooperate with others, their ability to adapt themselves
to our customs and to our practices.
I feel that while all of our own people and your people feel a great
kinship among themselves, for me I have achieved through this companionship and this friendship of this individual and his family and
his friends an especially warm feeling of sentiment toward your nation
and its people. So I feel almost as if I can speak for my friend, Aksel
Nielsen, in saying we are especially glad that you two have come here
to honor us with your visit. We express the great hope, Your Majesties,
that even, as you say, you have found on part of your trip that you have
already accomplished something interesting and instructive, we hope
that it will continue to be interesting and enjoyable until the day you
leave our shores-a day, I assure you, we shall regret.
So again, sir, welcome to Washington and to this country.
NOTE: King Frederik responded as
follows:
I thank you, Mr. President, very much
for this heartwarming reception at the
outset of our visit in Washington.
First of all, I should like to thank you,
Mr. President, for your and Mrs. Eisenhower's invitation to the Queen and me
to visit your country. We have now been
here 7 days and have visited Los Angeles
and San Francisco and Chicago. Everywhere we have been received with unsurpassable hospitality and friendliness,
and our experiences have been many and
unforgettable.
We have been looking forward to this
moment when we would meet again with
you and Mrs. Eisenhower, whom we feel
are close and true friends of Denmark.
Our past experiences in a common cause
and the present wholehearted cooperation between our countries within many
fields, form a solid foundation for a verity
and a real friendship-a friendship that
is shared by the Danish Government and
by the Danish people, from whom I bring
you warm and sincere greetings and best
wishes for the future of your country.
I thank you.
321 I I Toasts of the President and King Frederik
of Denmark. October i i, 1960
Your Majesties, and ladies and gentlemen:
It is indeed a signal honor to welcome to this Capital and to this house
Their Majesties the King and Queen of Denmark. It is a country with
which we are bound by ties of common ideals and principles, and ties of
756
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 960q
(I 32 I
blood. Many of their people have come to this country-and indeed,
in their country, they celebrate one of our holidays. It has a long and
interesting history. And of course, standing as it does as a buttress between the Baltic and the North Seas, it is not strange that they have
had a long maritime history.
But in these later days it is one of the key countries in the NATO
alliance. It is a forward country. Geographically it looks across a very
narrow gap to the threatening dictatorship that creates so much tension
and indeed so much ill will in this world.
So we are proud to call them friend and ally. We need them. We
hope that they feel, on their part, a sense of partnership and need for us.
I am sure they do.
It is a romantic country. Many of you no doubt visited the Castle of
Hamlet, and for my part at least, I was astonished to find out that Hamlet
never lived in Denmark.
It is a country of people calm and serene; they seem never to be startled,
never to be hysterical. One great man said of his people: they were
always hysterical in victory and panicky in defeat. I think the people of
Denmark would be the last people that you could say that about, if you
went there and wanted to make a generalization.
In any event, it is a great country-a prosperous country-and above
all, one with us, believing in the dignity of man and ready to put everything on the line; to risk even their existence in the defense of these values
that free men feel are above all else in life.
So you can realize that it is with a great sense of distinction that I ask
you all to rise with me to drink to Their Majesties, the King and Queen
of Denmark.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast
at a state dinner in honor of King Frederik and Queen Ingrid at the White
House. King Frederik responded as
follows:
Mr. President:
The Queen and I are deeply moved by
the kind words you have addressed to us
and by the hearty welcome which you and
Mrs. Eisenhower as well as the inhabitants of this beautiful city of Washington
have given us.
The kind hospitality with which we
have been met by everybody during this
first part of our stay in the United States
has made a great impression on us and
will always be kept in grateful memory
by the Queen and myself.
We have been looking forward with
great expectations to this visit which I am
sure will contribute to further strengthening of the ties of friendship which so
happily unite our two countries. Twentyone years have elapsed since in 1939 we
had the opportunity of paying our firstvisit to the United States-a tour of which
we retain the most happy memories-2I
years full of dramatic historic events.
A world war with its terror and suffer
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Public Papers of the Presidents
ing for millions of people lies between
then and now. During the dark years of
war our two countries-each with the
means at her disposal-aimed at promoting a common cause. We Danes realize
how much we owe to the United States,
to the courage and sacrifice of the American people, to the indomitable leadership
of outstanding individuals as your memorable predecessors and you yourself, Mr.
President, and to the dedicated efforts of
the United States to achieve a peace based
on freedom and justice for all nations. I
wish to take this opportunity to express
on behalf of all my countrymen our gratitude towards the United States for their
share in the liberation of our country.
When peace had been achieved, we
were faced with a series of new problems.
As a result of the war the economy of my
country-like that of most other European countries-had suffered severe setbacks. The rebuilding and expansion of
our means of production and our merchant fleet and the revival of our commerce would not have been completed
today had not the United States Government carried out their large-scale aid programs. Through this assistance the
United States significantly helped the
cause of economic integration in Western
Europe. Your country thereby made an
inestimable contribution to the unity of
the states in our region. It is in my view
*a major interest, not only of Western Europe, but also of its friends in this hemisphere, that the cause of ever closer cooperation between European nations should
enjoy the sympathy and active support of
the United States of America.
At the same time dark and menacing
clouds were again gathering on the international horizon and prevented the peoples of the world from enjoying the peace
for which they had fought so bitterly.
Certainly those clouds still darken the
sun, but thanks to inspiration and support from the United States the free nations of the Western World have joined
their efforts to avert the threats to their
national existence and their free way of
life.
Our country and yours are united in
NATO. During the past I I years we
have had ample proof of the solidarity of
the United States with NATO. We have
benefited from the magnanimous aid
which has enabled Denmark to build up
a defense system without endangering the
economic and social stability which are
also important links in total defense. The
contribution of Denmark to the defense
of the whole NATO area is, of course,
bound to be on a moderate scale. However, we are fully aware that solidarity
with our allies is a necessity if the alliance is to fulfill its mission. The establishment of common defense areas in
Greenland, upon which Denmark and the
United States agreed in I95I, is one of
the Danish contributions to that end.
During our recent visit to Greenland the
Queen and I had the pleasure to visit
one of these areas and to inspect the
forces stationed there. The high efficiency of these forces gained and deserved
our sincere admiration.
While both of us see in the alliance
which unites us a purely defensive instrument and a successful means to avert
the horrors of a new war, we are not
closing our eyes to, but indeed seeking,
all possible means to diminish the present
tension in the world. We are grateful to
you, Mr. President, for your untiring, personal efforts in the cause of peace and
good will. They are the ultimate proof
of the peaceful aims to which the policy
of the United States as well as Denmark
are dedicated.
The close cooperation between our two
countries-in the United Nations and
other international organizations-is based
on an identity of views with respect to
the fundamental elements of life and
stamped by mutual respect and sympathy. To this contribute in no slight
degree the ties which unite many Americans of Danish origin with the land of
their ancestors. For centuries Danes
have gone to the United States to work
and study. Many of them stayed on and
founded their new homes in their country of adoption; we are happy to meet
them here as esteemed and mostly prosperous citizens of this great country. New
bonds of friendship have been created by
the ever increasing numbers of Ameri
758
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(l 32 2
can visitors coming to Denmark and
Danes going to the United States. A
most useful and ever increasing exchange
of scientists, students, teachers, etc., has
developed since the war-thanks to
American generosity and planning. This
constitutes an essential factor in the cultural relations between our two countries.
Tourist travel also is becoming possible
for wider and wider groups of our citizens,
thanks to the rising standards of living
and the progress in the means of transportation. We Danes have always been
proud of our merchant marine. In the
field of air transportation we have-by
pooling our resources with our sister nations, Norway and Sweden-significantly
assisted in making connections between
your country and Scandinavia easier and
closer. These personal links across oceans
and borders bear evidence of the freedom
reigning in our countries. Let us unite in
the hope that the torch of freedom which
we received from our fathers may also
illuminate the path of our descendants for
generations to come.
I raise my glass in honor of the President of the United States and Mrs. Eisenhower, for the prosperity and happiness
of the people of the United States.
322 qI Statement by the President Upon
Receiving Fifth Annual Report on the Rural
Development Program. October I 3, I 960
I HAVE today received the Fifth Annual Report on the Rural Development Program, which was presented to me by the Under Secretary of
Agriculture, True D. Morse, on behalf of the six Departments of the
Federal Government which carry major responsibility.
Prior to inauguration of the Rural Development Program in I955,
there had not been a concerted attack on the complex problems of families
living on small and inadequate farms.
Half of the farm families, those on small farms, together produce only
about nine percent of the farm products marketed. The result is low
income, inadequate social service, wasted manpower and a loss of
America's potential strength. This is not solely an agricultural problem,
nor does the solution lie wholly within agriculture. There must be
supplemental employment and additional sources of income, which the
Rural Development Program helps provide.
Thirty-one States and Puerto Rico have work underway in 262 counties. By June 30, 196I, the program will be operating in more than
350 counties in at least 36 States and Puerto Rico.
The program demonstrates the effectiveness of the American concept
that the role of government is to help people to help themselves.
The initial pilot and demonstration phase of the Rural Development
Program has been successful. The program can now be expanded and
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Public Papers of the Presidents
intensified. It deserves greatly increased governmental effort and the
support of all Americans.
NOTE: The Fifth Annual Report on the by the Government Printing Office (24
Rural Development Program is published pp., I960).
323 e Statement by the President: National
Newspaper Week. October I4, I960
To the Newspapers of the Nation:
It is a privilege to join in the annual observance of National Newspaper
Week.
"Your Newspaper-Freedom's Guardian" is a timely theme for 1960.
This is the year of our national elections, and it is a year of great decisions
in lands around the world.
In our newspapers, we expect to find an accurate, responsible and
lively source of public information. We live in an "open society" and by
reporting the news accurately and promptly to us, our reporters help to
keep it open. At the same time, we live in a threatening world where
news can be distorted and exploited by the enemies of freedom. So for
freedom's sake our newspapers, too, must be zealously guarded by the
sentinels of truth and vigilance.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
324 %J Remarks to the Heads of U.N. Delegations
From New African Nations and Cyprus.
October 14, 1960
I UNFORTUNATELY can't speak in French, so I will have the interpreter to interpret just a few words I have to say to you here in a group.
First of all, it is a great privilege for me to have the opportunity of
seeing you, and I thank all of you for taking the trouble to come down to
Washington so that I could have a word with you.
As you can well know, we in this country have followed with very
great interest your various steps in reaching the state of independence, and
each of you being accorded a seat in the United Nations organization.
760
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960 (J 324
Some of you may have heard the speech I made before the United
Nations, expressing not only the friendship of this country for the peoples
of Africa, but our hope that we may be of some help to you, and our
refusal to attempt interference in the affairs of any other nation, and to
refuse to achieve or try to achieve, any kind of domination-military,
political, or economic. We want only willing partners-that's all we
want.
I have only a few months left in the office I now occupy, but no
matter who shall succeed me in this office, I know that his interest will
be no less than mine in the efforts you will be making to advance the
standards of living of your people and to lead them toward a free and
democratic, self-governing type of organization which will give the
greatest possible satisfaction to each of you and to the individuals of
your nation.
The proposals I have made before the United Nations may not be
exactly those that you believe to be correct. All I was trying to point
out was the kind of thing that the United States would be prepared to
join with others in attempting to do, through the United Nations. But
this does not mean that your own views, your own ideas of the details
of such schemes should not have a very great influence on exactly how
these cooperative programs will be launched.
Now, gentlemen, with just a word of apology for our Washington
weather that delayed your landing here, I suggest that we adjourn to
the gallery for some orange juice and coffee, and this would give me
an opportunity-which I am seeking-to talk to little groups more
intimately than I can here, making a speech.
[Following these remarks in his office, the President accompanied the representatives of the new states to an adjoining gallery. There he responded as
follows to remarks addressed to him by Issofou Djermakoye, Minister of
Justice of the Republic of Niger: ]
In a rather long life I have received few commendations on my efforts
for peace in this world that have touched me more deeply.
While I have never visited the middle of Africa, I am quite sure in
my heart that I understand clearly your desires and the desires of your
people in this world of tensions and fears. I understand when you say
that "we in Africa are without great material strength" and that you
stand between two great hostile blocs.
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But, sir, we are not a bloc. We are not hostile. But we are determined that those forces which want to destroy liberty, the dignity of
man, and human freedom shall not prevail in this world. When there
is a militant dictatorship that has proclaimed openly and time again its
intention to communize the world and control it from Moscow, then
it is time for all of us-all free nations-so to order our affairs as to
prevent selfish, dictatorial forces from having their way in the world.
We do not urge-indeed we do not desire-that you should belong
to one camp or to the other. You cannot afford to waste your money
which is needed to build the hospitals, the schools, the roads that your
people need-you cannot afford to put that money into costly
armaments.
So, we are not talking about membership in any association-even
though it may be a voluntary association to defend militarily against the
threat that does exist in the world.
It is because of this that I said earlier to you that the United States
does not want either militarily, politically, or economically, to dominate,
control or subvert the peoples of your nations. The only thing we ask is
that through your own love of freedom and the determination of your
people to live their own lives as they choose, you will resist others who
have military, economic, or political intent to dominate you. These
people should not-cannot-penetrate your people and use them for their
own evil purposes.
Gentlemen, I assure you, as I told some of you at the tables, my leaving
this office will not terminate my devotion to world peace with justice.
Whenever and wherever I see liberty threatened throughout this world,
so long as I can write, so long as I can speak, I shall always be on the
side of freedom.
One thing I can assure you, the Government of this Nation will always
continue to express for its people the same sentiments I have outlined
here today.
Thank you for coming to visit with me.
NOTE: The delegates arrived in Wash- Gaba, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Reington aboard the Presidential plane public of Congo (Brazzaville) by
"Columbine." The new nations were rep- Stephane Tchichelle, Vice Premier and
resented as follows: Republic of Cameroun Minister of Foreign Affairs; Republic of
by Charles Okala, Minister of Foreign Af- Cyprus by Zenon Rossides, chairman of
fairs; Central African Republic by Michel the U.N. delegation; Republic of DaGallin-Douathe, chairman, U.N. delega- homey by Ignacio Pinto, chairman of
tion; Republic of Chad by Jules Toura the U.N. delegation; Gabonese Republic
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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by Joseph N'Goua, chairman of the U.N. ister of Labor and Civil Service; Republic
delegation; Republic of Ivory Coast by of Togo by Paulin Freitas, Minister of
Mathieu Ekra, chairman of the U.N. Foreign Affairs; Somali Republic by
delegation; Malagasy Republic by Louis Abdullahi Issa, Minister of Foreign AfRakotomalala, Minister of Foreign Af- fairs; and Republic of Upper Volta by
fairs; Republic of Mali by Ousmane Ba, Frederic Guirma, chairman of the U.N.
Minister of Labor; Republic of Niger by delegation.
Issofou Djermakoye, Minister of Justice; The delegates were invited by the
Federation of Nigeria by Jaja Wachuku, President to remain for a tour of the
Minister of Economic Development; Re- United States as guests of the Governpublic of Senegal by Ibrahima Sarr, Min- ment.
325 eT Remarks at the Tree-Planting Ceremony
at the White House on the President's 7oth Birthday.
October 14, i960
Mr. Commissioner and citizens of the District:
I take great pride from the fact that after almost 8 years in the White
House and having been compelled at times to make decisions that could
not possibly have pleased all of you-and I can understand that from
your viewpoint so close at hand that you can point out what you at least
believe to be errors of mine-yet you have found the time to come in on
a 70th birthday of mine and by your presence give me encouragement
and strength for the tasks that still lie ahead.
I owe you an apology for being late to my own birthday party. But,
when I tell you its reason, I am sure you will applaud my decision to stay
a few extra minutes in my office.
I have just been visited by the heads of United Nations delegations
from I 5 new African states, and from the state of Cyprus, all of these
newly independent and coming for the first time as official delegates to
the United Nations.
Now the message I want to give to you I bring from them. It is this:
these new nations are anxious to follow the leadership of the United
States in the great work of promoting justice in the world, promoting
the opportunities of men everywhere to raise their standards of living so
that they may truly lead lives of dignity and prize the liberty and the
independence that they have so recently achieved.
They expressed for the people of the United States the warmest sentiments of friendship and hope that our relations will be so strong and so
understanding between ourselves that the world will thereby profit in
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the pursuit of this age-old goal of peace in justice and in freedom.
So as I thank the people of this city for their great kindness in coming
this morning-and the Commissioners for so thoughtfully presenting to
me this tree which will one day be a towering giant long after I have
gone-I want to say that I believe that we can have a little stronger
conviction from the words and the sentiments expressed by these I 5 delegations, we can have greater confidence that the world is moving in the
direction we want it to go.
We must never-in spite of all the provocations of personal deportment or open or veiled threat as to our existence-we must never be
discouraged from achieving those friendships and that kind of cooperation in the world that will eventually lead to the result for which man has
so long longed.
I find it difficult here in this period just before I turn over the responsibilities of my office next January, to tell you how much I owe to the
people of this city. Never in a single instance, whether from one individual, or people gathered in groups, or two or three or more, have I had
anything but the utmost of courtesy, greatest encouragement from their
smiles and their words of cheer. I owe the same kind of gratitude to the
Commissioners and to all the officials of the District-the policemen of
every type, the Park, and the White House, and the City Police-the firemen-all of them who have helped to make so many occasions memorable for visiting dignitaries, and for keeping order where necessary.
So to everybody that had the slightest part, in spirit or just in friendly
word, in making this occasion one to be indelibly impressed upon my
memory, I say thank you with my whole heart. I hope and wish for you
in the years to come a constantly growing confidence in the leadership
of your country and the progress of the world, partly because of its leadership toward the goal of peace.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke from a plat- to him by Commissioner Robert E. Mcform on the South Grounds following Laughlin on behalf of the District of
the planting of a red oak tree presented Columbia.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 9603
(I 326
326 (J Remarks at the City-CountyBuildingin
Detroit. October I7, i960
Mr. Mayor, members of the Common Council, and fellow Americans:
I am indeed proud to be here, to know that you have come out on a
busy day to greet me and to have your Mayor and the Council present
to me these mementoes which I shall cherish always.
I am delighted to come back to this city, which is of course known
throughout the world as the motor capital of all the earth. I am
delighted to come back because I have so many friends here and throughout the State, and I know that gathering at this convention this evening
I shall have the great privilege of meeting many more of them.
Detroiters have a great right to be proud of their city, not merely
because of its material accomplishments but because it is a city where
people with good jobs have lived in self-respect, in decency, and in
perfect awareness of the fact that all America wants to live in exactly
the same way.
We are engaged in a great political struggle to determine which
candidates and which parties will control Washington in the coming
4 years. I am not here as a proponent of either party or of anything
else except for this one thing: I urge all our people to vote their own
convictions, their own consciences, and not to be swayed by any kind
of false or extreme propaganda-no matter what its source.
Along this time of a campaign, always there are extremists, people
who think they can find an advantage in distorting America before the
world, making it appear a people and a Nation that is evil, who do
not know the truth, who do not have regard for the normal commitments
of honor and decency.
I believe that anyone who is guilty in America of putting out any
kind of document that tries to tear down our self-respect, which tries
to make us believe that we are not trying to do the good and best things
for ourselves and for the world, this is a disservice to the United States.
And I repeat, I care not from what source any such calumnies can
come, but I say to the people of Detroit, as I should like to say it to all
America: just be true to yourselves, and don't be misled by anyone who
for any reason would seek advantage in distortions, falsehoods, and
wrongdoing.
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I realize that these things are only a drop in the bucket as compared
to the entire program of speaking and talking and writing that is done
and is accomplished in these campaigns. But anything that attempts
to degrade America calls for something from me, as long as I live and
no matter what my position may be. Because this country, above all
in the world that I know of, has reason to respect itself, and by
respecting itself it also respects others-and it respects those great virtues
in which we all hope to live.
I came in here this morning just to thank you most sincerely for your
kindness and for these presents. It is only because I am so jealous of the
character of America, because America is her people and what they do,
and I am so proud of that vast majority of great, hardworking Americans,
that whenever there is any attempt to besmirch their record, I want to be
on the side opposing it.
So I hope you will forgive me for turning a little serious in my talk
when I intended, as I said, to thank you very much for your welcome,
to express my pride in the invitation to come back to this spot where I
was 8 years ago-and in any event, to all of you good luck and my best
wishes for success and happiness ahead.
Thank you again.
NOTE: The President spoke at 12:35 p.m. key to the city; Marshall M. Fredericks
from a platform on the square in front gave the President a small replica of his
of the City-County Building. Mayor statue "Spirit of Detroit."
Louis C. Miriani presented him with the
327 TI Remarks in Detroit to a Group of Business
and Professional Women. October 17, I960
Madam Chairman and my fellow Americans:
I am always frightened when I have the temerity to face an audience
of women, and yet never have I experienced more enjoyable meetings
than I have on those occasions when I have been able to greet a convocation exactly like this one.
I recognize that you are the representatives of women of all Michigan.
You represent the homes of Michigan. I often think that the function
of government is to make it possible for the home to remain always what
it was intended to be: the place where there is nurtured in us a love of
freedom, a respect for constituted authority-and more than this, the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
eu 32 7
concern of each individual in the world for every other individual. I point
out that if we are not, indeed, brothers under the sonship of God, then all
of this civilization of which we are so proud begins to lose meaning.
Our own Founding Fathers, in attempting to explain this new form ofgovernment which was brought so brilliantly forward in the early days,
had to say, "We hold that all men are endowed by their Creator with
certain unalienable rights." The point is, you were "endowed by your
Creator," and this means to me that underlying all of our political institutions, indeed our entire system of government, is a deeply felt religious
faith somewhere.
It matters not exactly the form that faith takes, exactly what its doctrinal tenets are, but if we don't have that belief that we have these
"unalienable rights," given to us by someone more powerful than ourselves, then why should we be so respectful of each other? Why do I
insist that my rights are as equal to those of any other citizen, and his
are as equal to mine?
This is what I believe we mean by freedom, and because we believe in
this freedom we are impelled to form and establish democratic governments-self-government.
Now all of this, as I see it, derives from the home, and one of the
names that has always been applied to the women of our Nation or any
other nation is that they are the homemakers.
I cannot imagine a greater responsibility, a greater opportunity than
falls to the lot of the woman who is the central figure in the home. They,
far more than the men, remind us of the values of decency, of fair play,
of rightness, of our own self-respect-and respecting ourselves always
ready to respect others.
The debt that all men owe to women is not merely that through women
we are brought forth on this world, it is because they have done far more
than we have to sustain and teach those ideals that make our kind of life
worth while.
So, my friends, I am going to have just one word to say about the election that is coming up. About this time in every campaign, there comes
forward some evil kind of propaganda, it matters not what its source may
be, but this evil propaganda is trying to make someone forget that we
are a Nation that loves decency, that believes in fair play, and that we are
ready to vote our convictions according to the conscience of each of us.
I say that no propaganda of any kind allows you to desert your own
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determination to have the kind of government that you choose, and to
elect the candidates that you want. This is your bounden duty, and we
should never let those of evil intent besmirch the fair name of the
United States by lies, distortions, and indeed every kind of crooked statement that it is possible to conceive.
As I say, always this happens, and I think that it has had very little
effect in any of the elections of which I have known. I remember as far
back as i896, I carried a torch in a parade-I was 6 years old. And
in that election I heard some people around in my little town carrying
terrible stories about prominent figures in that election. I don't think it
has ever ceased but I just pray that none of you lets himself be unbalanced by it, but sticks right behind his own ideals, his own convictions
about the United States, and certainly his own opinions as to how-I
have been saying "he" I should have been saying "she"-sorry-her own
opinions as to how this election should come out. That is between you
and your conscience, and inside the secret booth.
Now I brought up this subject down in the square, and I hope that
all of you can understand how sincerely I mean it, and how honestly
I mean it, because my great faith is: America is a political expression
of a religious faith. We believe in integrity, in honesty, and decency,
and if we ever are swayed by a loss of those, then indeed we will be in
a sorry fix.
Now I express to each of you my regrets that my wife could not be
with me. I will take your present to her with great glee, and of course
I shall not be allowed to know what it is, because I know she is going
to be the one to open it.
And I thank you for the courtesy you have paid me in meeting here,
where I might greet you, express my pleasure again in being in Detroit
in meeting with such a body, and wishing you-every single one of
you-all the happiness, all of the satisfaction in life that you deserve as a
straightforward American.
So, with that, goodbye and good luck.
NOTE: The President spoke at approxi- ferred to Mrs. Dorothy S. Reynolds,
mately i p.m. in the Ball Room of the chairman of the Women of MichiSheraton Cadillac Hotel in Detroit. His gan Committee which sponsored the
opening words "Madam Chairman" re- luncheon.
768
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 196o
( 328
328 eI Address in Detroit at the National
Automobile Show Industry Dinner.
October 17, 1960
President Colbert, Governor Williams, Mayor Miriani, Directors of
the Automobile Manufacturers Association, distinguished guests, and
my friends:
Tonight, though we are in the midst of a political campaign in which
most of us are not completely disinterested, I want to speak to you in a
non-partisan spirit.
I am happy to meet with you, who are among our business and labor
leaders in America's productive enterprises. The nation admires the
material accomplishments for which you, here, have been so greatly
responsible, particularly in your own chosen field. Administrators, scientists, artists, labor, and representatives from a dozen professions have had
a part in the marvelous growth of our motor industry. I salute them all.
Yet this evening, I do not address myself solely to this particular part
or even all of the American economy. Instead I shall present to you
some reflections about our nation, our people, and the world-touching
upon truths and trends which, it seems to me, have insistent meaning
for us now and for the future.
Around the world, one of the most widely known features of the United
States today is its unprecedented wealth. But much less understood
abroad is the great spread, throughout the peoples of our nation, of the
benefits of the American system. Other peoples find it hard to believe
that an American working man can own his own comfortable home and
a car and send his children to well-equipped elementary and high schools
and to colleges as well. They fail to realize that he is not the downtrodden,
impoverished vassal of whom Karl Marx wrote. He is a self-sustaining,
thriving individual, living in dignity and in freedom. Annual family
income now averages $6,500. The Gross National Product has passed
$500 billion, and national income has soared to over $400 billion a year.
In spite of certain localities in which there is economic weakness this
level of material well-being stands in startling contrast to that of most
of the world's peoples. Yet we confidently expect that our standard of
living will continue to rise at a rate of 3 or 4 percent per year, while for
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millions of others elsewhere productivity will scarcely keep pace with
population growth.
In many other areas of the earth, once isolated peoples are acquiring
a knowledge of the world in which we live. The poverty-stricken masses
of a score of nations cannot fail, with some bitterness, to compare their
lot with ours, and to that of the other industrialized and currently prosperous nations. Hundreds of millions of human beings, denied any real
opportunity, out of their own resources, to bring their living standards up
to respectable levels will certainly, if abandoned by others, tend to develop
a feeling of helplessness, hopelessness and despair. Out of these would
emerge increasing world tensions and unrest. Vast areas of resentment
and turmoil, especially if combined under a despotic and aggressive
dictatorship, could destroy the material prosperity we now so freely enjoy
and so confidently expect to increase. Freedom would be endangered.
Clearly the economic status of others affects both our own prosperity
and world peace. The more intense and widely spread becomes the
resentment against poverty abroad, the more serious will become the
consequent problems on our own doorstep.
I believe that the vast majority of Americans is aware of these facts
and, consciously or subconsciously, is determined to make the world a
better place for all.
For us, a free world leader by reasons of size, productivity and strength,
the question really becomes "How are we to use our wealth and the
strength and influence deriving from it?" Should we merely strive
jealously to guard, in a materialistic philosophy and static isolation, the
possessions we already have? Or, recognizing the dangers of inaction,
are we boldly to strike out for the preservation of our cherished values of
freedom, by striving to see that others may, with us, possess and enjoy
them?
Since freedom is strengthened by its sharing and can be destroyed by
withholding from others the opportunities also to possess it, for us there
can be only one response.
How then may we best help in building the kind of world we seek?
In our search for the means by which we can best render help, we must
learn more about the economies of others. I suggest, for example, that
preliminary surveys should, in each case, try to pinpoint the areas in which
a particular nation may be lacking. We know that indiscriminate trans770
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 (I 328
fers of materials and money will not suffice. But if each underdeveloped
nation can, with competent technical help, discover its own special weaknesses and plan their correction, then outside help can be both effective
and economically used. One of the functions of the Special Fund of the
United Nations is to help develop such facts.
But complicating the problem of steady reduction of poverty in the
free world is the greatest obstacle that our way of life has ever known.
The principal and immediate challenger to these values is a government
which hates all that we hold most dear. The challenge we face is many
sided, and in each of its aspects it is intensified by the never ending threat
of the use of force.
The problem is, partly, philosophic-that is, spiritual and moral. We
begin all our reasoning about man's destiny and the purpose of social
organization with the conviction that man, in his sonship to God, is
precious as an individual and has absolutely inviolable rights. The Communists scornfully deny this belief. Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and
Khrushchev have all, in turn, proclaimed that the religious view of man
with dignity is false. They have taught that material factors alone are
responsible for man's life and aspirations; that any means, no matter
how repugnant, to achieve Communist ends, is acceptable.
The Communist philosophy denies to man the right of self-government,
and herein lies another phase of the critical world contest in which we are
engaged. Because of our convictions about the nature of man and his
natural rights, we adhere to democratic methods. The basic political
power resides with our people, and the decisions of government are their
decisions. Since, in the Communist view, man possesses no natural rights,
in theory all power is vested in the state-in practice, in the hands of a
few elite members of the ruling party. The people are regimented. They
know only what their rulers want them to know; they do only what their
rulers tell them to do. Whether they live at peace or are forced into war
is decided by an omnipotent few.
But these two aspects of the struggle, obvious to us, are deliberately
obscured by vicious Communist propaganda. Communists know that
men and women whose minds have been conditioned by hunger, are
tempted to follow any system that promises-no matter how falsely-a
better life. Starving people can be brought to look with envious eyes
at the Communist system which, hiding the price its people must pay in
loss of individual freedom, has made in a few short years violent but
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effective strides in the production of foods, goods and armaments.
Where individual income may be as little as 50 or ioo dollar a year,
where population increases more rapidly than production, where the
major rewards of enterprise are reaped by a relatively few, the doctrine
of communized production is seductive.
Viewed uncritically by those who allow the great fundamental philosophical and political differences to be obscured, the comparison between
the free and the communistic systems assumes a false simplicity.
When impoverished peoples and nations look, with envy, at the economic achievements of the Soviet Union, they make one serious mistake:
in their impatience with the slowness of their own progress, they tend to
confuse their particular system of private enterprise with that of the
United States. They are not fully aware of the basic factors of America's
growth. Many things and forces have molded our national experience,
and each has often been cited as the touchstone of our success. Yet none
of them belongs exclusively to us. America has no monopoly on the
prime movers of progress.
An abundance of natural resources, a system of private, competitive
enterprise, a physical size and political system that insure a great free
trade area, a way of life based on the bedrock of deep religious commitment, a massive dynamic educational system, and the great thrust of a
hybrid energy derived from many cultures-all these we have.
Beyond these, one is of special importance. It is our national social
conscience. Lack of knowledge, abroad, concerning it, is largely responsible for the erroneous concept that many have of the American system
of production and distribution.
Relatively few nations have the socially conscious type of private
enterprise that we enjoy. Here private enterprise, with minimal intervention by government, strives to benefit all the people. Now this was
not always so but the whole philosophy and spirit of our historic enterprise have led us through evolutionary changes which have given us our
present socially responsive, and responsible economic system.
So while we depend primarily upon the initiative of the individual,
for economic and social progress, yet what the people cannot do for
themselves, they expect their government to undertake in the degree
demonstrated as necessary. The share of public enterprise has necessarily increased with the growing complexity of our lives. The costs of
national defense, promotion of the general welfare, and other aspects
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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of public effort by Federal, State and local governments mount with
the years; government expenditures at all levels now approximate $I30
billion a year. This means that nearly one-third of our total national
income is taken in taxes and spent for public purposes.
Parenthetically, I should here remark that one of our greatest internal
problems is to see to it that we maintain the health and strength of our
private competitive system, including always the stability of its currency.
All the public services, with defense in the first line priority, must be
financed by our free economy. If government costs become greater
than we can meet now, in the most prosperous period of our history,
then either we must disastrously go deeper in debt-or take so much in
taxes that the economy will lose the ability to maintain the dynamism
that it must have for continued growth. Only a steadily growing economy, and one devoid of harmful inflation and mushrooming debt, can
support our ever-increasing number of public services.
Now to return to my theme: in many countries of the free world
private enterprise is greatly different from what we know here. In
some, a few families are fabulously wealthy, contribute far less than they
should in taxes, and are indifferent to the poverty of the great masses
of the people. Broad purchasing power does not, therefore, exist, even
for the domestic products of the nation. A country in this situation is
fraught with continual instability. It is ripe for revolution. The mass
of the people want and demand a change for the better, and hence two
questions arise: First, will reform come in a peaceful, orderly way, or
violently with ensuing chaos? Second, will essential reform be within
a system of private enterprise, or will production be socialized?
The Communist propagandists, playing their Pied Piper's tune, tempt
the disadvantaged to believe that Communism is the only way. Thus,
they boast that the Soviet Union will soon outstrip even the United States
in production.
We must continue to try to get the underprivileged to look behind this
claim.
It is not surprising that productivity is now increasing at a faster rate
in Russia than it is in the United States. Indeed, it would be surprising
if this were not so, for the Bolsheviks started, some forty years ago, at a
very low level, and since then have channeled all production according
to political need. By imitation and seizure, the Kremlin has been able to
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use many advanced practices developed over the years by free world scientists and technologists. But even so, with three times as many people engaged in agriculture, for example, Russia is producing less food and fiber
than is the United States. Russian industrial production is less than half
as great as ours. Only in defense production does Russia approach usand let me emphasize: even in this, she does not exceed us.
Yet even if we accepted the claim that a communized system will
eventually equal our productivity-which, of course, we do not-we
would still reject it. For a complete communization of the means of
production will succeed only under a dictatorship. We would prefer
poverty in freedom to riches in slavery.
But, my friends, how fortunate it is that this is not the choice.
If the free nations will recognize the need for, and practice effective
cooperation among themselves, they can make certain of their common
security in freedom and advance their common prosperity.
Not so many years ago we felt we could keep safely to ourselves. But
now our economy has become interdependent with that of many other
nations. Modern transportation and communication have narrowed
continents and oceans, and modern capabilities for destruction have wiped
out the last shreds of safety in isolation.
Understanding these truths, the United States since World War II
has devoted much of its time and energy, and has given with unprecedented generosity of its resources, in helping to protect freedom and to
promote rising levels of well-being in all nations wishing to be independent and free.
There can be no retreat from this course.
But changing situations call for new thinking and action, more study
of priorities.
First, it becomes urgent that every nation of the free world do all it
can to advance itself and bear its own appropriate responsibility to all the
other nations of that family. This means that there must be a new, true
spirit of common dedication to freedom pervading the relationships of
all free nations.
It has no doubt been necessary in the postwar years that the United
States be the leader in providing assistance to the free world. But all
these nations must realize that our resources are not unlimited; yet more
must be done.
If the Free World Community is to persevere and prosper, every one
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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of the nations must contribute to the total cooperative enterprise to the
utmost of its ability. No nation is so rich or strong that it dares to stand
aloof. No nation is so poor that it cannot make a vital contribution.
All must share in forming the principles and carrying out the total program for the search of peace with justice and ever-rising levels of human
well-being. While all will properly work in their own self-interest, they
must also act on a commitment for the common good.
Another new action is called for: as each of the nations of the free
economy examines its own actions and unflinchingly takes the greatest
possible responsibility for its own economic advance, it must make certain
that the blessings of production benefit all its people, not only a favored
few. The internal revisions found necessary must be undertaken by
each nation promptly and peacefully. Delay incites violence, and not
only retards the achievement of domestic goals, but also causes damage to
all free nations, as we have lately witnessed.
I do not say these things complacently. I know, as you do, that we in
the United States have many improvements to make, and we know the
dangers inherent in being self-righteous and content. We do not preachwe cooperate to produce the moral, intellectual and material strength
needed in the free world.
Since time began, opulence has too often paved for a nation the way
to depravity and ultimate destruction. Rich, sluggish societies have put
comfort, ease and luxury ahead of spiritual vigor, intellectual development and the energetic pursuit of noble goals. The ancient civilizations
of Egypt, Greece, Rome and more recently the splendid court of Louis
XV fell thus, each having developed a false sense of values and its people
having lost their sense of national destiny.
This could be a threat to the United States but for the fact that we
are not motivated by materialism. We hold dear the things of the spirit
and the intellect. Our ideals of freedom, democracy, human dignity and
social justice shine through all our institutions. These are the supreme
purposes of our people and the motivating force of our government.
Our own weaknesses must be understood and corrected. We have
problems of crime, juvenile delinquency, physical and mental health, deficiencies in education, slum housing, and racial and religious discrimination-all of which call for massive attacks. This we shall always try to
do, but not by government alone, rather by localities and by an informed
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and aroused citizenry. These matters are peoples' problems and must be
met by a broad peoples' effort.
The stop-watch of history is running. The race is on to see whether
the material and spiritual needs of the world will be better met through
dictatorial control, communized enterprise, immorality and inhumanity,
or through freedom, private enterprise, and cooperative action, inspired
by the concepts of morality and respect for human dignity. This emphasizes the necessity in every free nation to have leaders of integrity,
understanding, strength, compassion, and patience.
In our nation we want men who keep us alert to the priorities toward
which all efforts should be directed. They must sustain policies needed to
keep our economy strong, while at the same time fulfilling the nation's
domestic and foreign responsibilities-especially that of defense. Such
leaders are needed in governmental, industrial, labor, political, educational, cultural and moral areas.
Of special concern to this audience is leadership in industry, including
particularly, labor-management relationships and responsibility.
We properly cherish the American system of labor-management relations and collective bargaining. It has many unique characteristics, not
the least of which is its virtual independence of governmental interference.
This is a great strength, for it constantly encourages labor and management to grow in self-reliance and responsibility. These are important
factors in our national greatness.
But just as some other elements of our national life are today being
sorely tested, so is our labor-management system on trial. Questions
have arisen as to whether it can continue effectively to meet the complex
problems of modern industrial society; whether it can provide the necessary acceleration in vital production areas; whether it can control the
wage-price relation in ways that will permit world competition and are
fair to labor, management, consumers, and the nation; whether it can
use with maximum efficiency the increasingly complex technology our
scientists and engineers are designing; or whether because of self-interest
labor and management, unmindful of the general good, and the essentiality of constantly growing strength, will fail to do what must be done.
My friends, only yesterday I read in the newspaper a statement made
by a professor-an economist, I believe-at least he is said to be one
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19603
(I 328
and he made this statement: "Capitalism as we know it is merely a step
in the inexorable march from feudalism to socialism." I do not pretend
to quote him exactly, but that was the tenor of his words.
We have gone through several phases in the development of labormanagement relations.
The phase we are in now calls for a supreme effort on the part of both
to conduct their affairs with ever-increasing responsibility for the national
welfare.
We can, we must banish poverty.
But we cannot, if labor and management behave as adolescents instead
of adults-not if they ignore the national welfare by deadlocking for
protracted periods with painful effects upon the economy before composing their differences.
No longer can this nation permit either group to drag its feet in
adopting preventive measures for the prompt settlement of industrial
disputes.
Two Irishmen were riding up a hill on a tandem bicycle. When they
barely made the top, the front rider jumped off, mopped his brow, and
gasped about the ordeal of the climb: "Begorrah," he said, "it was so
steep I thought we'd never make it." Whereupon the rear rider added:
"And faith if I hadn't kept my foot on the brake, I think we'd have
rolled backwards."
The obvious point is that the task of climbing above the lower slopes
of human achievement in our highly industrialized society calls for a
communion of purpose and effort, not mutual antagonism.
For the American people, I say to you of management and to the
leaders of labor that there must be an ever-increasing understanding of
the total national interest, of its vital needs at each moment in history,
and of the historic mission in which it is engaged. Differences of
opinion are natural and good, but there is no room for mutual distrust,
or bitterness. Labor and business leaders must sit down in a calm
atmosphere and regularly discuss-far removed from the bargaining
table-their philosophy, their needs, and, above all, their common
responsibility to this free nation.
Your future and the future of our country are dependent on the
success you of business and of labor have in this matter. Labormanagement statesmanship is today as imperative as labor-management
bargaining.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
In speaking this way, I assure you I don't mean to scold. Frankly, I
have been amazed and highly delighted at the progress that I have seen
made in the last few years in the fields I have been discussing. I say to
you that no single one of us can escape the responsibility, though, for
bettering this relationship.
Finally, in a larger sense, our nation's leaders in all fields must deeply
believe in the brotherhood of man-the nobility of a democratic people
exercising the political power. They must have the vision and stature
neither to give up our national commitment to the rightness of freedom
nor-even under great duress-to forget that the freedom of the individual is an essential source of our vitality.
I am grateful that in these past eight years our nation has been spared
war, has been steadily growing in its total strength, and, under the most
trying circumstances, has been working for world order. Moreover, as I
peer down the lane of years ahead, I express my unshakable faith that
new leaders will, through their character, experience, judgment and
ability, lead our nation steadily to greater heights and closer to a
cooperative and just peace in freedom.
Good night-and thank you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:30 p.m. of the Automobile Manufacturers Associin Cobo Hall in Detroit. His opening ation, Governor G. Mennen Williams of
words referred to L. L. Colbert, President Michigan, and Mayor Louis C. Miriani
of Detroit.
329 Il Remarks at a Republican Rally at the
Minneapolis-St. Paul International Airport.
October i8, 1960
Mr. Chairman, Your Excellencies, and my fellow Americans:
I am delighted to come back to the Twin City area, and I am happy
that I have the opportunity to go over to Red Wing this morning to
dedicate a very fine new bridge that will span a river between Wisconsin
and this State.
It is absolutely correct that the people of Minnesota had a very great
part in deciding for me that I should lay aside the military career in
which I had so long lived, and offer myself for the Presidency-or for
the candidacy for the Presidency in 1952. The write-in vote of that
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(j 329
year was more effective than anything else-certainly far more effective
than all the arguments that the politicians and political leaders brought
to me over in Paris-and your Congressman Judd was one of them that
came. Now in his own right he is very persuasive, but not quite so
persuasive as the fact of so many Americans-finding my name nowhere
else, many of them putting it in just as "Ike," which again pleased me.
So as I look back over these 8 years, I would be very much too modest
to say that I have been responsible for the great advances of these 8 years,
but I do want to say to you I am grateful that they have taken place.
With national income, national product, employment-everything that
you can think of-up dramatically over these 8 years, it is idle to say that
this country is not proud of itself and doesn't hold its head up with selfrespect in any place in the world.
We are looking forward to leaders who will carry forward, enlarge
upon, and improve the programs that have been followed for the past
8 years. Those programs which have been developed have not always
been completely successful. They have been modified by others, but as
long as we are on the right track, with determination to secure ourselves
in the world, to lead other people into an opportunity for enjoying
freedom-as long as we pay our bills, and be solvent as a nation, then
we are doing those things that must be done, and at the same time bringing to the people of the United States greater opportunities in the whole
fields of health and education and welfare than they have ever had before
So I say, these programs have not yet been completely successful;
indeed they never will be-we are human-but they are going to be
improved under the leadership that you people now have the right and
the opportunity to choose.
And I am myself grateful for all the help that you people have given me,
and you have given me help unconsciously at times, when you have simply
gone about your business, refusing to panic under fear-mongering people
who like to peddle gloom-you have gone and done your business like
sturdy, human Americans, and not like fearful vassals of some other kind
of government.
I think that every single one of us has reason to be prouder today of
his country than he was 8 years ago-and I certainly am. And the fact
that all of you people would come out on what I am told is the first bad
day of the Minneapolis-St. Paul fall weather, to come out today to give
me a chance to greet you and to say thanks to you, means to me that you
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([ 329 Public Papers of the Presidents
believe that this country has not been so badly off as some would like to
believe.
So thank you very much, and I hope most of you will come to the
inauguration to see the next man inaugurated as President-the man of
our choice.
Goodbye.
NOTE: The President's opening words Lindquist, chairman of the civic commit"Mr. Chairman" referred to Leonard L. tee for the President's visit.
330 eJ Remarks at the Dedication of the
Hiawatha Bridge, Red Wing, Minnesota.
October i8, i960
Mr. Chairman, Congressman Quie, Governor Freeman, Mayor Rardin,
Senator Humphrey, Congressman Judd, Lieutenant Governor Nash,
Congressman Johnson, and my fellow Americans:
I welcome the opportunity to revisit Minnesota and to attend these
ceremonies here in Red Wing. It is a real experience to stand here near
the head of Lake Pepin and contemplate the contours and rugged beauty
of this part of the upper Mississippi Valley. This area through which
Father Hennepin passed almost three centuries ago, and known for such
romantic figures of the past as Red Wing, Wabasha, and Winona, fills a
large page in the history of America.
The dedication of this great new bridge across the Mississippi is another effective example of Federal-State partnership in meeting both
local and national needs. Hiawatha Bridge, now spanning the Father of
Waters, is a part of the Federal-State highway program. While this
particular partnership dates back over 40 years, to i9i6, it assumed a
tremendous new work load in I956 with the enactment of the Federal
Aid Highway Act-a program which Vice President Nixon first publicly
presented on my behalf at the I954 Governors' Conference.
I am proud of this program for a number of reasons:
First, it is financed on a sound pay-as-you-go basis.
-It gives the States primary responsibility and initiative within their
own borders.
-The program will eventually build 4I,000 miles of interstate high780
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 330
ways. Already, in the few years since its inception, I2,000 miles of highways have been built or are presently under construction.
And more important than all of these things, when the Interstate System is completed, it is estimated that it will save 4,00ooo lives every year.
And so I salute all those in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and across the Nation, who have made this partnership the efficient and effective union it
is today.
And now may I dwell a moment on the name of this useful but equally
handsome structure. I am not thinking of the Hiawatha in that charming legend of Longfellow's poem in which I found such enchantment
when I read it as a boy. Today, it is the real Indian, Hiawatha, not the
poetic legend, that I find so meaningful and whose work seems to me so
relevant to the season of history that is now upon us.
The American Indian Chief Hiawatha is said to have lived about 400
years ago. But his deeds in the I6th century in what was then Stone Age
America, are strikingly reminiscent of the work we are undertaking today.
Except that his work was carried on four centuries back, it would today,
in a different and wider scope, be noted by our daily newspapers and
excite discussion throughout the world.
Hiawatha was a founder of a United Nations organization in America.
His United Nations or League of Nations had five members. They
were the Iroquois tribes. He undertook the organization of a permanent
league for the purpose of stopping for all time the shedding of human
blood by violence. The constitution Hiawatha championed had as its
founding principles, justice, righteousness, and power, or authority, and
was intended to "safeguard human life, health, and welfare." Wisely, it
did not limit membership in their United Nations to the five Iroquois
tribes. The founding nations proposed for themselves and their successors the great task of gradually bringing into their organization to preserve peace, in the words of the constitution quoted: "all the known tribes
of men, not as subject peoples, but as confederates." The end of that
quotation.
Hiawatha's league failed, though for several generations it was remarkably successful in the achievement of its objectives. But failure does
not dim the validity of his idea. Indeed it demonstrates the timelessness
of mankind's desire for peace.
Hiawatha's experiment had an historical repetition in the sad fate of
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Public Papers of the Presidents
the League of Nations, founded in this century at the close of World War
I. In retrospect we realize that there had been for the League of Nations
insufficient intellectual preparation for such a world system. Its purposes
were admirable but no firm ideology existed to sustain it.
We must not through lack of faith or understanding so endanger the
United Nations of our own time.
Humankind has painfully discovered that peace with justice cannot
be had merely by proclaiming a charter of confederation, no matter how
skillfully devised, any more than freedom can be sustained by mere ritualistic worship of the concept of liberty. It must be undergirded by understanding, dedication, sacrifice, and effective machinery.
The problem has always been-in Hiawatha's time as in ours-to
channel governments into peaceful ways, to build institutions that make
peace easier and war more difficult and eventually impossible.
Such institutions we are now patiently building under the United
Nations. One such example is an international police force.
All of us must struggle ceaselessly for the success of the United Nations; we must support its ideals and its operations. From this commonwealth of nations there must be eliminated the causes of war. A concomitant task is to banish poverty and disease, which have so much to do
in disturbing the peace.
Day by day it becomes more clear that our faith in the United Nations
is justified-that the system under which it operates is valuable in seeking
solutions, for turning heat into light, and for keeping the true desires of
nations and of peoples exposed to world opinion.
On Monday of next week-United Nations Day-we celebrate the
I 5th birthday of this organization. This is a time for reaffirming in unmistakable terms our determination that this time our effort to find peace
through cooperation shall not fail.
In the 8 years I have occupied my present office, several truly remarkable achievements have been gained through this organization.
For example:
-America's atoms-for-peace proposal, under United Nations auspices,
has become a reality and is gradually making its influence felt throughout
the world.
-The Suez crisis in I956 was resolved through the United Nations.
-The I 958 crisis in Lebanon was dealt with successfully when, through
the United Nations, we sent our troops to the Middle East and then
782
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960q
(I 330
promptly withdrew them when the situation so warranted.
-Since early I957 the United Nations' Emergency Force has effectively stopped the dangerous raids and reprisals in the Gaza Strip which
continually threatened the peace of the Middle East.
These are merely a few sporadic instances. The great and sustained
contribution of the United Nations is the opportunity it affords for composing, through discussion, mutually antagonistic viewpoints.
Today, my friends, truth and freedom and peace are forced to fight for
survival. We must strengthen the United Nations as the great forum for
ventilating differences, for the opportunity to present the truth, and for
seeking workable compromises among our respective societies.
I say again, we can write a recipe for international cooperation and
justice, but it cannot become a reality until we live it.
We dare not stumble. We must prepare our citizenry and our children
intellectually for the task of sustaining the United Nations. Noble ideas
must be supported by education and hard work. Unless we surrender to
the possibility of being thrown back to the age of flint and steel, we will
use wisely every instrument and means at hand to find peace with justice.
Only through the collective force of a strong and informed public
opinion, united in its belief in the free spirit, shall we succeed. With such
intellectual strength and spiritual faith, we shall not fail. To your hands
and to the hands of your children, I commend this task. Indeed, that task
can never be called completely finished, for peace, like freedom, will
always demand the price of vigilance. I pray that this structure bridging
a river between two commonwealths of our nation, and its name may ever
symbolize the purpose of forging and sustaining indestructible bonds
between free peoples.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at I0:45 a.m. H. Quie and Governor Orville L. Freefrom a platform erected at the inter- man of Minnesota, Mayor Harry Rardin
section of Main and Broad Streets in Red of Red Wing, U.S. Senator Hubert H.
Wing. His opening words referred to Humphrey and U.S. Representative
Henry A. Swanson, Jr., program chair- Walter H. Judd of Minnesota, Lieutenman for the Hiawatha Bridge Opening ant Governor Philleo Nash and U.S.
Committee, U.S. Representative Albert Representative Lester R. Johnson of
Wisconsin.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
33I E' Statement by the President Concerning the
Agreement With Canada on the Water Resources of
the Columbia RiverBasin. October 9, 1I960
IT IS with pleasure that I announce basic agreement in the negotiations,
initiated in January of this year, between the United States and Canada
looking toward the formulation of a treaty for the cooperative development of the water resources of the Columbia River Basin.
The negotiators have transmitted to the two governments a joint report, dated September 28, recommending the basis upon which the drafting of a treaty should proceed. For the Government of the United States
I have today approved that report and am making it public herewith.
Prime Minister Diefenbaker is today making a similar announcement
on behalf of the Government of Canada.
The agreement is heartening proof that two neighboring nations sharing a common resource can sit down together and plan a mutually advantageous development. In these days of international tensions, not the
least important aspect of these negotiations is the example they provide
for the resolution of international problems through a process of mutual
examination and mutual accommodation of views which has traditionally
characterized relationships between Canada and the United States.
The translation of this basic agreement into a draft treaty will now
be undertaken by the negotiators of the two Governments.
NOTE: The statement was released at White House statement summarizing the
Palm Springs, Calif., together with the report and the benefits to be derived from
joint report of the two Governments (6 the proposed development of the Columpp. and annexes, mimeographed) and a bia River Basin.
332 fT Address in San Francisco to the
Commonwealth Club of California.
October 20, 1960
President Graybiel, Mayor Christopher, and my fellow Americans:
To say that I am grateful for the cordiality of the welcome given to me
today by this lovely City and its people, is a sheer understatement. My
heart is full with thanks to all.
784
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(e 332
I am glad to be here this evening to sustain your perfect score of having
as a speaker, every President of the United States since this Club was
founded at the beginning of the Century. I sincerely hope that my appearance gives you no reason to abandon the practice.
Moved by a wisdom, developed out of experience, the organizers of
this Club devised for their new creation a noble and necessary purposebetter government in their State. Its energizing spark was the belief
that-and I take these words from the document of the time: "California
suffers greatly because the best elements of the population fail to cooperate
for the common good as effectively as the bad elements cooperate for
evil purposes." The dedication of that group, and the unremitting efforts
of its membership to pursue the course of sound government have remained undimmed for the almost six decades of the Club's existence.
The word commonwealth signifies a group united by common interests.
But equally significant is the fact that in the political realm, a commonwealth as Mr. Webster defines it, has come to mean generally, if not
always, an association based upon free choice.
Tonight I shall try to apply to some aspects of the world of international affairs the founding principles of this organization-that this
State suffered because of the failure of some elements to cooperate as
effectively for good as others did for evil.
No groups, no matter how well-intentioned, can cooperate fruitfully
unless there is first established a firm basis of common understanding.
This the founders of your Club recognized, by noting that one of the
great difficulties was that different groups in California did not know
each other-they were separated at that time by wide areas-and they
also distrusted each other.
Just as the California of I903, the year your Club was founded, was
a far cry from the Commonwealth of California today, so the world
as we turned into the Twentieth Century is scarcely recognizable as
the one we know in I 960.
The multiplication of differences and problems before the international
community recalls an old alumnus who returned to visit his college after
a half-century's absence. Delighted to find one of his old physical
science professors still teaching, he was amazed to find him still using
the same old questions on examinations that he employed 50 years
785
(I 332 Public Papers of the Presidents
before. "Why is this?" the alumnus wanted to know. "Very simple,"
answered his former teacher, "The questions are the same, but the
answers always become different!"
So today, instead of 53 members in the family of nations, we have
o6. Instead of I 2 billion people in the world, we have 2 2 billion;
instead of weaponry whose maximum range was a few thousand yards,
we have nuclear tipped missiles that can hurtle 9,000 miles to bring
wholesale death and destruction. Parenthetically, in this particular field,
our marvelous progress is not measured in decades. Our scientists and
government have brought us in a few years from a position of former
neglect and indifference to a level of extraordinary efficiency and
strength. Here is an example of the absurdity of the allegation that
America and its economy and its progress are static. I point out that
now we spend on long range ballistic missiles o million dollars a dayevery day-more than all the entire aggregate of all the expenditures
for this purpose in all the years from 1945 to 1952. This example could
be repeated in a dozen fields.
In I903 man was still earthbound except for the exploits of a few
adventurous balloonists and the Wright brothers, who made their historic
flight in December of that year. Today, man-made objects whirl around
the sun independent of the earth's movements-and the same ones will
continue to do so for a future measured in millennia. 1903 was the year
of the first automobile crossing from San Francisco to New York. It
took 64 days-just seven less than it took Columbus to sail from Spain
to America. Now it is not uncommon for air travelers to cross the
country twice in a single day.
In the early years of this century, the only impression most voters ever
received of a Presidential candidate came to them from a printed page;
now an electronic miracle brings his voice and his face into forty million
living rooms across the land.
On all fronts, there have been wrought on the earth great changes
that are in themselves important, some almost miraculous-similar
changes are now extending into the celestial regions as well.
Now in contemplating these great changes and the problems that have
followed in their wake, it is essential that we recognize two important
truths:
First, almost no problem arising between nations today is strictly
786
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 '1 332
bilateral. Whether we consider the difficulties arising out of the relationships between Israel and the Arab States or the necessity for our recent
embargo on most exports to Cuba, inevitably other nations are affected.
We cannot conceive today of an international community operating as a
system of bilateral partnerships travelling in unordered and reckless orbit.
Every arrangement we effect with another nation, whether political, commercial, or even cultural, seems inevitably to have an impact on other
societies. Some degree of world coordination and cooperation obviously
becomes necessary.
The recognized need for a cooperative international community was
responsible for the founding here in this City of the United Nations in
I945. It has been, in some areas, remarkably successful-yet, as in the
early days of California, we have found that the mere existence of an
appropriate organizational mechanism cannot maintain the law, order
and progress so much desired. In the United Nations we have a Charter
and agreements supposed to insure order and avoidance of conflict, but
these can be successful only as the understanding and dedication of
the members become equal to the task.
A second important truth is that the dimensions of the task that lies
before us, in helping to straighten out this poor old world, are so vast and
complex as to make its accomplishment beyond the capacity of leaders,
governments and peoples except those of experience, inexhaustible
strength, patience, understanding and faith.
The supreme need of this Century is to find a way to produce an effective international order, and the most obvious way to do this is through
improvement of the United Nations. Certainly the way is not through
domineering empires, the rise and fall of which the world has witnessed
for the past five thousand years, but through a free and mutually beneficial association of nations. To realize such an international order, of
course, great leadership is required.
It must be a leadership that conceives of nations as partners and equals.
It must be leadership that accepts the responsibility of power, but one
that exercises it in a spirit of trusteeship, through just and patient processes of mutual adjustment. It must always base policies upon a clear
identification of long-range common interests.
Now upon America has fallen the heavy responsibility of providing this
kind of leadership.
Unmistakably we are called upon at this precise moment in the course
60295-61 53
787'
(I 332 Public Papers of the Presidents
of human events to renew and revitalize our efforts to insure the health
and strength of a mighty, international, commonwealth.
Our own conception of an ordered international community conforms
roughly to our own political system.
The American system presupposes full information and active participation by every citizen in the processes of both local and Federal
government. The more nearly universal this informed participation, the
healthier and stronger is our government, our nation's policies, and our
entire social structure.
In our complex industrial society, no thoughtful person would contend
that every citizen can become truly informed on so many and such perplexing problems of domestic policy as those involving defense, social
services, taxation, employment, public debt, budget, and inflation. Yet
on each of these subjects, there is first hand information and personal
experience available in almost every sector of our nation and, as a consequence, the average of general understanding is reasonably high.
But achievement of a satisfactory level of understanding is far more
difficult in the field of foreign affairs.
Consider, for example, Korea, Indochina, the Suez Canal, Quemoy
and Matsu, the Middle East, the turmoil in the Caribbean, the Berlin
difficulty, the economic development of India, or the fifteen newly developing nations in Africa.
To extend the range and fullness of understanding on foreign affairs
heroic efforts are made here at home by news-gathering and newsdistributing agencies, and by great numbers of private foundations, as
well as by study, research and educational institutions. But because no
substantial segment of our population has had first hand experience in
international affairs, these particular problems are far more likely to
excite our emotions and prejudices rather than to inspire a painstaking
search for all the facts pertaining to a problem and their relation to each
other.
Yet every citizen is becoming more and more vitally affected by the
issues of foreign policy, and his need for knowledge grows correspondingly
greater.
We cannot anticipate any hasty or simple solution to such a large and
complicated problem. But no matter is more urgent than the establishment of an effective working relationship between the American people
788
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 332
and their government for the conduct of foreign affairs and assuring the
nation's security. This problem completely overshadows, at this period
of our history, any other we face.
As we push ahead to strengthen the partnership of the citizen with his
government, there are, as I see it, some pitfalls to be avoided.
First, we must not be afraid to look at ourselves honestly. We must
steadily maintain critical self-examination. Our nation must always
concern itself with any failure to realize our national and legitimate
aspirations.
But while maintaining a healthy critical insight, let us not be misled
by those who, inexplicably, seem so fond of deprecating the standing,
condition, and performance of the entire nation.
Surely we must avoid smugness and complacency. But when in the
face of a bright record of progress and development, we hear some misguided people wail that the United States is stumbling into the status of
a second-class power and that our prestige has slumped to an all-time low,
we are simply listening to debasement of the truth.'
Now related to this irresponsible practice of defacing the true American
portrait, is the development of an almost compulsive desire to make
counterfeit comparisons, especially between our nation and others.
Because of differing backgrounds and cultures such comparisons rarely
contain any validity whatever. The economic and social statistics of a
nation cannot be conveniently compared like Olympic track records.
Consider a country-the Soviets, for example-through a violent upheaval, rich in natural resources and abundantly stocked with manpower
that suddenly emerges from a strictly feudal agrarian society into a nation
with an expanding and centrally controlled industrialism. What about
' On the same day the White House made public the following statement by Mansfield D. Sprague, chairman of the President's Committee on Information Activities
Abroad:
"A newspaper story today with respect to the activities of the President's Committee
on U.S. Information Activities Abroad is grossly in error.
"In the first place this Committee has made no report. In the second place it has
made no findings. In the third place, while it is true that this Committee is concerning itself with ways and means of improving Government activities in the international
information field, the Committee has made no conclusions as to the status of U.S.
prestige abroad, and statements that it has done so are completely erroneous. That
is not the business of this Committee. So much for that.
"Speaking personally, in my considered judgment, based on all the facts of which
I am aware, the United States is today the most respected nation on the face of the
earth and its prestige is preeminent."
789
(t 332 Public Papers of the Presidents
its rate, its rate of economic growth? Obviously the tempo of its economic
growth can, for a time, leap ahead at a rate faster than a nation which
had long since become highly industrialized.
If a village has a single telephone-which in many cases in the world
it does-or even less, the acquisition of another in a single year is a i oo 7
increase in growth. In a mature society such increases are necessarily
measured in fractions of the whole.
Now in a broader sense any attempt at comparison between national
patterns of economic organization leads to unfortunate and widespread
misunderstandings. The issue today in the supreme effort to build a
thriving international community that can live in peace with justice, is
not merely capitalism versus socialism.
We believe that our free and socially responsible enterprise has demonstrated definite advantages over an economy based upon a socialistic
pattern of organization. But we do recognize that those nations whose
particular problems lead them to adopt a socialist economy should not be
condemned for doing so.
What we do contend is that the issue today is not capitalism versus
socialism, but rather democracy versus dictatorshipthe open society
against the closed and secret society.
Recognition of this fact compels us to warn newly developing nations
of the perils of authoritarianism lest they gravitate toward communist
control because of the seductive promises of immediate benefits.
So we see the vital importance of having the free world understand
the true basis of the world struggle.
To return to our own country the problems before us in the conduct
of foreign affairs involve an endless flow of concrete decisions upon
specific issues.
The difficulties involved are infinite-they arise hour by hour in some
instances; day by day or week to week in others. Each problem, of
course, will have to be met by those charged with the particular sphere
of responsibility. But though this work is one of the duties of government,
the citizenry cannot abandon its inherent function of critical, selfexamination of performance.
All of us must see that the policy decisions of our government officials
are responsive to the needs, objectives, values, and historic tendencies of
the American people. One vital purpose is to see that while meeting the
requirements of foreign affairs, we simultaneously sustain our domestic
790
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
1[ 332
institutions and traditional liberties. For example, to further progress
in our country, and indeed throughout the free world, we must be certain
that there is no cheapening and no debasement of our currency. Tasks
like this impose a heavy, but necessary, strain upon our citizenry.
It calls for experienced and mature leadership.
This is not a task for a leadership that insists upon agitating small
points to the neglect of the nation's true good.
This is not a task for a leadership that sees the nation as a giant
supermarket for the distribution of special favor.
This is not a task for any leadership that scorns fiscal integrity and
sees no national disadvantage in deficit spending.
Nor is it a task for leadership that, falsely trumpeting an incompetence
within the body politic, assigns to a centralized government the responsibility for all progress.
It is a task for leadership which understands that our job today is to
intensify the beliefs that made America great; leadership which recognizes
that sound policy arises out of the inner wisdom and experience of countless communities and people throughout America fully capable, as always
before, of responding to a summons to greatness.
To return now to the theme of your organization which I have
borrowed tonight-the importance of cooperating effectively for goodI repeat that the central need in all international affairs today is to forge
a commonwealth of nations-a United Nations that will steadily
strengthen the bonds and build the structure of a true world community
that can live in peace with justice.
Before us still is the opportunity to take by firm, steady steps, practicable
action toward disarmament.
The position of the United States remains as I have often stated, that
our appropriate representatives are willing to meet immediately with
those of other countries to consider any feasible and enforceable proposal
that will lead mankind to outlaw for all time, the terrifying tools of war.
We have repeatedly made fair and specific proposals to this end-as
yet the Soviets have refused to negotiate seriously on them.
In declaring ourselves ever ready to negotiate the problems of disarmament we ask only that any program advanced shall not give military
advantage to a particular country and that it assures the right to inspect
the armaments of other nations.
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A disarmament program failing to offer such assurance is a devious
device that could only result in raising, rather than decreasing, the
probability of war.
Many other serious international disagreements await resolution.
We must never retreat from these purposes even in face of discouragement by the wrecking crew antics of those who want to demolish the
United Nations.
We know that peace with justice is not just a matter of bringing about
the absence of war. Peace is, rather, a world living its human ideals and
aspirations. Moreover, there is one kind of righteous war-one we must
all wage. It is against poverty, illiteracy, and disease.
This we shall do-this we propose to do-as we take up our individual
tasks without subordinating the national character of our individual
societies.
Because progress will not be found in a super state run by super powers.
We believe that cooperation in freedom is the way to build the necessary structure for permanent peace.
As I reflect upon the course of American history, I have full confidence
that the political genius and wisdom of the American people are equal to
their vital responsibility that the world has now conferred upon them.
The search for solutions will be a long one. But fortified by a conviction born of the spirit, and with a national strength unmatched by any
other, I know the American people will lead the way on the greatest
mission upon which we have ever embarked-the establishment of a
durable peace with justice.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9: Io p.m. Lloyd E. Graybiel, President of the Comat the Sheraton Palace Hotel in San monwealth Club of California, and Mayor
Francisco. His opening words "President George Christopher of San Francisco.
Graybiel, Mayor Christopher" referred to
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333 eI Remarks in San Diego Before the InterAmerican Congress of Municipalities.
October 2I, 1960
Mayor Dail, Mayor McAllister, Senator Kuchel, and Congressmen
Wilson and Utt, President Brewer Casey and Rotarians, and members
of the Inter-American Municipal Congress, guests and my friends:
I am honored by this opportunity to address a few words to the Eighth
Inter-American Congress of Municipalities, and to add my own welcome
to that of Mayor Dail and the other United States delegates who have
been your hosts these past 5 days. I have been told that you have been
hard at work since the sessions began. I hope, however, that your duties
have permitted you at least some time to relax and enjoy yourselves, to
use this golf course, and to have a good look at the City of San Diego,
its people, and the surrounding countryside.
Now this Congress is an immediate people-to-people approach to the
furthering of good hemispheric relations. Our respective national governments are not involved in your special effort. It has been planned
and carried out entirely by private citizens and municipal governmental
officials. I give my enthusiastic support to the unique form of person-toperson understanding which these important meetings make possible.
Indeed, I look forward a few days hence to the pleasure of another
person-to-person contact when I meet my good friend, President Lopez
Mateos of Mexico in Ciudad Acunia next Monday. And through him,
I shall have the opportunity to send once more my friendly greetings to
all Mexico and the Mexican people.
For over 20 years the Inter-American municipal organization has
helped strengthen the ties of international cooperation and promoted
better municipal government throughout the Western Hemisphere.
Perhaps no area attracts our common concern more than that of
municipal administration. Sweeping changes are remaking and enlarging our old cities and building new ones-and so rapidly that we are
hard put to keep pace with their demands. New industries spring up
overnight in the most unlikely places; villages become cities whose
bulging borders merge with other cities; there is an insatiable demand
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for more roads, surface transportation facilities, more airports, more
water resources, better methods of cleaning the air, more schools, hospitals, churches, homes-the list is endless.
These conditions in turn create an endless series of problems for the
cities and towns in which they occur. Providing the basic administrative
services to a stabilized community is a real challenge itself. But meeting
the needs of one literally exploding in all directions demands the finest
qualities of imagination, dedication, and leadership, not to mention a
healthy sense of humor. Yet the challenge must be met and the problems surmounted, and it must largely be done by the municipal administration working in its own field-often, it alone can effectively handle
these basic relationships between the citizen and his government.
No other body has the intimate knowledge of the needs and desires of
the community. None but the local official can develop the machinery
and civic support needed to solve effectively the manifold problems of a
busy, complex metropolis. The central and provincial governments have
their own vital responsibilities to meet. They cannot and should not be
burdened with tasks which can better be performed by the municipalities
themselves. To require them to do so results not only in cumbersome and
inefficient administration, but it immeasurably lessens the control of the
municipalities over their own affairs.
Nevertheless, situations arising out of national disasters or even merely
out of the dimensions of rapid municipal growth can call for cooperation
among the several levels of government. In my own country, for example,
a hurricane may call for the immediate and effective intervention into a
city's affairs by both State and national Governments. The spreading
out of a metropolitan center over the boundaries of two or more of our
States produces a necessity for cooperation among the States affected.
Indeed to meet such a situation we have devised operative organizations
called "authorities," never contemplated by our Constitution.
Solutions to other urban problems beyond the capacity of localities to
meet themselves call for credits and grants provided by State and Federal
Governments which, if denied, would bring hardship to thousands of
human beings. And the very nature of these problems creates another,
that of determining when State or Federal help should be asked and accepted or should be rejected. I feel that in any case of doubt the help
should be refused, but when the necessity becomes clear the higher governments should act promptly and effectively. Help that is accepted for a
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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need that is not real, can damage self-reliance and self-confidence. And I
assure you of my conviction that the two greatest qualities that have made
this country great are self-reliance and self-confidence.
So all of you know that by and large, free, effective local government is
in the common tradition of all our American Republics. It is the cornerstone of our whole structure of representative government which ranges
from the town council to the national assembly. It must be strengthened
by intelligent understanding of a field which grows yearly in size and
complexity.
This is why meetings such as this are of such great value. By sharing
our knowledge and experience on these problems which are common to
us all, we strengthen the important cause of local self-government in every
city in the hemisphere. There is not one of our countries which cannot
profit from this example of mutual cooperation; none which cannot help
the others; none which cannot be helped by the others.
By providing for this exchange of needed information and encouraging
the spirit of cooperation, this Congress and its parent organization are
making a real contribution to good government and good will in the
Western Hemisphere. And I can think of nothing in this whole vast region that is of more importance to all our nations, large and small, than
is the increasing of good will among us.
I congratulate you all on what you are doing, not only on your work
in improving city government in our respective nations, but on the increasing growth of mutual understanding among our peoples thereby
brought about.
I salute you and your nations, and extend to you every good wish for
a pleasant and profitable session. It has been a real personal pleasure to
be with you. So I thank you and say vaya con Dios-goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at I:23 p.m. sentatives Bob Wilson and James B. Utt
at the San Diego Country Club. His of California, and Dr. C. Brewer Casey,
opening words referred to Charles C. President of the Chula Vista Rotary Club.
Dail, Mayor of San Diego, Robert R. Mc- The Chula Vista Rotary Club was host to
Allister, Mayor of Chula Vista, U.S. Sen- the Inter-American Congress of Municiator Thomas H. Kuchel and U.S. Repre- palities.
60295-61 54
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334 e Remarks Broadcast to the Mexican People,
Ciudad Acufia, Mexico. October 24, I960
Mr. President and my Mexican friends of this lovely city:
In my journey from southern California to Houston, Texas, I could
not possibly have come this close to the territory of our great country and
friend here to our southward without attempting to make a call upon
your President and your people.
Your President and I first met in Acapulco. We then made one resolve, to make certain that our two peoples would be greater friends than
ever before, and that between us-us two-there would be a friendship
that would be indestructible.
For this particular visit there are certain particular reasons. This is
the i5oth anniversary this year-the 15oth anniversary of Mexican independence, an event I assure you that means just as much to the people
of my country as it does to the people of yours.
This is also probably the last time I shall be able to visit your country
and your President as long as I hold my particular office, and it was only
fitting, I thought, that I should attempt to make upon your President an
official call, as well as a personal one, to assure him of the high value I
have placed upon the friendship that he has shown to my people and to
me. And this visit gives to your great and distinguished President, and
to me, an opportunity jointly to promise to your people and to our people
to the northward that the Amistad Dam will be built.
We know what this will mean to people on both sides of this river, in
flood protection, in production of power, and in production of more
irrigated lands. But it is more than this; this is a symbol of what two
countries working together in peace can accomplish. And I point out
that this thing here that marks the 15oth anniversary of your independence
also marks the I5th anniversary of the United Nations.
We two nations have given to the United Nations a real example of
how to solve their problems through peaceful negotiation, through refusing to be balked by technical difficulties, but with the spirit on both
sides aimed at high and noble purposes that can bring about the kind of
thing that the United Nations should do every day, every month, every
year, until peace has finally been achieved in the world.
Mr. President, I thank you from my heart for your invitation that
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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enabled me to come here and personally and officially express to you and
to your people the esteemed admiration and affection of our people, and
again to reaffirm to you personally my great and affectionate regard for
a man whom I deem to be one of the leaders of this world, and a man
who will be so useful in the United Nations to make certain that the
world does progress toward peace.
[At this point the Mayor of Ciudad Acunia, Lucina Sanchez Martinez, presented the President with the key to the city. The President's response
follows: ]
Mr. Mayor:
I am honored by this gift, but I must warn you, sir, that this is not
something that I intend to give up along with my office. It will be my
hope, one day, to come across the bridge and unlock the gates of this city,
so that I may come again to see you.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President's remarks, which over the radio. His opening words "Mr.
were delivered from the balcony of the President" referred to President Adolfo
Municipal Building in Ciudad Acun-a at Lopez Mateos of Mexico.
1 2:50 p.m., were also broadcast locally
335 e Joint Declaration by the President and
President Lopez Mateos Concerning the
Construction of Amistad Dam. October 24, I 960
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, President of the United States of
America, and Adolfo Lopez Mateos, President of the United Mexican
States, inspired by the true friendship that binds the Governments and
peoples of the United States of America and Mexico and by the fruitful
cooperation that has characterized their relations;
Considering that international hydraulic works constitute one of the
most valued examples of this cooperation, the bases of which were established in the Water Treaty between the United States of America and
Mexico signed on February 3, I 944;
Considering that Amistad Dam will complement Falcon Dam and will
form part of the system of international dams provided for in the abovementioned treaty;
Considering that Amistad Dam will serve to control floods of the Rio
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Grande, which repeatedly have caused very serious damage to border
communities and agricultural areas of both countries; to provide additional waters for irrigation needs of both countries; and to permit production of hydroelectric energy as required;
Have agreed that:
The Government of the United States of America and the Government
of Mexico will proceed with the construction of Amistad Dam as soon as
possible after the two Governments have approved the technical recommendations that are to be made for that purpose by the International
Boundary and Water Commission, United States and Mexico.
NOTE: The joint declaration was released in Ciudad Acufia.
336 eJ AddressinHoustonBefore theFacultyand
Students of Rice University. October 24, 1960
Mr. Mayor, Mr. Croneis, Mr. Brown, Mrs. Hobby, members of the
faculty, student body, and friends of Rice University:
As we are all aware, there is a political campaign in progress. This
meeting with you ladies and gentlemen is not intended by me to be any
part of that contest. What I have to say to you this evening is representative of my own convictions and is not intended to be a disparagement to anyone. After all, there are, possibly, a few Democrats in this
audience.
This evening I find myself once again in Texas, a State that has had
a special and lifelong place in my memories and affections. This is the
State where I was born seventy years ago; it is where I met the girl who
became my wife; where I began a long career in military and civil service
and where I was stationed on the day that Pearl Harbor hurled our
nation once again into war.
When, in I915, I came to join the Army at San Antonio, the alert
Texas newspapers found nothing newsworthy in the arrival here of another
2nd Lieutenant of Infantry, but they properly gave much space to the
completion and to the dedication of Rice Institute at Houston.
During the forty-five intervening years, the Institute, since become Rice
University, has steadily added lustre to the name of her founder. It is
a great personal privilege to come to this spacious campus, to see its
structures of classic beauty and to pay tribute to Rice as one of America's
great institutions of learning.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960q
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It is customary on occasions such as this for Age to speak to Youth,
to hold up before the young, lessons from the past, to offer counsel for
the future. Each generation, reflecting on its successes and mistakes,
earnestly wants to bequeath to its successor a formula for a much better
world than it, itself, has ever been able to produce. We have learned
the futility of this, but we continue to attempt it. And so each generation is obliged to make its own way as best it can because, for one reason,
it always inherits new and unforeseen problems along with whatever
advantages it may have gained from its predecessors.
Now of course, a new generation is not compelled to accept its eventual
responsibilities all at once. There is no clear dividing line, in point of
time, between the duties and influence of any one generation and its
successor. Invariably there is a gradual transition-a full changing of
the guard takes years to complete. Now this is well, for the factor of
experience inevitably plays an essential part in any important undertaking, but the transfer is, nevertheless, relentless and it is final. Sooner
or later the day will come when the decisions which control the affairs
of your community, your nation, your world, must be made by another
generation-yours. The nation's future is what you make it.
Now what can you expect to find in these years of challenge and decision which lie ahead?
None of us needs to be reminded that, internationally, they will be
years of unremitting struggle-for peace, for security, for freedom and
for justice. With the best will in the world on the part of all sides, the
peaceful resolution of basic world differences would be a most complex
process.
Complicating the problem, it is inevitable that whenever one nation
tries to dominate or enslave others, freedom-loving nations will always
resist-and the result will be increased tension and strain. We know
that the Soviet Union is using its vast power not for world betterment,
but as weapons of political and economic warfare and for human enslavement.
For this basic problem of living on the same planet with the Communist bloc there is no ready-made solution.
Through our own strength we can assure that the Communists clearly
appreciate the utter folly of any attempt to gain their ends by military
aggression. Even they would not willingly choose suicide. In science,
both of the earth and of space, we can continue our great aggregate ad799
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vantages over them. Through patience we may relieve by negotiation
some dangerous pressures, both local and national. Free nations, when
they unite effectively, can defeat specific efforts at economic penetration
and political subversion in newly developing areas.
But our experience of the past warns us not to expect miracles of the
future; the road to genuine peace will be long and hard and costly.
An enormous stake lies in the less developed areas of the world. Many
of these nations are old, by present standards. Others are very new.
Seventeen new nations were admitted last month to the United Nations.
Yet whether they are new or old, whether from Asia, Africa or Latin
America, these nations have a common problem and a common objective.
All are fiercely determined to preserve their national independence and
most need to break the age-old bonds of grinding poverty. These people
must have hope; they must be enabled to realize their legitimate aspirations, or internal pressures may burst all bounds. Alone the progress
of these people is far too slow. But with help from us and other free
nations they can reach their goals, and contribute thereby to a stable and
peaceful world.
We have done much in the past to help other nations, and I count our
Mutual Security Program as being one of the most important, necessary
and successful ventures for sustaining world peace and stability that our
nation has ever undertaken. But what we and others have so far done is
only a fair beginning in helping the under-developed peoples toward
progress in freedom. If we abandon them, desperation could drive them
to Moscow. Consequently the free world dare not fail. It must succeed-and it can do so only in true cooperation. This is an international
imperative.
And this road, too, will be long and hard and costly.
Now at home there will be urgent problems that must be faced. By
1970 there will be some 35 million more Americans. They will be
needing millions of new homes, 300,000 more school classrooms and as
many additional hospital beds, and a veritable catalog of other essential
services. Indeed, the future of America is as great as our vision.
The many necessary new jobs thus created will produce new national
wealth, new security, new business. The cost will be vast.
Just to produce the plants, tools and equipment for the anticipated
13 million new jobs in 1970 will require a minimum of $I40 billions of
investment. Yet the gigantic yield to labor, capital and our nation will
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be far beyond anything that can be comprehended by those who are
fearful of the future.
These commitments to the future-both at home and abroad-represent a tremendous challenge to our vision, ingenuity and our productive
capacity. We can employ our resources-both material and spiritualin ways which can bring forth a better world for all people-including
ourselves. Or we can waste and dissipate them, and so lose the last
clear chance in our time for freedom for all those who want it and are
ready to work for it.
Our clear mission is to produce a better life in freedom for ourselves
and help to do so for the world and, so doing, make the attainment of
a just peace more probable. This will demand a massive, sustained,
coordinated effort by all our people and by all peoples devoted to freedom.
The genius of a free people lies in the fact that they can produce such
an effort by their own volition, without the coercive power of a dictatorial
government. But they can do so only to the extent of their capacity for
self-discipline and the subordination of selfish interests to national good.
Within even the freest nation there must exist certain imperatives in
policy, without which no great purpose can go forward.
Now there is little I can give you in the way of specific advice. But
I suggest to you the value of three domestic imperatives which, among
others, might be stated as axioms:
First-public programs-local or national-must be guided by longterm and easily recognizable goals. Short-term expediency, resulting in
rapid change in effort, is a most wasteful process. It makes practically
impossible the sustaining of responsible government.
Second-national solvency is mandatory to the continuance of national
security, steadily rising productivity, and individual well-being.
Third-only by the maintenance of a carefully balanced system of
local-Federal authority that discourages the dumping on the Federal
Government of problems that can be solved close to home, can we assure
continuance of the widespread liberties our citizenry has enjoyed for a
century and three quarters.
Consider, then, the first of these axioms-steadiness, both of purpose
and of method. Nothing is more destructive of orderly progress than wild
fluctuation between the extremes of panic and complacency. It is our
aim to build steadily and soundly the economic and military strength we
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shall need-possibly over decades-to meet, every minute, every day,
our responsibilities in the momentous decade ahead. And this is not done
by hasty or ill-considered actions, crash programs, efforts that stop and go
like traffic at a busy intersection. This is not only costly; it is flagrantly
inefficient. It betrays a myopic vision, a weakness of will and a lack of
inner conviction that our long-term goals are worthy and our methods
correct.
If we, today, look at ourselves in true perspective, we see a great
nation-the most powerful the world has seen, with a confident, virile
people, a vigorous, expanding economy. We are pursuing defense policies
and programs which provide us with real security now and, if our nation
remains alert and flexible in meeting changes in the world situation, will
do so on into the future. Our economic health and outlook are good,
and our rate of private investment is equal to the demands for needed
expansion of production and facilities. Just as we need no giant new
arms programs, we need no governmentally administered massive economic shots in the arm to stimulate the growth of business.
What, indeed, our economy needs for growth is less government interference in its affairs, not more. Private saving and investment-not
public spending-is the real basis of economic growth.
If we resolutely and steadfastly go about our business, refusing to
respond to false fears and empty promises, we will have built a firm
material foundation that will sustain security, prosperity, self-respect and
confidence.
One of my strongest allies in opposing centralization of power in
Washington is Secretary of the Treasury Anderson, from your State.
The second imperative is solvency, measured in terms of a sound currency. The cause of freedom in the world depends critically upon the
material and moral strength of the United States of America. Our
continued ability to defend against Communist aggression, to help build
a stable, peaceable world community, to provide abundantly for the
millions of new Americans who will presently join us, all these depend
upon our economy.
Now with this, all of us agree. Yet on an issue as basic as national
solvency many people are misled by false arguments which would be
readily transparent if applied to their own personal circumstances.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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No one argues that the average person can spend what he has not
earned, or that he can long continue to write checks against a bank
account not covered by deposits. Yet some who readily see how these
principles apply to individuals can be persuaded that they may somehow
be ignored by a nation.
The Republic of Texas had its own bitter experience with deficit
financing a hundred and twenty years ago. General Sam Houston is
justly honored as the Hero of the Revolution, but few realize that he
fought as hard for the solvency of Texas as for the independence of Texas.
In his second administration he inherited a vast public debt, a currency
ruined by a flood of worthless "Redbacks" and a completely demoralized
economy-all caused by just one thing: unjustified deficit spending. One
of the great achievements of his second administration was to redeem the
nation's credit and restore order to its economy.
But today we are often told that our nation is so large and so rich that
it really doesn't have to balance accounts, that a little inflation doesn't
hurt; that we can spend lavishly to "stimulate growth" and make up
the deficits out of some increases in the future. There is the carefree
assumption that we have gone along happily during most of these recent
decades without paying the full fare, and that this fine arrangement can
be continued indefinitely. But the truth is that we have paid, and will
continue to pay, to the tune of hundreds of billions in lost purchasing
power of dollars that have shrunk to less than half the value they
represented in I939. This is inflation.
And who, in particular, has paid? I have, you have, and so have
your mothers and fathers, your professors, people who own bonds and
insurance policies, people drawing pensions and Social Security payments,
people who have savings accounts, people who work on salaries, and
this University. We have all paid. More than this, our grandchildren
will pay.
Wealth, whether it be that of a nation or an individual, is the product of useful work. It can be created in no other way. It cannot be
legislated, conjured or commanded into existence. And everything that
is consumed must eventually be paid for by someone, in some way. Every
governmental expenditure is a charge against the productive effort of the
American people, and it must and will be paid, as surely as the sun rises.
And to the extent that we cannot pay it out of current income, it must
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and will be paid out of the future. Moreover, if we fail to balance our
budget and to hold our dollar at a stable value, the confidence of other
nations in the United States will falter. Fiscal and monetary policies that
are essentially inflationary have very grave international consequences,
with serious impact on ourselves. This is a fact of life over which all the
present-day advocates of heavy Federal spending, regardless of deficits,
could properly reflect very seriously.
I cite a quotation from my friend, Dr. Gabriel Hauge. He says:
"Living in an economy with an unstable currency is like living in a society
in which no one tells the truth. The ability of modem governments to
keep their money straight is an essential condition of their ability to
govern."
And with that quotation I completely agree.
Now the third imperative of which I speak is the maintenance of
State and local authority against the unhealthy growth of power in the
Federal Government. Our booming population, the growth of huge
metropolitan areas, the shrinkage of our countryside by rapid transport
and communications-are reducing our nation to a neighborhood and
creating complex new problems in cooperative living.
Some of these problems can indeed be solved only through participation
by the Federal Government. This I readily concede, and I have supported many measures in which Federal cooperation was necessary to the
success of State and local problems.
But I do believe deeply that every problem should be solved as close
to home as it is possible to do so. Federal assistance should be requested
only when the case for it is clear-and continued only for the minimum
time necessary. The tendency to look needlessly to the Federal Government for help in purely local problems has been far too prevalent over
recent decades, and the price has invariably been paid in terms of a
steady and unwarranted Federal encroachment upon the authority of the
States. For rights are inseparable from responsibility, and the State
which abdicates its responsibilities in any field will surely find that it has
bargained away its rights there as well.
The South has long been a staunch defender of the rights of the
sovereign States-to its great and everlasting credit. And this matter
has special meaning to the residents of this State which was for ten years
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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a Republic. I counsel you to continue to guard jealously the rights reserved to your State under our Constitution-to keep your Government
close to home, your local affairs out of the hands of a meddlesome,
bumbling bureaucracy thousands of miles away. Weigh carefully the
words of those who carelessly say "let the Federal Government do it or
pay for it." For in the end it is the people-not the Government-who
pay, and they not only pay in money, but in a currency far more precious-in their hard-won right to run their own affairs in their own way.
This is fundamental.
So now I have discussed briefly:
Steadiness, solvency, balance. These may seem prosaic and uninteresting to talk about in times when people are being promised, without
cost, the good life for all. Yet these unglamorous realities are the bedrock upon which all our strength is based, and the necessary precondition
for the great labors we must perform both at home and abroad in the
interest of world peace and progress.
Today is United Nations Day-set aside for Americans to honor the
organization which has become an indispensable force for peace in a
troubled world. We of the United States bear a heavy responsibility for
assuring the continued success of this great experiment in international
cooperation. I recently had the privilege of addressing the United Nations General Assembly, and of making certain proposals to that body
on the peaceful uses of outer space, arms control, and assistance to the
less developed nations, particularly the emerging States of Africa. These
proposals are evidence of America's deep and continuing interest in the
United Nations and its work. They are also evidence of the depth and
scope of the vast unresolved problems with which the human community
must deal, and to whose solution we must make our contribution.
This contribution will be measured by our capacity and our will, and
its success will be assured not by a few great and valorous deeds, but
rather by all of us doing a great many small tasks sensibly and well.
To you now learning and maturing in this great institution, and to
your comrades of college age everywhere in the land, I can make no
prophecies for which I would claim the slightest shred of validity, dealing with the future's great imponderables. But I can express to you an
unshakable faith, derived and developed through years of living, in the
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character and capacity of young Americans, to meet life's problems as
they exist or arise. On battlefields, in peaceful countrysides and in great
cities, on busy campuses, I have seen America's youth developing and
producing leaders that, in every quality and in every walk of life, measure
up to the world's finest.
These we need in ever-growing numbers, so that through them and
throughout our nation, and finally throughout the world, all people everywhere will come to understand that the oldest aspiration of mankindpeace with justice-must be provided by their governments, or their
governments will be repudiated. People must meet and understand
other people, and so doing make it ever more difficult for governments,
responding to false prides or even worse, personal ambitions, to sustain
dictatorships, foreign domination, or unjust and unworthy practices.
These things can be done-your part in bringing them to pass will be
measured by the intensity of your dedication-your readiness to sacrifice.
These are the abilities and capacities I have in mind as I say-I have
faith in America's young men and women, and in the future they will
build.
I thank you very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke at 8:30 p.m. man of the Board of Trustees, and Mrs.
in the University gymnasium. His open- Oveta Culp Hobby, editor and president
ing words referred to Lewis Cutrer, Mayor of the Houston Post and former Secretary
of Houston, Dr. Carey Croneis, Provost of of Health, Education, and Welfare.
the University, George R. Brown, Chair337 e Telegram Accepting Invitation To
Address a Rally of the Nixon for President
Committee of Pennsylvania. October 25, 1g60
I AM HAPPY to confirm my acceptance of your invitation to join you
for a dinner meeting in Philadelphia on Friday, October 28th. Looking
ahead to the future of our country and to the freedom we want for our
children and grandchildren the decision to be made by the American
people on November eighth is, I think, one of the most important in our
history.
I propose on Friday evening to give my own convictions and try to
clear the air on why this is so and on the choice our fellow citizens must
8o6
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig96o
e 338
make. I am particularly happy that your group will include Democrats
and Independents as well as Republicans.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Winfield C. Cook and Mrs. Hilda paign and Vice President Nixon's qualiH. Robbins, chairman and vice chair- fications to handle these issues." Their
man respectively, of the Montgomery telegram was released with the PresiCounty Nixon for President Club, Norris- dent's reply. For the address in Philatown, Pa., had requested the President to delphia, see Item 341.
speak on "important issues of the cam338 qf Message to President Diem on the Fifth
Anniversary of the Independence of Viet-Nam.
October 26, 1960
Dear Mr. President:
My countrymen and I are proud to convey our good wishes to you
and to the citizens of Viet-Nam on the fifth anniversary of the birth
of the Republic of Viet-Nam.
We have watched the courage and daring with which you and the
Vietnamese people attained independence in a situation so perilous that
many thought it hopeless. We have admired the rapidity with which
chaos yielded to order and progress replaced despair.
During the years of your independence it has been refreshing for us to
observe how clearly the Government and the citizens of Viet-Nam have
faced the fact that the greatest danger to their independence was Communism. You and your countrymen have used your strength well in
accepting the double challenge of building your country and resisting
Communist imperialism. In five short years since the founding of the
Republic, the Vietnamese people have developed their country in almost
every sector. I was particularly impressed by one example. I am informed that last year over 1,200,000 Vietnamese children were able to
go to elementary school; three times as many as were enrolled five years
earlier. This is certainly a heartening development for Viet-Nam's
future. At the same time Viet-Nam's ability to defend itself from the
Communists has grown immeasurably since its successful struggle to
become an independent Republic.
Viet-Nam's very success as well as its potential wealth and its strategic
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location have led the Communists of Hanoi, goaded by the bitterness of
their failure to enslave all Viet-Nam, to use increasing violence in their
attempts to destroy your country's freedom.
This grave threat, added to the strains and fatigues of the long struggle
to achieve and strengthen independence, must be a burden that would
cause moments of tension and concern in almost any human heart. Yet
from long observation I sense how deeply the Vietnamese value their
country's independence and strength and I know how well you used your
boldness when you led your countrymen in winning it. I also know that
your determination has been a vital factor in guarding that independence
while steadily advancing the economic development of your country. I
am confident that these same qualities of determination and boldness will
meet the renewed threat as well as the needs and desires of your countrymen for further progress on all fronts.
Although the main responsibility for guarding that independence will
always, as it has in the past, belong to the Vietnamese people and their
government, I want to assure you that for so long as our strength can be
useful, the United States will continue to assist Viet-Nam in the difficult
yet hopeful struggle ahead.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
339 eT Toasts of the President and the Prime
Minister of Malaya. October 26, 1960
Mr. Prime Minister and gentlemen:
We are gathered here today to honor the Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya. Malaya is an independent nation of 3 years of age.
In spite of its youth, it is one of our staunchest friends, and one of the
partners that we value highly. It is a staunch defender of freedom in the
world and individual liberty for its people. This is why I call it our
partner because we are dedicated to the same principles.
To give you something of the Prime Minister's spirit and heart as he
interprets it for his own people, I would hope that each of you could
obtain from the State Department a copy of the speech he made when he
sent the Malayan contingent to the Congo to take its part in the United
8o8
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q( 339
Nations' efforts in that country, and to prevent communism from taking
it over. In his speech, you will read his exposition of the evils of colonialism in the past, and which he pointed out, were of the past. Now, he
continued, we all face a Communist colonialism far greater in its threat
to freedom and to civilization than any we have known in the past. His
country, he said, is dedicated to the defeat of that kind of colonialism
and to the support of freedom and peace and justice in the world.
He is the Prime Minister of the Federation. I have been receiving
an explanation from the Prime Minister and from the Ambassador of
just how their Federation is formed. They have a parliamentary form
of government-and what we would call a President they call a King.
But, their King does not have any hereditary rights; he is elected for
5 years and then his term is over. It's a little bit unique, but the principle
is there: a self-governing people, people that are developing themselves
economically. By the same token they are developing their self-respect,
their self-confidence and their determination to be what they are nowa free people.
So, it is a great pleasure to ask you gentlemen to join me in a Toast to
the King, the Supreme Ruler of the Federation of Malaya.
NOTE: The President proposed the toast
at a luncheon at the White House. The
Prime Minister responded as follows:
Mr. President and gentlemen:
I thank you most warmly for your
very kind words and your account of my
little country and our contribution towards the peace of the world. I do appreciate it most heartily.
I have come here, sir, at your very,
very kind invitation. I and my friends
are overwhelmed with the kindness and
the warmth of your welcome. When we
arrived yesterday, we were received most
royally. Today, sir, you have given a
banquet in my honor, with a fine gathering of gentlemen whom it is a pleasure to
know. Last night, Mr. Secretary of State
also gave me a most enjoyable banquet,
and we had a most enjoyable evening.
All these kindnesses which you have
shown me, I feel have been done not only
for me but for my little country.
I have said, and I repeat it here, that
when I return to my country, there is a
lot that I could tell my people about
your American people and the kindness
which you have shown us and also their
appreciation of the situation at home. As
I said, and as you have rightly said, we
are always happy to make a little contribution towards what you are trying to
do-that is to maintain peace in this
world. Therefore, in spite of our smallness and in spite of the very small army
we have, and having just emerged from
the 12-years' war which we had, we still
find time to send a little force to the
Congo. I hope the action on our part is
accepted in the form in which it is given,
and with the intention of the aid or the
idea behind it, that is, to show how much
we value peace.
I realize that you have, under your
constitution, to leave your office. I
would like to tell you that your name is,
of course, a household word even in the
small and primitive houses we have in our
country. The example which you have
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set to the world, the guidance and the help but carry on the good work which
leadership which you have shown and you have done.
proclaimed to the world, is very, very I can only say that I wish you all the
much admired by every person, not only happiness in your retirement, and I wish
persons of intellect but even persons in you all the good health and all the best
their primitive state. And let me tell in the days to come.
you, sir, that we feel that the example Gentlemen, may I ask you to rise and
which you have set has come to stay. I join me in a Toast to the President.
feel whoever comes in your place can't
340 e1 Address at Ceremonies Honoring the
Memory of Woodrow Wilson, Staunton, Virginia.
October 27, i 96o
Mr. Mayor, Senator Byrd, Senator Robertson, members of the Woodrow
Wilson Birthplace Foundation, the President., Faculty and student body,
and friends of Mary Baldwin College, and my friends:
I am indeed happy to share this platform with, and to be introduced
by my old and esteemed friend, Harry Byrd. He and I share, I might
add, a number of similarities in background and in viewpoint.
Both of our mothers were born in Virginia. We both entered the public service the same year-45 years ago-Mr. Byrd as a freshman State
Senator, while I joined the Army as a Second Lieutenant. And though
our starting points were different, our careers eventually converged across
the lines of party policies to wage a campaign as allies against a common
enemy, excessive costs in government. I am proud to have been able to
fight for fiscal responsibility shoulder to shoulder with your distinguished
Senior Senator. And I am sure that I speak for him also when I say we
are both proud that your Junior Senator, Willis Robertson, could be
here, because he belongs in that same fighting armny.
Harry Byrd's integrity, statesmanship, and character have earned for
him the respect of those dedicated to sound government. And I salute
this legislative warrior, and devoutly hope that he may long continue
annually to trot up the Old Rag Mountain-which he apparently does
to condition himself for his service in the United States Senate.
My friends, I have come here today as Senator Byrd has said, to. pay
honor to the memory of a very great man, a man of ideals and high purpose, and a fighter for what he believed to be right. And I had the
opportunity to visit the birthplace of my mother, born two years after Mr.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o
q 340
Wilson, so you can understand that this journey today is, for me, full of
sentiment and deep feeling for this area in which two people who were so
important in my life were born.
So we are joined here today to honor the memory of Woodrow Wilson,
the seventh of the Presidents of the United States to be produced by the
Commonwealth of Virginia.
Incidentally, throughout my remarks, I shall quote often from President Wilson, without attempting to identify the quotations as such.
It is now just two years short of a half-century since Wilson returned
to Staunton for a triumphal homecoming after his election as President in
1912.
Today again, another connection I had with Mr. Wilson, in 1913 I was
a Cadet corporal at West Point, and I marched in his first Inaugural
parade.
Neither of the two warmly anecdotal talks he gave on that occasionone at Mary Baldwin College and the other at Staunton Military Academy-could in any sense be construed as major addresses. Yet in both
we catch glimpses of the progression of ideas that formed the touchstone
of Wilson's faith-the ideas which had slowly taken shape and firm root
during a career that gave him such rich preparation for the presidency.
In that career he enjoyed a varied and valuable experience-he was a
scholar-a man of thought; a college president; a Governor of one of our
largest eastern States where he necessarily exercised both executive and
political functions.
Wilson paid special tribute to his native State on his homecoming to
Staunton and to the important influence Virginia's dedication to freedom played in his own development. On an earlier occasion he had
already made a masterly presentation of the vital role of state government
in our republic.
"We are certified by all political history," he said, "that centralization
is not vitalization."
Today we know the wisdom of this principle is still applicable despite
the great changes in our society that massive industrialization and population growth have brought about. Yet we are beseeched on all fronts
to deposit more and more functions and authority in the hands of central
government.
Sometimes we abdicate local responsibility, consciously, in the false
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hope of permanently ridding ourselves of some nagging problem; in other
instances it is done unknowingly as we become too preoccupied with
other matters to observe the extending reach of centralized authority.
In either case the net result is to diminish further the freedom that flourishes best where responsibility is held and authority is exercised, close to
home. I trust that as each of us reflects upon the working partnership
of the Federal-State system, he will become increasingly mindful of Wilson's perceptive warning that "Centralization is not vitalization." The
need for eternal vigilance of the people against the insidious maneuverings of centralized bureaucracy is constant.
Virginia's valiant struggle against oppressive centralism antedates the
American Revolution by at least a hundred years. The citizens of this
State have never faltered in their support of this cause. I salute them
for their stalwart defense of one of the most vital features of America's
free government-the reserved rights of the sovereign states.
When Woodrow Wilson stood here in December of I912, at the age
of 56, he sensed a new responsibility descending upon America. Abundantly furnished with wealth and extraordinarily furnished with opportunity though we were, he remarked, we tended to forget that our mission was not to pile up this wealth, but to serve mankind in humanity
and justice. Indeed, he said, all the world was coming to this view.
Wilson was profoundly conscious of this turning point. He knew that
the human commonwealth could not remain a trackless society, unsupported by rules of conduct that could sustain peace with justice. And he
gave a wealth of thought to this problem.
Finally, six years later, he presented the arguments for adoption of
his famous I4 points. What we seek, he declared, is "The reign of law,
based upon consent of the governed, and sustained by the organized
opinion of mankind."
This indeed was the goal that Wilson sought without success. But
today we have a second chance to win through to that goal. And we
dare not fail.
This week we commemorated an event that President Wilson would
have applauded-the fifteenth anniversary of the United Nations Organization. He would have seen it as a lineal descendant of the League
of Nations. It would please him to know that above the multilingual
812
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o
q 340
communication that goes on daily in the United Nations, a mighty effort
is being waged by men and women of good will to learn a new language-a new universal language of mutual trust and faith. It can be
learned but only through the mutual understanding that must be established in the human commonwealth. Its purpose is to lighten, not
darken, the mind; it is a common tongue whose dialect knows neither
suspicion nor hatred.
Over the years the stir of ideas was what Wilson loved most. Once
in his teaching days he noted that "the use of a university is to make
young gentlemen as unlike their fathers as possible." Most of us might
be momentarily startled by such an assertion, but on reflection we would
see that he was merely decrying an excessive worship of habit, ritual,
dogma, and even labels.
To him, the fact that an idea was not presently attainable in no way
dimmed its validity. "Sometimes people call me an idealist," he said.
"Well that's the only way I know I am an American. America is the
only idealistic nation in the world."
While Wilson was very definitely a man engrossed in the world of
intellectual thought, he had a profound distrust of cloistered study.
"Would I not be a better professor of public law for having been Assistant
Secretary of State?" he asked, testifying to the value he placed on
experience.
And his ideal of leadership was the concept of the thinking man in
action. And the strength of the true leader, as he sensed it with great
conviction, was not force, but persuasion; not matter, but the spirit.
The great problems of humankind, President Wilson held, could only
be successfully overcome through the union of thought and action in
enlightened leadership. He recognized that leaders must generate momentum. But this does not require a cunning and facile tongue, he told
the students at Staunton. Momentum does not require eloquence. "It
just needs the kind of serenity which enables you to steer by the stars,
not by the ground."
He was not a man who believed in bruising the ears of his fellow men
with shrill cries of alarm. Only clear expression of ideas "wins entrance
into minds," he argued-and their sincerity into their hearts.
Wilson displayed an almost prophetic vision in the times that were
813
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Public Papers of the Presidents
even then swiftly descending upon us, and which could require from all
peoples an effort to organize the world for a peace with justice. As we
push forward with the hard, serious tasks ahead we can take satisfaction
that an American idealist tried to chart the way for us.
His sweeping grasp of history made him acutely conscious that men
and societies have often been inclined to follow false leaders to their destruction. Thus the great task of a society, as he saw it, was to be able
to recognize who are the safe leaders. The citizen, in short, must distinguish between two alternatives, he said-"one trimming to the inclinations of the moment, the other obedient to the permanent purposes of
the public mind. The one adjusts his sail to the breeze of the day; the
other makes his plans to ripen with the slow progress of the years. While
one solicitously watches the capricious changes of the weather, the other
diligently sows grains in their seasons."
With this in mind, societies must choose between the conflicting teachings of political expediency on the one hand and the pursuit of noble,
long term goals on the other. This is the kind of decision that free
peoples are often called upon to make-and we can only pray that
Wilson's counsel will always be their guide.
Certainly, if we heed Wilson we shall never hesitate to pay for freedom
whatever price may be required. And in such a determination on the
part of all of us, there is the constant assurance of victory. Let us remember another passage from President Wilson: "The highest and best
form of efficiency," he said, "is the spontaneous cooperation of a free
people."
The greatest tribute we can pay him is to reflect seriously on his life, his
thoughts, his work, realizing that in the self-discipline he preached lies
the one true way by which free peoples may sustain freedom and live
fruitful and meaningful lives in peace.
Thank you very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke at: 35 p.m. and A. Willis Robertson of Virginia, and
on the porch of the Administration Dr. Samuel R. Spencer, Jr., President of
Building at Mary Baldwin College, upon Mary Baldwin College.
invitation of the Woodrow Wilson Birth- On his trip to Virginia the President
place Foundation. His opening words visited the birthplace of his mother, Mrs.
referred to Thomas E. Hassett, Mayor of Ida Stover Eisenhower, near Mt. Sydney
Staunton, U.S. Senators Harry F. Byrd in Augusta County.
814
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
([ 34'
341 I Address in Philadelphia at a Rally of the
Nixon for President Committee of Pennsylvania.
October 28, I960
General Baker and my fellow citizens:
We have 10 critical days left in which to evaluate the issues and personalities of this campaign. We are thankful that we vote secretly in
America-that regardless of party affiliation or party registration we can
freely and conscientiously choose the best leader for our country.
Almost 8 years have gone by since millions of us-Republicans, Democrats, and Independents-enthusiastically joined together to build a better
America. We have had, I feel, a happy and fruitful partnership.
Measured in the dollars that have remained relatively stable these
past 8 years, you-the American people-have come a long way since
1952 -You have increased personal income by $I32 billion-by 48 percent.
You have increased average weekly earnings from $68 a week to $91
a week-by over a third.
You have increased your individual annual savings by $7 billionup 37 percent.
You are building 70 thousand elementary classrooms this year alone.
That is 22 thousand more than were built in 1952-or 46 percent.
You have increased college enrollments from 2 million to almost 3~2
million-up 75 percent.
You have built 9 million new homes-more than ever were built before in the same length of time.
You have added $280 billion in capital expenditures on plants and
equipment-more in this job-making field than in the preceding 30
years.
You have increased the gross national product by $158 billion-almost
45 percent.
Our Interstate Highway System was talked about for many years, but
not started. Now we are building 41 thousand miles of these great new
avenues of commerce-and paying for them as we go. When completed,
they will save four thousand American lives a year.
The St. Lawrence Seaway was for decades a dream; finally it came
815
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true. At last we have brought the oceans of the world to the very heart
of America.
In the meantime, you expanded social security, improved our national
parks, forced passage of a good labor reform bill, and took the only significant steps in civil rights in 80 years. You, the American people, kept
inflation down, balanced the budget four times, with another one on the
way. You did these and a multitude of other things-and all this with a
reduction of a quarter of a million in governmental positions.
Now, in all these years, a primary contribution of Government and
national leadership was to create a climate fostering confidence, enterprise, and a willingness to venture and risk. At the same time, we stopped
a wasteful war and prevented others, always with honor. By removing
stifling economic controls, we allowed the men and women of America
once again to concentrate on getting ahead. Under enlightened governmental policies you, the American people, have been responsible for all
this surging progress.
And what about our military strength?
It is the most powerful on earth.
Into our Armed Forces we integrated weapons of tremendous deterrence, many of them unknown 8 years ago, through a program more
than three times larger, in dollar amount, than only o years ago. And
we have proof of the respect the Soviets have for our power and our
resolution: the Communists have been turned from a strategy of military
penetration to a strategy of infiltration by political and economic means.
So, I am proud of you-proud of what you have done, and proud
of what has been done by America. Let no one diminish your pride and
confidence in yourselves or belittle these accomplishments. My friends,
never have Americans achieved so much in so short a time.
Now in glib political oratory we have heard this progress called "standing still."
Now in glib political oratory we have heard this progress called "standAmerica needs more of it.
Now, shortly you must select a new leader for our country. Because
I know what he must face-because I feel so earnestly that your choice
will have far-reaching effects-possibly for decades-I trust you will think
it fitting that I share with you my deep personal convictions on this
matter.
There are four key qualities by which I believe America would like to
8i6
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(J 34I
measure the candidates in this election. They are:
Character; ability; responsibility; experience.
From 8 years of intimate association, I know Richard Nixon has these
qualities and will use them wisely and decisively. And so will Cabot
Lodge. This is why I trust and I believe that the American people
will elect this splendid team on November 8.
My friends, this is a subject on which I will have more to say next
Wednesday from New York.
Your President, of course, will have to be many things. As Chief of
State and of Government, he will be your spokesman, presenting to the
world your ideals; your firmness in the right; your strength-in fact, the
true image of your country.
To perform this task he must thoroughly think through the problems
of our time. In this he cannot succeed unless he is free of rashness; of
arrogance; of headlong action; of the inclination to easy compromise. I
hear that one candidate says he will act first and act fast. My friends,
America needs a man who will think first, and then act wisely.
We need a leader who will not, one day, say that the United States
Government should intervene in Cuba and then retract it the next day.
We need a leader who will not, one day, say he would give up territory to the Communists, then change his mind on it a day or so later.
Because, my friends, upon such decisions can hinge peace or war.
Upon your President will fall problems like disarmament-like nuclear
testing-like Berlin and Quemoy-like Cuba-and, beyond these, the
task of continuing to win the hearts and minds of millions of struggling
peoples. By the morality, justice, and steadiness of his decisions, he must
be able to rally world support.
Your President will also be the Commander in Chief of your Armed
Forces. National security will be one of his basic responsibilities and will
depend greatly upon his understanding, born of experience. Just wanting
to keep out of war will not be enough-as our three major wars in this
century have proved. Your President must see to it that your Armed
Forces are kept alert and moder, always ready to meet whatever threat
may exist in this world. They are that now.
Now a strong defense necessarily rests upon a strong economy. Defense
is vastly expensive. Even now you, the people, are spending $io million
a day on long-range ballistic missiles alone-more each day, every day,
than the total spent for this purpose in all the years before I took office.
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Now as long as high level spending is necessary for your security, the
Commander in Chief will need to be mindful that unless he holds firmly
to policies that promote the growth of free, competitive economic enterprise in the United States, the entire defense effort will be weakened.
Now I have given these few examples of Presidential duties to make
clear the momentous significance to you and your children of your vote
on November 8.
I have lived a fairly long and full life, so I tend to think of this Nation
in terms of my children's and grandchildren's problems. In thinking of
their future I am profoundly concerned by some statements in this campaign that have had world-wide circulation and have cruelly distorted
the image of America. These statements demonstrate an amazing irresponsibility. They demand, from me, emphatic correction.
This week Pravda, one of Moscow's propaganda newspapers, reproduced speeches by some American politicians-you know who they arebewailing alleged weaknesses in our country. The Soviet leaders are
gleefully quoting from these same speeches in their effort to prove that
our influence with other governments of the world is shrinking.
My friends, too many people are talking carelessly and ignorantly about
America's standing, as if our Republic were in a popularity contest.
The word prestige has become so badly used and misused as to have
lost any real meaning. But of this we can be sure: the Nation's prestige
is not measured by the stridency of a politician's voice; it is measured by
proved accomplishment. Aside from the great economic development
for which you have been responsible, we have, among other things,
stopped a futile and costly war, moved to halt Communist advances in
Viet-Nam, prevented attacks on Formosa, helped our Philippine friends
eliminate Communist guerrilla warfare, achieved, through the United
Nations, a decent solution for the Suez affair, saved Iran, removed the
sore spot of Trieste, by our sacrifices and cooperative effort strengthened
free nations all along the periphery of the Communist bloc, and forged
new and strong ties with our neighbors to the South. Now these successes
were not won by any lack of strength or decisiveness. It is on such a
record that Americans measure prestige rather than upon self-serving
political assertions.
The important thing in our foreign affairs is that our Nation's purposes and programs be right. I should like to ask you all to give your
closest study to this thing of foreign relations and foreign activities. For818
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o 4j 34I
eign problems color every other problem we have in the world-indeed,
they cause almost every other problem we have. This is the basic problem
that all of us must think about, and select leaders that will know how to
handle them. That these programs are right is proved in one area by
the eagerness with which the heads of other governments seek our counsel
and support, and by our record in the United Nations.
More than I20 heads of state and government have visited our Nation's
Capital in the past 8 years, an unprecedented occurrence. The heads of
government who went to the United Nations in its last session, excepting
those from behind the Iron Curtain, requested to see me, as your chief
spokesman, to assure me of their purpose of keeping their relations with
us sound and firm. And all the new nations formed-gaining their
independence since World War II, have chosen a democratic form of
government-not Communist. They, at least, have no doubts about
America's prestige.
And too many of our people talk loosely about relative military strength.
Such talk is an exercise in calculated confusion. I remind these selfappointed experts that the past 8 years comprise the only period in the
entire history of the United States in which peacetime military preparation has been adequate and tailored to meet any possible emergency.
I remind you that I have served in these Forces for more than 40 years.
I think I know whereof I speak. Moreover, our defense has been tuned
to the continuity of the threat and to long-range goals, avoiding the wild
fluctuations that too often follow upon the incidence of either panic or
complacency. This is one of the important reasons why the United States
is today militarily the strongest nation in the world.
In any case: whatever was America's image abroad at the beginning
of this political campaign, it tends to become blurred today. This is
because of unwarranted disparagement of our own moral, military, and
economic power. And what American is entitled to criticize the accomplishments of i 80 million other Americans?
My friends, anyone who seeks to grasp the reins of world leadership
should not spend all his time wringing his hands.
As another example of unwise politicking, I call attention to the recent
speculations in gold on the London market.
Today your dollar is still the strongest currency in the world. We
can keep it that way if we continue to hold firmly to the right policies
on our budget, our money, and our national debt.
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This we have worked tirelessly to achieve for 8 years. We have successfully fought against the big-spending schemes and irresponsible monetary
policies that lead to currency debasement and a weak dollar.
But recently, the price of gold in the free market has risen above our
official price of $35 per ounce. The foreign press-the European pressreports that this development is based in part on a growing fear of the
cheap money policies and radical spending promised in the Los Angeles
platform.
If these promises should be carried out, the impact on our economic
position-and on the free world-could be catastrophic. Very quickly,
confidence in our dollar could be impaired.
This places an immediate obligation upon the political leaders who
support that platform.
That obligation is to spell out, specifically, in dollars and cents, how
they would pay for the many billions of additional Federal spending
pledged by that platform. We know that they could not pay for them
with high hopes alone.
If they would pay for these lavish programs by raising taxes, let them
say so.
And if they would cut going programs of the Government, let them
specify what they are.
But if they would pay for these programs by deficit spending, raising
the debt of our children and grandchildren, and thereby debase our
currency, let them so confess.
In such a case let them understand that they and their party assume
not only full responsibility for the present dangerous speculation in gold,
but also for the developing fear about the future worth of the American
dollar.
In all these things, my friends, we will need judgment and experience
as our surest guide.
Of course "America must move." But forward-not backward. Not
back to inflation-not back to bureaucratic controls-not back to deficit
spending-not back to higher taxes, and bigger government. We found
all these in 1952.
America must continue to go forward-with maturity, with judgment,
with balance. I see no sense in America galloping in reverse to what has
been called a New Frontier.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 34I
This is why, my fellow Americans, we must not settle for leadership
other than the very best. We cannot afford anything less.
And clearly the best is the team of Nixon and Lodge.
Dick Nixon is superbly experienced, maturely conditioned in the critical
affairs of the world. For 8 years he has been a full participant in the
deliberations that have produced the great decisions affecting our Nation's security and have kept us at peace. He has shared more intimately
in the great affairs of government than any Vice President in all our
history.
He has traveled the world, studying at first hand the hopes and needs
of more than 50 nations. He knows in person the leaders of those nations-knowledge of immeasurable value to a future President. He has
represented us with distinction in situations demanding diplomacy, wisdom, tact, and courage.
By all odds, Richard Nixon is the best qualified man to be the next
President of the United States.
Likewise unique in experience is Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge.
Where could we find a man, better qualified by stature and service in the
world arena, to assume the responsibility whose burden must always be
the knowledge that at any instant he may have to assume the Presidency
of the United States? Cabot Lodge will be prepared.
Here is a superlative team, prepared in every respect to lead our country responsibly and well.
Fellow Americans-in the days ahead, I ask you to reflect soberly on
these thoughts. However you are registered, consider it only a passkey
to a secret ballot governed solely by your own convictions and your own
conscience. Cast your ballot not for party, nor for any other lesser
consideration. Vote for the team that can more fully lead us toward
peace with justice. Vote what is best for America.
In that spirit, and joined, I hope, by a vast majority of Americans
regardless of party, I shall vote for Vice President Nixon and Ambassador
Lodge on November eighth.
NOTE: The President spoke at 8:30 p.m. Baker, superintendent of the Valley Forge
at the Bellevue Stratford Hotel in Phila- Military Academy, who served as chairdelphia. His opening words "General man of the Nixon for President CommitBaker" referred to Lt. Gen. Milton G. tee for Pennsylvania.
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342 4I Statement by the President Regarding the
U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo, Cuba.
November I, I960
WHILE THE POSITION of the Government of the United States with
respect to the Naval Base at Guantanamo has, I believe, been made very
clear, I would like to reiterate it briefly.
Our rights in Guantanamo are based on international agreements
with Cuba, and include the exercise by the United States of complete
jurisdiction and control over the area. These agreements with Cuba can
be modified or abrogated only by agreement between the two parties,
that is, the United States and Cuba. Our Government has no intention
of agreeing to the modification or abrogation of these agreements and
will take whatever steps may be appropriate to defend the Base.
The people of the United States, and all of the peoples of the world,
can be assured that the United States' presence in Guantanamo and use
of the Base pose no threat whatever to the sovereignty of Cuba, to the
peace and security of its people or to the independence of any of the
American countries. Because of its importance to the defense of the entire
hemisphere, particularly in the light of the intimate relations which now
exist between the present Government of Cuba and the Sino-Soviet bloc,
it is essential that our position in Guantanamo be clearly understood.
343 Ie Statementby the President Concerning the
Agreement Reached in the Railway Industry.
November I, 1960
A LANDMARK in the history of labor-management relations in the
United StatesBoth sides for many years have been concerned about the problems
deeply affecting the livelihood of the men who run the trains and the
future of the industry itself. I am sure the American people applaud as I
do the high principle which has brought railway labor and management
together in this agreement which adds greatly to the substance of the
fabric of our free enterprise system.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
q 344
Certainly this agreement is living proof that free collective bargaining
is successful if left in the hands of dedicated, capable men who desire to
see it work. It is also another indication of the maturity that has been
achieved in industrial relations in this country in recent years.
NOTE: The President's statement was hoods had agreed to submit their dispute
made on the occasion of the signing of over work rules and practices to a PresiExecutive Order IO89I "Establishing a dential commission on which the unions,
Commission to Inquire Into a Contro- the carriers, and the public would be
versy Between Certain Carriers and Cer- represented.
tain of Their Employees" (25 F.R. For statement by the President an10525). Representatives of the railroads nouncing the appointment of members of
and of the five railway operating brother- the commission see Item 378.
344 ei Remarks Recorded for a Telecast
Sponsored by the Independent Television
Committee for Nixon and Lodge.
November i, I960
My fellow Americans:
We are going to talk tonight about a subject of fundamental importance to all Americans and the free world. We are going to hear about
the vital importance of maintaining the buying power of the dollar and
the confidence of people not only here at home, but abroad, in the future
value of that dollar.
Soundness of our money is important to all people who earn wages for
what they need; for people who are putting aside money for any number
of purposes; for people already on some form of retirement income. The
soundness of the U.S. dollar is also important because the dollar has become the reserve back of most of the currencies of the free world.
Let us make no mistake about it-the preservation of the soundness of
the dollar, as well as preservation of the confidence that the dollar will
remain sound is absolutely essential both for the welfare of our citizens at
home and the rest of the free world.
We have been working mightily in the 8 years of this Administration
to do the things in our Government that will help maintain a sound,
honest dollar. In budget policy, this means the avoidance of deficit
spending which can lead only to inflationary pressures. It means managing our debt so as to be as non-inflationary as possible. It means Fed823
I 344
Public Papers of the Presidents
eral Reserve operation of monetary policy to provide soundly for credit
and money needs of a growing economy while avoiding creating excessive
money and credit.
We shall hear tonight the Secretary of the Treasury, Robert B. Anderson, discuss in more detail these vital matters which should impress on
American citizens the urgent need for voting to continue the proven and
prudent financial and economic policies which have been followed in the
past 8 years. I now present to you the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr.
Anderson, and some distinguished citizens from American private life who
will interview Secretary Anderson.
NOTE: The President's remarks were part Local 300, AFL-CIO, United Auto
of a half-hour program which was telecast Workers, Paterson, N.J., and Alfred H.
over the Columbia Broadcasting System Williams, chairman of the Board of Trusat 8 p.m. Following his remarks Secre- tees of the University of Pennsylvania and
tary Anderson was interviewed by Dr. former president of the Federal Reserve
Deane W. Mallott, president of Cornell Bank of Philadelphia.
University, Thomas Lazzio, president of
345 e Remarks at a Rally in Garden City, New
York. November 2, I960
My fellow Americans:
I know that some of you are blanketed by the television cameras, but
I would hope this is some little inconvenience with which you can put up,
for the simple reason that these men also have a job, and they are trying
to record these proceedings for the public. So while I recognize that you
would like to throw a bulb at them, or something of that kind, I do plead
that they are performing a service for the public and for this meeting and
its proceedings.
I think there is a word of explanation due you people. I am a man who
has lived fairly long, served a long time in the public service, and within
some 2 months and 20 days I am to lay down the burdens of my office
and put them in the hands of someone else.
So I have two reasons that I want to give you, as to why I am here.
My concern for the United States, my readiness to work for the peace of
the world, will be and are now just as great as they were from the days
I was a second lieutenant and from the first day that I took my oath as
President in I953. I am concerned about the kind of leadership that
America is going to have in these next critical years, in order that these
824
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 345
things in which we all believe-peace with justice in freedom and in the
opportunity of America to fulfill itself both in its national character and
in its individual person-we are concerned about these things; and we
all live in the hope that we will have a leadership that can create the
atmosphere, point the way, so that we may more effectively do our parts,
each of us, as we follow this road.
My second reason is this: for 8 years I have worked intimately with
the two men who are today your national candidates. I know them
intimately. I have seen them undertake the tasks which I have requested
of them, with the utmost enthusiasm, never with a complaint or with any
excuses for avoiding a duty. Instead, no matter how difficult the task, no
matter what it meant in personal inconvenience, no matter what it meant
in sleepless nights and long roads of travel, they have always been ready
to do it. And the point is, they have done it effectively.
They know. They know about the problems that are brought before
the President and his Cabinet, problems on which depend the opportunities of the United States to expand its growth, to be stronger, to keep
its own self-respect and the respect of other nations. They know the
problems that come up when the crises are developed by the Communists
with threats about military activity, economic penetration, and just plain
lying propaganda. They know these things. They have lived with them.
I think this: we should go into our voting booths on November 8th and
think of several things. One is this-I would like to compare the two
candidates, or the two teams of candidates, the way I would like to express
it, on the basis of character. What have they shown to you people over
these 8 years in their moral courage, their capacity, their readiness to
undertake any task no matter how disagreeable, their experience-of
which you have been a witness.
You have seen what they do, and you know how they do it, and their
ability on their feet, or in producing studies, making decisions-and above
all, their devotion and dedication to the United States; not attempting to
emphasize too much their own virtues, not being controlled too much by
a personal ambition. They want to serve the United States. They want
to serve it, as it has been served through so many years by people from
Washington on down to this day, who have taken as their watchword:
what is good for the United States is good for me and for the party of
which I am a part.
So I come here then again to tell you of my convictions that Richard
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Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge offer to America the finest type of leadership that is today available in this Nation.
And I want to express my utter faith that as I peer down the lane of
the years ahead, that these are the two men that can do better than any
others I know in keeping the peace, in bringing us and leading us more
surely and firmly to a better peace, to one in which we can have faith and
confidence, and which will one day lift from the backs of mankind the
burdens of armaments and allow us to use our toil, our talents and all
the resources we have to the betterment of mankind.
No glittering promises, no glib oratory will give you this kind of leadership. This leadership, I repeat, is born of character, ability, and experience-and a dedication to the United States.
So these are the reasons I have for coming here today, and I pray that
all of those who joined together with me 8 years ago in the crusade to bring
about what we believed was a better situation in government, in our
Nation, in the freedom of our economy, and the opportunity for growth,
that you today will be even more emphatic in your efforts and your
readiness to make certain that these two men, Mr. Nixon and Mr. Lodge,
take the work over of leadership for the next 4 years-and that you will
see to it on November 8th that they do so.
These are the things that I ask you to do.
Goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at o a.m. at the Roosevelt Field Shopping Center in
Garden City.
346 IJ Remarks in New York at a Rally at the
Westchester County Airport. November 2, I960
My fellow Americans:
You know, I am enjoying this morning. If I weren't so old, I think I
would like campaigning again.
I think there is nothing so inspirational for any man who seeks to serve
the public than to meet with the public and have it borne into his conscience just how wonderful these people are that we call Americans.
There are many compliments that come to men during the course of
a distinguished career such as have been accomplished by so many men
and women here today, but there is no greater compliment that Ameri826
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960 qe 346
cans can pay to any individual than to come out from their busy lives,
from their homes, and buck traffic jams, just to come to give him a friendly
hello and say, "We're for you, boy."
I had a number of things I was going to talk about this morning. I
have mentally thrown them away because Dick Nixon has just made one
of the best political speeches that I have ever heard. So I am going to
content myself with something very brief and very short.
I have been very proud of the fact that 8 years ago thousands of you,
millions of you, joined with me and with others to bring about a reformation in the United States, bring about a new growth. You will recall we
were then living under economic controls, prices were controlled and
wages were controlled, and goodness knows what all. We decided we
wanted to be free. We decided there was a war that should be stopped
because it was futile and had no real objective except a defense, and that
had already been accomplished. We decided that we must band together to make sure that no more wars were allowed to occur-certainly
they were not to be allowed to occur because of weakness-military weakness, or indecision, or vagueness in America's purposes in the war.
These things we have done.
And then we decided that we should have the kind of atmosphere in
this world in which the United States could go ahead-as it has. The
last 8 years have been the most remarkable in the growth of the United
States than in any other peacetime period in its history.
Bob Barry told me a minute ago-and I hope his figure is correctthat in the town of Tarrytown there were I64 thousand automobiles
made in these i o months of this year. And in all of Russia in the same
period there were 132 thousand made. It looks to me that if Tarrytown
can outproduce them, that at least we have got one statistical figure that
will show something about the relative strength, prestige, and standing of
these two countries.
Now my friends, the only real purpose that I have today is to tell you
this, that these men on this platform, and particularly Vice President
Nixon and Ambassador Lodge, have been my close associates and great
helpers over these past 7V2 years. They have been among my most
trusted counselors and advisers, associates, and have always been ready to
perform any task that I requested from them.
Now in other words, we have been members of a team. I think of
them as a team. And these two men as presented to you today are them60295-61 —56 827
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Public Papers of the Presidents
selves a team, a team of leadership that it is my prayer will build upon
the record that you the people of the United States have accomplished
during these last 8 years-build upon it in the same direction, with the
same regard for your pocketbooks, your economy, your health, your education, that has characterized the administration of the past 8 years.
Now I have heard complaints about the country not moving. My
contention is that isn't good enough. Of course you can move easilyyou can move back to inflation, you can move back to deficit spending,
you can move back to the military weakness that allowed the Korean war
to occur, you can move back to a lot of things-no trouble at all.
But Americans, if they are going to work, to study, to band together
to make better lives for themselves and for this Nation, they are going to
do it by going forward, and that is exactly what the program that the
Republican document that was established and written at Chicago promises to you.
And you have the record of two people who have not written a platform to catch votes. They have written a platform of intent-honest
intent; and they intend to see it go ahead.
So I come to you because of my experience with these men, to endorse
them as men of character, vision, human concern-and above all experience in the tough jobs that will be before the leadership of this country
during the next 4 years.
I believe and I commend them to you as men in whom you can have
confidence that they will never do anything that is rashly risking the
cataclysm of war; and on the other hand, they will always be proudly
standing for every principle that has made the United States great.
This team, then, offers you an opportunity to vote for experience and
character. It gives you an opportunity to vote enthusiastically your own
conscience, your own interests, and above all the interests of the United
States of America.
I am going to vote that way on November 8th, and I hope the rest of
you do-and get I o people for each one here to do the same thing.
Goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at IO:40 a.m. sentative Robert R. Barry, of New York.
In his remarks he referred to U.S. Repre
828
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q( 347
347 41 Remarks at a Rally in Herald Square, New
York City. November 2, 1960
My fellow Americans:
I would like to talk to you just a minute or two, and I want to talk to
you as citizens who are facing a very heavy responsibility: deciding upon
your leadership for the next 4 years in the Government of the United
States.
I come here not to talk about Republicanism. I am not talking about
any kind of partisan politics when I appeal to you-each of you-to use
your own good judgment and your own conscience in deciding which of
the two teams you have heard described and have heard speak, which of
those you trust most to lead America.
From my viewpoint this will take very little deciding. The issues have
been brought out into the open. The characters and types of the personalities who will be your leaders have been exposed to the public, and
certainly, as Lincoln said, "You can't fool all the people all the time."
I am perfectly certain that the speech that I have prepared in my own
mind to make is now unnecessary, because the people of New York have
given it for me. I came here to tell you why I knew that Nixon and
Lodge were so much better for the world and for the United States than
anybody we could meet, that I feel now it would be futile for me to
attempt anything else in the way of words.
As we came up this broad highway, with the ticker tape floating down
by the ton, I had the assurance in my own heart and in my own mind that
New York knows much better than I do, even, the answer. Possibly I
know a few more intimate answers-more intimate reasons about these
two people. I don't need to name them, I don't need to describe them
any more. What I am going to say is just this: as I walked to this platform, I saw old comrades of mine in war, men of the Herzian Forest, men
of D-Day and of North Africa and of Bastogne.
And then I was told as I came up that there are representatives in this
crowd of every single nation behind the iron curtain, and indeed of
every single nation in the world. This is more than just a meeting of the
League of Nations. There you have instructed delegates fighting to get
everything for its own government, for its nation, what it believes to be
justice and for right for itself and for its people.
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Here you have people who are representing other people, who are feeling as other people. The kind of leadership we are talking about is: the
people that can understand this crowd, that can walk their way through
it, who know the triumphs over poverty, who have experienced the joy
of work and have grown in stature, in intelligence, and in spirit because
they have worked and because each has the right to feel that he has helped,
along with others, to make this country great.
So to all the people here representing every possible ethnic group, to
my old comrades, I bring the warmest greetings and my deepest gratitude
for your readiness to come out and by your presence show your support
of policies and programs that will take this country on to new heights, on
for your children and your grandchildren, and not merely succumb to the
glib arguments of the "pie in the sky" promises that so many of us have
read.
I have one more word only: we saw thousands and thousands of signs
which said "the first team." It has always been my feeling that the
Government of America is truly a team when it properly represents the
people of the United States. You-each of you-is a member of the
team, as I am and as these people are.
It happens that the two men we are talking about today happen to
be the captains of the team. They have to create the atmosphere in
which you can exercise your rights, in which you can live in liberty, prosperity, and with the certainty that you are respected as a nation abroad
and as an individual here at home.
They are the first team, in the sense that they can and will do this.
They will make you prouder of America, because they will represent
properly the ideals and aspirations of our great country. They will see
that its strengths, its spiritual and its economic and its military strength,
will never be weakened. They will guide, during their tenure of office,
this great country to such heights that your pride may be greater and your
chest pushed out a little further and your chin a little higher.
Now this is what we are talking about when we are talking about leaders. You know people that promise you a life of ease with no work. The
day that we don't have to work, that's the day you will have to call the
United States second rate.
So these two men are not going to make you promises that couldn't be
kept, and that even if they were kept they wouldn't be good for us.
This evening at least will probably be the last political gathering that I
830
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 348
will attend in New York City, certainly during my term of office. I just
want to make this one pledge: when I leave my office, no matter what
I may then be doing, my struggle to help bring the world a little closer
to the goal of peace, my hope of helping the United States to be stronger
in every possible way, will never flag; and wherever I can, by word or a
piece of writing, or by merely a handclasp with someone, help nurture
and strengthen that feeling in any other person in the world, that I shall
do. Because this is not something that I have indulged in merely because
I was for these 8 years your President. I believe these things with my
heart and soul.
We must have peace.
We must not succumb to the threats of communism.
We must hold freedom high.
And as I become within a few score days a private citizen like you, I will
have exactly your same responsibilities, to do that-to do my part toward holding freedom high. And under these two people I believe we can
all march together to a new confidence, a new position of leadership in
the whole world.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at I: 15 p.m.
348 (I Address at a Republican Rallyin the New
York Coliseum. November 2, I960
My fellow Americans:
I have spent my adult life in public service. This I have been proud
to do because of my unshakable belief in America's great destiny as the
world leader for freedom, and because America represents the mightiest
temporal power that has ever been developed here on this earth.
For almost 8 years I have served as the elected head of this Nation
and its spokesman in the world scene.
Mindful of the many perplexing problems that have inescapably demanded from me a multitude of decisions of world-wide import, I present
to you this evening reasons why I think this election to be a momentous
event for us and for the free world. Beyond this I give you additional
reasons for my support of Richard Nixon and Cabot Lodge.
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Every one of us knows that the subject that most engages our national
attention and causes the greatest concern to every individual, is the aggressive intentions of powerful Communist imperialism. Another is the family
budget-its market basket. This I shall talk about in a day or so, possibly
Friday evening.
But this struggle with the Kremlin has been with us for a long time and
it will be with us for a long time to come.
Yet the world of today is not what it was when I took office 8 years ago.
At home our economy has become immeasurably stronger. In every index
by which we measure strength and development, the past 8 years have
been the brightest of our history. Such strength and development form
the sturdy foundation on which are built all our necessary programs for
national prosperity and security at home and waging peace abroad.
The first difference the years have brought about internationally is
that we were then fighting in Korea.
America was at war-a war into which the Nation had been allowed
to drift by its leadership through weakness, through indecision, and
through vagueness of purpose.
We were weak because the Government had cut back our Armed
Forces to their lowest ebb since the beginning of World War II, leaving
Korea undefended-indecision, because the Government had no intelligible plan for
dealing with the Communist power in the Far East-vagueness, because neither our friends nor our enemies knew in advance of the attack where we stood on the issue of South Korea's independence and territorial integrity.
Six months after this administration took office, a cease fire order had
been achieved that assured the safety of South Korea and ended the
fighting.
Since that time we have had no single battle casualty in our Nation.
There have been no further gains of territory or population by Communist imperialism in any area where American influence and arms were
involved.
We have successfully withstood an intensive campaign by the Soviet
Union to absorb all of Berlin.
Moreover, the number of people who defect from Communistcontrolled states is measured annually in the hundreds of thousands. And
I point out that when people by the countless thousands will risk every832
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
4f 348
thing, including their lives, for the chance to join us on freedom's side of
the Iron Curtain-there is no question in their minds about America's
leadership.
My friends, there is no question in your minds. In fact, there seems to
be only one individual who is bewailing America's strength and weakness,
and he happens to be a political-the only one who is doing this thing is a
political candidate, and he isn't here tonight.
My friends, this Government has spelled out our intentions to the world
in unmistakable terms, for all to see and understand, as, for example, in
NATO, Korea, the Formosan Straits, in SEATO, and in the Middle
East.
We have built up the strength of our Armed Forces steadily, for the
long pull. Our retaliatory forces are at a peak of power and readiness
never before attained.
And, we have closely associated ourselves with other free nations in a
common effort to preserve and expand freedom, to promote economic
growth and political stability, and to help make life more meaningful
for people the world over.
My friends, I do not cite these achievements, domestic and foreign,
as a cause for smugness, either by our Nation or by me.
But neither can I understand how, in face of the record, anyone can
seriously argue that the world leadership of the United States has been
impaired. Perhaps only a wealth of personal experience can truly develop
a reservoir of personal faith.
This is why I am so concerned about the leadership that our Nation
will have next January.
The Nation needs leaders who have been immersed in the hard facts
of public affairs in a great variety of situations-men of character who
are able to take the long-range view and hold long-range goals-leaders
who do not mistake minor setbacks for major disasters-and leaders who
by their own records have demonstrated a capacity to get on with the
job. We want men of inexhaustible strength and inexhaustible faith.
This is why I am so wholeheartedly in back of Richard Nixon and
Cabot Lodge.
My friends, in their preparation for high office, the experience of Cabot
Lodge and Dick Nixon has never been equaled.
These men didn't learn their lessons merely out of books-not even by
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Public Papers of the Presidents
writing books. They learned these lessons by meeting the day-in, day-out
problems of our changing world.
As my personal representative, I have sent Richard Nixon on major
missions to most of the countries of the world. I have carefully weighed
his advice and have made changes as a result of his insight and experience.
The work of Cabot Lodge as our permanent representative to the
United Nations is universally known. The televised debates at the UN
have brought into our very homes the proof of his two-fisted courage and
skill.
Richard Nixon and Cabot Lodge have advised and helped me well for
8 years. They have my respect, my admiration, my friendship. They
have character, ability, experience, and courage.
The problems they will have to face in the years ahead will not always
be the same problems I have faced. But with Vice President Nixon and
Ambassador Lodge at the helm, I can have full confidence that the fate
of my country and your country is in strong and trustworthy hands. My
friends, I promised Dick I would make this talk in Io minutes, and I have
got 30 seconds to go. Yet for myself, I shall always be on the side of those
who work for the betterment of America and the goal of a just peace in
the world.
This is what these two men will do. In this sense, my friends, I shall
always be part of their team. In these critical years before us, we need
leadership with clarity of vision and steadiness of purpose.
We need leadership of maturity, proven experience and decision.
We need the leadership of Richard Nixon and Cabot Lodge.
NOTE: The President spoke at 8:40 p.m.
349 J Letter toDr. Milton S. Eisenhoweron the
Occasion of His Resignation From Two Advisory
Committees. November 3, I960
Dear Milton:
With great reluctance, I am accepting your resignation as a member
of the President's Advisory Committee on Government Organization,
and am informing the Secretary of State that you wish to be relieved
as a member of the National Advisory Committee on Inter-American
Affairs.
834
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
'[ 349
I am delighted that, at the suggestion of the Department of the Navy
and in accordance with our recent conversation, you will continue to serve
on the Board of Visitors of the United States Naval Academy.
I know how difficult it has been for you, as President of the Johns
Hopkins University, to give time to these important advisory committees,
and additionally to serve as my personal representative on many major
missions to Latin America. Your wisdom, experience, and common sense
have time and again led to constructive recommendations for difficult
problems. Your judgments and advice have been sound-practically, as
well as morally.
Your work and concrete suggestions on government organization have
been of substantial help in keeping the government abreast of changing
requirements and in promoting economy and efficiency in government
operations. You should take particular satisfaction from the fact that
since i953, fourteen reorganization plans have become effective, and
seven other important reorganization measures have been put into operation by executive action. As a member of the Advisory Committee on
Government Organization, you can take justifiable pride in having played
an important role in the establishment of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, the United States Information Agency, the International Cooperation Administration, the Federal Aviation Agency, the
National Aeronautics and Space Agency, and the Federal Council on
Science and Technology.
Many ideas useful both to me and the Secretary of State have already
come from the National Advisory Committee on Inter-American Affairs,
which you first proposed in December, 1958, and your work in the area
of Inter-American relations has been an inspiration to all people who believe that common problems can be resolved through mutual efforts.
In accepting your resignations from these two significant Advisory Committees, I want you to know that your counsel during the years I have
occupied the Presidency has been a source of steady satisfaction to me
personally. Your contribution to the cause of good government will be
self-evident.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Dr. Eisenhower's letter to the duty on the National Advisory CommitPresident, and a letter to Dr. Eisenhower tee on Inter-American Affairs, were also
from Secretary Herter relieving him of released.
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350 e1 AddressinClevelandataRallyinthe
Public Square. November 4, i960
Mr. Chairman, and fellow Americans:
Cleveland has been a source of strength to the United States for generations and, certainly, to the administration I have headed for the last 8
years.
George Humphrey, for example, came to Washington and helped to
restore to the American economy a dependable American dollar. Keith
Glennan came to Washington and helped develop a space program that,
in this field, has far outstripped the Soviet's performance. Chappy Rose
came to Washington and animated everyone who met him with the enthusiasm of his responsible citizenship. And Frances Bolton and Bill
Minshall have been towers of strength in supporting programs designed
to speed the sound, forward progress of America.
Many others from this city and State, of like dedication and genius,
have helped make the country more secure, more prosperous, more worthy
of its own aspirations.
Of course, also, I always feel some personal satisfaction in coming to
Cleveland-now an ocean port because of the St. Lawrence Seaway.
That great project stood still, stock-still, through many years-even decades. Then during this administration-which some politicians, I understand, call a period of standing still-we did something about it; and it
was carried to completion.
Now there is something almost amazing about the way some politicians
can twist things up. Here is an example: within the last few days I have
heard of a plan for forming a great corps of "workers for peace" abroad.
The time given to this project by its members-for which the Federal
Government would of course pay-would be a substitute for a tour of
duty in the uniformed service. Now this plan is apparently intended as
one of the new ideas that will help produce the New Frontier. But
strangely enough, this brand new plan is amazingly similar to a proposal
made in I954 in a book by Heinz Rollman, who is not a member of the
party whose spokesman made the recent announcement on November 2d.
Mr. Rollman, the original author, is the Republican candidate for Congress from the i2th District of North Carolina. It makes us wonder how
many other proposals are equally not original and not new, but are merely
immature.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960 4( 350
My principal purpose in this visit is to assure everyone in this State,
which has given so many Presidents to the United States, that I am completely committed to the election to the Presidency of another Ohioan,
once removed-Dick Nixon. Now for 8 years he has been immersed in
the problems and the responsibilities of leadership. He is prepared now
to take over national leadership next January. And I must remark that
the White House is one place where we should not depend upon, and cannot afford, on-the-job training of the occupant.
I support Dick Nixon and Cabot Lodge because of deep-seated convictions about the source of American strength and the dangers that threaten
it. These two men, I know, will amplify the sources of our strength.
They will guard tirelessly against all threats to us, of whatever character.
THE SOURCE OF AMERICAN STRENGTH
America is the product of faith, deeply felt, religiously held. The builders of America, our forebears, were fired by faith in God; faith in themselves; faith in the American principles that proclaimed man's right to
freedom and justice.
And that faith still endures. And its product is the world's mightiest
temporal power, America. Now our Nation is dedicated-not to aggression or conquest or material aggrandizement-but to the fostering of
human freedom; the promotion of human welfare; the achievement of a
just peace; and the maintenance of a peace for all mankind.
Yet, the might and grandeur of the United States could be torn down
by our own citizens. We can destroy ourselves, for example, by:
Trading faith in ourselves for faith in big government.
By division into voting blocs.
By abandonment of citizenship responsibility.
Now let me speak first on our faith in big government.
In this campaign, once again, we hear political candidates preach
the false gospel of big government. They take it for granted, and imply,
that we have lost faith in ourselves.
My friends, some of you are old enough to remember a man by the
name of Coue, and Coue said, "Every day, day by day, we grow better
and better." But we have got politicians today who are saying and repeating Mr. Coue in reverse, and say "Every day, each day, we are growing worse and worse." And on that premise they attempt to persuade us
that only the Federal Government can solve our problems and they present
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vast programs for Federal action. They are going, they say, to solve every
imaginable human problem; blithely they proclaim that their federalized
wisdom will give to each of us a life of ease, security, and plenty.
But they don't tell us how the bills-running into additional billionswill be paid.
But they say they will save money by reducing the cost of the farm
program. From what farmers, let us ask, will these savings come? Let
them tell us specifically.
More money, they say, will be saved by military reorganization. I have
heard the figure of $ I and $ I 2 billion. Now where did this young genius
acquire the knowledge, experience, and the wisdom through which he
will make such vast improvements over the work of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, and the dedicated civilian and service men who have given their
lives to this work?
And one of these men who so worked for you was your fellow Ohioan,
Neil McElroy.
They will reduce, they say, the cost of servicing the national debt by
reducing interest rates.
Now what individual among you wants his currency debased? Certainly not the man who is living on a pension or looking forward to receiving one. Certainly not the man who is buying an insurance policy,
or putting his savings into a bank.
And then they tell us all of these things are going to be paid by growth.
And how are we going to get the growth? Why, easy!-more Federal
spending, out of your pockets.
The growth of the United States is the product of the hearts and hands
and minds of the workers of the United States, working in the fields and
the factories and the offices. Wherever we need productive work, there is
where our growth is coming from, and not from some magic Federal program of spending.
These people can't pay these enormous bills with any or all of such
phony schemes as this, and so we can only presume that they intend a
return to deficit spending and resultant inflation, the kind which we slowed
down 8 years ago and brought to a virtual stop.
In no more sure way than by deficit spending and currency debasement
can we destroy the individual initiative and enterprise which have been
responsible for America's growth.
In no more sure way can the economic strength of the Republic be
838
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(e 350
destroyed, because inflation removes the individual's assurance against
financial catastrophe. Let me give you an example.
Some of you are retired people living on monthly checks that constitute
your principal or only income. And all of us expect to be retired some
day.
In many cases-probably for most of you-these payments will not
increase regardless of whether inflation occurs or not. But if inflation
occurs, this simply means that the value of each dollar goes down, or
stated another way, that the price of everything you pay for goes upyour rent, your groceries, your heating bill, your utilities, every other
kind of service-goes up.
If you are barely making ends meet now at the end of each month,
this means that with inflation you will be unable to pay your living costs
out of your retirement income. But as we fight against the debasement
of our currency, as we have been doing since I953, then your retired income and purchasing power will be preserved. You will have nothing to
fear. My conscience would give me no rest without making it clear that
this is the choice you will be making next Tuesday: an inflation fired by
deficit spending, or sticking with the sound fiscal policies of this
administration.
And, my friends, for those who are working actively, steady inflation
would be almost equally hopeless. In runaway inflation, wage increases
rarely keep up with the soaring cost of living. The dollars added to a paycheck will be devoured by the increase in prices of every item in the
family market basket. There is no profit whatsoever in a pay increase
of $5.oo a week when living costs go up to $6.oo a week.
Just that was happening to us when you-you people-stepped in and
stopped it by electing the present administration in I952. It will stay
stopped if you vote for Dick Nixon and Cabot Lodge on Tuesday, because these men will sustain fiscal sanity in the operation of the Federal
Government. By this I mean they will not pile upon our huge national
debt still more debt. They will eliminate excessive spending and will
make sure that income exceeds expenditures. And this is one great contribution the Federal Government can make to preserving the value of
your money.
Then again, in this campaign, we witness a deliberate appeal to Americans, not as Americans but as members of specific groups. This can only
promote an intolerable antagonism between economic and social ele839
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ments of our country. In that, there is no profit for anyone. No group in
our sort of society can for long prosper unless all groups prosper.
When we cease to recognize ourselves as full and equal citizens of the
United States and act as selfish members of a selfish group concerned
only with our own interests, we fragmentize America.
When we are more concerned with the profit or the honor or the
strength of one faction or group or party than we are with the profit and
honor and strength of America, the lessons of history tell us that we are
engaged in self-destruction.
When you go in a voting booth you are responsible only to your own
conscience and convictions. No matter what label you may wear, in
what party you are now registered, what voting habits you have observed,
you are in that booth to do your part in making America's future be what
you think it should be.
You should, at that moment, think only of America, not a part of it.
Your decision should be your own-no one else's. Because in that booth
you are alone, alone with your own conscience and facing yourself, what
you think of the policies and the projects and the programs of the two
parties-and the character and the standing and the experience of the
people for whom you vote.
Now just a word about this matter of abandonment of citizen
responsibility:
America is strong today because men and women-the families of
America-strive in their homes, on their jobs, in their communities, in
the world beyond our shores, to live by their faith as Americans. They
are self-starters in making this country a better place for human living.
When they cannot do a job by themselves alone, they go into partnership
with government. But they don't need and they don't want government as a boss. The miracle of American progress during the past 8 years
is the product of individuals working on their own and in an atmosphere
fostered by government.
We are told, however, that the world of today is far too big and complex for the individual to accomplish anything. Only mass effort, organized and controlled by government, can have any effective impact, they
say. They want us, it seems to me, to abandon citizen responsibility.
But only responsible citizenship makes America great and increases her
prestige. It encourages ever-greater achievement by individuals following
leaders they respect because of their character, ability, and experience.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(q 351
My friends, a sound, progressive government, a Nation with a constantly expanding economy, and a people dedicated to the pursuit of a
just world peace in freedom-these are the basic aspirations that should
guide the voting of all of us on November 8th. They are the basis of the
platform on which Richard M. Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge stand.
And it is for this reason that I shall cast my vote for these two men.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 12:15 p.m. istrator of the National Aeronautics and
His opening words "Mr. Chairman" re- Space Administration, H. Chapman Rose,
ferred to A. L. DeMaioribus, Chairman of former Under Secretary of the Treasury
the Republican Central and Executive following a term of service as Assistant
Committee of Cuyahoga County. In the Secretary, and U.S. Representatives
second paragraph he referred to George Frances P. Bolton and William E. MinM. Humphrey, former Secretary of the shall of Ohio. Later he referred to Neil
Treasury, Dr. T. Keith Glennan, Admin- H. McElroy, former Secretary of Defense.
351 I f Remarks at a Republican Men's Luncheon
in Cleveland. November 4, I960
My friends:
Of course we don't have to be reminded we are in the midst of a
political campaign, and I have been a little amused by some of the descriptions of my part in this campaign. This morning my headlines in
the Washington papers said that I was a member of a rescue squad.
I said this is right, in 1952 I joined with a good many million Americans to rescue us from a lot. We were able to rescue the Nation from a
war that no longer had any real meaning except calling for casualties
every day, where we had already the objective we said we wanted, which
was to gain the safety of South Korea. So that was solved-and with
honor. Then we rescued it from inflation, and George Humphrey and
I were called a good many names in trying to rescue it from a lot of controls that were then over our economy, prices on both labor and the
costs of things and services. And we were rescued from military weakness which was the principal cause of ever getting into the Korean struggle
in the first place.
And finally we were rescued from the philosophy that could see China
go down the drain with five hundred million people, by far the vast majority of whom wanted to stay on this side of freedom and indeed looked
to America as their great friend and champion.
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So I am very proud to be in this rescue squad, because I think that
the millions with whom I joined at that time have done a very splendid
job.
And then of course we hear about the country standing still. I would
just like to see this one test: when we say America and the American
economy, in a way sort of an amorphous idea, the entity that we are
thinking about is just so vast we don't grasp it very well. But I would
like to see on billboards around this town-I would like to see Cleveland
put up somewhere, what they have done, how many more homes you
have built, how many hospitals, how many more roads, how many businesses have come in, what is the increase in population, the increase in
its real wages, and the very great flattened-out curve of the cost of living
since 1952. I would like to see those things just on a billboard to remind
ourselves that we haven't exactly stood still. Either that, or I don't understand the word-the term.
Now I am on my way today to go to Pittsburgh for a little politicking,
but I just want to make one observation: too many candidates-and here
I am talking about the one on the opposing side, seems to me to think of
this election as a little bit like we do a hundred-yard sprint. You put
everything you have got into it, you call on every resource of mind and
heart and muscles just to get over that line. That's the election day.
Now the proper way to look at election day, in my opinion, is: what are
you going to do after you get over that line? It is not in the race. In
the race, all you have to do is break that tape and that's that. You are
number one. In this race it is not good enough to be just number one.
What are you going to do now?
I think of going back to the sports field again, and let's take a baseball
game. Well, you have cracked out a grounder and you put in your last
ounce of energy and you just happen to make first base. But you don't
stop there. First base is the beginning. Now you call on all your alertness,
your skill, your energy-and you count on your teammates, you count on
the people that are working with you. And the purpose of that getting on
first base was to get you around to count a run.
Now we want to think of the things that are coming behind this election. It is necessary to be number one over the line, but after you get
there, we are going to do something about it, not merely to stand up and
"huzza" after the results and say, "Well, we were number one," and go
on about our business.
842
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 352
The Nation is too important to think of this race in those terms, and I
think it is too often thought of in exactly that way.
And then finally I have this one observation: we talk so much or we
hear so much about a second-rate country, second-rate in this and that
and the other thing, whether it's space or whether it's schoolrooms or
whatever. By the way, all these things are so ridiculous that they don't
have to be refuted, but it leads me to this observation: suppose you had
one of the players on Ohio State and he was forever saying, "You are a
second-rate bunch of 'muckers.' " "You don't look good to me." "Now
if you just make me your coach, this will be a much better team and we
would go places, we would be world champions without even walking on
the field."
Now I submit that any of the players that is running down his own
squad all through the season, all through the year, is not himself going
to make a very good coach.
Thank you very much and goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at 2:28 p.m. in the Wedgwood Room at the SheratonCleveland Hotel.
352 eJ Remarks in Cleveland at a Reception of
Republican Women. November 4, i960
My friends:
Having had now 8 years experience in political life, I have made it a
point never to miss a gathering of women. I have found out through my
statistical department that there are some millions more of you than
there are of men, and this alone makes a meeting with a women's crowd
something endearing to the politician's heart.
Now we know that we are in a political struggle today, and I just want
to say as my first word this: I do hope that each of you will remember
that when you are in the voting booth that for once you are not part of a
crowd, you are not part of a group, you are not a part of a sect or anything else-you are there alone with your conscience and your convictions.
No matter what your convictions, you pull down the lever or you make
your mark in that place; because the opportunity we have in voting is
to do our part in this particular point in our history in trying to make the
United States what our highest ideals and what our deepest aspirations
want it to be.
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So I say this with all the seriousness and the solemnity that I can bring
to bear. This is something that you must not do carelessly. This must
be something that comes from both your head and your heart.
Now in this political campaign I find my part of it is criticised for this
and that, or I am told what I should do or should not do. This morning
in my Washington paper, big headlines said that it was very bad that I
had become a part of a rescue squad.
Well, I told my friends, and I have told the crowd of men a few minutes
ago, that I was very proud to be in a rescue squad. I joined one in 1952,
and it was made up of millions and millions of Americans who believed
that our country should be rescued from certain things:
A war that no longer meant anything, where we had gained the basic
objective of protecting South Korea and it was ended with honor.
We wanted to be rescued from inflation. We wanted to be rescued
from controls that were then existing all over the costs of wages and
things and services and everything that we used and bought. We wanted
to be rescued from military weakness which itself was one of the reasons
for drifting into that Korean mess-and we certainly wanted to be rescued from the mess in Washington.
Now the millions of you that joined that rescue squad and joined in
that rescue work have something that I think you will be proud of all
your lives.
In the last 8 years you not only stopped some of the things that we
thought were bad for the United States, but you helped this Nation get
on a path that led toward the realization of our ideals and our aspirations.
You have, in your material accomplishments, written an 8-year history
that is the brightest of our entire American history.
If you of Cleveland-each of you-would compare Cleveland today, or
your own home for that matter, with I952-in this city, though: how
many homes have you built, how many hospitals, how many new roads,
new schoolrooms? What have we done in increasing the real wages of
our workers? What have we done to make this a better city?
I believe if you could really carry your memory back to 1952, you
would find that you have been part of an operation that was not only one
of rescue, it was one of constructive work, to bring this Nation to the
place which you think it ought to go.
Now of course this is work that is never done, and there I just want to
compare an election, any election, with a sort of a sprint race.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
'[ 353
Of course the big task in a sprint is to get across the line first, because
in the hundred yards that you are running, you put your entire heart, your
head, every muscle, all your training, all your knowledge, just to break
that tape, and then when you have broken that tape, you are done.
But an election is not quite that. After you break the tape you have
won this sprint in the election-now what are you going to do?
A fire department does not run through the streets just to make a record
in timing. What it does is to get there to put out the fire and do something constructive to save the things that need to be saved, and possibly
even to establish the conditions under which the householders can begin
to rebuild.
There is something to be done after this election is won. That is again
something that I think we ought to give our heads and our hearts a chance
to ponder, because we are sometimes-and certainly I think that one of
our young hopefuls thinks of our election too much this way, just to get
across that line first.
We need to do that in order to get the chance to do something constructive, but that is where the real work begins.
This Nation is the first in power, first in free world leadership. It is
first in its intellectual capacity throughout the Nation. You peopleevery one of you-have a right to be proud of your Nation and what you
have done in these past 8 years-indeed, in what you have done with
your lives.
But you still have the distance to go, and in the last day let us all pray
that each of us is worthy of this Nation and each of us can say, "I have
done my best to help it be the country that we believe it should be."
So-goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at 2:40 p.m. in the Whitehall Room at the SheratonCleveland Hotel.
353 eI Remarks Upon Arrival in Pittsburgh.
November 4, i960
My friends:
Thank you very much for this welcome, but I must get this record
straight. My name is not Dick Groat, it is not Mazeroski-I am not
Vern Law.
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But I am most sincerely grateful to you for the warmth of this welcome.
I have just come from Cleveland where I saw another great crowd,
and I saw the same signs "Vote for Nixon and Lodge."
And that is what I am going to do.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke just before the opening paragraph he referred to
entering the Pittsburgh-Hilton Hotel. In members of the Pittsburgh Pirates baseball team.
354 Ce Address in Pittsburgh at a Dinner
Sponsored by the Allegheny County Republican
Executive Committee. November 4, I960
Congressman Judd, Mr. Graham, Mr. Flaherty, Senator Scott, the
congressional delegation, and my fellow Americans:
After a half century in the service of the Republic, I address you
tonight.
I am not here merely because of friendship for any person or out of
any sense of obligation to any individual or organization of individuals.
Such influences carry a great appeal but they cannot be controlling in
this time of decision.
I am here solely because of my concern for the future of the United
States and your hopes of peace with justice and in freedom.
That future and your deepest hopes are at stake. And they can be
compressed right now to a choice between two men and their running
mates.
For me, drawing on a lifetime of experience with men who want to
lead and men who can lead, there is no question about the choice.
I support Richard Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge.
In speaking to you tonight, I am sharply conscious:
Of the debt I owe this country.
Of the pride I feel as I review the long march of America, generation
after generation, to leadership among the nations.
Of the hope that our grandchildren and their grandchildren will recall our days and our decisions with a like pride.
All these reasons, deep-seated in my heart, demand that I speak
846
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
'9 354
out on our right and duty as American citizens next Tuesday to voteto vote our sober, serious convictions.
So doing, we shall once again justify the American faith that free men
and women, voting in secret ballot, answerable only to conscience, will
judge wisely as honest stewards of a grand heritage; as farsighted designers of a grand destiny.
We will not justify this faith if we are moved by selfish interest or
specious promise or emotional appeal; or if we vote as members of a bloc.
The major, the over-riding, problem of today is the global struggle
between those who seek to impose dictatorial domination over all men
and those who seek to help all men achieve a good life in freedom.
On the outcome of this struggle depends the preservation of everything
that we hold dear; the liberty that we enjoy; the opportunities we possess;
the just peace we purpose.
Should we lose this struggle, Communism would darken the light of
the world.
This international struggle defines the character, scope and importance
of every domestic question argued and publicized in this political campaign. The primary importance of these debated issues is their effect
upon our ability to win the ideological war.
To make America's world leadership felt and effective in this vast conflict, we must be strong-strong morally, economically and, indeed, militarily-as we are tonight.
Strength cannot be conjured out of glittering generalities and promises;
out of fanciful pictures of a life of ease-devoid of labor, sacrifice and
self-dedication; out of a grab-bag of easy answers for hard questions.
If we are to be respected and our leadership willingly accepted, the
substance of our strength must be realized and felt. Every individual
among us must find his greatest happiness in constructive work-work for
himself, his family, his community, our Nation.
Our moral strength must never waver; never weaken before the blackmail of threat; never degenerate into surrender-infected compromise with
a gun-enforced tyranny.
Our military strength must be, at whatever cost, so maintained that
never again will the United States through military weakness be plunged
into war-as it was three times within this century.
To fortify our economic strength, we must pay our way, not thought
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lessly piling an ever-mounting debt upon the shoulders of our children
and our grandchildren and forfeiting the confidence of other nations.
We must be proud of our heritage, diligent in its maintenance and
determined in its continued development; neither deserting our traditions,
nor downgrading ourselves.
We must have leadership-leadership of the very finest kind that we
can produce. In this campaign, only in Richard Nixon and Ambassador
Lodge is the best of such leadership to be found.
I say this because they possess a rich experience in waging the kind
of war in which we are now engaged; in meeting the needs of our Nation
to support our world purposes; and in leading us to victory.
What I am talking about is not a matter of predicting the number
of motels to be built in a given time; of forecasting to the dollar the
amount of money that will be spent on gadgets and luxuries in the next
four years; or of guaranteeing precisely the number of jobs that will be
filled at a distant date.
The matter of which I speak-of indescribable and lasting importance
to every individual among us-is the application of integrity and intellect
and experience to countless problems, always directly affecting our domestic strength and our progress toward peace; they are always changing
in their context and in their priorities; but always changeless in their
demand for sober, resolute, steady minds.
In the campaign of our opponents, the juggling of promises by the
inexperienced, the appeal to immediate gain and selfishness, the distortion
of fact, the quick changes from fantastic charge to covert retreat-all
these are intended to confuse the voter; not to enlighten him.
And this is nothing new. The tactics of confusion have always been
a device to cover weakness in principle or in purpose or in proposal. They
are still the arsenal of those who lack a constructive program founded on
tested principle.
Out of the complexities of modem living, our political opponents construct a jungle of problems which, they say, are impossible of solution
except by the formulas they have dreamed up and would like to teston us and on the world. If allowed to do so-if elected-they will call
the tune, but we-and those who come after us-will pay the piper, and
we will have to pay, because their announced plans call for swollen costs
and mushrooming expenditures.
Now our opponents of course are experts at assuring us that neither
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 354
higher taxes nor deficit spending will be used to meet these additional
costs. But all history shows the absurdity of this claim.
Now this is a time for woodshed honesty-even if the American people
have to apply a little woodshed discipline to get it. Unless they do, the
American family will pay the costs out of its family budget because either
Federal taxes will skyrocket once again or the cheap dollar and higher
prices will return.
Now, of course, political opponents promise us more dollars in our
pockets so that we can meet the cost of their schemes. But purchasing
power at the corner grocery comes from creative and productive work,
not from Federal printing presses grinding out dollars that constantly buy
less-less food-less clothing-less shelter.
My friends, all gains made by labor rest on one foundation-a stable
dollar. Possibly, for a time, a wage earner receiving a constantly increasing number of dollars in his pay envelope may imagine he is keeping
even with the speed that his dollars cheapen. But accelerated inflation
soon destroys even this poor hope and reduces it to futility.
But think of the man living on a fixed pension, or the man whose
savings are in bonds and insurance policies, or the one who has nothing
but his social security.
The effect on him is catastrophic.
Does this show concern for our senior citizens? A concern so prated
about in some of the other platforms we read-platform planks in Los
Angeles.
These wizards in fiscal shell games try to prove that all problems can
be solved by bigger government, bigger spending, bigger promises. They
are idolatrous worshippers of bigness-especially of big government.
But we must recognize that:
All our problems are still human problems.
All our goals are still human goals.
Therefore, for the proper conduct of human affairs, we must have:
Character that endures; not campaign promises that evaporate.
Ability that elevates; not ambition that corrupts.
Responsibility that deliberates; not rashness that stampedes.
Experience in duty that sobers; not eagerness for power that intoxicates.
Richard Nixon and Cabot Lodge, in this light, are worthy of your
choice as well as mine. They have been tried and trained, tested and
proved worthy.
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One thought more.
Almost sixteen and a half years ago, almost on the very eve of D-Day, I
became absorbed in a soul-wracking problem. A senior staff officer of
mine, a tested and gallant battle leader, came to me to express his conviction that part of the plan that I had devised and approved would require
the destruction of two fine American divisions-two airborne divisions of
gallant soldiers. He prophesied that if I went on with this movement,
these two divisions would suffer at least 90 percent casualties, even before
they could land. Manifestly, if this were true, their sacrifice would be
futile, because there would be no remaining strength.
If he were right, it appeared that the attack on Utah Beach was probably hopeless, and this meant that the whole operation suddenly acquired
a degree of risk, even foolhardiness, that could generate a gigantic failure,
possibly Allied defeat in Europe.
And the decision was squarely up to me. There was no one to help me.
Professional and technical advice and counsel had been exhausted.
There was nothing for me to do but to go to my tent and think out
this problem alone. I realized, of course, that if I disregarded the advice
of my technical expert and trusted associate, and if his predictions should
be true, then I would carry to my grave the unbearable burden of a conscience justly accusing me of indifference to the lives of thousands of
Americans, and of a stupid, blind sacrifice of thousands of the flower of
America's sons. Outweighing any personal burden, however, was the fact
that if he were right the effect of the disaster would be far more than local;
it would likely affect the entire force and probably cause a gigantic repulse
on the beaches.
Now seriously I reviewed every single step in my battle plan. Having
completed that study-I phoned to him and said the attack would go as
stated.
Now events proved, happily, his prediction to be wrong. And I am
glad to say that the first notice that came to me of the successful landing
was from this same man, whose joy knew no limits.
But for years thereafter, I felt that only once in a lifetime could a problem of that sort weigh so heavily upon a man's mind and heart.
Now my fellow Americans, now that I know that in this age the President encounters soul-wracking problems many times in a single term of
office, I really realize what we are asking the next President to do. This
kind of problem comes to him in every conceivable form, almost every
day that he is in office.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
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Not the fate of two divisions or even of an entire landing force but the
fate of millions of Americans-young and old, military and civilian, city
dwellers and farm families-the fate of the Republic itself might depend
on his decision.
When the push of a button may mean obliteration of countless humans,
the President of the United States must be forever on guard against any
inclination on his part to impetuosity; to arrogance; to headlong action;
to expediency; to facile maneuvers; even to the popularity of an action as
opposed to the rightness of an action.
He cannot worry about headlines; how the next opinion poll will rate
him; how his political future will be affected.
He must worry only about the good-the long-term, abiding, permanent good-of all America.
The nakedness of the battlefield when the soldier is all alone in the
smoke and the clamor and the terror of war is comparable to the loneliness-at times-of the Presidency. These are the times when one man
must conscientiously, deliberately, prayerfully, scrutinize every argument,
every proposal, every prediction, every alternative, every probable outcome of his action and then-all alone-make his decision.
In that moment he can draw on no brain trust; no pressure group;
no warehouse of trick phrases, no facile answers. Even his most trusted
associates and friends cannot help him in that moment. He can draw
only upon the truths and principles responsible for America's birth and
development, applying them to the problem immediately before him in
the light of a broad experience with men and nations.
He will be face to face with himself, his conscience, his measure of
wisdom. And he will have to pray for Divine guidance from Almighty
God.
And that is exactly where every thoughtful American will be, and what
he should do, when he marks his secret ballot next Tuesday.
Out of that knowledge of the duties and the burdens of the Presidency,
and of the responsibility of the good citizen, I must vote for Richard
Nixon and Cabot Lodge November 8th.
Thank you and good night.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:o6 p.m. ward L. Flaherty, chairman of the Alleat the Pittsburgh-Hilton Hotel. His gheny County Republican Executive
opening words referred to U.S. Repre- Committee and coordinator of the dinner
sentative Walter H. Judd of Minnesota, meeting, and U.S. Senator Hugh Scott of
the Reverend William F. Graham, Ed- Pennsylvania.
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355 4T Radio and Television Remarks on Election
Eve. November 7, i960
My fellow citizens:
Eight years ago on the eve of the 1952 election, I came into your homes
through the magic of radio and television to thank the many millions of
you-of all parties-of all faiths-from all sections of our land-I
thanked you that evening because you supported Richard Nixon and me
in our campaign to restore the unimpeded opportunity to America to
develop her economic, military, and spiritual strength to the full.
Your response on election day in I952-renewed in even greater
measure in I956-was overwhelming proof of the identity of beliefs and
convictions that you and your families have shared with us over these
past 8 years.
It has been a good partnership-and much good for our nation has
resulted from it.
For myself, I shall always be humble and grateful because of the
confidence you have placed in me and my associates in the Government.
Tonight-on the eve of another election-I again come into your
homes.
Tomorrow, we choose the next President of the United States and the
Commander in Chief of our Armed Forces-as each of us going into the
polling booth finds himself alone with his God and his conscience. In
that booth, each of us makes his own imprint on the future prosperity,
security, and peace of the Republic-and of mankind.
Much more than your and my immediate good is at stake.
After church yesterday, I paid a visit to the home, on the outskirts of
Gettysburg, where my son and his wife and their four children live.
These grandchildren of mine, ranging in years from I2 to 4, are naturally
very dear to me.
Though young, they have definite opinions of their own about this
election-opinions in which, I must say, I heartily concur. Of course,
like all other children, they are lighthearted and very personal in their
approach to an election. They cannot appreciate what its impact will be
upon their lives in the future.
But as I drove away, I could not help pondering on the far-reaching
effects that tomorrow's election will inevitably have on them and on all
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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the other Americans-your children and grandchildren-now too young
to vote.
Will they, years from now, live in a country still strong and free; still
prosperous, its economy undamaged by the cancer of inflation; still
dynamic in its philosophy of free enterprise-with Government the
partner of the people, not the boss? Will our nation still be the respected
leader of free peoples in a world at peace?
This is what all of us want, but none of us tonight can answer these
questions. I do pray that we, here and now, in this election do our part
to give to these young Americans the best possible chance of inheriting
from us a sound Republic.
I do pray that the man we choose to be your-and my-President for
the next 4 years is endowed with wisdom, common sense, experience, and
character. Then the heritage of our children and grandchildren will be
well served.
Since the beginning of the Republic, great decisions influencing our
destiny have been wrought by the President in deliberation with his
Cabinet. In such deliberations, the measure of every participant is soon
taken by those around him.
Since January of I953, in the Cabinet Room of the White House, in
the weekly sessions of the Cabinet and the National Security Council,
Richard Nixon sat directly across the table from me-a mere few feet
away.
I came to know him as a man cannot be known from headlines or
interviews or speeches. I lived with him in hours of intense discussion
and thought and soul-searching.
Around the Cabinet table were gathered at every meeting men and
women who constituted in their dedication to the public good, a gathering
worthy of America's highest purposes.
The matters before us were always important to the well-being of
Americans; often of grave moment; sometimes fraught with the peril of
war, sometimes critical in their impact on the nation's prosperity and
security.
They included such matters as:
Korea and Formosa and Lebanon;
Suez and Indo-China;
a halt to Communist engulfment that began in I 946;
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a buildup, for the first time in our peacetime history, of an adequate
military posture including the initiation and development of missile systems never before attempted;
orderly expansion at Cabinet level of programs in health, education
and welfare;
an end to Federal controls on your economy and a halt to rapid rises
in the cost of living.
The constant effort was to create conditions in which America might
live in bright hope; might have the opportunity to better themselves and
the living of their families; might be confident that their Government
cared about people.
In every discussion during these 8 years of Cabinet and National Security Council sessions, all of us were always unified in fundamental principle. Our single guide was the welfare of the United States. But in the
application of principle, there were often expressed honest and wide
differences of opinion. This was democracy at work-and quite naturally
these differences inspired full, even heated, debate.
Through all these meetings, I could watch Richard Nixon; absorbed
in the thoughtful, sober, silent weighing of every word and idea.
Then, after others had spoken, I frequently asked him to present a
consensus of the judgments expressed. This he did, avoiding the trivial,
the irrelevant, the imprudent; adding, from his own insight and knowledge and conviction, counsel that took into account every factor important
to my final decision.
Eight years ago, I pledged to you that I and my Administration would
serve all the people of America in every human way. Four years ago,
I repeated that pledge-to lead and serve in devotion to the national
interest; in a program of hard work; and in the purpose of seeking always
a universal peace with justice. I hope you believe we have kept that
pledge.
Acting for you, we fostered a climate of enterprise and hope.
And you-the people of America-took effective advantage of the
opportunities so created. In all the works of heart and mind and hand
you have set new records of achievement.
You made the United States the most powerful nation on earthmilitarily, economically, spiritually.
In partnership with local and State and Federal Government, you built
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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schools in your communities; expanded colleges and universities; erased
slums; linked cities with expressways; advanced the horizons of knowledge in the science of health, of security, of space; pushed to new standards of living-as no people ever before has been able to do in a comparable period.
Far from standing still, you have advanced dramatically. My pride in
you is beyond anything I can express-but I do suggest to you: just look
around. See for yourselves what you have accomplished. And you will
continue so to advance-given assurance that the climate of confidence
will be sustained and that the system of free, competitive enterprise will
never be weakened by political meddling.
That assurance you will have with the right kind of leadership, steeped
in the philosophy of enterprise and of hope; experienced in working for
an America, confident of her destiny, secure against the devastation of
war, in a world moving toward peace with justice in freedom.
In those countless hours in the Cabinet Room, in many more hours of
consultation with him at my own desk, I took the measure of the man
that is Richard Nixon. He will provide that sort of leadership.
Side by side with him, the other member of a remarkable team, is
Henry Cabot Lodge, esteemed by the entire free world and grudgingly
respected by Communist bosses. He will give Richard Nixon the sturdy
help, advice, and support that only a man who has proved himself a
statesman, a diplomat, a great American, can give his President.
Cabot Lodge, for 8 years, has dealt with international problems at the
highest level. And he has performed superbly, as the many million
Americans who have watched him at the United Nations well understand.
Incidentally, Ambassador Lodge will be the next to follow me on this
program.
My friends, I have one all-consuming desire: I want our country to
continue along the paths of peace and progress that she has trod so confidently for 8 years. I want America to have the most experienced, the
most responsible leadership that we can produce.
You want the same, I know. But I am told that millions of you still
are called "undecided voters." I deeply hope that this means only that
you are still undecided as to your choice. I trust that you are decided
in a determination to vote your choice tomorrow after you make it.
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Let us remember that the right to vote was won for you in the toil and
sacrifice and blood of all the fighting men of all America's wars. You
must not ignore or reject that right.
My friends-exactly i8 years ago tomorrow, on November 8, I942, it
was my responsibility to lead an invading force of young Americans and
their allies, landing in Africa in the first great land operation of World
War II to eliminate the Hitler-Mussolini axis. Those two men had
decided to destroy the right of freedom and of the free vote in the world.
Our men were there to prevent this.
In all that command everybody was far from home; none had decent
shelter, rarely any hot food; they were lonesome, tired, hungry; they
were constantly exposed to the dangers of bullets and bombs. Thousands
of them were wounded or disabled. Many others died. But their comrades pushed on until at least in Africa they forced the surrender of the
Fascists and the Nazis.
They then went on to over-run Pantelleria, capture Sicily, invade
Italy-finally, they and their comrades and their brothers who came after
them invaded northern Europe. Finally we reached the culmination with
the surrender of the Nazis at Berlin. Now they fought their way through
danger and terror, under the constant threat of extinction, until they
penetrated the Nazi heartland and destroyed that menace to freedom.
The primary purpose of their courage and sacrifice was to assure that
there could not be taken from us the right of free government, the freedom
of responsible citizenship-a citizenship that demands of us all the exercise of our right to vote.
I shall exercise my right tomorrow, as I hope you will, also. For myself, because of my firsthand knowledge of their capacity, dedication and
character, I shall vote for Richard M. Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge,
as again I hope you will.
And now, after the last campaign speech that as your President I shall
ever make to you, I say good night-may God bless you all and our
beloved country.
NOTE: The President spoke at IO: 30 p.m. at a studio of the Columbia Broadcasting
System in Washington.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g1960
e 357
356 e Telegrams of Congratulations to the
President- and Vice President-Elect.
November 9, 1 960
Senator John F. Kennedy
Hyannis Port, Massachusetts
My congratulations to you for the victory you have just won at the polls.
I will be sending you promptly a more comprehensive telegram suggesting certain measures that may commend themselves to you as you prepare
to take over next January the responsibilities of the Presidency.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
Senator Lyndon B. Johnson
Driskill Hotel
Austin, Texas
The American people have spoken. Congratulations and best wishes
on your victory as Vice President-elect.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
357 eT Telegrams to Vice President Nixon and
Henry Cabot Lodge. November 9, 1 960
The Vice President of the United States
Ambassador Hotel
Los Angeles, California
Your hard-fought courageous campaign to carry forward the principle
of sound government will have my lasting respect. It has been a matter
of deep personal satisfaction to have served closely with you these past
eight years and I shall always cherish your friendship. Best wishes to Pat
and a salute to you both for your spirited and sustained work in the cause
of good government.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge
Sheraton Park Hotel
Washington, D.C.
I salute you for a magnificent campaign in the finest tradition of a
great American family. I shall be forever grateful for your effective
service to my Administration and the country during these past eight
years. Please extend my regards to Emily, and my best wishes in whatever your future may hold.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
358 AT Letter to SecretaryMuellerConcerning
Participation in the New York World's Fair of
i964-65. November I2, i960
My dear Mr. Secretary:
It will be desirable to give early consideration to the advisability of
participation by the United States in the New York World's Fair to be
held in New York City in i964 and I965. It is also desirable that preliminary consideration be given to the character and scope of any such
participation.
It is accordingly requested that the Secretary of Commerce take the
lead in considering the question of Federal participation in the New York
World's Fair and present to me his recommendations thereon not later
than January I, I 96 I.
In connection with the carrying out of the foregoing assignment, it is
requested that the appropriate Federal agencies be consulted. I suggest
that you consult the Departments of State, Treasury, Agriculture, the
Interior, Labor, and Health, Education and Welfare, the Atomic Energy
Commission, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, the
National Science Foundation, the United States Information Agency, and
the Housing and Home Finance Agency.
Expenditures arising in connection with the above shall be paid from
the appropriation appearing under the heading "Special Projects" in
Title I of the General Government Matters Appropriation Act, i96I
(Public Law 86-642; 74 Stat. 473-474).
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, g960
q 359
I am sending a copy of this letter to the head of each of the foregoing
agencies.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The letter was released at Augusta, Ga.
359 1 Exchange of Messages Between the
President and President Garcia on the Occasion of
Philippine-American Day.
Dear President Garcia:
November 14, I960
It gives me great pleasure to reaffirm the close ties between our two
countries on this day designated by the late President Magsaysay as
Philippine-American Day.
Our two nations share a common heritage. For over six decades we
have worked together to create and maintain strong democratic institutions. Our task has not been easy. During the fourth decade we fought
side by side to defend our way of life. Now we are challenged by the
imperialistic ambitions of a ruthless ideology. It is especially fitting,
therefore, that we pause on this day which marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the inauguration of the Commonwealth of the Philippines to
rededicate ourselves to the principles of free government and to reaffirm
our conviction that we shall eventually have a world in which all men are
brothers, and in which the outstretched hand is not that of a tyrant, but
the hand of friendship.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: President Garcia's message follows:
The President
The White House
The Philippine Government has designated November fifteen as PhilippineAmerican Day, primarily as a fitting reminder to the peoples on both sides of
the Pacific of the special ties of friendship
that have characterized several decades of
intimate and close relationship between
the Philippines and the United States of
America.
To twenty-seven million Filipinos, this
date bears additional significance as it
also commemorates the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary of the Philippine Commonwealth, the transition period which preceded the final attainment of Philippine
independence and which in the minds of
Filipinos was the climax and fruit of many
years of special Philippine-American
relations.
Let this day, therefore, be the occasion
for Filipinos and Americans to jointly reiterate their high goals and noble objec
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tives for continued and lasting friendship
based on mutual respect. Let this also be
the time for a rededication of our common
determination to meet and deter further
encroachment by Communist imperialism
on our accepted free and democratic way
of life.
CARLOS P. GARCIA
The messages were released at Augusta,
Ga.
360 eI Statement by the President on the
Entrance Into Sea Duty of the Polaris Submarine
George Washington. November 15, I960
TODAY the Polaris submarine U.S.S. George Washington leaves the
United States for the high seas. It will be the first of its kind to become
operational and inaugurates a new technique of deterrence. Roving and
hidden under the seas with 16 thermonuclear missiles apiece, the George
Washington and her following sisterships possess a power and relative
invulnerability which will make suicidal any attempt by an aggressor to
attack the free world by surprise. The George Washington, the Patrick
Henry, the Abraham Lincoln and other Polaris submarines will perform
a service to world peace worthy of the great American names they bear.
NOTE: On November I, following Prime
Minister Macmillan's announcement that
Great Britain had agreed to provide a
base for U.S. nuclear submarines armed
with Polaris missiles, the Press Secretary
to the President issued a release concerning the arrangements made with Great
Britain for support facilities for the sub
marines. The release stated that the
President welcomed the arrangements as
further evidence of United States-British
cooperation for the mutual benefit of both
countries and the NATO Alliance.
The President's statement of November
15 was released at Augusta, Ga.
361 (I Letter to Dr. NnamdiAzikiwe on the
Occasion of His Investiture as Governor General of
the Federation of Nigeria. November 16, I960
Dear Dr. Azikiwe:
On the occasion of your investiture as Governor General of the Federation of Nigeria, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you, both personally and officially, cordial greetings and heartiest congratulations.
This great honor, which happily comes to you on your birthday anniversary, is a fitting tribute to your long years of devoted service to your
860
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 q 362
country and to Africa. I know that your many friends in the United
States join with me in expressing the hope that your years in this high
office will be marked by peace and prosperity for your people and by
ever-closer relations between Nigeria and the United States.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The letter was released at Augusta, Ga.
362 ~1 The President's News Conference at
Augusta, Georgia. November i6, 1960
THE PRESIDENT. Ladies and gentlemen, this is not a press conference as
such, but we are distributing today a paper-which you will get after we
have finished here-that is of such importance that I thought it was
worthwhile to come down and tell you something of my own feelings
about it.
It has to do with the balance of payments problem. This is a problem
that has been engaging the concern of government officials for a number
of years. Financial circles and financial pages have been watching it,
and, moreover, foreign financial institutions also have been very much
concerned about it.
Of course, as the balance of payments gets too unfavorable with respect
to any country-in this case ours-you have either to settle your debts
with gold or you have to increase your dollar obligations. Therefore the
risks or the threat of a sudden movement of gold that could have very bad
inflationary effects in our own country are such as to demand great care
on the part of governmental officials.
We have been doing what we could over some years. For example,
one of the things that you can do to avoid this unfavorable balance of
payments is to continue sound fiscal policies here at home and avoid
inflation. By avoiding inflation you keep down the costs of your products
and as a result you can compete, you can get your share of the income,
and you sell enough to pay for all of the outflow of dollars and credits to
other nations.
Except for the year I959, our exports have been very fine. They
always have shown a surplus, but I think in I 959 there was only about a
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$I billion balance. This year it may reach $4 billion. But that is still
not enough to support the outflow that we have.
One of the things that happens is this: if people-other nations which
use dollars as well as gold in their financial reserves-get fearful of the
American dollar, then there can be what you call a run on it. They want
to convert into gold right away, and the outflow of gold would be so
rapid that we could, of course, be greatly embarrassed.
Now there are many things we can do. The paper that you will receive today not only describes for you in considerable detail what the
problem is, but it will describe what are the actions that we can take now
administratively-or at least some of them.
Without going into detail, they are measures to check the unnecessary
flow of dollars and credit abroad, and to increase our own sales abroad.
For a long time we have had a committee in the Cabinet that has been
coordinating all of our efforts toward increasing exports. Indeed we have
worked with our industrial and agricultural activities and institutions, in
order to increase these exports-and we have done so. But more needs
to be done, both in increasing our exports and decreasing the outflow of
credits and dollars.
Now they are outlined, as I said, in the paper you will receive. One
of them, for example, is a reduction in the number of dependents of the
armed services abroad, and a similar reduction by all of the departments
that have personnel stationed overseas-to cut them down to the minimum. But as I say, you will read it in more detail in the paper.1
Now I think that's about the story as I see it. I repeat that this
problem of balance of payments is not separated from sound fiscal practices in our own country, because as long as other people know that we
can, and will, pay our bills as we go, they will not get frightened of our
dollar; they will not demand that dollars be exchanged into gold. That
is the kind of thing that is always important.
I think that's the story as I wanted to give it to you, and with respect
to this one problem, if there are any additional comments of your own,
any additional questions, why I would be glad to talk about them.
Q. John Scali, Associated Press: Mr. President, will you discuss this
problem tomorrow at the National Security Council meeting?
1 The President referred to his directive of November I6 concerning the U.S. balance
of payments problem. The directive is published in the Federal Register (25 F.R.
I2221) and in the i960 Supplement to title 3 of the Code of Federal Regulations.
862
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(J 362
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it may be brought up. I should have pointed
out that, of course, our national security as well as our own soundness of
our economy are affected by a healthy situation in this balance of payments, but as such, I doubt whether it would be on the agenda. No.
Q. Felix Belair, New York Times: Mr. President, are there any estimates at all of the amount potentially that might be saved as a result of
the directives being issued today?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I didn't ask for that estimate, Felix, but(confers with Mr. Hagerty)-I just hear from Jim that the Treasury
Department is actually trying to make such an estimate today and later
in the day may be able to give you such an estimate. I do know that as
of now we have about a half million dependents in the Military Establishment abroad. This is a rather expensive business. No one likes to break
up families, but when you are sending out gold dollars all the time-that's
what they are now under the present situation-why we have to set a
limit, and that is what we are trying to do.
Q. William J. Eaton, United Press International: Mr. President, can
you tell us roughly how many dependents will be pulled back?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it's in the paper. I think they want to come
down at the rate of 3 percent and down to a maximum of about two
hundred thousand. Three percent per month, I should have said, and
down to a maximum of two hundred thousand.
Q. Robert C. Young, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, do you anticipate that this cut in the military dependents would-well, in view of the
effect it would have on this balance of payments deficit-would be working any kind of hardship on military personnel?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course, it is a most unhappy occasion when
you have to set up regulations that do separate families for a period of
their service. For example, we have never allowed dependents to go to
Korea, but we have shortened the tour of our military personnel. And
while there may be some unfavorable budgetary effects here-in other
words, we may have to spend more of our own dollars here, but we will
spend them at home. So I would say that one of the compensations
would be, possibly, by shorter tours of service. That is normally done.
Q. Daniel Karasik, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President,
in the proposed ways of saving dollars, is there any suggestion of having
the NATO countries help support dependents abroad?
THE PRESTDENT. Well, yes. As a matter of fact, this whole problem
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Public Papers of the Presidents
is the principal purpose of Mr. Anderson and Mr. Dillon going abroad
this Saturday.2 We have been discussing the problem, of course, with
numbers of people. We are going to insist that NATO, and particularly
the more fortunate countries industrially, which are now accumulating
great reserves, should be asked to do their part in carrying the economic
aid program to other nations that we want to help have better conditions
in the interests of world peace. The industrially strong countries must
help to meet the payments that are so burdensome to us, when we are
spread all over the world with troops and with aid and all that sort of
thing. Of course, we shall insist that they help. That's in the paper,
by the way.
Q. John Scali, Associated Press: Mr. President, in the past, there have
been persistent reports that crop up to the effect that in order to help close
this gap we might consider reducing the actual number of troops that we
maintain in Western Europe as a shield for NATO. Could you say
anything about this?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course this comes up all the time, because it's
a very expensive business keeping troops abroad. As you know, the
American soldier is the highest paid soldier in the world, and there's all
sorts of discussions come up when we have them stationed abroad in large
numbers. But I would say this: the last thing we would want to do
would be to diminish the combat strength of our forces until the NATO
countries have found it possible so to solve their problems that they can
fill the gaps.
Now, I could go back to January I95I when I was sent to NATO.
It was always thought of as an emergency operation, just as the Marshall
plan was thought of as an emergency program. In the Marshall plan you
were rebuilding an economy. With NATO you were trying to rebuild a
2 On November i5 the White House released a statement by Secretary Anderson
after his meeting with the President to discuss the forthcoming visit to Bonn with
Under Secretary of State Dillon. The statement announced that the President had
instructed Secretary Anderson to pursue with Chancellor Adenauer and other representatives of the German Republic matters of mutual interest in the international
financial field, including the cost of U.S. troops in West Germany, and assistance to
developing countries.
The statement added that the President had asked Secretary Anderson to convey
his warmest personal greetings to Chancellor Adenauer, as well as his personal hopes
that the talks would result in even greater understanding and mutually beneficial
results in the interest of the strength of the free world.
The full text of Secretary Anderson's statement is printed in the Department of
State Bulletin (vol. 43, p. 864).
864
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 36!2
defense until they-Europe-picked up the burden. Well, I think we
should never want to reduce our forces so far that people would think we
had abandoned the area, or we had lowered our flag in that area. Not
at all. But I do think that the time is coming when all of us will have
to study very carefully what should be our proper portion of the load.
Q. Harold Davis, Atlanta Journal: Mr. President, is there some
thought of reducing diplomatic and ICA personnel also?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, that's in the directive all right. I propose that
the State Department, through its ambassadors, go over this whole business with a fine-tooth comb and see whether there are some people we
can take out. I think personally that most of us that have traveled
throughout the world have had the impression, at least, that we could do
with fewer people. I think there must be a real study job done on it.
That would be one way to help, all right.
Q. William J. Eaton, United Press International: Mr. President, is
there any consideration being given to reducing or curtailing traveling by
Americans abroad?
THE PRESIDENT. I think that would be one of the things we should
not do. Remember our great purpose of promoting progress toward
peace. One thing we don't want to do is to develop an isolationist practice of staying at home. I would add this: I would like to see our people
go abroad, but I would like also to see more Europeans and other people
that have money come to our country. Let's have a little reciprocity
around here. That would be very helpful. At the same time we want
them, not merely because of the dollars, but for the general effect it has
on the progress toward peace.
Well, now, ladies and gentlemen, that's the problem, and the subject
for the day. And I would again add this: I do think that the paper
deserves your very closest study, because it has been tightly reasoned. It
has been prepared carefully over a good many days and weeks. I think
you will find paragraphs right in the middle of it that are just as important
as those that you find at the opening of the paper.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- Richmond in August, Ga., at 3:35 o'clock
dred and ninety-second news conference on Wednesday afternoon, November i6,
was held in the press room of the Hotel I960. The attendance was not recorded.
865
q 363
Public Papers of the Presidents
363 f4 Statement by the President on Making
Public a Report by the Science Advisory Committee.
November 20, I960
[Released November 20, I960. Dated November 17, I960]
THIS REPORT is part of a continuing study by my Science Advisory
Committee of ways in which the Federal Government can best assure the
strength and progress of American science, one of our essential resources
for national security and welfare. I hope it will be favorably received
and widely studied by everyone in our national community concerned
with the advancement of scientific knowledge through basic research
and with the education of young scientists.
I call particular attention to the conclusion of the Science Advisory
Committee that the process of basic scientific research and the process of
graduate education in universities must be viewed as an integrated task
if the nation is to produce the research results and the new scientists that
will maintain the leadership of American science. In this great endeavor,
the partnership between the Federal Government and the nation's universities will assume growing importance in the future.
NOTE: The report "Scientific Progress, the part of a White House release which also
Universities, and the Federal Govern- included a summary of the panel's conclument," dated November I5 (33 pp., Gov- sions and of its recommendations by Dr.
ernment Printing Office, I960), was George B. Kistiakowsky, Chairman of the
prepared by a special Panel on Basic Re- President's Science Advisory Committee,
search and Graduate Education of the together with his letter to the President
President's Science Advisory Committee. submitting the report.
The President's statement was issued as This statement was released at Augusta,
Ga.
866
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(l 364
364 eI Exchange of Messages Between the
President and President Toure of Guinea Regarding
U.S. Policy Toward the Congo.
November 26, i960
[ Released November 26, I 960. Dated November 25, I 9601
Dear Mr. President:
Your cable on November 20, i960, I regret to say, reflects a serious
misunderstanding of the policy of the United States Government in
support of African freedom. I am prompted, therefore, to recall to you
that the United States has been in the forefront of those nations who have
favored emancipation of all peoples, including Africans, in accordance
with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
The record of our actions over many years in support of African emancipation is open for all to see.
With specific reference to the Republic of the Congo, the United States
warmly welcomed its independence. We have recognized and upheld its
unity and territorial integrity through United Nations actions. We have
refrained from unilateral intervention in its internal affairs. Although
considerable partisanship has been demonstrated by some states, our
support for the recognition by the United Nations of M. Kasavubu as
Chief of State, a constitutional position which is universally accepted and
recognized in the recent report of the U.N., is not a question of partisanship but an attempt to strengthen one of the essential foundations of stable
and effective government in that unhappy country. This, I believe, is in
strict conformity with the interests of the Congolese Government and
people. As you are aware, a large number of African states have taken
a similar stand. In view of the support by most countries for the United
Nations role in the Congo and the fact that United Nations success is
vital for the welfare of the Congolese, I sincerely hope that you will give
full support to the United Nations effort there.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: President Toure's message follows: position by the United States in the situaI have the honor to inform you of our tion in the Congo. We earnestly request
concern at the development of a partisan that you cease supporting the position of
867
(e 364
Public Papers of the Presidents
the enemies of African emancipation, who tion the Government of Guinea will reare employing every possible means fuse to take any part in the Conciliation
against the legitimate government of the Commission and will take any position in
Congo to attack the unity and territorial African affairs consistent with Congolese
integrity of the Congolese Nation. If the interests. High consideration.
United States maintains its present posi- SEKOu TOURE
365 ei Statement by the President Upon
Completion of the Mission of Secretary Anderson
and Under Secretary Dillon to West Germany.
November 28, 1960
THE SECRETARY of the Treasury and the Under Secretary of State
this morning reported to me, personally, on conversations they conducted
last week with officials of the Federal Republic of Germany which were
conducted in a cooperative and friendly spirit by the delegations on both
sides, with a complete mutual willingness to explore proposals.
I believe that the discussions were most useful. They developed agreement between the two countries on the necessity of maintaining a sound
international financial system, not only for the economic well-being of the
countries involved but so that each country may continue to provide the
resources basic to the common security of the nations of the Free World.
As a result of these talks there is a greater acceptance of the United
States view that there must be basic improvement in the United States
balance of payments position as an essential part of maintaining the Free
World's financial system, depending as it does upon the dollar as a
cornerstone.
Secretary Anderson and Secretary Dillon, both in substance and in
presentation, carried out my instructions. These had been fully coordinated with the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Defense and had
been made known in advance to the Government of the Federal Republic
of Germany.
Although the matter of sharing in some way a portion of the total cost
of United States Troops in West Germany was discussed, in accordance
with the announcement made in Augusta on November i5,' it did not
1 The President referred to a statement by Secretary Anderson. See Item 362, footnote 2.
868
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(l 365
result in agreement. However, the discussion contributed greatly to a
growing understanding of the problem.
It was agreed with the Federal Republic of Germany that there should
be a continuation of discussions on a number of other points which could
not be fully explored in a short meeting but which are designed to lead
to the betterment of the United States balance of payments position.
These various proposals, some suggested by the Germans and some by the
American representatives as possible partial aids to our common problem,
will continue to be negotiated in Bonn and in Washington.
The American delegation expressed appreciation of the decided speedup and greater flexibility of a proposed German program for development
aid to developing countries, recognizing fully the major importance of
this new program recently introduced by the Federal Republic of
Germany.
Among other problems upon which there will be continuing discussions
are the removal of remaining restrictions on imports of agricultural
products from the United States, an enlargement of procurement of
military items by the Federal Republic of Germany for its own forces, and
consideration of procuring military items which might be supplied to
other countries of the NATO alliance.
On the way home from Bonn, Secretaries Anderson and Dillon informally exchanged views with French and British officials as well as
United States officials in Paris and London on matters of mutual interest,
particularly the world financial system.
I am confident that greater world understanding will result from the
conversations, and will serve both our national and international interests
by helping to reinforce the soundness of the Free World's financial system.
The United States is determined to take whatever decisions are necessary and appropriate consistent with its devotion to a free economy and
as are necessary to protect the integrity of the dollar.
869
q 366
Public Papers of the Presidents
366 qI Exchange of Messages Between the
President and Prime Minister Ikeda on the Election
in Japan.
November 28, 1960
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
I extend my congratulations to you and to the Liberal-Democratic
Party on your election victory on November twentieth. I end my term of
office as President of the United States with deep satisfaction over the
close cooperation between our two countries, and with the knowledge that
this cooperation will continue to grow and increase in the years ahead.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Prime Minister Ikeda's reply
follows:
Dear Mr. President:
I wish to thank you most sincerely for
your kind message of congratulations
on our election victory on November
twentieth.
It is indeed most reassuring to know
that the majority of the Japanese people
endorsed our consistent policy to cooperate closely with the United States for the
furtherance of world peace and prosperity. The Government and the people
of Japan deeply appreciate the kind cooperation of the United States under your
great leadership during eight long years of
your tenure of office as President of the
United States, and I wish to avail myself
of this opportunity to express, on behalf
of the Government and the people of
Japan, our heartfelt gratitude to you.
Sincerely,
HAYATO IKEDA
367 e Exchange of Messages Between the
President and Prime Minister Nash of New Zealand.
November 30, i960
Dear Prime Atinister:
Thank you for your two letters of October tenth, and particularly for
your renewed invitation to visit New Zealand as the guest of your Government. Such a visit would, I can assure you, be a source of happiness to
Mrs. Eisenhower and me, for we have often wished to see your beautiful
country and to get better acquainted with the people of New Zealand.
Since we have made no plans for the period after I leave office, I can
870
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(1 368
unfortunately make no commitment in this regard, but I most sincerely
appreciate your kindness in renewing this gracious invitation.
With warm personal regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Only one of the two letters from
Prime Minister Nash, dated October Io,
was released with the President's reply.
Its text follows:
My dear Mr. President:
May I again reiterate the personal invitation that I extended to you during
my last visit to Washington to come to
New Zealand as the guest of the Government of New Zealand. Any time that you
and Mrs. Eisenhower feel that you have
the time available and would like to come
down to the South Pacific we will take
particular care to ensure that your visit
is of interest and it would we hope bring
you and Mrs. Eisenhower much joy and
happiness in visiting a smaller country
which, for many years, has had very happy
relations with the great United States of
which you have been in charge for the
last eight years.
With kind personal regards and all
good wishes to Mrs. Eisenhower and
yourself,
I am,
Yours sincerely,
WALTER NASH
368 eI Exchange of Messages Between the
President and President Ydigoras Fuentes on U.S.
Naval Aid to Guatemala. December 2, I 960
[ Released December 2, I 960. Dated November 28, I 960]
Dear Mr. President:
I should like to thank you for your very kind message of November
nineteenth. The steps taken by the United States Government have
enabled us to be in a position to respond to the request received from
Your Excellency's Government on November sixteenth for assistance in
preventing Communist-directed efforts to intervene in the internal affairs
of your country through the landing of armed forces or supplies from
abroad. I am gratified to learn that constitutional order is being maintained in Guatemala.
The American people join me in expressing warm good wishes to the
Guatemalan people and to Your Excellency personally.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
871
q 368
Public Papers of the Presidents
NOTE: The message from President Ydigoras Fuentes follows:
His Excellency
Dwight D. Eisenhower
I take pleasure in sending you the cordial greetings and the great gratitude of
the people and government of Guatemala
for the effective aid you were good enough
to grant by ordering a watch on the seas
adjacent to Central America by units of
the glorious United States Navy, which
prevented outside forces from giving support to the Communist-inspired revolutionary movement which, in connection
with Fidel Castro, broke out in Guatemala on the thirteenth of the current
month in order to overthrow the constitutional and anti-Communist Government
over which I have the honor to preside.
This watch you ordered was decisive in
stopping the development of the movement and greater bloodshed in my
country and preventing eventual establishment of a new Communist government in the Americas.
The people of Guatemala, my Government, and I personally reiterate our
friendship and gratitude to the great people of the United States, to its democratic government, and its illustrious
President.
MIGUEL YDIGORAS FUENTES
In a White House release dated December 7 it was noted that in response to
requests by the governments of Guatemala and Nicaragua the United States
had announced on November 17 that
"surface and air units are in a position in
which they could assist the governments,
should it become necessary, to seek out
and prevent intervention on the part of
Communist-directed elements in the internal affairs of Guatemala and Nicaragua
through the landing of armed forces or
supplies from abroad." The December
7 release further noted that the emergency which led to their request had
passed and that all participating naval
surface and air units had been ordered to
return to normal operations.
369 4I Joint Statement by the President and
President-Elect Kennedy. December 6, I960
THE PRESIDENT of the United States of America and the Presidentelect conferred today at the White House.
They first met alone in the President's office and then were joined in
the Cabinet Room by the Secretaries of State, Defense and Treasury.
Also attending this latter meeting were The Assistant to the President and
Mr. Clark Clifford, who have been acting as representatives of their two
principals during the post-election period.
At the conclusion of the discussions the President and the Presidentelect agreed to the following statement:
We have had an informal personal meeting on continuing problems,
particularly in the international arena, that confront and will continue to
confront the Chief Executive of our nation.
The discussions, later joined in by the three Secretaries, covered such
foreign affairs matters as major problems of peace, security, and freedom
throughout the world, particularly including the American balance of
872
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 370
payments and the position of the American dollar; and such domestic
matters as the operation of certain aspects of the Executive Branch of the
Government, including those related to our national security, as well as
the manner in which the White House staff machinery has assisted the
President in his Executive responsibilities.
There was of course full understanding that under the Constitution the
President of the United States maintains sole jurisdiction for the conduct
of the Government until his successor is inaugurated. The meetings,
however, were extremely informative in nature. Thus, we feel that we
were able in our discussions to provide a better foundation for our representatives who are working on the necessary orderly transfer of Executive
responsibility from one Administration to another. The progress to date
of this work has been most satisfactory.
We believe that through such orderly processes the continuity of Government affairs will be assured and our people will continue to demonstrate that they are united in the nation's leadership toward peace.
We reaffirm the historic American position that this nation does not
covet the territory of any people nor does it seek to dominate or control
any other nation.
The American people and their government have consistently sought
to protect freedom and have tried to help people throughout the world
better their standards of living. These national objectives will be vigorously pursued by the incoming Administration.
The Government of the United States has and will continue to seek
peace with justice in freedom for all peoples.
370![ Proclamation 3382: Civil War Centennial.
December 7, I960
By the President of the United States of America a Proclamation:
The years I961 to 1965 will mark the one-hundredth anniversary of
the American Civil War.
That war was America's most tragic experience. But like most truly
great tragedies, it carries with it an enduring lesson and a profound inspiration. It was a demonstration of heroism and sacrifice by men and
women of both sides who valued principle above life itself and whose
devotion to duty is a part of our Nation's noblest tradition.
873
(I 370
Public Papers of the Presidents
Both sections of our now magnificently reunited country sent into their
armies men who became soldiers as good as any who ever fought under
any flag. Military history records nothing finer than the courage and
spirit displayed at such battles as Chickamauga, Antietam, Kenesaw
Mountain, and Gettysburg. That America could produce men so valiant
and so enduring is a matter for deep and abiding pride.
The same spirit on the part of the people at home supported and
strengthened those soldiers through four years of great trial. That a
Nation which contained hardly more than thirty million people, North
and South together, could sustain six hundred thousand deaths without
faltering is a lasting testimonial to something unconquerable in the
American spirit. And that a transcending sense of unity and larger common purpose could, in the end, cause the men and women who had suffered so greatly to close ranks once the contest ended and to go on together
to build a greater, freer, and happier America must be a source of inspiration as long as our country may last.
By a joint resolution approved on September 7, I957 (7I Stat. 626),
the Congress established the Civil War Centennial Commission to prepare
plans and programs for the nationwide observances of the one-hundredth
anniversary of the Civil War, and requested the President to issue proclamations inviting the people of the United States to participate in those
observances.
NOW, THEREFORE, I, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, President
of the United States of America, do hereby invite all of the people of our
country to take a direct and active part in the Centennial of the Civil War.
I request all units and agencies of government-Federal, State, and
local-and their officials to encourage, foster, and participate in Centennial observances. And I especially urge our Nation's schools and colleges,
its libraries and museums, its churches and religious bodies, its civic,
service, and patriotic organizations, its learned and professional societies,
its arts, sciences, and industries, and its informational media, to plan and
carry out their own appropriate Centennial observances during the years
i96i to i965; all to the end of enriching our knowledge and appreciation
of this momentous chapter in our Nation's history and of making this
memorable period truly a Centennial for all Americans.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused
the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed.
874
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig60
(I 3 72
DONE at the City of Washington this sixth day of December in the
year of our Lord nineteen hundred and sixty, and of the
[SEAL] Independence of the United States of America the one hundred
and eighty-fifth.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
By the President:
CHRISTIAN A. HERTER
Secretary of State
371 I I Letter to Cardinal Spellman Concerning
Aid to Cuban Refugees. December 9, I 960
Dear Cardinal Spellman:
I am deeply appreciative of your telegram concerning the Cuban
refugees and of your very generous contribution toward the efforts which
America is making to deal adequately with the plight of these thousands
of Cubans who have fled to our shores to escape oppression.
Mr. Tracy Voorhees, who is acting in this matter for me, has already
told me of the inspiring work of the Diocese of Miami under Bishop
Carroll and of the instant response of the National Catholic Welfare
Conference under Bishop Swanstrom to his requests for action. May I
ask that you express to them my gratitude for their important part in the
traditional response of the United States and its citizens to such tragic
situations.
With warm personal regard, in which Mrs. Eisenhower joins,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Cardinal Spellman's telegram, also $I,ooo,ooo to aid Cuban refugees, and
released, stated that he was gratified to that he was forwarding a check for
learn of the President's appropriation of $io,ooo.
372 eI Statement by the President on the Death of
Meyer Kestnbaum. December I 4, I 960
I HAVE JUST HEARD the news of the sudden and tragic passing of
Meyer Kestnbaum. As Special Assistant, Mr. Kestnbaum's wisdom and
875
e9 3 72
Public Papers of the Presidents
advice were of great value to me in his special fields of Federal-State
relationships and in the implementation of the recommendations of the
Hoover Commission. An outstanding businessman, he unhesitatingly
entered government service and contributed his talents to the public good.
Mrs. Eisenhower and I join with his many friends in extending our deep
sympathy to his family.
373 eT Exchange of Messages Between the
President and Prime Minister Holyoake of New
Zealand.
December i 6, I 960
Dear Prime Minister:
Please accept my hearty congratulations and best wishes for you and
your colleagues in the new Cabinet. I am confident that the close cooperation and friendship between the Governments and peoples of New
Zealand and the United States of America will continue to grow during
your administration.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
NOTE: Prime Minister Holyoake's reply
follows:
I was delighted to receive your message
of congratulations to my colleagues and
me on our assumption of office in New
Zealand on i2 December. You may be
assured that under my Administration
everything possible will be done to ensure
the maintenance of the close cooperation
and warm friendship that exists between
the governments and peoples of New Zea
TIGHT D. EISENHOWER
land and the United States of America.
May I take this opportunity of expressing to you, Mr. President, sincere appreciation of your own great services to the
progress and peace of the world and the
warmest good wishes of the government
and people of New Zealand in my years
that lie ahead.
Yours sincerely,
KEITH HOLYOAKE
876
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
'9 374
374 4e Statement by the President Upon Issuing
Proclamation Fixing the Cuban Sugar Quota at
Zero. December i6, i960
I HAVE TODAY by proclamation fixed at zero the quota for imports of
Cuban sugar during the first quarter of i96i. The proclamation expresses my finding that such action is in the national interest of the
United States. It is applicable to imports of Cuban sugar through March
3 I, I 96 I, the expiration date of the present Sugar Act.
Since my proclamation of July 6 of this year the Government of Cuba
has continued to follow a policy of deliberate hostility toward the United
States and to commit steadily increasing amounts of its sugar crop to
Communist countries. This further confirms the view I expressed at
that time that the United States cannot now rely upon Cuba to supply a
large part of the sugar needs of American consumers.
To replace supplies normally obtained from Cuba, the Department of
Agriculture will shortly authorize the importation of non-quota sugar
from other countries. These authorizations will be made in accordance
with the formula laid down in the present Sugar Act as amended.
Despite my urgent recommendations to the contrary, Congress has
provided that one of the countries from which replacement sugar must be
purchased under this Act is the Dominican Republic. In view of the
unanimous condemnation of the present Government of the Dominican
Republic by the Organization of American States, replacement sugar
purchases from that country will continue to be subject to special import
fees. When the new Congress convenes next month I shall again recommend that it relieve the Executive from the obligation to purchase such
sugar from the Dominican Republic.
NOTE: Proclamation 3383 "Determination the Federal Register (25 F.R. I3131)
of Cuban Sugar Quota to Supplement and in the i960 Supplement to title 3 of
Proclamation No. 3355" is published in the Code of Federal Regulations. See
also Item 223.
877
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Public Papers of the Presidents
375 e Citation Accompanying the National
Security Medal Presented to Robert Murphy.
December 19, 1960
CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWrARD OF
THE NATIONAL SECURITY MEDAL
TO
ROBERT MURPHY
ROBERT MURPHY is hereby awarded the National Security Medal.
As Foreign Service Officer, Ambassador, Deputy Under Secretary of
State, and Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs he has made an
outstanding contribution to the security of the United States. A man of
legendary achievement in the cause of freedom during World War II, he
has brought to the subsequent councils of the nation rare qualities of
idealism and statesmanship in the analysis and resolution of international
problems of the greatest complexity. A shrewd observer, a wise counselor,
a strong leader, and a diplomat of skill and decision, he has provided
steady guidance and made an invaluable contribution to the conduct of
foreign affairs and to the development of national intelligence in support
of our national security.
NOTE: The President read the citation tary of State to August 14, 1959; and as
and presented the award at a ceremony Under Secretary of State for Political Afin the Cabinet Room at the White House. fairs to December 3, 1959. He was reMr. Murphy served as Assistant Secre- called as career ambassador for special
tary of State from July 28, 1953, to De- assignment and served until December 31,
cember 18, 1953; as Deputy Under Secre- 1959.
376 q Letter to Secretary Mueller Concerning
U.S. Participation in the New York World's Fair
of I964-65. December 20, 1960
Dear Mr. Secretary:
I have received your report of December 15, I96o, regarding United
States participation in the New York World's Fair, and I approve your
recommendations.
There is no doubt in my mind that the Federal Government should
participate in the Fair. While I realize that the Congress must authorize
878
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 377
formal participation and make the necessary appropriations, I believe
that because of the urgency as to time and the strong probability of
participation, the theme development and other planning required should
be initiated immediately.
I, therefore, authorize and direct the Secretary of Commerce to be in
charge of theme development and planning for the United States exhibit
and further request that for policy guidance he should organize an appropriate interdepartmental committee and an advisory group of select
leaders of American thought and action. The Director of the Bureau of
the Budget will assist you in making the necessary arrangements for
financing this activity.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Secretary Mueller's report, in the broadly based, "reflecting what America
form of a letter dated December 15 and is and will be-its abiding concern for
released with the President's reply, recom- individual freedom and responsibility-its
mended United States participation in the developing opportunities for the individfair. It further recommended that the ual, rather than, for example, just what
theme of the U.S. exhibit should be America makes or can do."
377 ~1 Presidential Citation Honoring James
Forbis Brownlee. December 2, I960
CITATION
JAMES FORBIS BROWNLEE
FOR HIS LIFETIME of public service, the people of the United States
owe to James F. Brownlee their profound thanks.
In World War II and the Korean War, Mr. Brownlee occupied governmental positions of great responsibility and contributed markedly to
the success of the Nation's efforts. During the past two decades, at critical
periods in our national life, in war and peace, he has repeatedly contributed to the Federal Government counsel and strength of outstanding
value.
For exceptionally meritorious conduct and outstanding performance
on behalf of his countrymen, I cite this record of a patriot.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The President presented the cita- his office at the White House. Mr.
tion to Mrs. Brownlee at a ceremony in Brownlee died October I2, I960.
879
'd 378 Public Papers of the Presidents
378 4e StatementbythePresidentonAppointing
the Presidential Railroad Commission.
December 22, i960
THE MEMBERS of this Commission, representing management, labor
and the public, are embarking upon an effort that will have far-reaching
and lasting consequences for the railroad industry. The appointment of
this Commission represents a major and constructive innovation that will
prove to be a significant achievement in the progress of labor-management relations toward greater maturity and stability. In resolving this
problem in a manner fair to the men, helpful to the industry, and in the
best interests of our country, the members of this Commission will provide
service of incalculable value.
Representatives of the railroads and railway labor organizations concerned have, in a letter to me, jointly recommended that Secretary of
Labor James P. Mitchell serve as chairman of the Commission. I am
particularly pleased that Secretary Mitchell has agreed to provide this
additional and significant service to our Nation in the cause of industrial
peace.
NOTE: A list of the 15 members of the Commission was attached to the statement.
379 ei Message to President Kubitschek on the
Occasion of the Ceremonies in Brazil Honoring the
Dead of World War II. December 22, 1960
Dear Mr. President:
The memorial ceremonies which are being held today in honor of the
Brazilians who gave their lives in the Second World War have a special
significance for me personally and for the people of my country. As wartime Commander of the Allied Forces, I had personal knowledge of
Brazilian courage on the field of battle, where members of the armed
forces of the United States of Brazil and of the United States of America,
allied in the struggle against totalitarianism, fought and died together.
I am convinced that the spirit of common endeavor, which characterized
our relations then, still permeates them today.
88o
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(y 380
Now we are partners in a common struggle to develop and strengthen
our free institutions, to make the benefits of our growing economies available to all our citizens, and to find ways to further understanding among
all nations. On behalf of myself and the people of the United States, I
salute the memory of your countrymen who, in time of war, made the
ultimate sacrifice. Remembering their courage, we can continue to work
together in time of peace for the high purposes they so gallantly defended.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
380 eI The President's Certification as to His
Forbidding Disclosure to Congress of Certain
Documents Relating to Aid to South American
Countries. December 23, I 960
[ Released December 23, I 960. Dated December 2, I 960]
I AM ADVISED that on October 3I, i960, there were delivered to the
Secretary of State, the Director of the International Cooperation, and the
Managing Director of the Development Loan Fund written requests
from the Chairman of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations and
Monetary Affairs of the Committee on Government Operations of the
House of Representatives for certain documents relating to the United
States aid program in seven South American countries.
As I have stated on other occasions, it is the established policy of the
Executive Branch to provide the Congress and the public with the fullest
possible information consistent with the national interest. However, the
Executive also has a recognized Constitutional duty and power with respect to the disclosure of information, documents and other materials
relating to its operations.
It is vital to the national interest that the officials and employees of the
Executive Branch be able to conduct its operations in an effective manner.
It is essential to effective operations that such officials and employees be
in a position to be fully candid in advising with each other on policy,
personnel or other official matters, that they be able to engage in frank
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Public Papers of the Presidents
and informal exchanges of views with foreign officials and other foreign
persons, and that they be in a position to conduct effective investigations
into the conduct and suitability of personnel and other matters. The
disclosure of certain conversations, communications or documents relating
to the foregoing matters can tend to impair or inhibit essential investigative, reporting or decision-making processes or the proper conduct of our
foreign relations, and such disclosure must therefore be forbidden, as
contrary to the national interest, where that is deemed necessary for the
protection of the orderly and effective operation of the Executive Branch.
I have accordingly found it necessary to forbid the disclosure of certain
of the documents which are included or understood to be included in the
written requests referred to above. These documents are identified in the
lists attached to this certificate.
I. Of these documents, those which contain references to statements
or policy of the National Security Council or the Operations Coordinating
Board recommend changes in such statements or policy or reflect the
advice to the President of members of his cabinet and others of his
principal advisers. Another document requested contains advice to the
Secretary of State by one of his principal assistants concerning policy
matters as to which recommendations were to be made to the President.
The President must be free to receive the confidential advice of his officers
in the Executive Branch. Such documents as these have traditionally not
been disclosed outside of the Executive Branch and in my opinion such
disclosure would be contrary to the national interest.
2. A number of the documents requested relate to informal conversations or communications between United States officials and foreign officials of the highest rank or other foreign persons of importance. The
disclosure of documents of this character outside of the Executive Branch
would have an adverse effect upon the willingness of such foreign officials
and other persons to engage in the frank and informal exchanges of
views which are essential to the proper conduct of our foreign relations.
3. Several of the documents requested relate to personnel matters and
contain statements as to the performance, efficiency, loyalty, character or
other qualities of particular personnel of the United States Government.
It has been the traditional policy of the Government that the disclosure
of documents of this character outside of the Executive Branch would be
contrary to the proper protection of individuals and could tend to inhibit
the candid evaluation of personnel.
882
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
%l 380
4. A number of the documents requested contain investigative matter
such as unsubstantiated allegations, confidential sources of information,
techniques of investigation and the like. The disclosure of documents
of this character would be unfair to the individuals concerned and
would tend to impair the ability of the Executive to conduct effective
investigations.
5. The requests are also understood to include evaluation reports and
exchanges of several airgrams describing recommendations or otherwise
referring to such reports as to the Mutual Security Program, prepared by
the Department of State or the International Cooperation Administration.
For the reasons which I have stated in connection with prior requests for
similar reports, such documents may not be released, but the facts shown
by such reports are to be furnished.
6. One document requested contains a statement given in confidence
to a United States Ambassador by a person who specifically requested that
his confidence be respected. The protection of such confidences is necessary to preserve the ability of United States officials abroad to obtain
information in the course of their duties as representatives of the President.
In the case of a number of documents requested, more than one of the
above reasons for not furnishing the document is applicable.
I accordingly certify, pursuant to Section i oi(d) of the Mutual Security and Related Agencies Appropriation Act, I 96 I, that for the reasons
set forth above I have forbidden the furnishing, pursuant to the requests
referred to above, of the documents identified on the attached list.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The list of documents comprising funds would be disallowed pursuant to
the attachment to the President's certifi- section 533 A(d) of the Mutual Security
cation was not released. Act, and further stating that the PresiThe certification was made public to- dent requested an opinion in the matter.
gether with a letter from the Deputy As- The Attorney General, in a letter dated
sistant to the President to the Attorney December 22 and also released, advised
General, dated December 9, stating that the President that the Comptroller Genthe Comptroller General had advised the eral's view concerning section 533 A(d)
Secretary of State that unless the docu- was erroneous, and that the funds conments were furnished the use of certain tinued to be available.
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381 (I Remarks at the Pageant of Peace
Ceremonies. December 23, I960
[ Delivered over radio and television at 5:15 p.m.]
THROUGH THE AGES men have felt the uplift of the spirit of Christmas. We commemorate the birth of the Christ Child by the giving of
gifts, by joining in carols of celebration, by giving expression to our gratitude for the great things that His coming has brought about in the world.
Such words as faith and hope and charity and compassion come naturally
and gladly to our lips at this wondrous time of the year.
And Christmas inspires in us feelings even deeper than those of rejoicing. It impels us to test the sincerity of our own dedication to the ideals
so beautifully expressed in the Christian ethic. We are led to selfexamination.
We are grateful for all the material comforts with which we have been
blessed. We take great pride in our country's pre-eminent position in the
family of nations.
Yet, as we look into the mirror of conscience, we see blots and
blemishes that mar the picture of a nation of people who devoutly
believe that they were created in the image of their Maker.
Too often we discern an apathy toward violations of law and standards of public and private integrity. When, through bitter prejudice
and because of differences in skin pigmentation, individuals cannot enjoy
equality of political and economic opportunity, we see another of these
imperfections, one that is equally plain to those living beyond our borders.
Whenever there is denied the right of anyone, because he dares to live
by the moral code, to earn for himself and his family a living, this
failure, too, is a blot on the brightness of America's image.
But one of America's imperishable virtues is her pride in the national
ideals proclaimed at her birth. When danger to them threatens, America
will fight for her spiritual heritage to the expenditure of the last atom
of her material wealth; she will put justice above life itself. America
will never cease in her striving to remove the blemishes on her own
reflection.
Though we boast that ours is a government of laws, completeness in
this work cannot be achieved by laws alone, necessary though these be.
Law, to be truly effective, must command the respect and earnest support
884
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 382
of public opinion, both generally and locally. And each of us helps
form public opinion.
Before us, then, is a task that each must himself define and himself
perform. Good it is that Christmas helps to make us aware of our
imperfections. Better it is that we rededicate ourselves to the work of
their eradication.
A year ago last night I returned from a trip that took me to the other
side of the world, to eleven nations of wide variations in race, color,
religion, and outlook. That homecoming had added meaning for me
because I came back at this time of year, when we are unfailingly
reminded that, under God, we are all brothers in one world.
In this season next year a new President will address you as I address
you now. Each succeeding Christmas will, we pray, see ever greater
striving by each of us to rekindle in our hearts and minds zeal for
America's progress in fulfilling her own high purposes. In doing so,
our veneration of Christmas and its meaning will be better understood
throughout the world and we shall be true to ourselves, to our Nation,
and to the Man whose birth, 2,000 years ago, we now celebrate.
And now, I ask Mrs. Eisenhower to join me. It is our privilege to
turn on the lights of our National Christmas Tree.
NOTE: The President spoke just before mas Tree at the Pageant of Peace cerelighting the National Community Christ- monies on the Ellipse.
382 41 Memorandum to the Secretary of the Army
on the Operation of Steamships by the Panama
Canal Company. December 24, I960
[ Released December 24, 1960. Dated December 21, 1960 ]
Memorandum for the Secretary of the Army:
I have studied the analyses of the Panama Line that have been made
by the Board of Directors of the Panama Canal Company and by the
Director of the Bureau of the Budget. I have concluded that its transportation of nongovernmental passengers and cargo for commercial
shippers is wholly inconsistent with the intended role of Government in
a free enterprise economy.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Accordingly, the Board of Directors of the Panama Canal Company
should immediately give the necessary notice, and discontinue the commercial operations of the Panama Line by February IO, i96i. Thereafter the activities of the Line should be confined solely to the
transportation of passengers and freight for the account of the Panama
Canal Company and the Canal Zone Government.
This action will, of course, necessitate a reappraisal of the Line's
operation. The Board of Directors should, therefore, immediately
restudy its position that the operation of the steamships is essential to the
mission of the Panama Canal Company and promptly report its findings
to the Director of the Bureau of the Budget.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
383 eI Statement by the President Upon Issuing
Proclamation Relating to Petroleum Imports.
December 24, i960
I AM TODAY making a technical amendment to Proclamation 3279
which established a mandatory control program for adjusting and regulating imports of crude oil and its principal products into the United
States.
The amendment provides for adjustments in oil import levels for overestimates and under-estimates of total oil demand in Districts I-IV by
the Department of the Interior's Bureau of Mines. It is on the basis
of such estimates that import levels into these Districts are presently
established. The amendment will require the Secretary of the Interior
to make corrective adjustments in the mandatory oil import program,
in order to prevent over-estimates and under-estimates of total demand
from having an unintended impact on levels of importation of oil into
the United States.
Districts I-IV include all of the United States with the exception of
Alaska, Arizona, California, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Washington, and
the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.
NOTE: Proclamation 3386, amending title 3 of the I 960 Supplement to the
Proclamation 3279, is published in the Code of Federal Regulations.
Federal Register (25 F.R. 13945) and in
886
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(l 384
384 eT Letter Accepting Resignation of Leo A.
Hoegh as Director, Office of Civil and Defense
Mobilization. December 30, i960
[ Released December 30, I 960. Dated December 29, i960]
Dear Leo:
Through your efforts as Director of the Office of Civil and Defense
Mobilization, our Nation has taken great strides in building a strong
non-military deterrent to war. As I accept your resignation, effective
January 20, i96i, I assure you of the Nation's debt to you for your
personal contribution.
I was particularly pleased to note in your report that the National
Shelter Policy, issued in May 1958, has already resulted in the construction of over one million family fallout shelters, that, under the National
Plan for Civil Defense and Defense Mobilization, all states and 2500
county and city governments have completed Survival Plans, and that
38 states now have adopted continuity of government measures. Today,
OCDM officers could, in the event of dire emergency, warn all states
and hundreds of local areas within I5 seconds after an attack is detected.
More than half the Nation's high schools have received radiological instruments for instruction; more than 25,000 leaders have received training
at the OCDM Staff College; 20 million Americans have received written
instruction on fallout shelters. These are some of the outstanding
achievements for which you deserve the grateful thanks of the Nation.
I deeply appreciate the work you have done to alert every American
to the importance of this vital part of our total security. You have
my very best wishes as you return to private life. May the future hold
much health and happiness.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Hoegh served as Administrator Mobilization (redesignated Office of Civil
of the Federal Civil Defense Administra- and Defense Mobilization on August 26,
tion from July I9, I957, to July I, 1958, 1958). His letter of resignation and reat which time he was appointed Director port were released with the President's
of the Office of Defense and Civilian reply.
887
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Public Papers of the Presidents
385 el Letter Accepting Resignation of Arthur E.
Summerfield as Postmaster General.
January I, 1961
[ Released January I, 1961. Dated December 30, 1960 ]
Dear Arthur:
The operation of the United States postal system during the past eight
years under your direction has been better and more efficient than ever
before in our history. I am accepting your resignation, effective January 20, 1961, and in so doing I wish to pay tribute to your dedication and
management skill, and to the valuable services of your fine staff.
Particularly do I wish to thank you for your fine report of achievements
of your Department. You have introduced outstanding improvements in
the postal service: the Department's archaic accounting system has been
corrected; a new Bureau of Personnel now makes the Department a model
of modern personnel practices; an aggressive building and leasing program again enables the Post Office to keep up with increasing volumes of
mail; a long-range program explores avenues for greater mechanization in
the future.
Americans in all parts of the country are receiving faster postal service.
As your report points out, the reorganized handling of local mail now
brings next-day delivery to I68 million people in our dense population
centers, expanded carrier service now accommodates the 9.3 million
families in the growing suburbs, and I.4 million farm families have been
added to the rural delivery service.
I thank you for these services to the Nation and for your friendship
over these past eight years. You have my very best wishes for the future
as you return to private life. May good health and happiness be yours in
the years ahead.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Summerfield served during ignation, dated December 27, and his
the entire 8 years of President Eisen- report, in the form of a letter, were rehower's administration. His letter of res- leased with the President's reply.
888
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(l 386
386 4I Statement by the President Concerning
Commercial Use of Communication Satellites.
January I, i96i
THE COMMERCIAL APPLICATION of communication satellites,
hopefully within the next several years, will bring all the nations of the
world closer together in peaceful relationships as a product of this nation's
program of space exploration.
The world's requirements for communication facilities will increase
several fold during the next decade and communication satellites promise
the most economical and effective means of satisfying these requirements.
Increased facilities for overseas telephone, international telegraph, and
other forms of long-distance person-to-person communications, as well as
new facilities for transoceanic television broadcasts, through the use of
man-made satellites, will constitute a very real benefit to all the peoples
of the world.
This nation has traditionally followed a policy of conducting international telephone, telegraph and other communications services through
private enterprise subject to Governmental licensing and regulation. We
have achieved communications facilities second to none among the nations
of the world. Accordingly, the government should aggressively encourage private enterprise in the establishment and operation of satellite relays
for revenue-producing purposes.
To achieve the early establishment of a communication satellite system
which can be used on a commercial basis is a national objective which will
require the concerted capabilities and funds of both Government and
private enterprise and the cooperative participation of communications
organizations in foreign countries.
Various agencies of Government, including the Department of State,
the Department of Defense and the Office of Civil and Defense
Mobilization, have important interests and responsibilities in the field of
communications.
With regard to communication satellites, I have directed the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration to take the lead within the Executive Branch both to advance the needed research and development and to
encourage private industry to apply its resources toward the earliest
889
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Public Papers of the Presidents
practicable utilization of space technology for commercial civil communications requirements. In carrying out this task NASA will cooperate closely with the Federal Communications Commission to make
certain that the high standards of this nation for communications services
will be maintained in the utilization of communication satellites.
387 eI Letter Accepting Resignation of Frederick
H. Mueller as Secretary of Commerce.
Yanuary 2, I96I
[ Released January 2, I 96 I. Dated December 3 1, I 960]
Dear Fritz:
Under your leadership, the Department of Commerce has continued to
be an articulate and effective voice for the American free enterprise
system. You have always encouraged private initiative and you have
been a major contributor to the constant fight against inflationary pressures. In accepting your resignation as Secretary of Commerce, effective
January 20, i96i, I take the opportunity to pay tribute to you and your
excellent staff.
Among the many significant accomplishments of your Department
these past eight years, two deserve special mention-the Interstate and
Defense Highway Program and the Export Expansion Program. As you
point out in your report, the new 4I,000 mile highway system has already
opened vast new territory for recreation, homes and industry. Not only
is it progressing at a most satisfactory rate, but the system is being constructed on a sound "pay-as-you-go" basis. The new National Export
Expansion Program, started this year, has done much to improve and expand services and information to help American business sell more abroad.
The rise in non-military exports this year must, in large part, be credited to
the interest you have helped create in overseas business.
For these activities, as well as the broad range of other functions you
have supervised, you have my appreciation and thanks. As you leave
government service, I wish you health and happiness in the years to come.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
890
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
( 388
NOTE: Mr. Mueller served as Secretary of tion, dated December 30, and his report
Commerce from August io, 1959, to were released with the President's reply.
January 20, I96I. His letter of resigna388 'J Statement by the President on
Terminating Diplomatic Relations With Cuba.
January 3, 196 I
BETWEEN ONE and two o'clock this morning, the Government of
Cuba delivered to the United States Charge d'Affaires ad interim of
the United States Embassy in Habana a note stating that the Government of Cuba had decided to limit the personnel of our Embassy and
Consulate in Habana to eleven persons. Forty-eight hours was granted
for the departure of our entire staff with the exception of eleven. This
unusual action on the part of the Castro Government can have no other
purpose than to render impossible the conduct of normal diplomatic
relations with that Government.
Accordingly, I have instructed the Secretary of State to deliver a
note to the Charge d'Affaires ad interim of Cuba in Washington which
refers to the demand of his Government and states that the Government
of the United States is hereby formally terminating diplomatic and consular relations with the Government of Cuba. Copies of both notes
are being made available to the press.
This calculated action on the part of the Castro Government is only
the latest of a long series of harassments, baseless accusations, and vilification. There is a limit to what the United States in self-respect can
endure. That limit has now been reached. Our friendship for the
Cuban people is not affected. It is my hope and my conviction that
in the not too distant future it will be possible for the historic friendship
between us once again to find its reflection in normal relations of every
sort. Meanwhile, our sympathy goes out to the people of Cuba now
suffering under the yoke of a dictator.
NOTE: The text of the notes exchanged termination of diplomatic and consular
by the United States and Cuban Govern- relations with Cuba had no effect on the
ments and released with the President's status of the naval station at Guantastatement is published in the Department namo. He added that the treaty rights
of State Bulletin (vol. 44, p. 103). under which the naval station is mainOn January 4 the Press Secretary to the tained may not be abrogated without the
President stated in a release that the consent of the United States.
60295-61 —60
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Public Papers of the Presidents
389 4I Statement by the President Following
Announcement of Recipients of the President's
Award for Distinguished Federal Civilian Service.
January 3, 1961
THE EXEMPLARY achievements of these individuals in the fields of
communications, science, administration, conservation, and employee
relations have contributed significantly to the furtherance of our national
goals. Their distinguished careers are in the finest tradition of service
to the American people.
Through these awards a grateful nation honors these men who have
dedicated their highest abilities to serving the best interests of this great
country.
Our progress toward fulfillment of the high purposes of government
depends on the ability of the people who devote their careers to the public
service. This progress has been enhanced by the outstanding achievements of many of our civil servants. I take this opportunity to express
my faith in the skill and devotion to duty that characterize the Federal
work force. These characteristics provide a firm basis for the nation's
continued progress in the future.
NOTE: The President made this statement
in announcing his selection of the following persons to receive the awards: Bert
B. Barnes, Assistant Postmaster General,
Bureau of Operations, Post Office Department, for "a vital role in providing
a vastly improved postal service for the
American people despite unprecedented
increases in mail volume"; Wilbur S. Hinman, Jr., Technical Director, Diamond
Ordnance Fuze Laboratories, Department
of the Army, for "brilliant leadership of
scientists and engineers in the creation of
new electronic techniques and devices
having both military and civilian uses,
and his own technical contributions";
Frederick J. Lawton, Commissioner, U.S.
Civil Service Commission, for "signal success in improving Government management, in perfecting the Federal budget
system, and in furthering advancements
in personnel management"; Richard E.
McArdle, Chief, Forest Service, Department of Agriculture, for "imagination, vision, and inspiring leadership [which] have
brought exceptional progress in the development and protection of vital forest resources for the American people now and
for generations to follow"; William R.
McCauley, Director, Bureau of Employees' Compensation, Department of Labor,
for "unusual foresight, judgment and
executive competence [through which] he
has exercised a profound influence in developing the Federal employees' compensation system to serve the human needs of
the times."
Gold medals were presented by the
President to the award winners in a White
House ceremony on January I i.
892
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
( 39I
390 4T Message to Tuanku Syed Putra,
Paramount Ruler of the Federation of Malaya.
January 4, 1961
Your Majesty:
On behalf of the American people, I extend congratulations and sincere
best wishes on the occasion of Your Majesty's installation as Yang diPertuan Agong of the Federation of Malaya. I also take this opportunity
to express the hope that the close and friendly relations which have
developed between our two countries and our peoples will continue to
grow and prosper.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
39'I T Letter Accepting Resignation of Ezra Taft
Benson as Secretary of Agriculture.
January 5, 1 961
[ Released January 5, 1 961. Dated January 4, 1 961 ]
Dear Ezra:
As Secretary of Agriculture for the past eight years, you have been of
immeasurable aid to me, and in accepting your resignation, effective
January 20, 1961, I wish to thank you for the many contributions you
have made to the Nation, and especially to its rural population.
Among the vital programs that you have worked for so effectively, these
immediately come to mind: The Rural Development Program, which has
been the first concerted effort to provide low-income farming areas with
technical assistance; the Food for Peace Program, which has helped raise
the value of farm exports over the past seven years to $26.5 billion, a
record for any seven year period; many of the sound flexible price support
programs now working toward better balanced production and consumption; and the greatly intensified research programs that are responsible for
expanding markets and finding new uses for our farm products.
Although Agriculture still faces many problems, through your deter
893
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Public Papers of the Presidents
mined and dedicated work, and the efforts of your fine staff, the way has
been pointed toward solution of our farm problems.
I again thank you and wish you a future life of good health and
happiness as you leave government service.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Secretary Benson served the entire January 3, and his report were released
8 years of President Eisenhower's admin- with the President's reply.
istration. His letter of resignation, dated
392 (T Statement by the President: The
Centennial of the American Civil War.
Yanuary 5, I 96 I
THIS COMING SUNDAY, we citizens of the United States begin
observance of the I ooth anniversary of the American Civil War. This
observance affords us a special opportunity to pay tribute to those Americans whose heroism and sacrifice, a century ago, comprise a part of
our national heritage.
America then was a nation divided; today she possesses a national and
spiritual unity which has been nurtured and developed over the years,
and sometimes defended at great price. This unity provides a base for
all that we do as a people.
At the center of American greatness lies something far more than the
breadth of our physical expanse with its rich endowment of natural
resources. What makes America a leader among nations is a devotion
to principle which endures any imaginable strain-a devotion which
brings men and women to value something more than they value life
itself. Out of that devotion comes an understanding of our national
purpose and a deep determination to make that purpose endure.
No event in our history ever tested that devotion, that understanding
and that determination more profoundly than did the American Civil
War. The memory of that event is shadowed with its story of sacrifice,
of loss, of dark tragedy long endured; yet somehow, today, it is the
magnificent unity of spirit that came out of it-and the realization that
894
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19603
(t 393
every man is made for freedom and accountable for the freedom of his
neighbor-that should be most clearly remembered.
Let us join in the forthcoming Centennial observances with pride. The
tragedy is passed, but the way in which Americans of North and South
met and eventually overcame that tragedy is a living memory forever.
393 CI Letter toAlan T. Watermanon Receiving
Report of the National Science Foundation.
January 6, I 96 I
Dear Dr. Waterman:
In acknowledging receipt of your report on "Major Activities of the
National Science Foundation," I wish to pay tribute to the effective job
you and your dedicated staff have done to promote the progress of
science.
As you indicate, the work of the National Science Foundation is an
excellent barometer of the extent to which the Nation is responding
to the urgent need for increasing the scientific effort. It is therefore
gratifying that NSF appropriations have risen from $4.7 million in I953
to $154.7 million in 1960.
Your organization has given outstanding support to works of basic
research, the hard core of our national effort in science. In this field
NSF grants have gone from $i.8 million to $57.2 million in eight years.
Equally important has been the international research program.
Your work during the International Geophysical Year has established
beyond question the universality of science.
The NSF has also provided important assistance in providing research
facilities and research tools, which, in many cases, have become too
expensive to be financed by local institutions.
Through fellowships, training institutes, and other programs, NSF
has made dramatic contributions to the training of scientific manpower
in the United States.
In making this report public, I should particularly like to call attention
to your final sentence: "The realization that today leadership among
nations is synonymous with leadership in science presents the United
States with the grave responsibility for assuring the continued accelera
895
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Public Papers of the Presidents
tion and advancement not only of American science but of science
throughout the free world."
I thank you for your valuable contributions to the Nation during this
Administration.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The report (13 pp., mimeographed) was released with the President's letter.
394 eJ Letter to Archibald J. Carey, Jr.,
Regarding Report of the President's Committee
on Government Employment Policy.
January 6, I 96 I
Dear Dr. Carey:
Thank you for your report on the record of the President's Committee
on Government Employment Policy. Because I consider this such an
important statement, I am making it available to the public.
Yours has been a difficult task. Your high degree of success reflects
great credit on your ability and wisdom and the devotion of your excellent
staff.
I wish to pay special tribute to the Committee's commendable record in
acting on complaints of discrimination. Of the I,053 cases in which you
were called upon to render opinion, corrective actions have been taken in
96 percent of these cases.
The Nation can ill afford discrimination. The Committee of which
you are Chairman has made great strides in correcting grievous wrongs.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The report, in the form of a letter dated December 30, was released with the
President's reply.
896
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 395
395 e Remarks at a Luncheon Honoring the
President Given by the Republican National
Committee. January 6, 196
THANK YOU. Thank you. It is certainly nice to know that your
friends haven't forgotten you.
Mr. Chairman and Mrs. Williams, and my friends:
In my young years-high school and college-I was a member of some
athletic teams, and in all of those years there were coaches who were men
of character who were always telling us boys that when you had to take a
defeat you had to be a good sport about it.
I believed that, and I still believe it. But I never had a coach that
told me I had to get used to it. Now the contest ahead of us is for the
Congress. That is the next one. When we look into the Congressional
results, we find that in I954, 1956, 1958, and I960 we failed to get a
majority in either House. Now, four times is aplenty and that gets to be
a habit, and we will have no more of it.
I will go back to my coaches. I find that every time there was a loss,
they just took you out and instead of scrimmaging once a week or twice,
you were doing it four times. You practiced not an hour and a half but
two hours and a half. Then you got down to the fundamentals, whether
it was in football or baseball or any other game you were playing.
Now we are playing something that is far more important than games.
The principle of winning contests as honorable individuals-but winning
them honorably-means just exactly what you have to do when you are
an athletic team: you have to work.
Here and there, there are some people who are supremely endowed.
My memory goes back to Jim Thorpe. He never practiced in his life and
he could do anything better than any other football player I ever saw.
If we have any of those geniuses around here, they don't have to
work-but all the rest of us do.
And if I could leave just one little message, as I try to thank you for the
great support that you have given me and the people you represent have
given me over these 8 years-and the support you have given to this party
and the leadership to this party-if I could leave one little message with
you, it would be: no matter how hard we have worked, we can still do
better.
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I still go back to athletics. There was a team, down in your State,
Thruston, called Centre College. One year-antediluvian for most of
you-they cleaned up on every great team in the United States. They
were called the Praying Colonels. But here is a strange thing, they did
pray before every game. But they did not pray for success; they did not
pray to win. Their coach had them down on their knees praying that
every man there would do his best. That's all they prayed for.
If we would pray that every day for these next 2 years that every one
of us, and everybody we can contact, will do his best, we will have a
Republican Congress.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Cotil- Senator Thruston B. Morton and Mrs.
lion Room at the Sheraton-Park Hotel Clare B. Williams, Chairman and Assistin Washington. His opening words "Mr. ant Chairman of the Republican National
Chairman and Mrs. Williams" referred to Committee, respectively.
396 e Remarks at Troop Review Ceremonies,
Fort Gordon, Georgia. January 7, 1961
General Adams, General Hobson, Mr. Mayor, officers and men of Camp
Gordon, and members of the garrison:
For me this is a distinct privilege and honor. I have long been wanting to visit Fort Gordon in order that I might thank the personnel which
has been so helpful to my friends and my family and me during the intermittent trips that I make to Augusta. I assure you that our obligation to
you is deep and lasting.
But I have a very special reason this morning to thank you for the opportunity you have given me to see again soldiers in ranks as I have just
witnessed. Fifty years ago I entered the military service and even in the
last 8 years, although I call myself a civilian-even sometimes a politician-I am still by law Commander in Chief and therefore I feel a
part of you.
This is the last review that I shall ever receive in my life. I have
been part of such ceremonies during this half-century. None has been
more meaningful than this one. It gives me a chance, through you, to
say goodbye to the Army-an Army that has had all these years not only
my admiration and affection but my deep feeling of confidence that in
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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such bodies as this, and in your sister services, the United States has a
shield that no enemy dare attack or attempt to break down.
So this morning, as I have this chance to say goodbye to you, I hope
that you will understand that my heart will always be filled with admiration for you, and there will be in my soul a certain nostalgia as I see a
uniform, whether it be a single soldier on the streets or when I see a unit
marching in a parade.
God bless you-and keep going. I have seen a command this morning
that would thrill the heart of any soldier, and so I send with you my very
best wishes for your future.
NOTE: The President spoke from the re- son, Ga., Brig. Gen. Howard M. Hobson,
viewing stand on the parade ground. His commanding general of Fort Gordon and
opening words referred to Lt. Gen. Paul commandant of the Provost Marshal GenD. Adams, commanding general of the eral School, and Mayor Millard Beckum
Third United States Army, Fort McPher- of Augusta, Ga.
397 eC Letter Accepting Resignation of Thomas
S. Gates as Secretary of Defense. January 8, X 96 I
Dear Tom:
On the successful discharge of the duties that you have borne, the
safety of our nation has vitally depended. In accepting your resignation as Secretary of Defense, effective January 2o, i96i, I assure you
of my deep appreciation and admiration of the distinguished contribution you have made in carrying out this task.
Today the United States has a military strength second to none, with
the greatest striking power in our history. At the same time, provision
has been made to see that this pre-eminence can be sustained in future
years. In the building and maintaining of this deterrent power, the
work of you and your splendid team of associates has been outstanding.
But you have not only seen that our armed forces are well designed, fit
and ready for their tasks; you have shown a keen understanding that
we maintain these forces for purposes that are entirely peaceful-to
preserve security, justice and freedom.
In each of the offices you have held in this Administration, your service
has been marked by fairness and open-mindedness in approaching your
problems, as well as hard work and willingness to consider all points of
view, coupled with decisiveness and good judgment. You have stood
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like a rock for honest judgments and responsible military programs
against the unsound and spurious, from whatever quarter advanced.
I add one personal note. For a President, there is a special cause for
gratitude when he can feel certain, always, of the unfailing loyal and
able support of his chief lieutenants, as I do of yours.
I hope you will take with you, as your term of service ends, the satisfaction of a difficult, vital job always superbly done.
My very best wishes to you and your family now and in the future,
and my warm regard.
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: During President Eisenhower's ad- Secretary of Defense to December I, 1959;
ministration Mr. Gates served as Under and as Secretary of Defense to January
Secretary of the Navy from October 7, 20, i96i. His letter of resignation and
I953, to March 31, 1957; as Secretary his report were released with the Presiof the Navy to June 7, I959; as Deputy dent's reply.
398 e Remarks at Opening Session of the White
House Conference on Aging. January 9, I 96 I
Mr. Secretary and delegates to this White House Conference:
This is the last time I shall have the privilege of bidding welcome to
a group of Americans assembled here in the Capital City to confer
among themselves about problems interesting to a particular group or
indeed to the whole Nation.
This one, of course, is about the problems of the aged-or the aging,
because I don't want to get too definite about this aged business!
It is one, of course, in which many views are held. Some of these,
I notice in the press, have been so earnestly stated that they think there
shouldn't even be any conference, because their views don't agree with
those of some of the others attending.
Now I thought that was the purpose of conferences, to get opposing
or opposite views, to see whether there's ground or a program or a platform that can satisfy the sound sense of logic of people of goodwill.
So I applaud the conference, and I think the Congress did a good
thing in passing a Joint Resolution asking the President to call this conference. Indeed, I think the Governors in responding so promptly to
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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the request for nominations did also a real service. So I welcome you
here, not merely as the head of our Nation hoping that you will have an
enjoyable time, but that out of your labors will develop something interesting and profitable for the United States.
Now, as to substantive subjects, there is no reason for me to express
my views. I think they are well known, and besides I am not a delegate.
But all of us certainly do recognize that in a world changing as rapidly
as is ours, when we have gone from a pioneer civilization to a highly
industrialized and complicated civilization in a matter of less than a
century, there are new problems emerging all the time and that affect
often with peculiar force people in special groups, and in this case what
we call our senior citizens.
So I feel very privileged to express to you my hope that this will be a
profitable conference where every conceivable opinion, no matter how
bitterly opposed it may be to some other opinion, will be fully aired, and
out of your deliberations will come some kind of guidance that the Congress can use as it proceeds in its own deliberations later.
So, to each of you-welcome. My very best wishes for a good conference, prosperity in the coming year, and indeed in America's labors
for maintaining peace and justice, and for raising the standards of our
own people in all forms-spiritual, intellectual, and economic.
Thank you. Goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke in Constitu- retary" referred to Arthur S. Flemming,
tion Hall. His opening words "Mr. Sec- Secretary of Health, Education, and
Welfare.
399 eJ Message to General Cemal Gursel on the
Occasion of the Opening of the Turkish Constituent
Assembly. January 9, I961
Dear General Gursel:
It is a great pleasure for me to send greetings to you and to the Turkish
people on the occasion of the opening of the Turkish Constituent
Assembly.
This historic event is a further tangible demonstration of Turkish dedication to democratic ideals and of its determination to build a solid
foundation for the future.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Please extend my best wishes to the members of this Assembly for the
success of the important work on which they are embarking.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
400 ~ Letter Accepting Resignation of George B.
Kistiakowsky as Special Assistant to the President
for Science and Technology. January 9, 1 961
[ Released January 9, 1 961. Dated January 6, 1 961 ]
Dear George:
I accept, as I must, your resignation as my Special Assistant for Science
and Technology, effective January 20, 1 961. I do so with real regret, for
the association we have enjoyed has meant a great deal to me. You have
served not only with the utmost professional distinction but with a spirit of
constructive helpfulness and outstanding dedication.
For your public-spirited service to your country and your unfailing assistance to me, I am everlastingly grateful. I especially appreciate your
offer to continue to be available to me for future assistance.
As you return to the life of teaching and research-to which I know you
are so deeply dedicated-you take with you my very best wishes for a
future as rewarding and productive, both for yourself and for our country,
as has been the period just ending. For my part, I shall continue to prize
the opportunity we have shared, in company with your colleagues of the
Science Advisory Committee and its panels, to work together for the good
of the nation.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Kistiakowsky served as Special from July 15, 1959, to January 20, 1961.
Assistant to the President for Science and His letter of resignation, dated December
Technology and as Chairman of the 22, was released with the President's
President's Science Advisory Committee reply.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1i960
% 402
401 4I LetterAccepting Resignationof James P.
Mitchell as Secretary of Labor. January 9, 1 961
[ Released January 9, 1 961. Dated January 6, 1 961 ]
Dear Jim:
With great understanding, skill, and respect for all viewpoints, you have
established in the Department of Labor new standards of usefulness to the
Nation. In accepting your resignation as Secretary of Labor, as of January 20, 1961, I express my high regard for you and your capable staff.
There are many ways to measure the effectiveness of your work. One
important indicator is that time lost because of strikes has been half that
lost in the previous eight years.
Important new programs and administrative and structural changes
have been initiated in the Department, as your report indicates. States
have been encouraged and assisted in improving the welfare of their wage
earners. Significant legislation has been passed, including the LandrumGriffin Act in 1959, which guards against corruption and abuse of trust
and power in labor-management affairs.
As you return to private life, you carry with you my deep appreciation
for a job admirably done. May your future years bring good health and
much happiness.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Mitchell served as Secretary dated January 4, and his report were reof Labor from October 9, 1953, to Janu- leased with the President's reply.
ary 20, 1961. His letter of resignation,
402 eI Letter Accepting Resignation of Fred A.
Seaton as Secretary of the Interior.
January 9, 1 961
Dear Fred:
I accept your resignation as of January 20, 1961. You can take great
pride in having discharged your duties as Secretary of the Interior with
vigor, wisdom, and imagination.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Your report of the accomplishments of your Department during these
last eight years is an account of what wise and responsible government can
do to advance the well-being of our people.
I am particularly impressed that our production of hydroelectric power
far surpasses that of any other nation in the world; that presently underway is the largest water resources construction program in our history;
that the Mission 66 program has taken great strides in preserving, protecting, and improving our National Parks System; that there has been a
remarkable increase in our Wildlife Refuge System; that considerable
progress has been made on saline water conversion; that education and
health programs for our Indian population have been expanded and improved; that an Office of Coal Research has been established; and, of
course, that statehood has been achieved for Alaska and Hawaii.
As you return to Nebraska, I want to officially express my thanks and
appreciation. In the years ahead, may you always have good health and
happiness.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Seaton served as Secretary of dated January 5, I96I, and his report
the Interior from June 8, I956, to Janu- were released with the President's reply.
ary 20, I96I. His letter of resignation,
403 41 Remarks at the Vice President's Birthday
Party. January 9, I961
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President, Mrs. Nixon, ladies and gentlemen:
This evening I was looking at my daily schedule and knowing that I
was going to come to Dick's birthday party, I thought I would look and
see what the staff had down on this particular spot, and the first thing
I saw was that I was to go to a party and immediately after the first
course I was to go home.
Well, I said, this is rather short shrift, isn't it, just to throw you out
after the soup? And I said it wouldn't be polite for me to go, and
secondly I would be hungry, and thirdly I wanted to be here for the
party, and fourthly I wouldn't get to make a speech if I went that soonand that is one thing I like to do, is talk to Republicans.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
([ 404
I wanted to pay my little tribute to one who has served his country
well, and certainly in these long 8 years has been one of the mainstays of the Republican administration and to me personally has been
not only an invaluable associate in Government but a warm friend.
So it is my privilege to present to him, on your behalf, a memento
of his birthday. And of course another reason I wanted to come is
because it's always fun to see one just having his 48th birthday. Isn't
that something?
I am going to read to you the inscription that is on this beautiful
little silver bowl-"Richard Milhous Nixon, Vice President of the United
States of America, in grateful recognition of his devoted service to our
country. January 9, i96i."
I should like to endorse the sentiment expressed on that bowl from
the very depths of my heart. I shall never cease to be grateful to him
for his loyalty, his absolute readiness to undertake any chore, no matter
what the inconvenience to himself and to his family-and whenever
he has undertaken such a chore, to perform it brilliantly and to the
credit of the United States of America.
So it is an honor for me to present to you this bowl-after all, I am
only an honorary member of this club, you know-so it is particularly a
distinction for me, Dick. But I hope that this will always remind you
that this room is filled with your friends, your admirers, and people that
want for you and Pat the very best that this life has to offer.
NOTE: The President spoke at the May- Representative B. Carroll Reece of Tenflower Hotel in Washington. His opening nessee, President of the Capitol Hill Club
words "Mr. Chairman" referred to U.S. which sponsored the dinner honoring the
Vice President.
404 eT Remarks Upon Receiving the Big Brother
of the Year Award. January iO, i96i
I HAVE BEEN witness to many of these occasions, but it did not occur
to me at those times that I was going to be one of the recipients, and I
am very grateful.
This kind of movement is a thing that is so worthwhile in this world.
We live so much by prejudice, a readiness to view every stranger with
suspicion at least-if not worse-and we forget the great value of meeting others and trying to understand them, trying to put ourselves in their
905
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Public Papers of the Presidents
place or in their circumstances. And I don't care whether we are talking about difficulties in our own country or abroad.
All these movements that tend toward promotion of understanding
are, I think, worthy of the best efforts of every individual. By this I
mean that no matter how he is earning his living or whatever his vocation, all of us have the time and the opportunity to do something decent
in the world with respect to the individual, and to which he is bound to
respond. There is no question about it, if an individual thinks you like
him, he just can't help it, he reacts in that same fashion towards you.
I am very proud of being put in this company with you, although my
efforts may not have been those that deserve such language-but I am
still happy to be in your company. I assure you I will do my best in the
years left to me to promote this same kind of understanding, this same
kind of feeling in the world. And maybe in doing so-all of us doing
so-we will make progress that is noticeable even to us.
Thank you a lot.
NOTE: The President spoke at the White among peoples of the world." In making
House upon receiving the 1960 award the presentation, Charles G. Berwind,
from the Big Brothers of the U.S. and President of Big Brothers of America,
Canada for his "outstanding accomplish- read a citation to which the President
ments and personal contributions toward referred in his concluding remarks.
a better understanding and brotherhood
405 (I Remarks Upon Receiving the Hoover
Medal Award. January i o, I 96 I
Mr. President and distinguished guests of this distinguished audience:
I am indeed proud to join that company of men which has been
awarded this medal during these years since Mr. Hoover first accepted
it. And that reminds me that 30 years is just too long a time to elapse
between Republican Presidents. And that is a sentiment which I think
Mr. Hoover would share.
Ladies and gentlemen, as I listened to the statistics with which I was
overwhelmed by General-and we called him "Slam" Marshall-I had
the feeling it was a rather good thing he didn't know all those figures, and
give them to me somewhere along about December of I944. I would
have been so impressed that I think my mind would have been taken off
the war. And certainly it is enlightening, even at this late date, to find
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q( 405
out exactly what such devoted and professionally competent people
achieved.
And indeed it was the confidence of military men that our technical
and professional people could do this. That was at the bottom of the
plan that came later to be known as Operation Overlord. This plan
came finally to a preliminary state of completion in about April of 1942.
It was placed before General Marshall and all of the possibilities were
explained to him, and he approved and later got the approval, of course,
of the President and the British counterparts. But the point is that the
planners knew there would be no ports to use, that the beaches would be
mined and defended. But they also had the great faith that the American engineering profession could provide us the equipment and the materiel that would be needed, finally, for victory.
There are one or two incidents that General Marshall did not mention.
I am not going to go too deeply into statistics, but there is a story-a true
one-that I thought always was interesting. The American engineers
equipped with the kind of mechanisms such as he mentioned, went over
to Malta; and there was a British air officer, General Park, a very competent and gallant man, who knew that the Americans needed a new
fighter field right close by. The only spot that was possible to use was
an island and I think it was named Gozo, but if I am wrong General
Gruenther will tell me after we leave this meeting. But anyway it was
nothing but a mountain. And the British having long ago given up
with their hand tools on building this field, said to the engineer colonel
visiting for the evening, "How long would it take you to get this field
ready?" And the British thought, at least, that anything under a year, if
you could do it at all, would be all right. And this man took a look and
said, "Oh, 12 to 14 days." And the British officer was so astonished, and
really so insulted in a sense, he said, "When can you start?" "Well,"
he said, "let's see what headquarters will give me." And he cabled back
to Africa-he was over in Sicily-and it happened that all this equipment
was in a harbor in Philippeville and ready to go, so it went right over.
From the time the equipment reached there, 13 days later, our first
fighter flew on and off the field. And General Park made a special
flight to me and said, "I take back everything about American bragging;
it's all true."
And then, many months later, we were about to go across the Rhine,
and we made finally, down near Wesel, what we called a power crossing.
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It was way down toward the mouth-it was flooded rivers and it looked
pretty bad-all the bridges of course were blown, as the general said.
But we wanted a railroad bridge just to the north of the river, and so
the supply people, showing their confidence in themselves, invited meand I think it was I 2 days later-to ride on the first train that was to go
across the Rhine on their bridge. They had not yet gotten all the piles
and equipment on the side. Well, the amazing thing is that i i days I
went up and they were ready to go, and I didn't have time to stay, but
they cut off a piece of rail and gave it to me as a trinket to show that they
had done it. That was another of those great accomplishments that
people called impossible and therefore took a little time to do.
But finally there was one little incident that impressed me almost more
than any other. We had in Normandy what is called the "bocage"
country, and it's a country that is very closely bounded and broken up
with hedges, fields the size of this room are not uncommon, and these
hedges are so old that they have banks of earth formed up around them.
And so you have these big hedges-enormous-sometimes 20 feet highI 5 feet and that kind, growing out of these big banks of earth. Every
time our tanks would try to go across, of course, they would "belly up,"
and even a machine gun would go through them, and we were losing
tanks and pretty helpless.
There was a little sergeant. His name was Culin, and he had an idea.
And his idea was that we could fasten knives, great big steel knives in
front of these tanks, and as they came along they would cut off these
banks right at the ground level-they would go through on the level
keel-would carry with themselves a little bit of camouflage for awhile.
And this idea was brought to the captain, to the major and to the
colonel, and it got high enough that somebody did something about itand that was General Bradley-and he did it very quickly.
Because this seemed like a crazy idea, they did not even go to the engineers very fast, because they were afraid of the technical advice, but then
someone did have a big question, "Where are you going to get the steel
for all this thing?" Well now, happily, the Germans tried to keep us from
going on the beaches with great steel "chevaux de frise"-big crosses,
they were all big bars of steel down on the beach where the Germans
left it. And he got it-got these things sharpened up-and it worked
fine. The biggest and happiest group I suppose in all the Allied Armies
908
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 9604
4l 406
that night were those that knew that this thing worked. And it worked
beautifully.
Now Sergeant Culin later had a leg shot off, but he is still strong and
healthy-in New York the last time I saw him-a salesman. And he is
one of those humble Americans who had an idea, who had the courage
to bring it up to someone who could do something about it. And unquestionably he saved-the idea, properly implemented, of course, by
technical and professional men-saved thousands of lives.
So that I submit that sometimes your engineering profession can
profit by a little bit of "lay" imagination and wit.
By no means, my friends, did I mean to supplement General Marshall's
history with these little accounts, but I couldn't help having my mind
jumping around to the theatre of those years, and exciting years.
I cannot tell you how proud I am for the award I have been given, how
complimented I am by General Marshall's brilliant remarks this evening,
and how happy indeed that I have met so many of you this evening. It
is a great privilege. I shall hope to see you again one day, when I am
not quite so busy as today.
Goodbye.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Statler chanical Engineers, who presented the
Hilton Hotel in Washington on the oc- medal and accompanying citation. Later
casion of the annual Hoover Medal award in his remarks, the President referred to
dinner. The award is sponsored by four Brig. Gen. Samuel L. A. Marshall, Gen.
leading engineering societies. George C. Marshall, Gen. Alfred M.
The President's opening words "Mr. Gruenther, Air Vice Marshal Sir Keith
President" referred to Walker L. Cisler, Rodney Park, and Sergeant Curtis J.
president of the American Society of Me- Culin.
406 ~1 Letter Accepting Resignation of Maurice
H. Stans as Director, Bureau of the Budget.
January ii, I 96i
[ Released January i I, I 96 I. Dated January I o, I 96 I
Dear Maury:
Your efforts on behalf of sound budgetary policies and the promotion
of efficiency throughout the Executive Branch of government have been
of invaluable assistance to me. In accepting your resignation as Director
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Public Papers of the Presidents
of the Bureau of the Budget, effective January 20, 1961, I wish to tell
you what a superb job you have done.
You have worked tirelessly to insure that the Federal government provides adequately for national needs, while maintaining responsible fiscal
policy. Your labors have helped to show that government can be run
humanely within the framework of a balanced budget.
Your intensive attention to improving financial management practices
in the Federal government has resulted in great savings in time and money
and increased efficiency and service to the taxpayer. Your report outlines
these improvements-the work of the Office of Financial Management in
the Bureau of the Budget, improved accounting systems, training institutes, important changes in the annual budget process, adoption of
Hoover Commission recommendations, new automatic data processing.
As you reenter private life, please accept my deep appreciation and
gratitude. Good luck on your safari and best wishes for a future of good
health and happiness.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Stans served as Director of the resignation, dated January 9, and his reBureau of the Budget from March I8, port were released with the President's
I958, to January 20, I961. His letter of reply.
407 q Statement by the Presidenton Receiving
Report of the President's Committee on
Government Contracts. January i i, 1961
I URGENTLY call the attention of every American to the recommendations made to me today in the final report of the President's Committee
on Government Contracts under the able chairmanship of Vice President Nixon. These recommendations, if acted upon, will bring our
people closer to the great goal of full equality of opportunity.
This Committee has served the Nation well. It has had a most successful experience in promoting employment equality. The response
to its efforts by Government contractors, employing hundreds of thousands of workers, has been gratifying.
910
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
<f 408
Our national policy calls for equal job opportunity irrespective of race,
color, religion, or national origin. Our world image as a nation and as
a people depends to a great extent on how well we implement that policy.
I am confident that every American will strive to make equal job opportunity in the United States a reality. The work of this Committee and
its recommendations will go far in helping to achieve that worthy
objective.
I want personally to thank all members of the Committee for their
dedicated service.
NOTE: The final report of the President's titled "Pattern for Progress" was pubCommittee on Government Contracts en- lished by the Government Printing Office
(24 pp., 1960).
408 e Memorandum Concerning the
International Phase of the Large Irregular Air
Carrier Investigation. January 12, I96i
[ Released January 1 2, 196 I. Dated January 9, 1961 ]
Memorandum for the Chairman, Civil Aeronautics Board:
I have carefully considered the recommendation of the Civil Aeronautics Board in the international phase of the Large Irregular Air Carriet
Investigation, Docket No. 5132 et al. I have reviewed the case on the
basis of foreign policy and defense considerations together with other elements of the national interest that are within my particular responsibilities and have decided (a) to approve the Board's denial of applications
and (b) to withhold my approval in other respects.
I appreciate the Board's objectives in proposing temporary certificates
authorizing each of the twenty-two "supplemental" carriers to conduct
foreign and overseas cargo operations and overseas passenger transportation on an unlimited number of charter flights and on ten individually
way-billed or ticketed flights per month in each direction between each of
any pair of points. I also recognize that the present limitation on such
operations-irregularity in the number and pattern of flights-creates
many difficulties.
In view of present levels of competition, however, the number and
breadth of the proposed certificates imply a potentially serious economic
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Public Papers of the Presidents
impact upon the existing overseas and foreign route operations of United
States carriers. This concern is not met by the record now before me.
Even that record, moreover, has become out-dated over the period during
which I have withheld action on the recommended certificates because of
the still-unresolved question-which arose in the separate domestic phase
of the case-concerning the Board's legal authority to issue certificates of
the proposed type.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
409 eT Letter Accepting Resignation of Christian
A. Herter as Secretary of State. January I 2, I96I
Dear Chris:
As Secretary of State for nearly two years, and for the two years just
preceding as Under Secretary, you have made a distinguished contribution, for which the people of our country have cause for deep gratitude.
As I accept your resignation, concluding your official service in this vital
and important field as of January twentieth, I pay tribute to both your
ability and devotion.
Never have you lost sight of our main goals. First, of course, we have
sought to stay at peace, and this we have done. I know you find deep
satisfaction in this, just as I do.
Notwithstanding the periods of crisis and peril the years have broughtand will continue to bring-we have demonstrated our will for peace,
while safeguarding security and furthering justice and freedom. Collective security arrangements have been maintained and strengthened, preserving free peoples against Communist encroachment and oppression.
We have worked hard and long to bring under control the threat of
nuclear war, through proposals for safeguarded international control
measures, and patient and persistent negotiation to this end. We have
sought to advance the use of the atom for peace. We have ranged our
influence on the side of human dignity, and national and individual freedom and sought to achieve greater mutual understanding between the
United States and other nations. We have helped other countries in the
course of self-development through our mutual security programs and
efforts. Despite all provocation and hostility, we have avoided being
9I 2
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960q
(f VI0
drawn away from our constructive efforts into a mere sterile struggle with
the Communist bloc.
For the years that lie ahead, bound to be marked by grave and complex
problems but bearing bright promise of progress, I know we both believe
that the nation's best hope lies in continued pursuit of these objectives,
and we both pray that our country may continue to march successfully
toward them.
For your steady hand and wise counsel throughout our service together,
and for the privilege I have had of working with you in close association,
I am deeply grateful.
You have my best wishes for happy years ahead for yourself and your
family.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Herter served as Under Secre- i96I. His letter of resignation and his
tary from February 2i, 1957, to April 22, report were released with the President's
I959, and as Secretary to January 20, reply.
4 I 0 (J Annual Message to the Congress on the
State of the Union. January I2, I96I
To the Congress of the United States:
Once again it is my Constitutional duty to assess the state of the
Union.
On each such previous occasion during these past eight years I have
outlined a forward course designed to achieve our mutual objective-a
better America in a world of peace. This time my function is different.
The American people, in free election, have selected new leadership
which soon will be entrusted with the management of our government.
A new President shortly will lay before you his proposals to shape the
future of our great land. To him, every citizen, whatever his political
beliefs, prayerfully extends best wishes for good health and for wisdom
and success in coping with the problems that confront our Nation.
For my part, I should like, first, to express to you of the Congress, my
appreciation of your devotion to the common good and your friendship
over these difficult years. I will carry with me pleasant memories of this
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association in endeavors profoundly significant to all our people.
We have been through a lengthy period in which the control over the
executive and legislative branches of government has been divided between our two great political parties. Differences, of course, we have
had, particularly in domestic affairs. But in a united determination to
keep this Nation strong and free and to utilize our vast resources for
the advancement of all mankind, we have carried America to unprecedented heights.
For this cooperative achievement I thank the American people and
those in the Congress of both parties who have supported programs in
the interest of our country.
I should also like to give special thanks for the devoted service of
my associates in the Executive Branch and the hundreds of thousands of
career employees who have implemented our diverse government
programs.
My second purpose is to review briefly the record of these past eight
years in the hope that, out of the sum of these experiences, lessons will
emerge that are useful to our Nation. Supporting this review are detailed reports from the several agencies and departments, all of which
are now or will shortly be available to the Congress.
Throughout the world the years since I953 have been a period of
profound change. The human problems in the world grow more acute
hour by hour; yet new gains in science and technology continually extend
the promise of a better life. People yearn to be free, to govern themselves; yet a third of the people of the world have no freedom, do not
govern themselves. The world recognizes the catastrophic nature of
nuclear wvar; yet it sees the wondrous potential of nuclear peace.
During the period, the United States has forged ahead under a constructive foreign policy. The continuing goal is peace, liberty, and wellbeing-for others as well as ourselves. The aspirations of all peoples
are one-peace with justice in freedom. Peace can only be attained
collectively as peoples everywhere unite in their determination that liberty
and well-being come to all mankind.
Yet while we have worked to advance national aspirations for freedom,
a divisive force has been at work to divert that aspiration into dangerous
channels. The Communist movement throughout the world exploits the
natural striving of all to be free and attempts to subjugate men rather
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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than free them. These activities have caused and are continuing to
cause grave troubles in the world.
Here at home these have been times for careful adjustment of our
economy from the artificial impetus of a hot war to constructive growth
in a precarious peace. While building a new economic vitality without
inflation, we have also increased public expenditures to keep abreast of
the needs of a growing population and its attendant new problems, as
well as our added international responsibilities. We have worked toward these ends in a context of shared responsibility-conscious of the
need for maximum scope to private effort and for State and local, as
well as Federal, governmental action.
Success in designing and executing national purposes, domestically
and abroadcan only come from a steadfast resolution that integrity in
the operation of government and in our relations with each other be
fully maintained. Only in this way could our spiritual goals be fully
advanced.
FOREIGN POLICY
On January 2o, I953, when I took office, the United States was at
war. Since the signing of the Korean Armistice in I953, Americans
have lived in peace in highly troubled times.
During the I956 Suez crisis, the United States government strongly
supported United Nations' action-resulting in the ending of the hostilities in Egypt.
Again in I958, peace was preserved in the Middle East despite new
discord. Our government responded to the request of the friendly
Lebanese Government for military help, and promptly withdrew American forces as soon as the situation was stabilized.
In 1958 our support of the Republic of China during the all-out
bombardment of Quemoy restrained the Communist Chinese from
attempting to invade the off-shore islands.
Although, unhappily, Communist penetration of Cuba is real and
poses a serious threat, Communist dominated regimes have been deposed in Guatemala and Iran. The occupation of Austria has ended
and the Trieste question has been settled.
Despite constant threats to its integrity, West Berlin has remained
free.
Important advances have been made in building mutual security
arrangements-which lie at the heart of our hopes for future peace and
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security in the world. The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization has been
established; the NATO alliance has been militarily strengthened; the
Organization of American States has been further developed as an instrument of inter-American cooperation; the Anzus treaty has strengthened
ties with Australia and New Zealand, and a mutual security treaty with
Japan has been signed. In addition, the CENTO pact has been concluded, and while we are not officially a member of this alliance we have
participated closely in its deliberations.
The "Atoms for Peace" proposal to the United Nations led to the
creation of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Our policy has
been to push for enforceable programs of inspection against surprise
attack, suspension of nuclear testing, arms reduction, and peaceful use
of outer space.
The United Nations has been vigorously supported in all of its actions,
including the condemnations of the wholesale murder of the people of
Tibet by the Chinese Communists and the brutal Soviet repression of the
people of Hungary, as well as the more recent UN actions in the Congo.
The United States took the initiative in negotiating the significant treaty
to guarantee the peaceful use of vast Antarctica.
The United States Information Agency has been transformed into a
greatly improved medium for explaining our policies and actions to
audiences overseas, answering the lies of communist propaganda, and
projecting a clearer image of American life and culture.
Cultural, technological and educational exchanges with the Soviet
Union have been encouraged, and a comprehensive agreement was made
which authorized, among other things, the distribution of our Russian
language magazine Amerika and the highly successful American Exhibition in Moscow.
This country has continued to withhold recognition of Communist
China and to oppose vigorously the admission of this belligerent and
unrepentant nation into the United Nations. Red China has yet to
demonstrate that it deserves to be considered a "peace-loving" nation.
With communist imperialism held in check, constructive actions were
undertaken to strengthen the economies of free world nations. The
United States government has given sturdy support to the economic and
technical assistance activities of the UN. This country stimulated a
doubling of the capital of the World Bank and a 50 percent capital increase in the International Monetary Fund. The Development Loan
916
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
([ 410
Fund and the International Development Association were established.
The United States also took the lead in creating the Inter-American
Development Bank.
Vice President Nixon, Secretaries of State Dulles and Herter and I
travelled extensively through the world for the purpose of strengthening
the cause of peace, freedom, and international understanding. So rewarding were these visits that their very success became a significant factor
in causing the Soviet Union to wreck the planned Summit Conference of
I960.
These vital programs must go on. New tactics will have to be developed, of course, to meet new situations, but the underlying principles
should be constant. Our great moral and material commitments to collective security, deterrence of force, international law, negotiations that
lead to self-enforcing agreements, and the economic interdependence of
free nations should remain the cornerstone of a foreign policy that will
ultimately bring permanent peace with justice in freedom to all mankind.
The continuing need of all free nations today is for each to recognize
clearly the essentiality of an unbreakable bond among themselves based
upon a complete dedication to the principles of collective security, effective cooperation and peace with justice.
NATIONAL DEFENSE
For the first time in our nation's history we have consistently maintained
in peacetime, military forces of a magnitude sufficient to deter and if need
be to destroy predatory forces in the world.
Tremendous advances in strategic weapons systems have been made in
the past eight years. Not until 1953 were expenditures on long-range
ballistic missile programs even as much as a million dollars a year; today
we spend ten times as much each day on these programs as was spent in
all of 1952.
No guided ballistic missiles were operational at the beginning of 1953.
Today many types give our armed forces unprecedented effectiveness.
The explosive power of our weapons systems for all purposes is almost
inconceivable.
Today the United States has operational ATLAS missiles which can
strike a target 5000 miles away in a half-hour. The POLARIS weapons
system became operational last fall and the TITAN is scheduled to become so this year. Next year, more than a year ahead of schedule, a
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vastly improved ICBM, the solid propellant MINUTEMAN, is expected
to be ready.
Squadrons of accurate Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles are now
operational. The THOR and JUPITER IRBMs based in forward areas
can hit targets I 500 miles away in I 8 minutes.
Aircraft which fly at speeds faster than sound were still in a developmental stage eight years ago. Today American fighting planes go twice
the speed of sound. And either our B-58 Medium Range Jet Bomber or
our B-52 Long Range Jet Bomber can carry more explosive power than
was used by all combatants in World War II-Allies and Axis combined.
Eight years ago we had no nuclear-powered ships. Today 49 nuclear
warships have been authorized. Of these, 14 have been commissioned,
including three of the revolutionary POLARIS submarines. Our nuclear submarines have cruised under the North Pole and circumnavigated
the earth while submerged. Sea warfare has been revolutionized, and
the United States is far and away the leader.
Our tactical air units overseas and our aircraft carriers are alert;
Army units, guarding the frontiers of freedom in Europe and the Far
East, are in the highest state of readiness in peacetime history; our
Marines, a third of whom are deployed in the Far East, are constantly
prepared for action; our Reserve establishment has maintained high
standards of proficiency, and the Ready Reserve now numbers over
2 /2 million citizen-soldiers.
The Department of Defense, a young and still evolving organization,
has twice been improved and the line of command has been shortened
in order to meet the demands of modern warfare. These major reorganizations have provided a more effective structure for unified planning and direction of the vast defense establishment. Gradual improvements in its structure and procedures are to be expected.
United States civil defense and nonmilitary defense capacity has been
greatly strengthened and these activities have been consolidated in one
Federal agency.
The defense forces of our Allies now number five million men, several
thousand combatant ships, and over 25,000 aircraft. Programs to
strengthen these allies have been consistently supported by the Administration. U.S. military assistance goes almost exclusively to friendly nations on the rim of the communist world. This American contribution
to nations who have the will to defend their freedom, but insufficient
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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means, should be vigorously continued. Combined with our Allies, the
free world now has a far stronger shield than we could provide alone.
Since I 953, our defense policy has been based on the assumption that
the international situation would require heavy defense expenditures for
an indefinite period to come, probably for years. In this protracted
struggle, good management dictates that we resist overspending as resolutely as we oppose underspending. Every dollar uselessly spent on
military mechanisms decreases our total strength and, therefore, our security. We must not return to the "crash-program" psychology of the
past when each new feint by the Communists was responded to in panic.
The "bomber gap" of several years ago was always a fiction, and the
"missile gap" shows every sign of being the same.
The nation can ill afford to abandon a national policy which provides
for a fully adequate and steady level of effort, designed for the long pull;
a fast adjustment to new scientific and technological advances; a balanced force of such strength as to deter general war, to effectively meet
local situations and to retaliate to attack and destroy the attacker; and a
strengthened system of free world collective security.
THE ECONOMY
The expanding American economy passed the half-trillion dollar mark
in gross national product early in i960. The Nation's output of goods
and services is now nearly 25 percent higher than in I952.
In I959, the average American family had an income of $6,520, I5
percent higher in dollars of constant buying power than in 1952, and
the real wages of American factory workers have risen 20 percent during
the past eight years. These facts reflect the rising standard of individual
and family well-being enjoyed by Americans.
Our Nation benefits also from a remarkable improvement in general
industrial peace through strengthened processes of free collective bargaining. Time lost since I952 because of strikes has been half that lost
in the eight years prior to that date. Legislation now requires that
union members have the opportunity for full participation in the affairs
of their unions. The Administration supported the Landrum-Griffin
Act, which I believe is greatly helpful to the vast bulk of American Labor
and its leaders, and also is a major step in getting racketeers and gangsters
out of labor-management affairs.
The economic security of working men and women has been strength919
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Public Papers of the Presidents
ened by an extension of unemployment insurance coverage to 2.5 million
ex-servicemen, 2.4 million Federal employees, and i.2 million employees
of small businesses, and by a strengthening of the Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act. States have been encouraged to improve their
unemployment compensation benefits, so that today average weekly
benefits are 40 percent higher than in I953.
Determined efforts have improved workers' safety standards. Enforceable safety standards have been established for longshoremen and ship
repair workers; Federal Safety Councils have been increased from I4
to over ioo; safety awards have been initiated, and a national construction safety program has been developed.
A major factor in strengthening our competitive enterprise system, and
promoting economic growth, has been the vigorous enforcement of antitrust laws over the last eight years and a continuing effort to reduce artificial restraints on competition and trade and enhance our economic
liberties. This purpose was also significantly advanced in I953 when,
as one of the first acts of this Administration, restrictive wage and price
controls were ended.
An additional measure to strengthen the American system of competitive enterprise was the creation of the Small Business Administration in I953 to assist existing small businesses and encourage new ones.
This agency has approved over $i billion in loans, initiated a new program to provide long-term capital for small businesses, aided in setting
aside $3 y, billion in government contracts for award to small business
concerns, and brought to the attention of individual businessmen, through
programs of information and education, new developments in management and production techniques. Since I952, important tax revisions
have been made to encourage small businesses.
Many major improvements in the Nation's transportation system have
been made:
-After long years of debate, the dream of a great St. Lawrence Seaway, opening the heartland of America to ocean commerce, has been
fulfilled.
-The new Federal Aviation Agency is fostering greater safety in
air travel.
-The largest public construction program in history-the 4I,000 mile
national system of Interstate and Defense highways-has been pushed
rapidly forward. Twenty-five percent of this system is now open to
traffic.
920
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 196o q( 410
Efforts to help every American build a better life have included also a
vigorous program for expanding our trade with other nations. A 4-year
renewal of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act was passed in 1958, and
a continuing and rewarding effort has been made to persuade other countries to remove restrictions against our exports. A new export expansion
program was launched in I960, inaugurating improvement of export
credit insurance and broadening research and information programs to
awaken Americans to business opportunities overseas. These actions and
generally prosperous conditions abroad have helped push America's export trade to a level of $20 billion in 1960.
Although intermittent declines in economic activity persist as a problem
in our enterprise system, recent downturns have been moderate and of
short duration. There is, however, little room for complacency. Currently our economy is operating at high levels, but unemployment rates
are higher than any of us would like, and chronic pockets of high unemployment persist. Clearly, continued sound and broadly shared economic
growth remains a major national objective toward which we must strive
through joint private and public efforts.
If government continues to work to assure every American the fullest
opportunity to develop and utilize his ability and talent, it will be performing one of its most vital functions, that of advancing the welfare and
protecting the dignity, rights, and freedom of all Americans.
GOVERNMENT FINANCE AND ADMINISTRATION
In January I953, the consumer's dollar was worth only 52 cents in
terms of the food, clothing, shelter and other items it would buy compared
to I939. Today, the inflationary spiral which had raised the cost of
living by 36 percent between I946 and 1952 has all but ceased and the
value of the dollar virtually stabilized.
In 1954 we had the largest tax cut in history, amounting to $7.4 billion
annually, of which over 62 percent went to individuals mostly in the small
income brackets.
This Administration has directed constant efforts toward fiscal responsibility. Balanced budgets have been sought when the economy was advancing, and a rigorous evaluation of spending programs has been maintained at all times. Resort to deficit financing in prosperous times could
easily erode international confidence in the dollar and contribute to infla
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tion at home. In this belief, I shall submit a balanced budget for fiscal
I962 to the Congress next week.
There has been a firm policy of reducing government competition with
private enterprise. This has resulted in the discontinuance of some 2,000
commercial industrial installations and in addition the curtailment of approximately 550 industrial installations operated directly by government
agencies.
Also an aggressive surplus disposal program has been carried on to
identify and dispose of unneeded government-owned real property. This
has resulted in the addition of a substantial number of valuable properties
to local tax rolls, and a significant monetary return to the government.
Earnest and persistent attempts have been made to strengthen the
position of State and local governments and thereby to stop the dangerous drift toward centralization of governmental power in Washington.
Significant strides have been made in increasing the effectiveness of
government. Important new agencies have been established, such as
the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, the Federal Aviation
Agency, and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. The
Council of Economic Advisers was reconstituted.
The operation of our postal system has been modernized to get better
and more efficient service. Modernized handling of local mail now
brings next-day delivery to i68 million people in our population centers,
expanded carrier service now accommodates 9.3 million families in the
growing suburbs, and I.4 million families have been added to the rural
delivery service. Common sense dictates that the Postal Service should
be on a self-financing basis.
The concept of a trained and dedicated government career service
has been strengthened by the provision of life and health insurance benefits, a vastly improved retirement system, a new merit promotion program, and the first effective incentive awards program. With no
sacrifice in efficiency, Federal civilian employment since I953 has been
reduced by over a quarter of a million persons.
I am deeply gratified that it was under the urging of this Administration that Alaska and Hawaii became our 49th and both States.
AGRICULTURE
Despite the difficulties of administering Congressional programs which
apply outmoded prescriptions and which aggravate rather than solve
922
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
I 410
problems, the past eight years brought notable advances in agriculture.
Total agricultural assets are approximately $200 billion-up $36 billion in eight years.
Farm owner equities are at the near record high of $I74 billion.
Farm ownership is at a record high with fewer farmers in a tenant
and sharecropper status than at any time in our nation's history.
The "Food-for-Peace" program has demonstrated how surplus of
American food and fiber can be effectively used to feed and clothe the
needy abroad. Aided by this humanitarian program, total agricultural
exports have grown from $2.8 billion in I953 to an average of about
$4 billion annually for the past three years. For I960, exports are estimated at $4.5 billion, the highest volume on record. Under the Foodfor-Peace program, the largest wheat transaction in history was consummated with India in 1960.
The problems of low-income farm families received systematic attention for the first time in the Rural Development Program. This program has gone forward in 39 States, yielding higher incomes and a better
living for rural people most in need.
The Rural Electrification Administration has helped meet the growing
demand for power and telephones in agricultural areas. Ninety-seven
percent of all farms now have central station electric power. Dependence upon Federal financing should no longer be necessary.
The Farm Credit Administration has been made an independent agency
more responsive to the farmer's needs.
The search for new uses for our farm abundance and to develop new
crops for current needs has made major progress. Agricultural research
appropriations have increased by 171 percent since 1953.
Farmers are being saved approximately $80 million a year by the repeal
in I 956 of Federal taxes on gasoline used in tractors and other machinery.
Since I953, appropriations have been doubled for county agents, home
agents and the Extension Service.
Eligibility for Social Security benefits has been extended to farmers and
their families.
Yet in certain aspects our agricultural surplus situation is increasingly
grave. For example, our wheat stocks now total 1.3 billion bushels. If
we did not harvest one bushel of wheat in this coming year, we would
still have all we could eat, all we could sell abroad, all we could give away,
and still have a substantial carryover. Extraordinary costs are involved
60295-61 62 923
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Public Papers of the Presidents
just in management and disposal of this burdensome surplus. Obviously
important adjustments must still come. Congress must enact additional
legislation to permit wheat and other farm commodities to move into
regular marketing channels in an orderly manner and at the same time
afford the needed price protection to the farmer. Only then will agriculture again be free, sound, and profitable.
NATURAL RESOURCES
New emphasis has been placed on the care of our national parks. A
ten year development program of our National Park System-Mission
66-was initiated and 633,ooo acres of park land have been added since
I953.
Appropriations for fish and wildlife operations have more than doubled.
Thirty-five new refuges, containing i i,342,ooo acres, have been added to
the national wildlife management system.
Our Nation's forests have been improved at the most rapid rate in
history.
The largest sustained effort in water resources development in our
history has taken place. In the field of reclamation alone, over 50 new
projects, or project units, have been authorized since I 953-including the
billion dollar Colorado River Storage Project. When all these projects
have been completed they will have a storage capacity of nearly 43 million
acre-feet-an increase of 50 percent over the Bureau of Reclamation's
storage capacity in mid-i953. In addition, since I953 over 450 new
navigation flood control and multiple purpose projects of the Corps of
Engineers have been started, costing nearly 6 billion dollars.
Soil and water conservation has been advanced as never before. One
hundred forty-one projects are now being constructed under the Watershed Protection Program.
Hydroelectric power has been impressively developed through a policy
which recognizes that the job to be done requires comprehensive development by Federal, State, and local governments and private enterprise.
Teamwork is essential to achieve this objective.
The Federal Columbia River power system has grown from two multipurpose dams with a 2.6 million kilowatt capacity to I7 multipurpose
projects completed or under construction with an ultimate installed capacity of 8.i million kilowatts. After years of negotiation, a Columbia
River Storage Development agreement with Canada now opens the way
924
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
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for early realization of unparalleled power, flood control and resource
conservation benefits for the Pacific Northwest. A treaty implementing
this agreement will shortly be submitted to the Senate.
A farsighted and highly successful program for meeting urgent water
needs is being carried out by converting salt water to fresh water. A 75
percent reduction in the cost of this process has already been realized.
Continuous resource development is essential for our expanding economy. We must continue vigorous, combined Federal, State and private
programs, at the same time preserving to the maximum extent possible
our natural and scenic heritage for future generations.
EDUCATION, SCIENCE, AND TECHNOLOGY
The National Defense Education Act of I958 is already a milestone
in the history of American education. It provides broad opportunities
for the intellectual development of all children by strengthening courses
of study in science, mathematics, and foreign languages, by developing
new graduate programs to train additional teachers, and by providing
loans for young people who need financial help to go to college.
The Administration proposed on numerous occasions a broad new
five-year program of Federal aid to help overcome the classroom shortage in public elementary and secondary schools. Recommendations
were also made to give assistance to colleges and universities for the construction of academic and residential buildings to meet future enrollment
increases.
This Administration greatly expanded Federal loans for building dormitories for students, teachers, and nurses training, a program assisting in
the construction of approximately 200,000 living accommodations during
the past 8 years.
There has been a vigorous acceleration of health, resource and education programs designed to advance the role of the American Indian
in our society. Last fall, for example, 9 I percent of the Indian children
between the ages of 6 and i8 on reservations were enrolled in school.
This is a rise of 1 2 percent since I953.
In the field of science and technology, startling strides have been made
by the new National Aeronautics and Space Administration. In little
more than two years, NASA has successfully launched meteorological
satellites, such as Tiros I and Tiros II, that promise to revolutionize
methods of weather forecasting; demonstrated the feasibility of satellites
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Public Papers of the Presidents
for global communications by the successful launching of Echo I; produced an enormous amount of valuable scientific data, such as the discovery of the Van Allen Radiation Belt; successfully launched deep-space
probes that maintained communication over the greatest range man has
ever tracked; and made real progress toward the goal of manned space
flights.
These achievements unquestionably make us preeminent today in
space exploration for the betterment of mankind. I believe the present'
organizational arrangements in this area, with the revisions proposed last
year, are completely adequate for the tasks ahead.
Americans can look forward to new achievements in space exploration.
The near future will hold such wonders as the orbital flight of an astronaut, the landing of instruments on the moon, the launching of the powerful giant Saturn rocket vehicles, and the reconnaissance of Mars and
Venus by unmanned vehicles.
The application of atomic energy to industry, agriculture, and medicine has progressed from hope and experiment to reality. American
industry and agriculture are making increasing use of radioisotopes to
improve manufacturing, testing, and crop-raising. Atomic energy has
improved the ability of the healing professions to combat disease, and
holds promise for an eventual increase in man's life span.
Education, science, technology and balanced programs of every kindthese are the roadways to progress. With appropriate Federal support,
the States and localities can assure opportunities for achieving excellence at all levels of the educational system; and with the Federal government continuing to give wholehearted support to basic scientific research
and technology, we can expect to maintain our position of leadership
in the world.
CIVIL RIGHTS
The first consequential Federal Civil Rights legislation in 85 years
was enacted by Congress on recommendation of the Administration in
I957 and I960.
A new Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice has already
moved to enforce constitutional rights in such areas as voting and the
elimination of Jim Crow laws.
Greater equality of job opportunity in Federal employment and employment with Federal contractors has been effectively provided through
926
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 960q
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the President's Committees on Government Contracts and Government
Employment Practices.
The Civil Rights Commission has undertaken important surveys in
the fields of housing, voting, and education.
Segregation has been abolished in the Armed Forces, in Veterans'
Hospitals, in all Federal employment, and throughout the District of
Columbia-administratively accomplished progress in this field that is
unmatched in America's recent history.
This pioneering work in civil rights must go on. Not only because
discrimination is morally wrong, but also because its impact is more than
national-it is world-wide.
HEALTH AND WELFARE
Federal medical research expenditures have increased more than fourfold since I954.
A vast variety of the approaches known to medical science has been
explored to find better methods of treatment and prevention of major
diseases, particularly heart diseases, cancer, and mental illness.
The control of air and water pollution has been greatly strengthened.
Americans now have greater protection against harmful, unclean, or
misrepresented foods, drugs, or cosmetics through a strengthened Food
and Drug Administration and by new legislation which requires that
food additives be proved safe for human consumption before use.
A newly established Federal Radiation Council, along with the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, analyzes and coordinates
information regarding radiological activities which affect the public
health.
Medical manpower has been increased by Federal grants for teaching
and research.
Construction of new medical facilities has been stepped up and extended to include nursing homes, diagnostic and treatment centers, and
rehabilitation facilities.
The vocational rehabilitation program has been significantly expanded.
About go,ooo handicapped people are now being rehabilitated annually
so they are again able to earn their own living with self-respect and
dignity.
New legislation provides for better medical care for the needy aged,
including those older persons, who, while otherwise self-sufficient, need
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Public Papers of the Presidents
help in meeting their health care costs. The Administration recommended a major expansion of this effort.
The coverage of the Social Security Act has been broadened since I953
to make I I million additional people eligible for retirement, disability or
survivor benefits for themselves or their dependents, and the Social
Security benefits have been substantially improved.
- Grants to the States for maternal and child welfare services have been
increased.
The States, aided by Federal grants, now assist some 6 million needy
people through the programs of Old Age Assistance, Aid to Dependent
Children, Aid to the Blind, and Aid to the Totally and Permanently
Disabled.
HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
More houses have been built during the past eight years-over nine
million-than during any previous eight years in history.
An historic new approach-Urban Renewal-now replaces piecemeal
thrusts at slum pockets and urban blight. Communities engaged in
urban renewal have doubled and renewal projects have more than tripled
since I953. An estimated 68 projects in 50 cities will be completed by
the end of the current fiscal year; another 577 projects will be underway,
and planning for 3IO more will be in process. A total of $2 billion in
Federal grants will ultimately be required to finance these 955 projects.
New programs have been initiated to provide more and better housing
for elderly people. Approximately 25,000 units especially designed for
the elderly have been built, started, or approved in the past three years.
For the first time, because of Federal help and encouragement, go
metropolitan areas and urban regions and I 140 smaller towns throughout the country are making comprehensive development plans for their
future growth and development.
American communities have been helped to plan water and sanitation
systems and schools through planning advances for i6oo public works
projects with a construction cost of nearly $2 billion.
Mortgage insurance on individual homes has been greatly expanded.
During the past eight years, the Federal Housing Administration alone
insured over 2/2 million home mortgages valued at $27 billion, and in
addition, insured more than ten million property improvement loans.
The Federal government must continue to provide leadership in order
to make our cities and communities better places in which to live, work,
928
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
I 410
and raise families, but without usurping rightful local authority, replacing individual responsibility, or stifling private initiative.
IMMIGRATION
Over 32,000 victims of Communist tyranny in Hungary were brought
to our shores, and at this time our country is working to assist refugees
from tyranny in Cuba.
Since I953, the waiting period for naturalization applicants has been
reduced from I8 months to 45 days.
The Administration also has made legislative recommendations to
liberalize existing restrictions upon immigration while still safeguarding
the national interest. It is imperative that our immigration policy be
in the finest American tradition of providing a haven for oppressed peoples and fully in accord with our obligation as a leader of the free world.
VETERANS
In discharging the nation's obligation to our veterans, during the past
eight years there have been:
The readjustment of World War II veterans was completed, and the
five million Korean conflict veterans were assisted in achieving successful readjustment to civilian life;
Increases in compensation benefits for all eligible veterans with service
connected disabilities;
Higher non-service connected pension benefits for needy veterans;
Greatly improved benefits to survivors of veterans dying in or as a
result of service;
Authorization, by Presidential directive, of an increase in the number of beds available for sick and disabled veterans;
Development of a I2-year, $900 million construction program to modernize and improve our veterans hospitals;
New modern techniques brought into the administration of Veterans
Affairs to provide the highest quality service possible to those who have
defended us.
CONCLUSION
In concluding my final message to the Congress, it is fitting to look
back to my first-to the aims and ideals I set forth on February 2, 1953:
To use America's influence in world affairs to advance the cause of peace
and justice, to conduct the affairs of the Executive Branch with integrity
929
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Public Papers of the Presidents
and efficiency, to encourage creative initiative in our economy, and to
work toward the attainment of the well-being and equality of opportunity
of all citizens.
Equally, we have honored our commitment to pursue and attain specific
objectives. Among them, as stated eight years ago: strengthening of the
mutual security program; development of world trade and commerce;
ending of hostilities in Korea; creation of a powerful deterrent force;
practicing fiscal responsibility; checking the menace of inflation; reducing
the tax burden; providing an effective internal security program; developing and conserving our natural resources; reducing governmental interference in the affairs of the farmer; strengthening and improving services
by the Department of Labor, and the vigilant guarding of civil and social
rights.
I do not close this message implying that all is well-that all problems
are solved. For progress implies both new and continuing problems and,
unlike Presidential administrations, problems rarely have terminal dates.
Abroad, there is the continuing Communist threat to the freedom of
Berlin, an explosive situation in Laos, the problems caused by Communist
penetration of Cuba, as well as the many problems connected with the
development of the new nations in Africa. These areas, in particular,
call for delicate handling and constant review.
At home, several conspicuous problems remain: promoting higher
levels of employment, with special emphasis on areas in which heavy unemployment has persisted; continuing to provide for steady economic
growth and preserving a sound currency; bringing our balance of payments into more reasonable equilibrium and continuing a high level of
confidence in our national and international systems; eliminating heavily
excessive surpluses of a few farm commodities; and overcoming deficiencies in our health and educational programs.
Our goal always has been to add to the spiritual, moral, and material
strength of our nation. I believe we have done this. But it is a process
that must never end. Let us pray that leaders of both the near and
distant future will be able to keep the nation strong and at peace, that
they will advance the well-being of all our people, that they will lead us on
to still higher moral standards, and that, in achieving these goals, they will
maintain a reasonable balance between private and governmental
responsibility.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
930
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19604
(t 4 I I
NOTE: The message was transmitted to i2 and to the Senate (not being in sesthe House of Representatives on January sion that day) on January i3.
4 I I 4t Letter Accepting Resignation of William
P. Rogers as Attorney General. January I 3, I 96 I
[ Released January 13, I 96 I. Dated January i i, I 96 ]
Dear Bill:
Under your direction, the Department of Justice has been noted for
its impartial and effective administration of Federal law. In accepting
your resignation as Attorney General, effective January 20, i96i, I take
the opportunity to emphasize the outstanding record you have achieved
with the assistance of your competent staff.
I am particularly gratified by the establishment and functioning of
the new Civil Rights Division. Then too, the outstanding record of the
Department in bringing anti-trust actions-a 25 per cent increase over
the previous eight-year period-is most impressive. Indeed, as your
report so well relates, every section of your Department has made commendable advances.
For guiding these achievements, as well as many more that come to
mind, you have my thanks and deep appreciation. May the future hold
good health and happiness. You leave government service with my
respect and sincere friendship.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Rogers served as Attorney dated January IO, and his report were
General from November 8, 1957, to Janu- released with the President's reply.
ary 20, i96i. His letter of resignation,
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Public Papers of the Presidents
412 4T Letter Accepting Resignation of Gordon
Gray as Special Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs. January I 3, i96i
Dear Gordon:
In accepting your resignation as my Special Assistant for National
Security Affairs, effective January 20, i96i, as you request, I thank you
not only for your outstanding service in this and earlier assignments, but
also for your clear and thoughtful observations concerning the National
Security Council.
You have been almost uniquely in position to know its value to me and
to the vital work of assuring our country's security now and in the future.
The Council itself has admirably fulfilled its function of advice and
counsel at the top echelon of government, with thorough, searching and
far-ranging debate and deliberation upon the great issues of U.S. national
security. In addition, the Council has, as you say, served as the "capstone
of mechanisms for assisting you in the formulation of policy and in
assuring the timely and effective implementation of policy decisions taken
by you." I am especially grateful for your report because somehow,
despite our previous efforts, our people have not received an accurate and
valid appreciation of the National Security Council's effectiveness-in
which you and your predecessors, as well as your staff, have had such
an important part.
But my appreciation to you does not stop with your current contribution to the work of the National Security Council, nor even with your
previous distinguished service in prior positions. Over the whole wide
range of security affairs, it has been a great help to me to have had, as
one of my closest associates, a man of your wise understanding, integrity
and dedication to our nation's interests. I deem myself, and our country,
indeed fortunate.
To you and your fine family I extend my best wishes for happy and
rewarding future years.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
932
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19603
(l 4V3
NOTE: Mr. Gray served as Special Assist- Director of the Office of Defense Mobiliant to the President for National Security zation.
Affairs from July 22, I958, and as Chair- His letter of resignation, dated Januman of the Operations Coordinating ary 13, i96i, which includes his observaBoard from January 13, i960. Earlier he tions and report on the National Security
served as Assistant Secretary of Defense, Council and related organizations, was
as Defense member of the National Se- released with the President's reply.
curity Council Planning Board, and as
4 I 3 e Letter Accepting Resignation of Arthur S.
Flemming as Secretary of Health, Education, and
Welfare. January 15, I 96 I
Dear Arthur:
The dramatic progress in raising the level of health, education, and
economic security, through the broad programs administered by the
Department of Health, Education and Welfare under your leadership,
is a monumental tribute to your organizational skill, understanding of
human problems, and ability to see a job through. In accepting your
resignation, effective January 20, I96I, I wish to express my deep appreciation to you and your able staff.
On all fronts great gains have been made since my recommendation
to establish the Department was approved in I 953. As your report indicates, medical research and health facilities have been significantly expanded; a new Division of Radiological Health has been created; major
improvements have been made in fighting air and water pollution; the
National Defense Education Act of 1958 has already become a landmark in the history of American education, and Social Security coverage has been broadened and benefits increased.
As you return to private life, I wish you a future of good health and
happiness. You take with you my deep thanks and lasting friendship.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Secretary Flemming served from letter of resignation and his report were
August I, 1958, to January 20, i96i. His released with the President's reply.
933
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Public Papers of the Presidents
4I4 4J Annual Budget Message to the Congress:
Fiscal Year I 962. January i6, 196I
To the Congress of the United States:
For the fiscal year i962 I send you budget and legislative proposals
which will meet the essential domestic needs of the Nation, provide for
the national defense, and at the same time preserve the integrity and
strength of our Federal Government's finances.
With this budget, I leave to the new administration and the Congress
a progressive and workable financial plan which recognizes national
priorities and which reflects my confidence in the strength of our economy
now and in the years to come.
A budget surplus was achieved in the fiscal year which ended on
June 30, i960. A narrowly balanced budget is anticipated for fiscal
year i96i. The recommendations in this budget provide for still another balanced budget, with a surplus, in fiscal year i962. The achievement of balanced budgets this year and in the coming fiscal year will
help foster noninflationary prosperity at home and strengthen confidence
in the dollar abroad.
Despite the persistence of hardship in some local areas, economic
activity continues at a high level. It is imperative for the extension of
economic growth at a high and sustainable rate that the budget be kept
balanced and that we act responsibly in financial matters.
For I962 the budget estimates reflect expected gains in the national
economy and provide for carrying programs forward in an efficient and
orderly manner. The estimates also reflect, as in previous years, the
budgetary effects of proposed changes in legislation, including the cost
of certain new programs. Most of the legislative proposals have been
previously recommended. I again urge their enactment.
In total and in its parts, this budget embodies a sensible and forwardlooking plan of action for the Government. In brief, it provides for:
i. Increasing our own military capabilities and promoting increased
strength in other free world forces;
2. Advancing activities important to economic growth and domestic
welfare;
3. Continuing assistance to the less-developed nations of the world
whose peoples are striving to improve their standards of living;
934
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
'9 414
4. Increasing support for scientific activities in outer space;
5. Achieving savings by making desirable modifications in existing
programs and by charging users the costs of special benefits received
by them; and
6. Continuing present tax rates to maintain the revenues needed for
a sound fiscal plan.
The policies and proposals in this budget will enable us to meet fully
our national and international responsibilities and to promote real and
sustainable national progress.
GENERAL BUDGET POLICY
This budget, like each of the seven which I have previously sent to the
Congress, reflects the conviction that military strength and domestic advancement must be based on a sound economy, and that fiscal integrity is
essential to the responsible conduct of governmental affairs. A surplus in
good times, as provided in this budget, helps make up the deficits which
inevitably occur during periods of recession. To ignore these principles is
to undermine our strength as a Nation through deficits, unmanageable
debt, and the resulting inflation and cheapening of our currency.
An 8-year effort has been made by this administration to stabilize
the purchasing power of the dollar. This effort, which was a necessary
undertaking in view of the heavy depreciation of the dollar's purchasing
power following World War II, has had a large measure of success, but the
problem of maintaining reasonable price stability will require close and
continuing attention in the future.
Our national economy is strong and our national welfare continues to
advance. Despite a leveling out in economic activity during the latter
part of the calendar year just ended, the total market value of all goods
and services produced in our country in the calendar year I960 increased
by approximately $2o billion over the preceding year and crossed the halftrillion-dollar mark for the first time in our history. Personal incomes increased more than 5% over I959, the previous record high. The Economic Report will describe the trends which indicate that further substantial increases can be expected during the calendar year 1961, carrying
the gross national product and personal incomes to new highs.
The budgetary outlook for the future reinforces the need for selfdiscipline in meeting current national demands. Over the next 10 years
and beyond, we will be faced with the consequences of many commit
935
4J 414 Public Papers of the Presidents
ments under present laws for nondefense expenditures, in addition to the
heavy military burden we must continue to bear.
We can confidently expect that a growing economy will help pay for
these commitments. As the labor force grows and employment expands,
as business discovers new techniques of production and invests in a larger
and more efficient productive base, the national output and income will
grow, and with them our ability to finance needed public services. But
our resources will not be unlimited. New and expanded Federal programs being urged by special groups are frequently appealing, but, added
to existing commitments, they threaten to swell expenditures beyond the
available resources.
The Federal Government cannot reasonably satisfy all demands at the
same time. We must proceed first to meet those which are most pressing,
and find economies to help pay their costs by reappraising old programs
in the light of emerging priorities. We must encourage States and localities to increase further their participation in programs for meeting the
needs of their citizens. And we must preserve and strengthen the environment in which individual initiative and responsibility can make their
maximum contribution.
Our unsatisfactory balance of international payments provides another
compelling reason for pursuing sound financial policies. The relationship
between our budgetary actions and the balance of payments needs to be
carefully examined to assure a minimum adverse effect. Whether the
dollar will continue to enjoy high prestige and confidence in the international financial community will depend on the containment of inflation
at home and on the exercise of wise restraint and selectivity in our
expenditures abroad.
The need for concern about our spending abroad is not strange or
surprising. It results from the recovery, profoundly desired and deliberately encouraged by our country, of the major centers of production in
Western Europe and Japan following the devastation and disruption
caused by war. To reflect this developing state of affairs, changes are
now required in some policies established in earlier years. Therefore, I
have prescribed certain actions in international transactions under direct
governmental control and others are under study. Such measures, combined with proper financial prudence in the handling of domestic affairs
and strong export promotion, should significantly improve our balance of
payments.
936
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
9 4I4
In summary, if we plan wisely and allocate our resources carefully,
we can have both public and private advancement. Sound fiscal policies and balanced budgets will sustain sound economic growth and,
eventually, will make possible a reduced tax burden. At the same time,
we can have necessary improvements in Federal programs to meet the
demands of an ever-changing world. If, however, we deliberately run
the Government by credit cards, improvidently spending today at the
expense of tomorrow, we will break faith with the American people and
their children, and with those joined with us in freedom throughout the
world.
BUDGET TOTALS-I 96I
Current estimates indicate a close balance in the 1961 budget. On
the newly adopted basis of excluding interfund transactions, expenditures are estimated at $78.9 billion and receipts at $79.0 billion, resulting
in a budget surplus of $0.I billion. The revenue estimate reflects a
justifiably optimistic view as to the course of our economy, based on
circumstances described in my Economic Report.
Last January, I proposed a budget for 1961 that showed a surplus of
$4.2 billion. The enactment by the Congress of unrecommended expenditures and the unwillingness of the Congress to increase postal rates
reduced this prospect by approximately $2 billion. In the meantime,
lower corporate profits have materially reduced our expectation of tax
collections from this source.
The small surplus of $79 million currently estimated for 1961 takes
into account an assumption that postal rates will be increased not later
than April I, 196I.
Despite the congressional increases in the budget last year, the present
estimate of $78.9 billion for 1961 expenditures is about $900 million less
than the figure of $79.8 billion which appeared in the budget a year ago.
The apparent reduction results from (I) the elimination, as announced
in last year's budget, of certain interfund transactions totaling $0.7 billion
from the current estimate of expenditures and (2) the shift of employment
security grants of $0.3 billion to trust fund financing as provided by law.
As explained elsewhere in this budget, these changes affect receipts as
well as expenditures and do not affect the surplus.
Apart from these accounting adjustments, the increases and decreases
from last year's estimate of I96I expenditures are approximately
offsetting.
937
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Major increases from the original budget include $766 million for
Federal employee pay raises; $554 million in losses of the postal service
because rates were not increased as proposed; $269 million for defense
programs; $I88 million for health, education, and welfare activities; and
$ 1 64 million for civil space activities.
Major decreases from the original estimates include $6oo00 million for
interest on the public debt; $496 million for the activities of the Commodity Credit Corporation; $3 II million for veterans compensation,
pensions, and readjustment benefits; $93 million for the Export-Import
Bank; and $50 million for military assistance. In addition, a reduction
of $ I 60 million is estimated under the proposal to reduce the postal deficit
in 1961 by increasing postal rates effective April i. Other reductions,
including a normal downward revision in the allowance for contingencies, total $2 I o million.
BUDGET TOTALS-I 962
For the fiscal year 1962, my recommendations provide for $82.3 billion
in budget receipts and $80.9 billion in budget expenditures. The resulting budgetary surplus of $1.5 billion will permit another modest payment
on the public debt.
The estimate of receipts in 1962 is $3.3 billion higher than the current
estimate for 1961, and $4.6 billion more than the receipts actually collected in 1960. Expenditures are also increasing, from a total of $76.5
billion in 1960 to $78.9 billion currently estimated for 1961 and $80.9
billion proposed for 1962.
BUDGET EXPENDITURES.-The increase of $1.9 billion in estimated
expenditures between 1961 and 1962 reflects several factors which are
worthy of special note.
First, outlays for our Nation's defenses are estimated to rise by $1.4
billion in 1962 to a total of $42.9 billion. Much of this increase reflects
continued emphasis on certain expanding defense programs, such as
Polaris submarines, the Minuteman missile, the B-7o long-range bomber,
a strengthened airborne alert capability, airlift modernization, and modernization of Army equipment. These improvements are for the purpose
of keeping our military might the strongest in the world.
Second, the budget provides for substantial continuing efforts to support
the cause of freedom through the mutual security program. Expenditures for this program in 1962 are estimated at $3.6 billion, an increase of
$250 million over 1961.
938
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 196o
( 4I4
Third, civil space vehicles and space exploration will require $965
million in 1962, up $195 million from 1961, and $564 million more than
in I960. In total, the recommendations in this budget provide for $9.4
billion in expenditures in 1962 for carrying forward research and development efforts, of which $7.4 billion is for major national security purposes.
The total represents an increase of $770 million over I961. As part of
the overall research and development effort, increasing Federal support
for basic research is being provided. This budget includes $ i billion for
the conduct and support of basic research in universities, industrial establishments, Government laboratories, and other centers of research.
Fourth, increases in expenditures are proposed for certain activities important to domestic well-being and to the future development of our
Nation. These include, among others, broadening medical care for the
aged; making major improvements in transportation programs; continuing development of our natural resources at a new record level of expenditures; improving our health and welfare programs; providing assistance
for construction of elementary and secondary schools and college facilities;
assisting areas of substantial and persistent unemployment; and fostering
rural development. Expenditures in I962 for labor, education, health,
welfare, community development, transportation aids and services, and
conservation of natural resources are estimated to total $8.6 billion, an
increase of $627 million over i961.
To some extent these recommended budget increases are offset by proposed reductions which can be effected in existing programs through
improved operations and through changes in present laws. These reductions result from a continuous search for ways to restrain unnecessary expenditures in going activities, to recognize real priorities of need, and to
assure that Federal programs are carried out in an efficient manner.
Savings are proposed and can be achieved through modification of
activities which, in their existing form, require a disproportionate or
wasteful expenditure of Federal funds. For example, States, localities,
and other non-Federal interests should assume a greater share of the costs
of urban renewal, local flood protection, and the building and operating
of schools in federally affected areas. The Congress should act on proposals to encourage nongovernmental financing, and reduce reliance on
direct Federal financing, in such activities as home loans for veterans and
for military personnel, and the expansion of rural electrification and
939
4I 414 Public Papers of the Presidents
telephone systems. Certain grants and benefits should also be reviewed
and revised, including those for agricultural conservation, civil airport
construction, airline subsidies, housing aids no longer needed for readjustment of World War II veterans, and agricultural price supports,
particularly for wheat.
Benefits to the general taxpayer are also proposed in the coming fiscal
year and later years through the enactment of measures to charge users for
special services which they derive from particular Government activities.
Among these are proposals to eliminate the postal deficit and to provide
more adequate taxes on aviation and highway fuels.
BUDGET RECEIPTS.-Estimated budget receipts of $82.3 billion in i962
are based on an outlook for higher production, employment, and income
as the calendar year 1961 progresses. The accompanying table shows
the sources of budget receipts for the fiscal years I 960, 1 96 1, and 1 962.
BUDGET RECEIPTS
[Fiscal years. In billions]
1960 i961 1962
Source actual estimate estimate
Individual income taxes........................ $40. 7 $43. 3 $45- 5
Corporation income taxes........................ 21. 5 20.4 20.9
Excise taxes......................................9. I 9.3 9- 7
All other receipts................................. 7. I 6. 7 6. 9
Total.................................... 78- 5 79. 7 83.0
Deduct interfund transactions (included in both
receipts and expenditures)........................ 7. 7. 7
Budget receipts.............................. 77. 8 79. o 82. 3
Extension of present tax rates.-It is necessary to extend for another
year the present tax rates on corporation income and the excise taxes
which are scheduled for reduction or termination on July I, 1961. The
excise tax rates scheduled for reduction include those on distilled spirits,
beer, wines, cigarettes, passenger automobiles, automobile parts and accessories, and transportation of persons; the I 10%o tax on general telephone
service is scheduled to expire. Unless these tax rates are extended, the
Federal Government will lose an estimated $2.6 billion in revenues in
1 962, and $3.7 billion on a full annual basis.
Changes in fees and charges.-In the conduct of certain of its activities, the Government provides special services, sells products, and leases
federally owned resources, which convey to the recipients benefits above
940
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 (e 414
and beyond those which accrue to the public at large. In fairness to the
general taxpayer, the cost of these services or the fair market value of the
products and resources which are transferred to private use should be
recovered, wherever feasible, through adequate fees and charges. To
this end, the Congress was requested last year to provide increased fees
and charges for a number of special benefits. With the one exception of
fees for non-competitive oil and gas leases no final action was taken. The
Congress is again requested to raise postal rates to eliminate the postal
deficit and to act favorably on the proposals for increased highway and
aviation fuel taxes and for a number of other fees or charges.
The present highway fuel tax rate should be increased by one-half cent
per gallon and the resulting rate of 4%2 cents should be continued through
I972. This step is necessary to permit timely completion of the Interstate
System. It will also make possible the repeal of the unwise diversion
from the general fund to the trust fund of excise tax receipts amounting
to 5% of the manufacturers' price of passenger automobiles and automobile parts and accessories; this diversion is presently scheduled by law to
begin July I, i96i, and to continue for the fiscal years i962 through
I964. The Congress should also raise the excise tax rate on aviation
gasoline from 2 to 4%2 cents per gallon; impose the same excise tax rate
on jet fuels, now untaxed; and retain the receipts from these taxes in the
general fund to help pay the cost of the Federal airways system. Other
aspects of these recommendations are set forth in the discussion of transportation programs in this message.
ESTIMATED SAVINGS TO THE GENERAL TAXPAYERS FROM MORE ADEQUATE FEES
AND CHARGES
[In millions]
Fiscal
year
Proposal i 962
Increase postal rates.................................................. $843
Support highway expenditures by highway use taxes:
Repeal pending diversion of general fund excise taxes to trust fund (and
increase motor fuel tax).....................................o......81
Transfer financing of forest and public lands highways to trust fund.... 38
Charge users for share of cost of Federal airways:
Increase taxes on aviation gasoline and retain in general fund........ 38
Tax jet fuels................................................ 62
Increase patent fees..................................................... 7
Increase miscellaneous fees now below costs.................................
Total savings............................................. 1,807
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Public Papers of the Presidents
PUBLIC DEBT.-Achievement of the proposed budget surplus for 1962
will enable the Federal Government to make another modest reduction
in the public debt. It is estimated that the public debt, which stood at
$286.3 billion on June 30, 1960, will decline to $284.9 billion by the end
of fiscal year 196I and to $283.4 billion on June 30, I962.
If the Congress accepts the proposals in this budget, and the proposed
budget surplus for fiscal year 1962 is achieved, at the end of that year the
Government will have some operating leeway within the permanent debt
limit of $285 billion. Due to the seasonal pattern of tax collections,
however, it will again be necessary for the Congress to provide a temporary
increase in the debt limit during 1962. The present temporary debt limit
of $293 billion expires June 30, 196I.
The Congress is again urged to remove the 4/4 % statutory limitation
on new issues of Treasury bonds, which remains a serious obstacle to
efficient long-run management of the public debt. The marketable debt
is still too heavily concentrated in securities of relatively short maturity,
with almost 8o % of the total coming due within 5 years. Although interest rates have declined in recent months, the continued existence of the
interest rate ceiling limits the flexibility of debt operations by the Treasury. It effectively prevents the Treasury under certain circumstances
from lengthening the debt by offering longer term securities or exchanges
at maturity and, more importantly, it reduces considerably the possible
use of the advance refunding technique, which offers the greatest promise
for lengthening the average maturity of the debt.
RECEIPTS FROM AND PAYMENTS TO THE PUBLIC
The budget totals exclude the transactions of funds held in trust by the
Federal Government as well as certain other transactions affecting the
flow of money between the public and the Federal Government as a
whole. Trust fund operations are an important factor in this flow and
are consolidated with budget transactions to measure the Federal Government's cash receipts from and payments to the public. In this consolidation, certain transactions involving no flow of cash between the
Government and the public are eliminated.
Expenditures from trust funds are financed through taxes and other
receipts which are specifically designated to serve the special purposes
for which the funds were established. About one-half of total trust
fund transactions are accounted for by the old-age and survivors insur
942
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(l 4I4
ance system. Other important programs carried on through trust funds
include the railroad retirement system, the Federal employees' retirement
systems, disability insurance, unemployment compensation, grants for
highway construction, purchase of insured and guaranteed mortgages,
and veterans life insurance. In certain areas of Government activity,
notably labor and welfare, trust fund expenditures far exceed the
amounts spent through budget funds and, with the taxes levied to finance
them, exert a considerable influence on the economy of the Nation.
Total receipts and expenditures of trust funds more than tripled during
the decade of the fifties, and passed the $20 billion mark in I960. In
i962, they are both estimated to total $25.2 billion. Total receipts from
the public in I962 are estimated at $I03.i billion and payments to the
public at $IoI.8 billion, with a resulting excess of receipts of $I.3 billion.
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RECEIPTS FROM AND PAYMENTS TO THE PUBLIC
[Fiscal years. In billions]
1960 1961 I962
actual estimate estimate
Receipts from the public............................ $95. I $99. 0 $103. I
Payments to the public............................. 94. 3 97. 9 ioi. 8
Excess of receipts over payments.....................~. 8 + I. I + I. 3
IMPROVEMENTS IN THE TAX SYSTEM
There is a continuing need for a reappraisal of the tax system to
assure that it operates equitably and with a minimum of repressive
effects on incentives to work, save, and invest. Continued close cooperation between the Treasury and the committees of the Congress is
necessary to formulate sound and attainable proposals for the long-range
improvement of the tax laws.
However, as the development of a comprehensive tax revision program
will take time, the Congress should consider promptly this year certain
changes in the tax laws to correct inequities. For example, it is again
recommended that the Congress promptly consider amending the laws
on taxation of cooperatives to provide for more equitable taxation by
insuring that taxes are paid on the income of these businesses either by
the cooperative or by its members.
It has been many years since certain of the tax laws which now apply
to the Nation's various private lending institutions and to fire and casualty insurance companies became effective. The Congress should re
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Public Papers of the Presidents
view these statutes and the tax burdens now carried by lending institutions and insurance companies to determine whether or not inequities
exist and to remedy any inequitable situations which may be found.
The Treasury Department has under way studies relating to the operation
of the existing statutes in this area. These studies should be of assistance
to the Congress in any such review.
There is a need for review of present depreciation allowances and
procedures. More liberal and flexible depreciation can make a major
contribution toward neutralizing the deterrent effects of high tax rates
on investment. A better system of capital recovery allowances would
provide benefits to those who invest in productive plant and equipment
and would encourage business expenditures for modernization and
greater efficiency, thus helping to foster long-range economic growth.
By bringing the allowances for American business more nearly into line
with those available to many foreign producers, improved depreciation
procedures would not only strengthen the competitive position of American producers, but their benefits would also accrue to American workers
through increased productivity and greater job opportunity.
The depreciation rules should not be substantially liberalized, however,
without accompanying remedial legislation with respect to the taxation
of gains from sale of depreciable property. The legislation recommended last year to treat income on disposition of depreciable property
as ordinary income to the extent of the depreciation deductions previously taken on the property is an essential first step.
IMPROVEMENTS IN GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION
During the past 8 years major improvements have been made in the
organization of the executive branch of the Government. An executive
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare was established to give
Cabinet status to its important programs. The organization of the Department of Defense was strengthened to bring it more closely into line
with the requirements of modern warfare. A National Aeronautics and
Space Administration was created to provide effective civilian leadership
over appropriate parts of our national space program. The Council of
Economic Advisers was reconstituted and reorganized to strengthen its
internal administration and clarify its relationships with the President.
Functions of coordinating governmental planning for defense mobilization
and civil defense were consolidated. The establishment of the Federal
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I 4I4
Aviation Agency brought about substantial improvements in aviation
programs.
Many of the numerous organizational improvements were effected by
Presidential reorganization plans authorized by the Reorganization Act
of I949, which has now expired. The Congress should renew that authority and make it permanently available for all future Presidents in the
effective form as originally enacted. The task of conforming Government organization to current needs is a continuing one in our everchanging times.
Executive Office of the President.-The duties placed on the President
by the Constitution and the statutes demand the most careful attention
to the staffing and organization of the President's Office. While the present organization of the Executive Office of the President reflects many
constructive steps taken over a period of years, much remains to be done
to improve the facilities available to the President. The first requirement for improvement is for the Congress to give the President greater
flexibility in organizing his own Office to meet his great responsibilities.
Specifically, the Congress should enact legislation authorizing the President to reorganize the Executive Office of the President, including the authority to redistribute statutory functions among the units of the Office;
to change the names of units and titles of officers within the Office; to
make changes in the membership of statutory bodies in the Office; and,
within the limits of existing laws and available appropriations, to establish
new units in the Executive Office and fix the compensation of officers.
Such action would insure that future Presidents will possess the latitude to
design the working structure of the Presidential office as they deem necessary for the effective conduct of their duties under the Constitution and
the laws. Enactment of such legislation would be a major step forward
in strengthening the Office of the President for the critical tests that will
surely continue to face our Nation in the years to come. These matters
are obviously devoid of partisan considerations.
My experience leads me to suggest the establishment of an Office of
Executive Management in the Executive Office of the President in which
would be grouped the staff functions necessary to assist the President in
the discharge of his managerial responsibilities. In an enterprise as large
and diversified as the executive branch of the Government, there is an
imperative need for effective and imaginative central management to
strengthen program planning and evaluation, promote efficiency, identify
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(I 4I4
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and eliminate waste and duplication, and coordinate numerous interagency operations within approved policy and statutory objectives. The
establishment of an Office of Executive Management is highly desirable to
help the President achieve the high standards of effective management
that the Congress and the people rightfully expect.
I have given much personal study to the assistance the President needs
in meeting the multitude of demands placed upon him in conducting
and correlating all aspects of foreign political, economic, social, and
military affairs. I have reached the conclusion that serious attention
should be given to providing in the President's Office an official ranking
higher than Cabinet members, possibly with the title of First Secretary
of the Government, to assist the President in consulting with the departments on the formulation of national security objectives, in coordinating
international programs, and in representing the President at meetings
with foreign officials above the rank of Foreign Minister and below the
rank of Head of State.
Recognizing the personal nature of the relationship of each President
to his Cabinet and staff, I am not submitting formal legislative proposals
to implement these latter two suggestions, but I do commend them for
earnest study.
Other improvements.-Several other organizational reforms should be
considered by the Congress:
First, a Department of Transportation should be established so as to
bring together at Cabinet level the presently fragmented Federal functions regarding transportation activities.
Second, legislation should be enacted to strengthen the position of the
chairmen of the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Federal Communications Commission, and the National Labor Relations Board by
vesting in them the executive and administrative duties of their agencies.
The legislation should provide that the Chairman of the Interstate Commerce Commission be designated by the President. These steps would
place these chairmen generally on a comparable basis with the chairmen
of other regulatory bodies. In the case of the National Labor Relations
Board, the legislation should vest all regulatory responsibilities under the
National Labor Relations Act in the Board. Additionally, the responsibility of the President to control and supervise the exercise of executive
functions by all Federal regulatory bodies should be clarified.
Third, action should be taken to consolidate the civil water resources
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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functions of the Corps of Engineers of the Department of the Army, the
Department of the Interior, and the responsibilities of the Federal Power
Commission for river basin surveys, in order to bring about long needed
improvements in the coordination of the increasingly important Federal
civil water resources activities.
REVIEW OF AUTHORIZATIONS AND EXPENDITURES BY MAJOR FUNCTIONS
The remaining sections of this message discuss the budget and legislative proposals for I962 in terms of the functions they serve. In the
following table, estimated expenditures for 1962 are compared with the
actual figures for 1960 and the current estimates for 1961 for each of 9
major functional categories.
The expenditure total for 1962 includes an allowance for contingencies,
which is intended to provide for unforeseen developments in existing
programs and for programs proposed in this budget but not itemized
separately.
BUDGET EXPENDITURES
[Fiscal years. In billions]
Function
Major national security......................
International affairs and finance...............
Commerce, housing, and space technology......
Agriculture and agricultural resources..........
Natural resources..........................
Labor and welfare...........................
Veterans services and benefits.................
Interest....................................
General government.........................
Allowance for contingencies...................
Total
Deduct interfund transactions (included in both
receipts and expenditures)..................
Budget expenditures....................
1Less than $50 million.
1960
actual
$45. 6
i.8
2.8
4. 8
I. 7
4.4
5. I
9.3
I. 7
77.2. 7
76.5
i96i
estimate
$45. 9
2. 3
3.8
4.9
2. 0
4.5
5. 2
9.0
2. 0
(1)
79. 6.7
78. 9
I962
estimate
$47.4
2. 7
3.4
5. I
2. I
4. 8
5.3
8.6
2. I. I
81. 5.7
8o. 9
MAJOR NATIONAL SECURITY
The deterrent power of our Armed Forces and the forces of our allies
is based on a carefully planned combination of nuclear retaliatory weapons systems together with worldwide deployment of ground, naval, and
air forces in essential forward areas, backed up by strong ready reserves.
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These forces make up a collective security system for the Free World
more versatile and powerful than any military alliance in world history.
Our Nation's objective in pursuing a policy of collective security is
peace with justice for all peoples. However, while we strive to eliminate
the fear of war among nations, we must maintain our military strength.
The recommendations made in this budget provide for an increasingly
strong defense posture along with a strong national economy.
Expenditures for major national security programs in fiscal year i962
are estimated to be $47,392 million, or $1,462 million more than for
1 961. The bulk of the increase is for the military functions of the Department of Defense, reflecting mainly evolutionary growth in our country's
defense programs. Military assistance in conjunction with the efforts of
our allies will continue to provide the Free World with modern weapons
and equipment, thus strengthening the collective defense. Programs of
the Atomic Energy Commission continue to emphasize weapons development and production while also providing increases for research and
development on peaceful applications of atomic energy. Expenditures
for stockpiling and for expansion of defense production will again decline
as nearly all stockpile objectives have been met.
MAJOR NATIONAL SECURITY
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obligational
1 960 1961 1962 authority
Program or agency actual estimate estimate for i962
Department of Defense-Military:
Military functions:
Present programs.............. $41, 215 $41, 500 $42, 879 $41, 809
Proposed retirement pay legislation.................. 1 3I..............................................3
Military assistance.................... I, 609 I, 700 I, 750 I, 8oo00
Atomic energy......................... 2, 623 2,660 2,680 2,598
Stockpiling and expansion of defense
production............................ 180 70 52 40
Total........................ 45,627 45,930 47,392 146,278
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $44,761 million enacted for 1960
and $45,912 million (including $289 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations) estimated for 1 96 1.
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE-MILITARY.-Recommended new obligational authority of $41,840 million for the military functions of the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 4I4
Department of Defense for fiscal year i962 reflects the continued policy
of adapting the Defense Establishment to expected long-run requirements.
Expenditures in i962 are estimated at $42,9I0 million, which is $1,4I0
million more than the estimate for the current fiscal year.
This increase reflects, in part, certain steps recently taken to increase
the readiness of our military commands. These steps can be financed
in i96i mainly within available appropriations. However, some supplemental appropriations will be required for this year and are included
in this budget.
The recommendations for i962 continue a strong posture of readiness
and add to the capability of our military forces.
To take full advantage of the results of scientific and technological
developments, rapid and sometimes drastic changes must continually be
made in military forces and programs. Just a few years ago the United
States was programing twice as much money for manned bomber
systems as for strategic missile systems. The budget for the coming fiscal
year, by contrast, programs more than four times as much for strategic
missile systems as for manned bomber systems. Similarly, defense against
ballistic missile attack took only a small part of the total capital investment in continental air defense as recently as the fiscal year I 957, whereas
in the coming fiscal year it will be a substantial percentage of the total.
There has been a gradual shift from guns to missiles on surface ships,
and from conventional to nuclear power for submarines. For surface
ships, the relative utility of nuclear or conventional power is a question
that requires case by case consideration in each year's shipbuilding program. In total, there has been an increased emphasis on versatile and
modern multipurpose military units equipped and prepared for all forms
of military action-from limited emergencies to a general war.
Forces and military personnel.-To carry out basic military missions,
this budget provides for a total strength in our Active Forces of 2,492,900
men and women on June 30, i962, the same as now estimated for the end
of fiscal year i 96 I and 4,000 over the year-end strength originally planned
for this year. A supplemental appropriation is being requested to provide
for this i96i increase, which is primarily to bring our naval forces to a
greater degree of preparedness.
The Active Forces to be supported include an Army of I 4 divisions
and 870,000 men; a Navy of 8I7 active ships and 625,000 men; a
Marine Corps of 3 divisions and 3 aircraft wings with I75,000 men;
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and an Air Force of 84 combat wings and 822,900 men.
Worldwide deployment of these forces, and of civilian employees of
the Department of Defense as well, requires a considerable amount of
travel to and from duty stations. The dollar limitation on travel established by the Congress in the 1961 appropriation for the Department is
not sufficient to cover all essential travel costs of military and civilian
personnel. Accordingly, it is recommended that this limitation be increased by $54 million for the fiscal year 1961 and that no limitation be
imposed for 1962.
If the reserve components of our Armed Forces are to serve effectively
in time of war, their basic organization and objectives must conform to
the changing character and missions of the Active Forces. Under modern conditions the quality and combat readiness of the reserve forces
are more important than numbers. The nature of warfare has changed
so drastically during the last decade that the whole concept of the roles
and missions of the reserve forces must be reevaluated.
Accordingly, the Secretary of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff
have been directed to make a new study of the reserve missions and
requirements. This should be aimed at the objectives of efficiency,
economy, and promoting administrative effectiveness. As a first step
toward a more fundamental revision, this budget provides for a reduction in the number in the Army National Guard and Army Reserve paid
for participation in reserve training from the present 400,000 and
300,000, respectively, to 360,000 and 270,000 by the end of fiscal year
1962. These recommended reserve personnel strengths are fully adequate to meet the needs of our national defense. The statutory minimum
placed on the personnel strength of the Army National Guard in the
1961 Department of Defense Appropriation Act should not be continued.
The excess strengths which have been provided by the Congress above
my recommendations in the last several years are unnecessarily costing
the American people over $80 million annually and have been too long
based on other than strictly military needs. Even with the proposed
lower reserve personnel strengths, the cost of pay, allowances, travel, and
operation and maintenance for the military reserves will amount to well
over $I billion in 1962.
Strategic forces.-The strategic forces provided for in this budget
consist of a combination of nuclear weapons systems of land-based and
carrier-based aircraft, fixed and mobile missiles of intercontinental and
950
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 960q
(I 414
intermediate range, and overseas missile systems under the military command of mutual defense treaty organizations. The composite capability
of these forces represents an enormous destructive potential and should
deter any potential aggressor.
Up to the present time our strategic striking forces have relied in large
measure on manned bombers. Manned bombers-both land-based and
carrier-based-will continue to be required. However, with the advent
of operational missile systems, more and more of the strategic force in
the years ahead will be composed of fixed-base and mobile ballistic missiles-both land- and sea-based. The recommendations in this budget
reflect this change.
By the end of fiscal year I962, the largest part of the planned squadrons of the Atlas ballistic missile system will be operational, and a significant number of the planned Titan missiles will be in place and ready.
The solid propellant Minuteman missile system is now well along in
development, and the first missiles are scheduled to become operational
during the calendar year i962. Funds are requested for 5 additional
Polaris submarines, making a total of i9 submarines which will have
been fully funded, and for the procurement of long leadtime components
of 5 more; procurement of the appropriate number of Polaris missiles to
arm these submarines is also planned, as is the continued development
of a much longer range version of the Polaris missile.
Thor and Jupiter intermediate range ballistic missiles, provided to our
allies overseas under the military assistance portion of the mutual security
program, add still another important element of strength to the strategic
forces.
All production of B-52 and B-58 manned bomber aircraft is scheduled
to end in the calendar year i 962. However, as indicated in my special
message to the Congress last August, additional effort is being devoted
to the development of the B-70 long-range bomber. Funds are included
in this budget to continue work in I962 on the airframe and engine, and
on the essential subsystems.
In addition to the forces equipped uniquely for nuclear attack, the
tactical fighters and missiles of the Air Force also contribute importantly
to our strategic capability. Deployed overseas, with an increasing allweather strike capability, these tactical forces can deliver megaton-class
nuclear weapons to potential enemy targets.
As a further step in strengthening the strategic forces, the Navy has
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been authorized to increase significantly the proportion of attack aircraft
aboard carriers of the 6th and 7th Fleets. This action will substantially
increase the capability of those fleets to strike enemy targets.
The very diversity of our weapons systems has created an increasing
need for fully integrated operational planning. To meet this need, the
Secretary of Defense has established a special staff group composed of
members of the services and representatives of unified commands contributing forces to our nuclear strike capability. I have recently approved
the integrated strategic operational plan prepared by that group and
recommended by the Secretary of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
The advent of nuclear-armed intercontinental ballistic missiles in the
hands of a potential adversary has confronted this Nation with a problem
entirely new to its experience. The speed with which these weapons
could be delivered against us and their tremendous destructive power make
them suited to use by an enemy for surprise attack. Accordingly, this
budget will continue the major effort under way during the last few
years to increase the protection of our forces from surprise attack. Except
for the first few squadrons of Atlas, all Atlas and Titan missiles are
being deployed in hardened underground sites. All fixed-base Minuteman missiles will be so deployed. There will also be mobile squadrons
of the Minuteman. The submarine Polaris system, of course, lends itself
ideally to mobility and concealment and should be able to survive under
all conditions.
There has also been an intensive effort to make the manned bomber
force increasingly less vulnerable. Some 4 years ago the Air Force began
the dispersal of these aircraft and commenced construction of special alert
facilities to assure that one-third of the force could be airborne within I5
minutes of warning of an attack. Both of these programs are substantially completed. Under emergency conditions, the long-range bomber
force could also use a large number of additional bases throughout the
country.
As a further measure, steps have been taken to provide the heavy
bomber force with an airborne alert capability. Funds are provided in
this budget to continue to train crews and to acquire spare parts and other
materiel so that a substantial portion of the heavy bomber force could
immediately mount a 24-hours-a-day, 365-days-a-year airborne alert,
should that step ever become necessary in an emergency.
Air defense forces.-The emergence of the ballistic missile threat has,
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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of course, required a revamping of our air defense forces. The speed and
destructiveness of the nuclear armed ballistic missile have placed an extremely high premium on timely warning of an attack. Therefore, systems designed to provide such warning have been receiving urgent
attention.
The ground-based Ballistic Missile Early Warning System (BMEWS),
involving a cost of nearly a billion dollars, has already been largely
financed. Work on this system has been greatly accelerated and is
proceeding as fast as practicable. The first of the three sites is now in
operation. The second site will be in operation this year, substantially
increasing the coverage. The third site is planned to become operational
somewhat later. When the entire system is in full operation, our air
defense forces and civilian population, as well as the strategic retaliatory
forces, should have 15 minutes of warning of intercontinental ballistic
missile attack.
The matter of reliable warning of ballistic missile attack is of such
crucial importance to the safety of the Nation, however, that a number
of other approaches are also being explored. The most advanced of these
is the satellite-borne missile early warning system, Midas, which is now
under accelerated development. Midas is designed to detect an enemy
missile attack at the time of launching; this could about double the amount
of warning time available to our military forces and civilian population.
Substantial funds are included in this budget to continue development of
this system at a high rate.
With the increasing reliability, accuracy, payload, and sophistication
of the ballistic missile, our problem of safeguarding against surprise attack
will become ever more onerous. Development of an active defense against
ballistic missiles is progressing. The Nike-Zeus antimissile system is proceeding under the highest national priority, and funds for its Pacific
range test facilities are included in this budget. Funds should not be
committed to production until development tests are satisfactorily
completed.
The entire problem of detection, tracking, and destruction of the
attacking missile must be dealt with as a whole. Every avenue of research
which offers any reasonable chance of success must be explored beyond
the present frontiers of knowledge. That is the purpose of the group of
studies now under way, which has been designated by the Department
of Defense as Project Defender. Additional funds to continue this project
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Public Papers of the Presidents
through the coming fiscal year are also included in this budget.
As long as a manned bomber threat to this Nation exists, we shall have
to maintain a reasonable degree of defense against it. The Air Force
now has under way a large-scale program for improving the capability
of its existing fighter interceptor force, particularly against the low level
manned bomber. The Bomarc B ground-to-air-missile program has
already been funded. Production is going forward, and missiles will be
delivered to the air defense units over the next few years.. Additional
funds are recommended to complete and modernize the Nike-Hercules
ground-to-air-missile system.
The Bomarc B and Nike-Hercules, together with the early models of
these missiles and the very substantial force of supersonic manned interceptors armed with air-to-air guided missiles, provide a formidable defense against manned bomber attack. To provide the detection, warning,
and control for these forces, an extensive network of radars and communications lines is being maintained and modernized. Funds for
additional construction and for the procurement of equipment are
included in this budget.
Sea control forces.-Control of the seas is vital to the maintenance of
our national security. The naval forces, which are being provided during
this fiscal year with new combat ships and increased personnel, carry
the primary responsibility for this important mission.
The i962 budget provides for active naval forces consisting of 8I7
combatant and support ships, including I4 attack carriers, i6 attack
carrier air groups, i i carrier antisubmarine air groups, and 37 patrol and
warning air squadrons.
New and modernized ships to be delivered in i962 from prior year
authorizations will enhance the combat capability of the naval forces and
permit the replacement of older ships. Among the new and modernized
ships to join the fleet in 1962 will be the first nuclear-powered attack
aircraft, the Enterprise; the first nuclear-powered cruiser, the Long Beach,
armed with Talos and Terrier surface-to-air missiles; three nuclearpowered attack submarines; four Polaris submarines; and several guided
missile destroyers.
The I962 shipbuilding program provided in this budget will further
improve the fleet and help offset the increasing number of over-age ships.
The program consists of construction of 30 new ships and conversion of
22 others. In addition to the 5 Polaris fleet ballistic missile submarines,
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
<J 4I4
new ships will include 7 guided missile frigates, 3 nuclear-powered attack
submarines, 6 escort vessels, and 9 amphibious, supply, and research ships.
The conversion program includes 14 destroyers, I communications relay
ship, I missile range instrumentation ship, and 6 conventionally powered
attack submarines.
A great deal of emphasis in the 1962 shipbuilding program is on antisubmarine warfare. Progress has been made in antisubmarine warfare
organization and tactics. Improvements have been made in weapons
and equipment, particularly antisubmarine rockets, torpedoes, and sound
detection gear. However, the fast, deep running, nuclear-powered submarine of today is exceedingly difficult to detect and attack. An increase
in the capability to detect and destroy enemy submarines is needed.
Additional funds are requested in this budget for research and development in this area.
Tactical forces.-The tactical forces include ground, naval, and air
elements which are organized and trained to deal with cold war emergencies and limited war situations, as well as to be prepared for combat
roles in the event of a general war. Recommendations in this budget
will continue the modernization and improve the effectiveness of the
tactical forces.
This budget provides for a further increase in procurement for the
ground forces. Procurement of additional quantities of rifles and
machineguns employing standard ammunition of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization will fill the high priority needs of the Army and
Marine Corps forces; the M-I 13 armored personnel carrier will be made
available for high priority active Army forces; the M-6o tank will be
provided for the Army's highest priority deployed forces; and increasing
quantities of new field communications equipment, vehicles, and selfpropelled weapons will be produced.
The Army and Marine Corps will continue to buy a wide variety of
tactical guided missiles and rockets, including initial quantities of the
Pershing, a solid-propellant missile; a new lightweight shoulder-fired
assault weapon; the Davy Crockett, which provides infantry units with
a close range atomic support weapon; and missiles such as Hawk and
Redeye for defense of field forces against air attack.
Army aircraft procurement proposed for 1962 provides for 26I new
aircraft compared to 229 in the I96I program, and includes funds for
surveillance and utility planes, as well as for medium cargo helicopters.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
The tactical forces of the Army are supported by the tactical air wings
of the Air Force, which will also be provided with an increased capability
under these budget recommendations. Funds are provided for continued
procurement of F-iO5 supersonic all-weather fighter-bombers. These
aircraft, with their low-altitude performance characteristics and large
carrying capacities for both nuclear and non-nuclear weapons, will
strengthen significantly the air support available to tactical ground units.
Continued modernization of our existing fleet of military airlift aircraft
is needed. Although the cargo and troop transport airlift now available
is generally adequate, much of the fleet is approaching obsolescence.
Last year a program was started to acquire the best existing transports
for the most immediate needs and also to develop a new aircraft specifically designed for cargo and transport needs. The budget includes funds
to continue the orderly development of this program.
Proposed legislation.-Legislation is again recommended to make the
necessary adjustments in military retirement pay so as to reestablish for all
retired personnel the traditional relationship of their pay with active duty
pay. This relationship was broken for those retired prior to June I, I 958,
when the I958 Military Pay Act increased active duty pay without a
comparable increase for those on the retirement rolls. The people affected
are in most cases those who have fought through two or three of our
major wars. Legislation to correct this situation should no longer be
delayed.
Basic long lines communications systems in Alaska which are now operated by the Army, Air Force, and the Federal Aviation Agency should
be sold to private enterprise for operation and development under appropriate regulatory supervision. Legislation is recommended which will
permit the sale of these Government-owned communications facilities
under adequate safeguards.
The need for maintaining the relatively small naval petroleum reserves
for strictly military purposes no longer exists. Legislation is therefore
recommended to transfer responsibility for the administration of these
petroleum reserves from the Department of the Navy to the Department
of the Interior.
The need for manned aircraft, and for the pilots and other persons
necessary to fly them, is declining gradually as more and more missiles
enter the inventory of our operating forces. During the transitional
period it will be necessary to remove from flying status a number of
956
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g96o
( 4I4
officers whose professional and managerial skills are still required by
the services. The complete loss of flight pay which such removal now
entails would represent a serious hardship to many officers who have
served their country well and who believed they would qualify for flight
pay as long as they maintained their flying proficiency. To, help ease
the transition which this group faces as a result of conversion to new
weapons systems, the Congress should make provision for appropriate
financial relief by reducing flight pay gradually for officers removed
from flying status because of changing technology.
The provision of section 4I2(b) of the Military Construction Act of
1959 requiring prior congressional authorization of appropriations for
the procurement of aircraft, missiles, and naval vessels is inappropriate
and should be repealed. Pending its repeal, the required authorizations for i962 should be enacted promptly so that national security
planning and preparation can go forward with the least possible delay.
Further, in enacting the authorizations, the Congress should allow flexibility in the administration of the Department of Defense procurement
programs to meet changing threats and take advantage of technological
breakthroughs.
The Capehart military family housing program has admirably served
its purpose. Over the last 6 years, more than oo100,000ooo such family units
were provided at a time when they were badly needed. It is now
apparent that the most urgent family housing needs of the Department
of Defense have been met. However, in order to place under contract
presently authorized projects and to provide for a final increment of
2,025 units in I962, it is recommended that a i-year extension of the
existing authority be enacted.
In I958, I recommended to the Congress a comprehensive program
for reorganizing the Department of Defense. While many of these
recommendations were enacted, and substantial progress has been made
in implementing them, one area still needing attention is the method
of providing funds for the Department. As a first step, appropriations
have now been enacted on a broad category basis but with specific
limitations by Service. I now recommend that the Congress, in acting
upon the appropriation structure for the fiscal year I962 for the Department of Defense, give earnest consideration to a plan which would
make the necessary authorizations and appropriations to that Department
to be administered by the Secretary, but with a substructure of sufficient
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identification which will retain for the Congress its constitutional prerogatives of raising and supporting the military forces of the United States.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization.-The evolutionary changes in
warfare that have taken place over the last decade have had a profound
effect on the military plans and programs of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization. These plans are again being reviewed and studied to take
account of new weapons, better organization of the NATO military forces,
and more direct channels of command to carry out NATO objectives
effectively.
It is expected that the revised military plans for NATO will recognize
the changes that have taken place. However, the menace of Communist
military strength is growing. The NATO alliance remains vital to the
security of the United States, no less than to the security of the other
NATO allies. The United States will continue to contribute to the
constructive and defensive tasks it has assumed.
Some changes in U.S. force deployments may become advisable in
light of continuing studies of overall U.S. programs. Nevertheless, the
United States will continue to provide a fully effective strategic deterrent
force and will contribute to the forward deployed forces of NATO.
MILITARY ASSISTANCE.-U.S. military planning has long recognized
the importance of allied forces in maintaining the security of the free
world. Military assistance under the mutual security program helps to
strengthen the forces of more than 40 nations. New obligational authority of $i.8 billion is recommended for military assistance for i962
to provide training and materiel for essential maintenance and modernization of forces in the countries receiving aid.
In light of the expanding scope and cost of vital military programs
being borne by the United States, we cannot continue indefinitely to
provide military equipment on a grant basis to nations which now have
the economic and financial capability to shoulder more of the burden of
the common defense. The recent improvement in the financial position
of many of our allies has highlighted the need for greater sharing of this
burden.
Some of the Western European countries have now assumed full financial responsibility for equipping their own military forces, in which the
United States had assisted earlier. We are confident that as full partners
in the common defense all nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization who are able to assume this responsibility will do so. In I962,
958
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
'9 4I4
military assistance to our Western European allies will be concentrated
on selected types of new weapons and on the training required for their
effective use.
This budget also reflects the continuing need to develop and maintain
effective forces in other nations which are faced with serious threats of
internal subversion or external aggression. Individually, and within mutual defense organizations, such as the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO),
these forces play vital roles in the defense of vast areas, predominantly
in Asia and the Near East. Assistance to these nations will be concentrated largely on the strengthening of conventional forces. In addition
to its military value, this assistance in the common defense effort contributes to the sharing of technical knowledge and strengthens the bonds
of friendship and mutual respect among the nations of the Free World.
ATOMIC ENERGY ACTIVITIES.-In I 962, expenditures by the Atomic
Energy Commission are estimated to be $2,680 million, compared with
an estimated $2,660 million in I96I. There will be increases in several
program areas, but these will be largely offset by reductions elsewhere,
notably in the procurement of uranium concentrates.
Expenditures for the production of nuclear weapons in i962 will increase over i96i, while those for the development of weapons will continue at the same rate. Work will be carried forward in I962 to improve
methods for seismic detection of underground nuclear weapons tests.
The Atomic Energy Commission is also cooperating with the Department
of Defense in the improvement of methods for detecting high altitude
tests.
In the naval reactor program, continued efforts will be made to develop longer lived nuclear fuel. The development of a nuclear ramjet
engine for missiles and of nuclear plowerplants for use at remote military
installations will be pursued. The efforts to develop a nuclear engine
for military aircraft will be continued in I962 on one technical approach.
Peaceful uses of atomic energy.-Fundamental to progress in the
peaceful uses of atomic energy is a sound and balanced program of basic
research in the physical and life sciences. An important segment of this
work is high energy physics. Last July, the United States began operating the alternating gradient synchrotron at the Atomic Energy Commission's Brookhaven National Laboratory on Long Island at the highest
energy level ever attained anywhere in the world. During fiscal year
959
e9 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
i962 two more high energy accelerators, at Cambridge, Mass., and
Princeton, N.J., will begin operation. A high intensity accelerator is
under construction at the Commission's Argonne National Laboratory
near Chicago, Ill. Legislation is again proposed to authorize construction at Stanford University of a high energy linear electron accelerator
which will be 2 miles long.
The development of civilian atomic power is being carried forward
intensively. Expenditures of $250 million estimated for i962 will Support major development efforts on seven reactor types, and preliminary
studies and experimental work on a number of other reactor concepts.
The breadth and scope of our technology in this field are unmatched in
the world.
The next i8 months will see further advances toward our long-term
objective of making atomic energy an alternative and economic source of
power at home and abroad. The total number of major Governmentowned experimental power reactors in operation will increase by 5 to a
total of io, and the number of power reactors operating in public and
private utility systems will increase from 3 to IO. The i962 budget
proposes additional funds for cooperative arrangements with private and
public power groups in undertaking atomic power projects which would
further the objectives of the program.
Jointly with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, the
Atomic Energy Commission is pursuing Project Rover to develop a
nuclear powered rocket for possible future space missions. Expenditures
for this project will increase in i962. Continued emphasis will be given
to development of small, long-lived nuclear power sources for space
vehicles and other special applications. With the completion of a major
experimental device in i96i, expenditures for long-term development
of thermonuclear power will decrease somewhat, but the research work
will continue at about current levels.
STOCKPILING AND EXPANSION OF DEFENSE PRODUCTION.-Expenditures
for stockpiling and expansion of defense production are estimated to
decrease from $70 million in I96I to $52 million in I 962, as outstanding
contracts for delivery of strategic materials are progressively completed
or terminated. Most of the objectives for the strategic stockpile are completed, and no new expansion programs are in prospect.
Of major concern now are the storage and maintenance of large quantities of strategic materials and the orderly disposal over a period of years
960
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
9 4I4
of surplus materials. Efficient management is hampered because these
materials are in several inventories, each subject to different statutory
requirements. Therefore, legislation is being developed to enable consolidation of the inventories of strategic materials and provide uniform
procedures for disposing of surplus materials whenever disposal will not
seriously disrupt markets or adversely affect our international relations.
NONMILITARY DEFENSE.-Closely related to the major national security
programs are the civil defense activities of the Government. These activities are discussed with other community facilities programs in the commerce, housing, and space technology section of this message, under which
the expenditures for civil and defense mobilization are classified.
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND FINANCE
The national security and prosperity of the United States under conditions of peace and freedom require us to maintain our position of world
leadership. Thus we must continue to assist in developing the resources
and skills needed in many parts of the non-Communist world for the
common defense and for economic growth.
Since the end of World War II, military and economic programs
launched by the United States have helped to make possible the reconstruction of Europe and have thwarted the advance of Communist
domination in most other areas. In recent years, the focus of these
efforts has been shifting increasingly to the broader and more difficult
problems of helping less-developed countries maintain their independence,
build the foundations of growth, and advance the welfare of their people.
Accordingly, increasing emphasis is being placed on such aspects of our
international programs as development loans, technical assistance, and
educational exchange. Greater use of multilateral channels is being
fostered.
Expenditures for international affairs and finance programs in fiscal
year 1962 are estimated at $2,712 million. The increase of $40I million
over 1961 expenditures is due mainly to a greater volume of loan disbursements by the Development Loan Fund, to the second payment of
our subscription to the Inter-American Development Bank, and to the
expansion of activities in Latin America and Africa.
New obligational authority of $3,IO2 million is recommended for fiscal
year 1962. This is a decrease of $105 million from the amount estimated
for I961. Increases for special assistance, commodity grant programs,
961
e9 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
and the second subscription to the Inter-American Development Bank
are more than offset by the nonrecurrence of the i96i supplemental
appropriation requested for the new Inter-American Social and Economic
Cooperation Program.
MUTUAL SECURITY PROGRAM.-The military portion of the mutual
security program was discussed as an integral part of our national security
effort in the preceding section of this message. For the total mutual
security program, this budget recommends new obligational authority of
$4,000 million for I962, of which $i,8oo million is for military assistance,
$I,950 million for economic and technical programs, and $250 million
for contingencies.
The I962 recommendation has been determined with consideration
for our present balance of payments situation and the steps being taken
to improve it. I have recently directed that the use of the funds provided
for assistance abroad should emphasize the purchase of the necessary
goods and services in the United States. Such foreign procurement as
may continue will be largely confined to less-developed countries, most
of which do not increase their dollar reserves to any significant extent
but tend rather to use their earnings to increase their imports.
Organization and financing of international programs.-Attention has
been given constantly to the problem of improving the organization and
administration of our international programs. For example, most of
the recommendations of the President's Committee To Study the Military
Assistance Program have already been fully or partially adopted. As
required by section 604 of the Mutual Security Act of I960, further
analysis is being made of ways to improve the overall management and
coordination of our various assistance programs. These studies will provide the basis for specific recommendations on organization later in the
year when the detailed mutual security program for I962 is presented
to the Congress. Other studies concerning possible changes in the appropriation structure are currently under way.
In addition to possible improvements in the organization of foreign
economic activities, the Congress is urged to consider means by which
funds can be provided through the normal budgetary process to meet the
needs of more than one specific fiscal year. This applies particularly to
programs of long-term economic development and technical assistance
962
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
4 4I4
in the training of manpower and the creation of basic economic, social,
and governmental institutions. The provision of longer term financing
should not only enable a more effective use of aid but, in the long run,
should be more economical.
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND FINANCE
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obligational
1960 I96I 1962 authority
actual estimate estimate for 1962
Program or agency
Economic and financial assistance:
Mutual security-economic:
Development Loan Fund...............
Defense support.......................
Special assistance......................
Technical cooperation..................
O ther..............
Mutual security-contingencies............
Subtotal, mutual security-economic and
contingencies....................
Inter-American Social and Economic Cooperation Program.........................
Inter-American Development Bank.........
International Development Association......
Export-Import Bank.....................
Commodity grants for emergency relief and
development abroad (title II, Public Law
480) and other.......................
Subtotal, economic and financial
assistance........
Conduct of foreign affairs:
Department of State, administration of foreign
affairs
Proposed legislation for Philippine claims....
Tariff Commission and other............
Foreign information and exchange activities:
United States Information Agency.........
Department of State, exchange of persons...
Total..............................
$202
74I
255
172
II4
129
$275
705
250
183
II2
150
$425
665
256
I90
1"9
220
$700
650
298
203
99
250
1,613 I, 675
1, 875 2,200
80
-323
74
-IOO
50
II0
62
-4
II0
62......
107 285 151 257
I, 477 1,934 2,243 2,628
215
4
113
24
1,833
210
4
125
37
2,310
228
49
3
138
50
2, 712
233
49
3
140
48
'3, 102
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $2,672 million enacted for I960 and
$3,207 million (including $666 million of anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for 1961.
963
( 414
Public Papers of the Presidents
MUTUAL SECURITY PROGRAM
[Fiscal years. In millions]
RecomBudget expenditures mended
--- new obligational
1 960 1961 1962 authority
actual estimate estimate for 1962
$1,609 $1,700 $1,750 $i,8oo
Program
Military assistance...............
Economic (including technical)
assistance......................... I, 484 I, 525 I, 655 I, 950
Contingencies...................... 129 150 220 250
Total, mutual security........... 3, 223 3, 375 3, 625 14, 000oo
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $3,226 million enacted for 1960
($I,331 million military, $1,895 million economic and contingencies) and $3,931 million estimated for 1961 ($i,8oo00 million military, $2,131 million economic and
contingencies).
Eligibility for assistance.-Legislation is again requested to allow
greater flexibility in providing assistance to certain countries which are
not in a position to meet the requirements of the Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act (Battle Act). Complex, time-consuming waiver procedures are now required for cases in which our own interests would be
clearly fostered by the prompt extension of aid to countries endeavoring
to reduce their dependence on the Soviet bloc.
ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE.-The efforts of less-developed
countries in mobilizing their domestic resources for economic growth will
have to be supplemented during the next decade by continued investment
from the economically more advanced countries. This investment will
have to come from four major sources.
First, an increasing share should be private capital, which could increase
directly the productive capacities within these countries. Among the
steps taken by the U.S. Government to foster this goal are the negotiation
of investment treaties and the provision of information on investment
opportunities. Efforts are also being made to use, where appropriate,
existing guarantee authority. Private sources, such as foundations and
other specialized groups, should also continue their substantial contributions to the overseas schools, hospitals, and churches, so important in
promoting democratic society.
Second, increased investment may be expected through international
organizations. In addition to the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development there are now the International Development Asso
964
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
'9 4I4
ciation and the Inter-American Development Bank. These institutions
are supported by contributions from many countries. Also, the United
Nations Special Fund is receiving increasing subscriptions from member
countries. Further, the Congress should authorize the United States to
join the countries of Europe and Canada in the new Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development which will replace the Organization for European Economic Cooperation. The new organization will
extend and invigorate the practice of consultation among its members and
will help find ways to facilitate the flow of investment funds to, lessdeveloped countries.
Third, a greatly increased share of the needed investment must come
from the bilateral programs of other industrialized nations. In the postWorld War II era many of the other developed countries have succeeded
in rebuilding their economies and have established a high rate of economic growth. In recent years they have substantially increased their
gold and foreign exchange reserves. The time has come for such countries to augment materially their financing of the growth of the lessdeveloped areas, and there is evidence of growing willingness on their
part to do so. Strenuous efforts are being made to, persuade our partner
nations to accelerate significantly the pace at which they are taking on
responsibilities for economic assistance as well as for the common defense.
Finally, common sense, goodwill, and national interest require that the
U.S. Government continue substantial assistance. The needs of the lessdeveloped countries cannot be met wholly by the efforts of private investors, international organizations, or other industrial countries.
Loans for economic development.-In i962, the United States will
pay the second installments of its subscriptions to both the International
Development Association and the Inter-American Development Bank.
However, successful development in many countries is dependent upon
additional loans from outside sources. The Export-Import Bank expects to commit $6o2 million for development loans, and this budget
proposes that $700 million be made available in i962 to the Development Loan Fund. Both agencies now have requests for a variety of
productive projects in such fields as electric power, transportation, and
industrial facilities. In some countries, such as India and Pakistan,
loans will be needed on a basis broader than individual projects to insure
the success of development plans.
There is a pressing need to approve financing for development projects
965
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Public Papers of the Presidents
in several countries over and above the level of funds presently available
to the Development Loan Fund. Accordingly, a supplemental appropriation of $I50 million for I96i is required. This supplemental request, if approved, together with funds already appropriated for 196I,
would make available the full amount requested in the I96I budget.
Mainly because of earlier commitments, expenditures by the Development Loan Fund are estimated at $425 million in I962, an increase of
$150 million over I96I. The Export-Import Bank plans to finance its
operations without incurring net budget expenditures in 1962 by encouraging private lenders to participate in its loan programs, by using funds
obtained from repayments and interest on prior loans, and by selling
notes from its large portfolio.
Loans of the Development Loan Fund will continue to be made repayable largely in local currencies in order not to draw on the limited
foreign exchange resources of the recipient countries.
Latin America.-A supplemental appropriation of $500 million is
recommended for I961 for the Inter-American Social and Economic
Cooperation Program which was authorized by the last Congress. This
amount represents the total authorization and therefore no further appropriation will be required for I962. These funds will be used for a
broad range of projects of direct benefit to the people of Latin America
in such fields as housing, education, agricultural improvements, and
land utilization.
When plans become firmer, a supplemental appropriation for I96I
should be requested for earthquake reconstruction in Chile under the
$I00oo million authorization enacted by the last Congress. To cover
interim needs a $20 million grant from mutual security contingency
funds has been made available to Chile, and surplus agricultural commodities valued at $29 million are being shipped under the Agricultural
Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480).
Defense support and special assistance.-New obligational authority
of $650 million for I962 is proposed for defense support, a reduction of
$25 million from I96I, and $298 million is recommended for special
assistance, an increase of $66 million over I96I. These programs not
only help maintain substantial military strength by free world countries
rimming the Soviet bloc, but also include special economic programs in
certain vital countries, and provide for the continuance of other special
programs such as malaria eradication. The increase in special assist966
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
Q 4I4
ance funds recommended for 1962 is due principally to the growing
need for aid to Africa. Other countries which have had a traditional
interest in that continent may be expected to continue the constructive
work started there, and their assistance, like ours, should increasingly
be channeled through an expanded United Nations effort which we
have proposed.
In estimating the requirements for defense support and special assistance, full account has again been taken of the substantial amount of economic assistance in the form of surplus agricultural commodities which
may be programed under Public Law 480. For I962, the budget estimates provide for placing almost complete reliance on Public Law 480
for financing the Government programs for export of surplus farm products, but the mutual security program will continue to finance exports
which cannot readily be programed under Public Law 480. The requirement that a specified portion of mutual security funds be used to finance
exports of these commodities should be eliminated.
Technical cooperation.-The scope and effectiveness of our technical
assistance activities have been expanding, and this trend may be expected to continue. Experience has shown that improved human resources within a country are just as vital to development as capital
assistance from without. New obligational authority of $203 million is
requested for 1962 for technical cooperation programs, compared with
$184 million enacted for 196. Part of the increase is for a larger contribution to the United Nations Special Fund and United Nations technical
assistance programs to support the continuing expansion of their work
which has been made possible by larger contributions from other countries.
Contingency fund and other assistance.-Events of the past year have
reemphasized the need for a fund to provide the President with the flexibility to meet international contingencies which cannot be foreseen in
the budget. The situation in Africa continues fluid, and major emergency
requirements are possible in other areas as well. To provide for such
contingencies new obligational authority of $250 million is recommended
under the mutual security program for 1962, about the same as provided
for I961. This is the minimum amount required for the coming year
consonant with the responsibilities of the President.
Funds are also authorized under the Mutual Security Act for administration and for contributions to specialized programs such as those for
refugees, Atoms for Peace, and children's welfare. For these purposes,
967
(I 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
new obligational authority of $99 million for i962 is recommended.
This amount is $6 million higher than available for i96i, due mainly to
expanding administrative needs in Africa and Latin America.
CONDUCT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.-In I962, the Department of State
plans to expand further its activities in three important areas of its work.
The number of diplomatic and consular posts in Africa is expected to
increase from 36 in i960 to 49 by the end of i962. A Disarmament
Administration has been established within the Department of State, and
expansion of this activity is proposed. The Department will also intensify
its efforts to increase U.S. exports, complementing efforts of the Department of Commerce.
During the calendar year I960, there were I7 countries in Africa
which gained their independence. Official representation with these new
governments must be established as early as possible and preparation must
be made for representation in other countries soon to become independent.
Because of the large number of new nations, a supplemental appropriation
for I96I is requested to cover costs of establishing new diplomatic and
consular posts in Africa and raising certain existing consulates to embassy
status.
Legislation previously recommended to authorize payment of certain
war damage claims of the Philippine Government should be enacted
at an early date. The Congress should also act promptly to remove the
existing reservation on acceptance by the United States of jurisdiction of
the International Court of Justice (the World Court).
FOREIGN INFORMATION AND EXCHANGE ACTIVITIES.-Substantial increases have been recommended in the I962 budget for exchange programs and the programs of the United States Information Agency in
Latin America and Africa, made possible, in part, by reductions in
activities in Western Europe. It is essential that these activities be
stepped up in these areas to the extent of our ability to do so effectively.
The i962 budget recognizes this need. However, if the developing situation indicates both a further need for additional resources and an ability
effectively to utilize them, we should stand ready to expand further these
efforts. In Africa, 2o new information centers requiring sizable initial
costs will be put into operation in i96i and i962, mostly in the newly
independent countries. In Latin America, special efforts will continue
toward expanding and strengthening activities of the binational cultural
centers. Construction of new, more powerful radio facilities for world968
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 4I4
wide broadcasting is under way in North Carolina, with completion
expected in December i962. Initial activities are under way toward the
construction of a radio facility in Liberia. In i962, further improvement of facilities of the Voice of America abroad is proposed by quintupling the transmitter power in the United Kingdom and by procurement of a transportable radio relay station to meet special needs on short
notice.
The budget also provides for an expansion of cultural presentation
activities and exhibits at international fairs abroad. Funds for this
purpose are included in the estimates for the United States Information
Agency instead of being appropriated to the President as in previous
years. The trade mission segment of the program is included in the
estimates for the Department of Commerce.
Activities under our cultural exchange agreement with the Soviet
Union continue to progress mainly under private auspices. There are
plans to exchange three Government-sponsored exhibits beginning this
spring, each of which will be shown in several cities. A supplemental
appropriation is proposed for i96i to take advantage of this opportunity
to demonstrate American achievements to a wide segment of the Russian
people.
Further expansion in the programs of the Department of State for
the exchange of persons is proposed in I 962, particularly in Africa. Continuing support of workshops and foreign university chairs in American
studies, as well as assistance to American-sponsored schools abroad, is
planned. An increase in the Department's new program of cultural
and educational development abroad will permit many new contacts
between foreign and American universities. The I962 estimates include
funds for the continued development of the Hawaii Center for Cultural
and Technical Interchange between East and West.
COMMERCE, HOUSING, AND SPACE TECHNOLOGY
The Federal Government provides a wide variety of aids to transportation, operates the postal service, fosters local and private initiative
in housing and urban renewal, provides financial and other aids to small
businesses and to areas suffering from substantial and persistent unemployment, and helps finance civil defense preparations. Expenditures
for many of these and other commerce and housing programs will continue to increase as workloads rise and past commitments for construction
969
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Public Papers of the Presidents
and expansion fall due. Moreover, the Government's outer space activities are requiring substantially increased expenditures. Nevertheless, the
total expenditures of $3.4 billion estimated for the fiscal year I962 for
commerce, housing, and space technology are $4I3 million less than the
expenditures now estimated for I96I, primarily because legislation is
proposed to increase postal rates and thus eliminate the postal deficit
financed from the general fund.
SPACE EXPLORATION AND FLIGHT TECHNOLOGY.-Civil space activities
being carried forward under the National Aeronautics and Space Administration include: (I) the development of larger and improved space
vehicles, new types of propulsion and equipment, and a wide range of
necessary supporting research and development; (2) the development
of systems of meteorological and communications satellites; and (3) the
search for new knowledge about the universe through unmanned, and
eventually manned, space exploration. The NASA also carries on research related to new and improved types of aircraft and missiles, chiefly
to support programs of the military services.
Expenditures for civil space programs are estimated at $965 million
during fiscal year 1962, which is $195 million more than in 1961 and
$564 million more than in I960. Appropriations of $I,I Io million for
I962, and supplemental appropriations of $50 million for I96I, are
recommended in this budget. Legislation is being proposed to authorize
the appropriations required for 1962 and to provide permanent authorization for later years. In addition, amendments to the National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958 are again being proposed to improve the
organization and management of the space programs.
We have just cause to be proud of the accomplishments of our space
programs to date and can look forward with confidence to future achievements which will succeed in extending ever further the horizons of our
knowledge.
The first attempts to develop communications systems have met with
outstanding success with both the Echo I passive communications satellite,
which has reflected signals between widely distant stations on the ground,
and the Courier active communications satellite of the Department of
Defense, which has stored and relayed messages transmitted to it from
the ground. We are now ready, therefore, to take the first steps leading
to a practical satellite communications system for commercial use. While
970
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
COMMERCE, HOUSING, AND SPACE TECHNOLOGY
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Budget expenditures
Program or agency
Space exploration and flight technology......
Promotion of aviation:
Federal Aviation Agency................
Civil Aeronautics Board..................
Promotion of water transportation:
Department of Commerce...............
Coast Guard.......................
Panama Canal Company................
Provision of highways......................
Postal service:
Public service costs...........
Postal deficit under present law............
Proposed rate revisions...................
Community development and facilities:
Urban Renewal Administration...........
Other..............
Public housing programs...................
Other aids to housing:
Federal Savings and Loan Insurance
Corporation:
Present program.....................
Proposed premium increase.............
Federal Housing Administration...........
Veterans housing loans:
Present program......................
Proposed limitation on eligibility.........
Federal National Mortgage Association.....
College housing loans....................
Farm housing loans and other.............
Other aids to business:
Small Business Administration........
Proposed area assistance legislation........
Other..........
Regulation of commerce and finance..........
Civil and defense mobilization.............
Disaster loans and relief....................
Total..............................
1960
actual
$40o
508
60
269
238
(1)
38
37
488
io8
22
I34
-20
-53
206
-30
201
-25
63
33
58
46
-2,
2, 782
I96I 1962
estimate estimate
$770 $965
640 730
87 82
279 338
262 272
I6 Io
39 (1) (2)
49 63
897 843
-I6o -843
I59 208
25 31
153 170
(I 414
Recommended
new obligational
authority
for I962
$I, II0
686
84
293
296
(2)
63
843
-843
3Io
4
183
53
150
285
100
12
24
83
71
73
104
9
8 3, 993
-35
3
I00
113
172
-39
68
56
67
50
I4
3, 784
-64
— I64
21
115
-30
75
200
26
94
o1
58
74
8I
7
3, 371
1 Less than one-half million dollars.
2 Reflects proposed financing of Federal-aid highways in national forests and public
lands from highway trust fund.
3 Compares with new obligational authority of $3,784 million enacted for I960 and
$4,6I2 million (including $203 million of anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for I96.
97I
([ 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
the special nature of space operations makes it necessary and proper for
the Government to take the lead in advancing the needed research and
development of satellites for commercial communications use and to
conduct the launchings, private industry should participate in the development phase and should be aggressively encouraged to assume the costs
of the establishment and operation of the commercial system. The recommendations in the I962 budget, including a supplemental estimate for
i96i, provide for moving ahead rapidly with the development of an
active communications satellite system for commercial use, and anticipate
that private concerns will provide $io million in i962 in support of the
program.
In the field of meteorology we have also achieved success with the Tiros
I and Tiros II satellites. The i962 recommendations provide for further
experiments with more advanced Tiros and Nimbus satellites, which may
provide the basis for an operational system for weather forecasting and
research.
In the program for manned space flight, the reliability of complex
booster, capsule, escape, and life-support components of the Mercury
system is now being tested to assure a safe manned ballistic flight into
space, and hopefully a manned orbital flight, in calendar year i96i.
Further testing and experimentation will be necessary to establish whether
there are any valid scientific reasons for extending manned space flight
beyond the Mercury program.
In unmanned space exploration, the scientific information received
from our earth satellites and space probes has taught us a great deal
about the earth and surrounding space. In the near future, the first
launching under the Ranger unmanned lunar exploration program will
take place. This program will eventually include the increasingly complex Surveyor and Prospector series. Investigations in the vicinity of the
planets Mars and Venus are planned under Project Mariner with initial
launchings scheduled for i962. Large earth-orbiting astronomical and
geophysical observatories are also planned as successors to our present
scientific satellites.
The success of many of the advanced projects planned for i962 and
future years will depend on the success of the new and powerful Centaur
and Saturn launch vehicles. Steady progress has been made on these
boosters, which use proven liquid propellant in the lower stages and
advanced liquid hydrogen propellant in the upper stages. The weight972
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e 4I4
lifting capability of the Saturn launch vehicle will surpass any currently
known to exist.
TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION.-Few segments of our economic system are more essential to economic growth and national defense
than an adequate and efficient transportation and communication network. This budget reflects important actions under way to modernize
Federal transportation and communication programs. As a basis for
future legislation, the Congress also has before it a comprehensive study
of our Nation's transportation system completed last year by the Secretary
of Commerce.
Aviation.-The expanded program to improve air traffic control and
navigation services, begun in 1957, is advancing rapidly under the direction of the Federal Aviation Agency. Over this period budget expenditures for the promotion of civil aviation have risen from $219 million to
an estimated $8 11 million for 1962. Large numbers of radars and instrument landing aids, as well as many new navigation aids and other airway
facilities, have been placed in operation. Substantial progress has been
made in achieving joint use of facilities for air defense and air traffic
management purposes. The improvements being provided and those
now under active development by the Federal Aviation Agency will help
assure accommodation of a growing volume of air traffic with maximum
safety and efficiency.
The continuing expansion of the modernization effort will cause expenditures of the Federal Aviation Agency to rise by $90 million to an
estimated $730 million in I962. New obligational authority of $686
million is being requested, primarily for procurement of additional equipment, for operating the airways system, and for conducting research and
development of new equipment and techniques.
New legislation is recommended to authorize appropriations for continuing Federal grants-in-aid for airport construction beyond I96I. In
this legislation, the present method of providing new obligational authority by contract authorization in substantive legislation should be
changed to appropriations which are subject to the normal executive
and congressional review process, but still provide for adequate advance
planning by localities. For I962, this budget includes recommended
appropriations of $40 million, which is $23 million less than the presently authorized level. The reduction reflects the sound policy that the
level should progressively be reduced and that, after a reasonable tran973
e9 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
sition period, users and benefiting communities should assume full responsibility for the construction of airports, which should be largely
self-financed.
Legislation is again recommended to establish a Federal corporation
to operate the Washington National and Dulles International Airports
in the Washington, D.C., metropolitan area. This arrangement will
provide greater management flexibility to meet changing requirements
and permit more business-like operations.
Subsidies to local-service airlines, including intra-Alaska operations
and helicopter services in Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York, continue
to be excessive. These Federal payments currently average about $i2
per passenger-trip for all trips of local-service carriers. The reduction
in subsidy expenditures of the Civil Aeronautics Board from $87 million
in i96i to $82 million in I962 reflects the large non-recurring payments
in i96i to reduce the backlog of unpaid subsidies from prior years rather
than any reduction in accruing subsidies. According to current Board
estimates, subsidies will rise to a peak in fiscal year i963 and will remain
above $8o million through i966. Strong demands for additional services and for new routes to smaller communities could cause further increases in subsidies because the potential traffic is inadequate to pay the
full costs of the services.
The dependence of these local-service carriers on the Federal Government should be reduced. Toward this end positive action is needed
from both the Civil Aeronautics Board and the Congress. The Board
should discontinue the least essential routes and stops in accordance with
its use-it-or-lose-it policy, and should also develop other means of limiting
Federal support. The Congress should review the basic promotional
policy of the Federal Aviation Act, giving special attention to the question of whether the national interest justifies continuing substantial Federal payments to sustain deficit operations for service to points with very
limited traffic.
Domestic trunk airlines, now self-supporting, provide more passenger
miles of transportation than any other common carriers. In view of this
evidence of the industry's growing maturity, the Congress should enact
legislation to make trunk lines ineligible for subsidies after a period of
subsidy-free operations. This will remove a potential burden on Federal
resources.
Airway user charges.-The civilian users of the Federal airways system
974
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 960q
'9 4I4
enjoy substantial benefits from the large and growing Government outlays for improved traffic control and navigation services. Federal costs
for operating and improving the airways system, excluding airport grants
and weather and other indirect services, now approach $6oo million a
year. It is wholly appropriate that civilian users begin to assume a
more reasonable share of these costs, most of which are now borne by
the general taxpayer.
To achieve this purpose, it is again recommended that the present tax
on aviation gasoline be increased from 2 to 4/2 cents per gallon and
that the 45/2-cent tax rate be extended to jet fuels, which are now tax
free. In addition, receipts from the existing and proposed aviation
gasoline taxes should be placed in the general fund rather than transferred to the highway trust fund as at present. There is no sound reason
for using these taxes to finance highway construction. The airlines
should be assured that these tax increases may be reflected promptly in
fare adjustments.
Promotion of water transportation.-The steadily rising cost of operating U.S. merchant ships is seriously hampering our efforts to achieve
a healthy, competitive merchant marine industry. Net expenditures by
the Department of Commerce, chiefly the Maritime Administration, in
i962 are estimated at $338 million, up from $279 million in i96i. Expenditures for replacement of war-built cargo ships are estimated to rise
by $23 million, and outlays for operating subsidies are expected to be
$32 million more than in I 96 I.
In order to assist the shipping industry to achieve lower costs and a
stronger competitive position, the Government has recently initiated a
new research and development program. A primary objective of this
program is to make available the new equipment necessary to mechanize
shipboard operations along the lines already well established in shoreside
industries. The full cooperation of Government, industry, and labor will
be required to assure the success of this program. Established practices
and legislative policies must be reassessed, and attention must be focused
on measures most likely to enhance the competitive position of U.S.
merchantmen in international trade. If the United States is to maintain
its position as a maritime nation, if the industry is to be reasonably
profitable and less dependent upon Government aid, and if maritime
employment is to be stable and wages high, continuous bold innovations
are necessary.
975
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Public Papers of the Presidents
It is again requested that the inflexible 3/2 % interest rate on ship
mortgage loans made by the Maritime Administration be replaced by
authority to charge the Government's full cost for such loans.
Expenditures by the Coast Guard are estimated at $272 million in
1962, which is $ I million more than in I96I. This increase reflects
the operation of new loran stations, higher repair and maintenance costs,
modernization of facilities, and replacement of equipment, such as patrol
vessels, rescue helicopters, and aids to navigation.
Construction will continue on the Balboa Bridge across the Panama
Canal. Widening of the canal from 300 to 500 feet in the area of the
Continental Divide will also continue, in order to accommodate increased
ship traffic. As a result of some increase in toll revenues and some
decrease in capital outlays, budget expenditures of the Panama Canal
Company in 1962 will be $6 million less than in I96I. The Company
should be authorized to reimburse the U.S. Treasury for various costs
associated with its operations which are not now recovered, including
the increased annuity payable to the Republic of Panama in accordance
with the treaty of I955, and legislation to this end is proposed.
Following extensive study, I have concluded that the commercial
activities of the Panama Steamship Line should be discontinued and the
Board of Directors of the Panama Canal Company has been requested
to take appropriate steps to do so. Commercial shippers now using the
Panama Line have been notified of this action, and complete cessation
of commercial activities of the Line is to be accomplished by February 0o,
I96I. Thereafter, the activities of the Line should be confined solely
to the transportation of passengers and freight for the account of the
Panama Canal Company and the Canal Zone Government. This action
will undoubtedly require a reappraisal of the Line's operations, including
a review of the need for supplying Company-owned shipping services to
the Panama Canal Company from the continental United States, in the
light of national maritime considerations and established Government
policy to avoid undue competition with private enterprise.
Highways.-The Interstate Highway System has progressed considerably since the enactment of the Highway Act of 1956, with almost Io,ooo
miles now open to traffic. Active work is under way on another I4,600
miles, of which approximately I,6oo miles are expected to be open to
traffic by the end of calendar year I96I. To continue this progress and
assure timely completion of the Interstate System, two important legis976
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
I 4 4
lative actions are required. The highway fuel tax should be increased
to 4%2 cents per gallon, as previously recommended, and the rate should
be continued at this level through 1972, instead of reverting to 3 cents
on July i, I96i, as provided by present law. The unwise diversion of
automotive excise taxes from the general fund to the highway trust fund,
also scheduled for July I, I961, should be rescinded.
Adoption of these recommendations will make it possible to complete
the Interstate System in I973 to meet the traffic needs for which it is
designed. The enactment of my previous recommendations to (i)
transfer financing of forest and public lands highways, which for the
most part are components of the Federal-aid systems, from the general
fund to the highway trust fund and (2) retain the receipts from aviation
gas taxes in the general fund, will not extend this planned completion
date. Under the proposed program, Federal payments from the trust
fund for highways in fiscal year I962 are estimated at $3,029 million,
up from $2,868 million in 196 1.
The Secretary of Commerce, in a report submitted to the Congress
this month, is presenting a current estimate of $37 billion as the total
Federal cost of the Interstate System. The estimated construction costs
of this 4I,ooo-mile system are about $i billion less than in the I958
estimate, but the new total includes the cost of highway planning and
administration not previously included.
Postal service.-During recent years, the Post Office Department has
been conducting a large-scale modernization program to improve the
delivery of mail and to reduce handling costs per unit. For example,
a new system of mail transportation and distribution is now providing
overnight delivery of letter mail within all principal metropolitan areas.
Modern mail processing systems with electronic and mechanical equipment developed under the direction of the Department are already in
operation in 17 major postal facilities, and similar installations will soon
be in use in 48 others.
While the modernization program has increased the efficiency of postal
operations and will contribute to savings in future costs, it cannot materially reduce the enormous postal deficit. In fiscal year 1962 this deficit
is estimated at $843 million, after deduction of the $63 million estimated
cost of services benefiting the public at large computed in accordance
with the principles used by the Congress in previous years. The deficit is
largely the result of the enactment by the Congress in the postwar years
977
e9 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
of postal pay increases without corresponding rate increases.
In the Postal Policy Act of I958, the Congress established the policy
that postal rates should be kept high enough to recover postal expenses
except for the cost of certain public services as fixed by appropriation
acts. In accordance with this policy, rate increases adequate to cover
such expenses were proposed to the Congress in 1959 and again in i960.
No rate legislation was enacted in either year. With record postal
deficits in prospect for the current fiscal year and for i962, rate increases
must be provided promptly to achieve a self-supporting postal service.
Accordingly, I strongly urge that additional revenue of $843 million be
provided for the fiscal year I 962 and that the higher rates be made effective by April I, i96i, in order to reduce the postal deficit for the fiscal
year I96I. Such action is necessary to eliminate the drain upon the
Treasury of this mounting deficit for which there is no justification in law
or in equity.
HOUSING AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT.-During the past decade,
housing construction and improvement have gone forward at the highest
level in history. The housing shortages of the postwar period have been
largely met, and the housing conditions of the great bulk of the population improved. At the same time, major new governmental and private
programs have begun to reverse the blight and deterioration afflicting
our urban areas. Thus, a solid base has been laid for greater progress
in the decade of the sixties.
In the future, as in the past, the best results will be obtained by
emphasizing leadership and financial participation by private industry
and by local and State public agencies. Federal assistance can be most
effective, most consistent with our free institutions, and least costly to the
taxpayers if it emphasizes the supplementary action needed to help
overcome obstacles to private and local accomplishment.
The major needs for the immediate future can best be met by assuring
private groups and local governments of the continuing availability of
existing Federal programs. Unfortunately, at the present time most
housing programs require legislative action at frequent intervals merely
to continue present operations. These programs are no longer experimental. Their continued availability should not depend upon the enactment of legislation which also often includes controversial changes.
Rather, the major existing housing programs, like most other Federal
programs, should be authorized permanently, subject only to normal
978
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e9 4I4
annual budgetary review by the executive branch and the Congress.
Urban renewal.-The nationwide program to rebuild and rehabilitate
our cities continues to grow. By the close of the current fiscal year, an
estimated 68 projects in 50 cities will be completed, another 577 projects
will be under way, and planning for 3 IO more will be in process. These
955 projects will ultimately have required a total of almost $2 billion in
Federal grants to pay two-thirds of the net cost. If present trends continue, approximately the same amount may also be needed for Federal
purchases of mortgages to finance construction of housing connected
with the same projects. This Federal aid will generate much greater
private and local investment and will result in substantial increases in
property values and in tax revenues to local public agencies.
This vital program should move forward on a basis which gives adequate assurance to local communities of continuing Federal assistance and
also places proper emphasis on local participation. Accordingly, permanent authority should replace the present annual statutory limitations on
Federal grants, with annual amounts provided through the normal appropriation process. Further, the local share in project costs should be
increased from one-third to one-half to reflect more adequately the
increases in local tax revenues and other direct benefits to the communities participating in the program. For the fiscal year i962 new obligational authority of $300 million is recommended.
Urban planning.-The various housing and urban renewal programs
and the Federal-aid highway program have important impacts on the
character and development of our rapidly growing metropolitan areas.
To help assure that these aids make the maximum contribution to sound
community development, the Secretary of Commerce and the Housing
and Home Finance Administrator have established a new procedure for
the joint use of urban planning grants and Federal-aid highway research
and planning funds for comprehensive metropolitan planning. This procedure is intended not only to produce better planning for the use of
Federal, State, and local funds, but also to encourage effective coordination and cooperation among the many local governments and the State
and Federal agencies engaged in metropolitan development activities.
To help carry out the new approach, as well as to aid mass-transit planning and to meet other expanding requirements, it is recommended that
the present statutory limitations on appropriations for urban planning
grants be removed and that the appropriation for such grants be increased
60295-61 -65
979
QI 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
to $ o million for 1962 from the $4 million appropriated for 96I.
Public housing programs.-By the close of the fiscal year 962 an estimated 522,000 federally aided public housing units will be occupied, and
construction will be underway on 49,000 more units. Another 49,000
units will be under contract for Federal contributions but construction
will not yet have been started on these units. In view of the large number of authorized units not yet under construction, no additional authorization is recommended in this budget. Expenditures for contributions
to local authorities will increase in 1962 largely because of subsidies
required on newly occupied units.
Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation.-A year ago legislation was recommended to provide needed increases in the insurance
reserve of the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation, which
insures the share accounts of institutions representing the largest source
of home mortgage financing. Because of the continuing rapid growth
of these institutions, the Corporation's reserves are still only o.66% of
the insured liability, and legislation is even more necessary now. Therefore, it is recommended that the present unnecessarily high requirement
for investment in stock of the Federal Home Loan banks be reduced, and
that insured savings and loan associations be required to make additional
prepayments of insurance premiums of approximately the amounts of
that reduction. The objective should be to build up the secondary reserves of the Corporation until total reserves reach 2 % of the insurance
liabilities. This proposal would cause a much more rapid increase in the
insurance reserves of the Corporation, by adding an extra $I64 million
in 1962. It would not significantly increase the costs to member associations, but would allocate more realistically the combined resources of
the Home Loan banks and the Corporation.
Insurance of private mortgages.-The Federal Housing Administration expects to increase its commitments to insure mortgages from about
800,000 housing units in the fiscal year 1961 to over 900,000 units in
1962; about 40% of the 1962 commitments will be mortgages on newly
built houses. However, since the present amount of insurance authority
will be used up within the next few months, prompt action is needed to
prevent interruption of this important program. The Congress should
remove the present ceiling on this authority so that home buyers, builders,
and lenders can count upon the continued availability of Federal mortgage
insurance.
980
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
qI 4I4
Legislation should also be enacted to make permanent the authority to
insure loans on home improvements, which expires October I, 1961.
This program, initiated in I934, has proved to be an important aid to
modernization of existing homes, and its continuance should no longer
depend on periodic congressional action.
Statutory ceilings on interest rates for certain types of mortgages
insured by the Federal Housing Administration, as well as for direct and
guaranteed loans of the Veterans Administration, have from time to time
limited the effectiveness of these programs. In the past, the Congress has
recognized the need for some increased flexibility in such interest rates
in order to attract adequate private capital. In the present situation, the
interest rate ceiling of 5~/4% on housing loans guaranteed by the Veterans Administration is a serious obstacle to adequate private financing.
The similar ceiling on insured mortgages for rental housing, especially
for the new housing program for the elderly, and the ceiling of 42 %
on family housing for members of the armed services also discourage
private financing. As previously recommended, these ceilings should be
increased or removed by the Congress. The success of the new mortgage insurance program for nursing homes in obtaining private funds
through slightly higher interest rates illustrates the importance of adequate flexibility in such rates.
Veterans housing loans.-The last Congress extended the veterans direct
housing loan program of the Veterans Administration for another 2
years, provided new obligational authority of $150 million for such loans
for each of the fiscal years I961 and 1962, and provided for a 2-year
extension of the loan guarantee program for World War II veterans.
The need for continuing the readjustment benefit programs of direct
loans and loan guarantees for World War II veterans has long since
passed.
Changes are recommended in the direct loan program to (I) confine
this program, beginning July 26, 196, to veterans of the Korean conflict,
(2) extend the program for Korean conflict veterans from the present
termination date of July 25, 1962, until February i, 1965 (the same
termination date as for loan guarantees for these veterans), and (3)
finance the extended program from funds already authorized, augmented
by funds from repayment of loans previously made. These changes will
permit a satisfactory program of aid for veterans of the Korean conflict
981
e9 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
with expenditures of $85 million in I962, a reduction of $I5 million from
i96i.
Voluntary Home Mortgage Credit Program.-Authority for the Voluntary Home Mortgage Credit Committee expires October i, 196i.
Under present unrealistic interest rate limitations, this program cannot
contribute substantially to the financing of guaranteed home loans to
veterans in remote areas. Other federally insured loans are, however,
being placed for borrowers in such areas and for members of minority
groups. The Committee is also now trying to find private financing for
mortgages eligible for special assistance by the Federal National Mortgage Association. This program should, therefore, be extended for
another 2 years.
Mortgage purchases.-Mortgage financing requirements for housing
for displaced families, for elderly families, and in urban renewal areas,
will continue to increase in i962. Despite the progress made by the
Voluntary Home Mortgage Credit Committee in finding some private
financing, the bulk of the financing needs for these types of housing will
continue to be met through mortgage purchases by the Federal National
Mortgage Association under its special assistance functions. The Association will require, for this purpose, additional new obligational authority of $250 million in i962; the legislation should authorize provision of
this amount through the appropriation process.
Through its secondary market operations trust fund, the Federal National Mortgage Association will purchase an estimated $i billion of
insured and guaranteed mortgages of all types at market prices. Unlike
the special assistance program, which is wholly financed by the Federal
Government, almost all of the necessary funds for secondary market
operations will be provided by sale of debentures to private investors and
by purchase of common stock by mortgage sellers. New obligational
authority of $35 million, however, is estimated to be required for additional Treasury subscriptions to the Association's preferred stock.
College housing.-Legislation enacted by the last Congress provided
sufficient authority to continue the present college housing program into
the fiscal year I962. I have previously recommended a new program
to be administered by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare to provide Federal assistance for university facilities of all types
through loan guarantees and grants. As a transition to that new and
broader program, new obligational authority of $Ioo million for college
982
Dwight D. Eisenhower, z960
q 4x4
housing loans is recommended for I962. Together with funds from
existing authorizations, this will permit new loan commitments of $200
million in I962.
PROMOTION AND REGULATION OF BUSINESS.-The Federal Government
provides a variety of direct and indirect aids to business enterprises. At
the same time, Federal regulatory agencies and programs enforce competition and regulate monopoly in many specific areas.
Small business.-Federal assistance to small business will continue to
grow in I962. Financial aid under the Small Business Investment Act
to both small business investment companies and to State and local
development companies is increasing at a rapid rate. The number of
such investment companies is expected to exceed 400 by the end of June
I962, compared to 109 in June I960, thus expanding the supply of
private capital available to small businesses. Other loans by the Small
Business Administration will continue at a high level, as will the efforts
to assist small businesses in obtaining a larger share of Federal procurement and research contracts and in improving management methods.
Special efforts are being made to provide assistance to firms displaced by
urban renewal projects and firms in labor surplus areas.
Legislation should be enacted to extend the important program of
loans to local development companies, which otherwise expires at the
end of the current fiscal year. In addition, legislation is again requested
to extend the privilege of simplified filings under the Securities Act of
1933 to a wider range of securities issues, and thus to facilitate small
business financing.
Area assistance.-The Department of Commerce, with the assistance
of i6 other departments and major agencies, has further extended in
the past year the wide range of Federal aids to local communities suffering from severe and chronic unemployment. However, private groups
and local public officials must provide the primary initiative in finding
successful permanent solutions for the difficult problems of their specific
areas.
For the past 5 years I have repeatedly recommended legislation which
would provide the authority necessary for more effective Federal assistance without merely substituting temporary Federal aid for indispensable
local leadership. Alternative proposals enacted by the Congress, which
would have been less effective and more expensive, have been vetoed.
The Congress is again urged to enact sound legislation to permit reason983
(I 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
able increases in Federal aid through a program of loans and grants.
This program should continue to be administered by the Secretary of
Commerce to avoid establishment of an unnecessary new agency. Appropriations of $83 million for i962 are requested to initiate the expanded Federal program.
Export expansion.-The national export expansion program launched
early last year by the Department of Commerce has already had considerable success. This budget includes recommendations for additional
appropriations to help achieve further increases in exports and to place
greater emphasis on encouraging travel to the United States.
New York World's Fair.-The Secretary of Commerce, at my request,
is developing plans, in anticipation of authorizing legislation, for Federal
participation in the New York World's Fair scheduled to open in the
spring of i964.
Regulation of commerce and finance.-Under this budget, the Federal
Communications Commission, the Federal Trade Commission, the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Securities and Exchange Commission,
and the Civil Aeronautics Board will be further strengthened. The appropriations recommended for these five independent regulatory agencies
will finance a staff 40% greater than at the end of I956, an expansion
clearly required by the growth of regulated industries, by new legislative
responsibilities, and by the increased complexity of the problems involved.
Numerous improvements in agency operations to simplify procedures and
reduce backlogs are anticipated from a series of management studies
made in recent months. The increasing workload of these agencies increases the need to adjust or impose charges on the regulated industries
or activities sufficient to cover the costs of administration.
The antitrust laws should be strengthened by legislation (I) requiring
large businesses to notify the antitrust agencies of proposed mergers,
( 2) empowering the Attorney General to issue civil investigative demands
in antitrust cases when civil procedures are planned, and (3) authorizing
the Federal Trade Commission to seek preliminary injunctions when it
is likely that a proposed merger would violate the law.
CIVIL AND DEFENSE MOBILIZATION.-Prudent concern for the protection
of the civilian population from hazards in a nuclear world makes it necessary to recommend increases for i962 in appropriations for civil defense.
The largest increases for nonmilitary defense will provide funds for in
984
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
I 4I4
creasing medical stockpiles and for the first full-year cost of a program
begun in 1961 to match State and local costs for civil defense personnel
and administration. Additional funds are also requested for procurement of radiological equipment and for strengthening Federal activities
in emergency health and manpower programs.
The Congress and the executive branch have recognized that civil
defense is the joint responsibility of Federal, State, and local governments.
As exercise of its partnership, the Federal Government has, by leadership
and example, implemented a national shelter policy, which recognizes
the fallout shelter as the best single nonmilitary defense measure for the
protection of the greatest number of people. Under this policy the Federal Government has instructed people in protective measures, conducted
a sample survey of existing shelter capabilities, accelerated shelter research, and constructed prototype shelters for example and guidance.
Moreover, the Congress has been urged to provide funds for inclusion of
fallout shelters in appropriate new and existing Federal buildings. Funds
and appropriate legislation are being requested to accelerate these
activities in 1962.
In order to strengthen the program, legislation is being proposed to
require appropriate fallout shelters in certain new private construction
where the Federal Government provides some form of financial assistance.
This legislation will also provide for a I-year program of grants to States
to assist in the construction of fallout protection shelters in selected State
buildings. Upon the enactment of this legislation, supplemental
appropriations will be required.
AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES
In the fiscal year 1962, Federal programs for agriculture will continue
to require heavy expenditures for much the same reason as in the immediately preceding years: the lack of adequate modifications in the pricesupport laws to make them conform to the increased efficiency and
growing productive capacity of the agricultural industry.
Estimated expenditures for agriculture and agricultural resources in
I962 are $5.I billion, which is $165 million more than the estimate for
the current year and $263 million more than was spent in I960. Total
new authority to incur obligations requested for 1962 is $4.6 billion,
which includes $936 million to restore, to the extent necessary, the capital
985
q 414 Public Papers of the Presidents
impairment of the Commodity Credit Corporation resulting from previous
price-support losses, and $1.7 billion to reimburse the Corporation for
estimated costs and losses through fiscal year 1961 of other programs
financed through that agency.
AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Bud,
1960
Program or agency actual
Stabilization of farm prices and farm income:
Commodity Credit Corporation-price support, supply, and purchase programs..... $i, 48c
Commodity Credit Corporation-special
activities:
Public Law 480 (titles I and IV)......... I, 232
International Wheat Agreement............. 66
National Wool Act.................... 93
Transfer of bartered materials to supplemental stockpile..................... 192
O ther................................ (
Removal of surplus agricultural commodities. go
Sugar Act............................... 74
O ther.................................. 44
Subtotal.......................... 3, 278
Financing rural electrification and rural telephones................................... 330
Financing farm ownership and operation:
Farmers Home Administration............. 249
Farm Credit Administration.............. -3
Conservation of agricultural land and water
resources:
Conservation reserve:
Present program....................... 324
Proposed legislation for extension and expansion.................................
Agricultural conservation program:
Program total........................ 237
Under CCC special activities............ (1)
Soil Conservation Service (including watershed protection and Great Plains program )................................ 131
Research and other agricultural services...... 293
Recommended
get expenditures new obli-gational
1961 1962 authority
estimate estimate for 1962
) $1,423 $1,537
2
[
[
I, 285
72
62
208
-2
100
74
42
I, 303
7I
66
I75
-2
110
85
5I
3, 396
340
231
4
$936
I, 353
89
59
163
*.....
284
8i
5I
3, 017
255
225
3
B 3,264
328
264
3 4
4 354 357 330......
7 236
(-4)
1 151
3 336
19
234
(-8)
163
357
19
238
*.....
i66
352
Total.............................. 4,838 4,936 5, I01 '4,605
1 Less than one-half million dollars.
2 Compares with new obligational authority of $5,15 I million enacted for 1960 and
$4,696 million (including $23 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for 1961.
986
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 4I4
Each year that the current unrealistic price-support program is continued complicates further the production adjustments that will have to
be made before present Government controls over farm operations can
be relaxed. Carryover stocks of wheat continue to rise. Current indications are that by July I, 196 I, wheat stocks will amount to about 1.5 billion
bushels, which is more than an average year's production and 2 /2 times an
average year's domestic consumption. Carryover stocks of corn and
other feed grains have risen each year since I952, and by the fall of
1961 are expected to reach 82 million tons, or about one-half an average
year's production. While cotton carryover stocks are expected to be
down slightly by the beginning of the fiscal year 1962 as compared with
a year earlier, the cotton program continues to be a substantial drain on
the budget, principally as a result of the sale of cotton abroad at prices
substantially lower than support levels.
Among the many aspects of the price-support program in need of
major changes, the most urgent is the enactment of realistic price-support
legislation for wheat. It is imperative that the Congress take early action
so that farmers can make the necessary adjustments in their plans. Because of the time lag between enactment of new price-support legislation
and its budgetary impact, legislation enacted in this session of the Congress
can have little effect before the 1963 budget. My previous recommendations for wheat legislation allow for considerable latitude in method of
approach as long as the legislation deals realistically with the problem.
The last session of the Congress did not extend the authority of the
Secretary of Agriculture to bring additional land into the conservation
reserve. Since the rental rates needed to induce farmers to place large
quantities of surplus-producing land in the conservation reserve depend
in large part on levels of price supports, it would be unsound to attempt
to set such rates high enough to compete with the present unrealistic level
of price supports, particularly for wheat. Therefore, legislation proposed
by this administration to extend the conservation reserve through the
calendar year 1964 and to expand the program from the present level of
28.6 million acres to a maximum of 60 million acres should be enacted
only if satisfactory legislation for wheat is also enacted. An expanded
conservation reserve would not be effective unless largely concentrated
in areas producing wheat and other surplus commodities. For this reason,
the Secretary of Agriculture should be provided with specific authority
to give special consideration, in allocating conservation reserve funds, to
60295-61 - 66
987
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Public Papers of the Presidents
those States and regions where curtailment of the production of wheat or
other surplus commodities is consistent with long-range goals for adjusting
production.
Stabilization of farm prices and income.-In fiscal year 1962, expenditures for price supports and other programs to stabilize farm prices and
income are estimated at $3.4 billion, which is $132 million more than
the amount currently estimated for I961, and $118 million more than
expenditures in I960. Expenditures for these programs are not subject
to regular annual budgetary control, since they are determined mainly
by the loan, commodity purchase, and other price-supporting activities
that the Commodity Credit Corporation is required to carry out under
existing laws. In 1962 farm price support and related activities account
for about two-thirds of the estimated expenditures for agricultural programs. The budget estimate assumes that yields per acre of pricesupported crops for the 1961 crop year will be in line with recent years. It
also assumes a continued favorable level of exports of farm commodities.
This high level of expenditures reflects, directly or indirectly, the continuation of present price supports in the face of a volume of agricultural
production that cannot be absorbed by the domestic and world markets
at currently supported prices. Total farm production for the calendar
year 1960 established an all-time record both on an absolute and a per
capita basis. It was 29% above the 1947-49 average, and was achieved
with 30% fewer farmworkers and 6% fewer crop acres.
Surplus wheat, cotton, corn, rice, and other commodities are being
utilized in our Food for Peace program to promote economic development
and common defense and to provide emergency relief for needy people
abroad. The largest part of the program is the sale of farm commodities
for foreign currencies under title I of the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of I954 (Public Law 480). Because of the
size of past sales, particularly a 4-year agreement with India, additional
authority of $I.I billion is recommended for the remainder of the calendar year 1961. Titles II and III of this act provide for donating
surplus commodities to foreign governments primarily for emergency
relief needs and to private relief organizations in support of their activities
abroad; over 55 million people benefited this past year from these donations. Continuation of the programs currently carried on under titles I
and II will require legislation this year to extend them beyond December
31, 1961.
988
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
<[ 4I4
Surplus agricultural commodities are also made available to the needy
at home through the direct distribution program of the Department of
Agriculture, which is carried on under the permanent appropriation
for the removal of surplus agricultural commodities and through the
Commodity Credit Corporation's surplus disposal operations. In the
fiscal year I960, there were donations of 526 million pounds of surplus
food, valued at $59 million, directly to needy families in the United
States. In October I960, there were 3.3 million people in the United
States receiving surplus foods through these programs; additional persons
benefited from food donations to the school lunch program and to institutions providing aid to the needy.
Since the Sugar Act expires on March 3I, I96I, prompt legislative
action extending this program is required. In line with my previous
recommendation, the Congress should amend the Act to provide the
President with urgently needed flexibility in the allocation of quotas.
The National Wool Act, which expires on March 3I, I962, should be
extended, and its financing should be shifted to a direct appropriation
basis.
To conserve fiscal resources and to implement the principle that identifiable recipients of certain special services should pay for them, legislation is again proposed to permit the Federal Crop Insurance Corporation to include its administrative expenses in determining appropriate
premium rates for crop insurance.
Rural electrification and telephones.-Expenditures of the Rural
Electrification Administration are estimated at $340 million for I962,
and new obligational authority of $255 million is recommended, including $Ioo million for telephone loans and $I45 million for electrification
loans.
The Rural Electrification Administration has made a major contribution to the development of rural America. About 97% of our farms
now have central station electric service as compared with I i % in 1935.
The telephone program also is making a real contribution to a better rural
America by improving rural telephone service.
The expanding use of power in the areas served by electric cooperatives, however, requires substantial amounts of new capital each year to
provide additional generating capacity and heavier transmission and
distribution facilities. More than half of the total power sales by the
REA system are made to rural industrial, recreational, and other non989
(y 4I4
Public Papers of the Presidents
farm users. These nonfarm users comprise about 8o% of the new
customers being added.
The capital needs of the Rural Electrification Administration are being
financed currently by loans from the Treasury at 2 % interest. Loans
are made to borrowers at this same rate. While special treatment of
these programs through favorable Federal financing was justified in earlier years, the progress that has been made by the local systems in achieving the objectives of the Rural Electrification Act and in developing
financial stability indicates that the time has come to plan for methods
of financing other than through the Federal Government. To that end,
legislation should be developed for a federally chartered institution to
finance the future requirements of the rural electrification and rural
telephone programs. Such an institution should be owned and managed 'by the REA borrowers subject to the examination and supervision
of the Secretary of Agriculture. To launch the new institution on a
sound basis, it should be assisted initially by a Federal loan, with provision for orderly retirement of the loan. Future capital needs of the
REA borrowers should be met by the sale of the institution's obligations
to the public. Provision should also be made for loans by the institution
on behalf of the Secretary of Agriculture to borrowers who are unable
to qualify for regular loans.
Farm ownership and operation.-Expenditures for the loan programs
of the Farmers Home Administration are estimated at $23I million for
i962, compared with $264 million estimated for i96i. Loans are made
by the Farmers Home Administration to borrowers who are unable to
obtain credit from other sources at interest rates currently prevailing in
their communities, in order to finance farm ownership and enlargement,
farm operations, and soil and water conservation. Direct loans for farm
ownership and soil and water conservation are supplemented with private
loans insured by the Federal Government.
Legislation previously recommended to simplify, consolidate, and improve the authority of the Secretary of Agriculture to make these types
of loans should be enacted. Included in this legislation is a proposal
to place the operations of the Farmers Home Administration on a
revolving fund basis.
Authority to make loans under the farm housing loan program expires
June 30, i96I. Extension of this separate farm housing loan authority
is not recommended, since loans similar to the farm housing loans would
990
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 19604
e9 4I4
be authorized under the general legislation being recommended relating
to the loan authority of the Secretary of Agriculture.
Legislation should be enacted, as recommended previously, to require
the States to share a greater part of the costs of farm disaster relief
assistance.
Conservation of agricultural resources.-Expenditures in i962 under
the conservation reserve program are expected to be $357 million under
existing legislation. If legislation extending and expanding this program
is enacted as proposed in this budget, additional expenditures of $i9
million in i962 would result. Under the proposal, there would be a net
increase of IO.5 million acres during the i962 program year, bringing
the total at the end of that year to 39 million acres. However, most of
the increase in expenditures required for the i962 program would not
occur until i963 and later fiscal years. To the extent that additions of
land to the conservation reserve result in curtailment of the production
of price-supported agricultural commodities, the added expenditures
resulting from extension and expansion of this program will be accompanied by lower outlays for price supports.
An advance authorization of $ioo million is recommended for the
i962 agricultural conservation program. This will affect primarily the
expenditures for the fiscal year i963. In recent appropriation acts the
Congress maintained this program at a level which far exceeded my
recommendations. As a result, expenditures for the agricultural conservation program are estimated to be $236 million in i96i and $234
million in I962. The $ioo million advance authorization, together with
other aids for soil and water conservation, will provide substantial incentives for the Nation's farmers to meet our high-priority conservation
needs.
Federal cost-sharing assistance in the future under this program should
be concentrated on conservation measures which will foster needed shifts
to less intensive uses of cropland, and assistance should be eliminated
for practices which increase capacity to produce agricultural commodities
already in surplus supply. Continuation of cost sharing for outputincreasing practices directly conflicts with the recommended expansion
of the conservation reserve program under which cropland is removed
from production.
New obligational authority of $66 million is recommended for the
upstream watershed programs, including $46 million under the Water99I
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Public Papers of the Presidents
shed Protection and Flood Prevention Act. Of this amount, $ o million
is for initiating construction of projects involving an estimated total
Federal cost of $70 million. Expenditures under these programs are
expected to be $65 million in 1962, which is an increase of $12 million
over 1961 and $21 million over I960. New obligational authority requested for the Great Plains program totals $Io million, the same as for
1961.
Research and other agricultural services.-Expenditures for research,
education, and other agricultural services in 1962, including $17 million
for purchases of foreign currencies to finance research and market development programs abroad, are estimated at $357 million, which is an increase
of $22 million over 1961. This increase reflects primarily additional support for the research programs of the Agricultural Research Service and
continuing progress on laboratory construction.
Rural development.-The rural development program inaugurated
by this administration is successfully stimulating economic progress and
growth in low-income farming areas of the Nation. It is becoming
widely accepted as a major national approach to helping families in these
areas. By June 30, 1961, it is expected that some 350 counties in 39
States will be participating in the program. Among the impressive gains
reported in participating areas are the following: (I) new farm crops
have been introduced and production on small farms improved; (2) the
number of jobs has increased through the establishment of new industries
and enlargement of others; (3) income has increased from nonfarm
sources such as recreation, tourist services, and expanded business activities; and (4) educational and training programs have been inaugurated
for those who have little opportunity to enter commercial farming.
The Federal Government supports this program principally through
a redirection and strengthening of existing services and activities. Emphasis is placed on cooperation among Federal and State agencies and
local groups. In the Department of Agriculture, the program is conducted as a part of the continuing responsibilities of o of its agencies,
with general leadership furnished by the Extension Service, for which
an increase of $2 million is estimated in this budget. Other Federal
departments and agencies have accelerated their activities that contribute
to the aims of the rural development program. These agencies include
the Small Business Administration, and the Departments of the Interior,
Commerce, Labor, and Health, Education, and Welfare. All of these
992
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
q 4I4
activities are carried out under the general guidance of the Committee
for Rural Development Program which was established by Executive
order.
NATURAL RESOURCES
Sound development of our natural resources is necessary to meet the
needs of our growing population and expanding economy. The budget
recommendations for the fiscal year 1962 provide for appropriate Federal
participation in the development, conservation, and use of these resources,
in cooperation with State and local agencies and private interests.
Federal expenditures for natural resources are estimated to be $2.I
billion in 1962 compared with $2 billion in I96I. These expenditures
are higher than in any previous year.
Water resources.-Approximately two-thirds of the Federal expenditures for natural resources in 1962 will be for water resources activities.
The programs of the Corps of Engineers and the Bureau of Reclamation
will require expenditures estimated at $1.2 billion-a record level. Of
this amount, $i billion will be spent on construction. This includes
$976 million for continuation of work on projects started in 1961 or
prior years, $I million for first-year expenditures on 37 proposed new
project starts, and $13 million for advance planning of projects needed
in later years. A large share of the construction expenditures of these
agencies will be for multiple-purpose river basin projects, including flood
control, navigation, irrigation, water supply, hydroelectric power, and
in some cases related recreational and fish and wildlife benefits.
For the Corps of Engineers, the budget includes appropriations of $15
million for starting 31 new projects and an additional number of smaller
projects costing less than $400 thousand each. The estimated total cost
of building these new projects is $302 million. Appropriations of $6
million are also recommended to enable the Bureau of Reclamation to
begin construction on five new projects, with an estimated total cost of
$I4I million, and to make a loan for one small reclamation project for
which the total Federal commitment will be $5 million.
The 1962 program of the Bureau of Reclamation includes protective
works for the Rainbow Bridge National Monument, as required by law
in connection with construction of Glen Canyon Dam.
It is again recommended that the Congress authorize construction by
the Bureau of Reclamation of the Fryingpan-Arkansas project in
Colorado.
993
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Public Papers of the Presidents
A few months ago agreement was reached between the United States
and Canada on the basic terms of a treaty for the cooperative development of the water resources of the Columbia River Basin. The proposal
envisages the construction in Canada, within a io-year period, of three
major reservoirs and the construction by the United States of the authorized Libby project in northern Montana. The substantial flood control
and power benefits which will result from this agreement will be realized
at a much earlier date with materially less cost than would be the case if
they were provided by unilateral rather than by cooperative endeavor.
The location of the proposed storage reservoirs will not interfere with
the cycle for salmon and other anadromous fish, which constitute an
important economic and recreational asset of the Pacific Northwest.
The Senate should give prompt attention to the ratification of the treaty
when it is presented. Following this ratification, preconstruction planning of Libby Dam should be started by the Corps of Engineers.
NATURAL RESOURCES
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Bud
1960
Program or agency actual
Land and water resources:
Corps of Engineers........................ $86
Department of the Interior:
Bureau of Reclamation.................. 20
Power marketing agencies.............. 33
Indian lands resources................. 55
Public domain lands and other.......... 3,
Tennessee Valley Authority............... I
Federal Power Commission..............
International Boundary and Water Commission and other........................ I
Forest resources............................. 22
Mineral resources. 61
Mineal esorce...........................6
Recreational resources...................... 7
Fish and wildlife resources................... &.. 6
General resource surveys and administration....
Total...............................1,71
Recommended
get expenditures new obligational
1961 1962 authority
\ estimate estimate for 1962
7 $930 $930 $932
9
4
9
5
2
7
2
0
5
4
8
i:3
240
4'
68
45
55
8
15
263
66
87
75
58
I.,95 I
305
36
63
50
103
9
19
311
67
101
84
6o
2, 138
290
36
64
50
30
9
20
248
82
105
85
6i
1 2, 012
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $2,533 million enacted for 1960 and
$2,049 million (including $139 million of anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for 1961.
994
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I96o
e 4I4
The previous Congress enacted legislation to authorize negotiation of
an agreement between the United States and Mexico for the joint construction of Amistad (Friendship) Dam on the Rio Grande, and appropriated $5 million for this project. The 1962 budget includes $12 million
to finance further work on the dam as soon as the technical details relating
to its construction are approved by the two Governments.
Legislation should be enacted to place the financing of the Bureau of
Reclamation and the power marketing agencies of the Department of
the Interior on a revolving fund basis, retaining annual review and control
by the Congress.
Net budget expenditures of the Tennessee Valley Authority are estimated at $103 million in the fiscal year i962. The increase of $48
million over the current year will be largely for construction of power and
navigation facilities. Under the authority to sell revenue bonds, enacted
in August I959, the TVA issued $50 million of such bonds in November
I960. The Authority plans to issue an additional $I40 million in the
fiscal year i962 which, together with power revenues, will provide funds
for continuing construction of power facilities and for starting construction of a new steam powerplant in the eastern part of the TVA power
area. Construction will continue on Wheeler and Wilson locks and on
the navigation features of the Melton Hill project, financed by appropriated funds. The Authority plans to make a payment of $50 million from
power proceeds to the Treasury in fiscal year 1962, of which $40 million
is a dividend and $io million is a return of Government capital. A
similar payment, estimated at $51 million, is being made in 1961.
The 1961 and 1962 programs of the TVA contemplate the acquisition
of certain coal land or mining rights, on which options have been taken,
in the eastern portion of its coal supply area. Since it has not been
clearly established that such acquisitions are necessary to assure an adequate reserve of coal for TVA's operations, I have directed that these
actions not be taken without specific Presidential approval.
Research conducted by the Department of the Interior over the past
several years has reduced substantially the cost of obtaining fresh water
from saline water. Two demonstration plants for conversion of sea and
brackish water into fresh water will be completed in the fiscal year
1962. Appropriations of $3.5 million are recommended for starting two
additional plants in I962, one at Roswell, N. Mex., and the other at a
location to be selected on the east coast.
995
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Public Papers of the Presidents
River basin planning commissions.-In addition to the Corps of Engineers, Bureau of Reclamation, Tennessee Valley Authority, and International Boundary and Water Commission, several other Federal agencies
participate in phases of water resources programs. The Department of
Agriculture assists local groups in watershed protection and flood prevention; the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare has responsibility relating to control of water pollution; and the Federal Power
Commission has broad river basin planning authority in connection with
licensing construction of private power projects. The Fish and Wildlife
Service, National Park Service, and other agencies also participate in
certain aspects of water resources projects. Furthermore, activities of
State and local agencies and private interests in the field of water resources
are of increasing importance. Only with coordinated planning on the
part of all groups concerned can there be assurance that all possible uses
of water are adequately considered.
To provide for comprehensive, coordinated planning, legislation is
being submitted to authorize the President to establish water resources
planning commissions as needed in the various river basins or regions.
These commissions would be composed of Presidentially appointed members from the various Federal agencies and the States. They would
prepare and keep current comprehensive, integrated river basin plans.
This proposed general authority would be an improvement over separate
laws such as those which established the two ad hoc river basin study
commissions for the Southeastern and Texas areas.
Cost sharing for local flood protection.-The varied requirements for
financial participation by State and local interests in local flood protection projects have resulted in inequities among the various beneficiaries
of such projects. In the case of projects of the Corps of Engineers, the
Bureau of Reclamation, and the Department of Agriculture, non-Federal
contributions range from zero to over 6o% of flood protection costs. In
previous budget messages, legislation has been recommended to provide
an equitable, uniform minimum of 30% non-Federal cost sharing for all
flood protection projects. Although the Congress did not act on that
proposal, a forward step was taken in the Flood Control Act of I960,
which provides for a uniform minimum of 20o% non-Federal cost sharing
on local flood protection projects of the Corps of Engineers authorized
by that act. The Congress is urged to broaden this action by requiring
a minimum of 30% cost sharing on all local projects providing flood
996
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(e 4I4
protection benefits which are authorized in the future for the Corps of
Engineers, the Bureau of Reclamation, and the Department of
Agriculture.
Public domain and Indian lands.-In the fiscal year i962, expenditures for the conservation and development of the public domain lands,
administered by the Bureau of Land Management, will be $43 million,
somewhat higher than in i96i. Receipts from grazing fees, timber
sales, and mineral leases on the public domain lands, including the Outer
Continental Shelf, are estimated at $22I million in the fiscal year i962,
an increase of $55 million over the revenues estimated for the current
year. A portion of the estimated increase will result from the increases
authorized last year in the fees for noncompetitive oil and gas leases.
Some of these revenues are shared with States and counties. Sharedrevenue payments to these governmental units in I962 from the public
domain lands amount to $58 million.
Estimated expenditures of $63 million for the management of Indian
lands in the fiscal year I 962 include $33 million for construction of roads;
for irrigation facilities; and for buildings and utilities, mainly additional
school facilities for Indian children who reside on lands held in trust by
the United States.
Forest resources.-Some increases in expenditures of the Forest Service
in I 962 are needed to carry forward its long-range development program
for the national forests. These increases will be for forest roads and
trails and for forest protection and utilization, including forestry research,
fire prevention, and recreational facilities. A supplemental appropriation of $69 million is being requested for the fiscal year i961 to enable
the Forest Service to pay for those portions of the forest lands of the
Klamath Indians which are not sold to competitive bidders by April i,
I96I (as required by Public Law 85-731), with expenditures estimated
in the fiscal year i962. These increases will be offset in part by an
expected decrease from the expenditures of $33 million in i96i for fire
fighting in the national forests-the highest annual expenditures on
record.
Management of the national forest lands yields substantial revenues,
mostly from timber sales and grazing permits. These receipts-which
are in addition to the amounts cited earlier under public domain landsare estimated at $I56 million in the fiscal year i962. Shared revenue
payments to the States in i962 are estimated at $29 million.
997
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Public Papers of the Presidents
Legislation is recommended to provide authority for the Secretary of
Agriculture to complete acquisition of the remaining lands in the Boundary Waters Canoe Area of the Superior National Forest in order to
preserve this unique wilderness area for public use.
Mineral resources.-Amendments to the Helium Act during the last
session of the Congress authorize a long-range program for conserving
vital helium resources. Under these amendments, effective March i,
i96i, private industry will be encouraged to finance, build, and operate
plants to recover helium for sale to the Department of the Interior.
Where necessary, the Secretary of the Interior may take direct steps to
conserve this important resource. The program is to be financed from
borrowing authority, subject to the appropriation process. Supplemental borrowing authority of $12 million for the fiscal year i961 is recommended so that the Bureau of Mines can start the program promptly,
and provision is made in the i962 budget to augment this initial amount
by $I5 million.
The Bureau of Mines will continue its research on improved methods
of production and utilization of coal and other minerals. Under recent
legislation, the Department of the Interior will contract with educational,
trade, and other organizations for research aimed at early solutions to
some of the problems confronting the coal industry.
Recreational resources.-The rapidly expanding use of public recreational facilities is placing great demands on the resources of our national
park system. The estimated increase of $I4 million in expenditures of
the National Park Service from i96i to I962 will provide for needed
maintenance and rehabilitation of the park areas and for operation of
new facilities and areas added to the system in recent years. Prompt
action should be taken on legislation, as recommended last year, to permit the Secretary of the Interior to acquire three of the remaining undeveloped seashore areas for the national park system. Such action will
enable these areas to be preserved for public benefit.
The forthcoming report of the Outdoor Recreation Resources Review
Commission will provide a comprehensive survey of outdoor recreational
resources and needs. The report should be useful as a guide for Federal,
State, local, and private interests in their plans for meeting increasing
needs for recreation.
Fish and wildlife resources.-Expenditures for fish and wildlife resources in the fiscal year I962 are estimated at $84 million, an increase of
998
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
e 4I4
$9 million over the current year. Part of the increase will be for management and operation of fish hatcheries and wildlife refuges by the Bureau
of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife. Outstanding refuges recently established
by the Secretary of the Interior are the Arctic, Kuskokwim, and Izembek
wildlife ranges in Alaska, comprising I 1.2 million acres, with unique
values as waterfowl breeding grounds and with wilderness areas of scenic
beauty. Increases for the Bureau of Commercial Fisheries are for construction of oceanographic research facilities, and for biological and technological research to be initiated in 1962 under a special foreign currency
program to aid the fishing industry.
General resource surveys.-Expenditures of the Geological Survey will
increase primarily as a result of increased interest and participation by the
States in the cooperative programs for topographic and geological mapping and water resources investigations.
LABOR AND WELFARE
The labor and welfare programs of the Federal Government have
assumed in the last decade a growing role in meeting human needs in our
increasingly complex, urbanized society. These programs provide manpower, health, education, science, economic security, and welfare services
of great importance to the entire population and also assist many special
groups such as the aged, the children, the disabled, the unemployed, and
the needy.
Budget expenditures for labor and welfare programs in the fiscal year
1962 are estimated at $4.8 billion, an increase of $276 million over I96I.
In the last decade these budget expenditures have more than doubled.
Labor and welfare benefit payments from the social security and other
trust funds, supported largely by payroll taxes on employers and employees, have increased fivefold in the same period to an estimated $19.6
billion in 1962.
Of estimated expenditures of $24.4 billion from budget and trust accounts for labor and welfare programs for 1962, an estimated $13 billion
will be for benefits and services for elderly persons. When benefits for
veterans and others are added, total estimated expenditures in 1962 for
benefits and services for persons who are 65 and over exceed $i6 billion.
New obligational authority recommended for 1962 for labor and welfare programs in the budget totals $5 billion, and is $88 million more
than estimated for the current fiscal year. The largest program increase
999
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Public Papers of the Presidents
LABOR AND WELFARE
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Bud
1960
Program or agency actual
Promotion of education:
National Science Foundation, science education.................................. $5
Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare:
Assistance to schools in federally affected
areas:
Present programs.................... 25
Proposed legislation.......................
Defense education program.............. 12
Vocational education and other......... 6
Other, primarily Bureau of Indian Affairs... 6
Promotion of science, research, libraries, and
museums:
National Science Foundation, basic research. 6,
Department of Commerce:
Bureau of the Census...........101
National Bureau of Standards and other. I
Other 3
Labor and manpower:
Department of Labor:
Grants for administration of employment
services and unemployment compensation 1.......................... 32,
Repayable advances to unemployment trust
fund..................
Other......... 2
Other, primarily Selective Service System and
National Labor Relations Board......... 5
Promotion of public health:
National Institutes of Health.............. 341
Hospital construction and research grants and
activities.............................. 14
Grants for construction of health research facilities............................2
Community and environmental health...... 5'
Grants for construction of waste treatment facilities........................... 4'
Other..................... 19
Public assistance:
Present programs.......................... 2, 06
Proposed legislation for medical care for the
aged.....................................
Correctional and penal institutions............ 41
Recommended
iget expenditures new obligational
1961 I962 authority
I estimate estimate for 1962
7 $65 $69 $74
8
9
5
o
264
I6
73
64
I73
60
I90
79
69
I02
93
I94
80
73
3 90
0 38
7 28
I 47
19 138
19
54
58
7
77
40
5
9
7
8
6
6
8
o
9
I
6
36 -42......
47 48 47
64 66 67
439 5i6 540
157
26
75
4I
234
2, 162
49
170 153
25 30
IoI 104
43 50
240 251
2, 290 2, 291
25 25
52 52
I000
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 4I4
LABOR AND WELFARE-Continued
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obligational
I 960 I961 I 962 authority
Program or agency actual estimate estimate for I962
Other welfare services:
School lunch and special milk programs:
Present programs...................... 234 245 I55 326
Proposed legislation to extend special milk
program......................................... 94 95
Other, primarily vocational rehabilitation... 68 78 84 I05
Total...............................4, 419 4,483 4,759 25,025
1 By law the receipts and expenditures for employment security grants are shown as
trust fund transactions for i96I and i962, and as budget transactions for 1960.
2 Compares with new obligational authority of $4,574 million enacted for 1960 and
$4,937 million (including $34 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for i96I.
is for public assistance, including medical care for the aged. The proposed appropriations for hospital construction grants are lower than the
amounts enacted for 196i, but expenditures will increase by $I3 million
as a result of commitments under obligational authority provided in prior
years. Recommended appropriations, as well as estimated expenditures,
for programs to assist federally affected school districts are reduced for
I 962 in view of the modifications proposed in those programs.
EDUCATION.-The vitality of our democracy and the productivity of
our economy depend in large measure on the development of our human
resources through an effective educational system. Primary responsibility for education rests with the local communities and States and with
private institutions and groups. The strength of our American educational system flows from its freedom and this broad basis of support.
Thus, the Federal role in education is properly a supplementary one,
limited primarily to providing assistance where there is a special national
concern. For such assistance, the Federal Government will spend in all
budget categories about $I billion in i962 for educational activities,
including college housing loans and readjustment aid to veterans, but
excluding indirect assistance through research contracts and grants.
In the last few years, it has become increasingly clear that the national
interest requires an expansion of Federal activities in the field of education.
Accordingly, I recommended in I958, and the Congress enacted, the
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National Defense Education Act to assist students, particularly those
interested in science, mathematics, and languages, and to help States
improve school facilities and services. I have also recommended repeatedly and again recommend the enactment of temporary legislation
to provide Federal assistance for construction of primary and secondary
school classrooms and for construction of college classrooms and supporting
facilities.
As outlined in last year's budget message, the proposed program would
stimulate and assist in the construction of $3 billion of public elementary
and secondary schools in the next 5 years by a Federal commitment to
pay half the debt service (principal and interest) on school bonds. The
cost to the Federal Government over a 30-year period would be about
$2 billion. To help institutions of higher education finance construction of required facilities, the legislation would authorize a 5-year program
which would provide ( I ) Federal guarantees of principal and interest on
$I billion of non-tax-exempt bonds to be sold by colleges to private
investors and (2) Federal grants, payable over 20 to 35 years, of 30%
of the principal of $2 billion of bonds to be issued by colleges. The
aggregate Federal cost of the aid to institutions of higher education would
be about $600 million.
The precise requirements for Federal aid to local school districts are
difficult to determine because of the inadequacy of available information
on the classroom needs of districts in various parts of the country and on
their financial capacity to meet these needs. Accordingly, funds are
included in the budget for improvement of education statistics, including
data on local school construction requirements and the actions local communities and States are taking to meet them.
National Science Foundation educational activities.-Expenditures of
$69 million in 1962 are estimated for graduate fellowships in science and
mathematics and for other programs to train new scientists, to improve
the teaching of science and mathematics, and to stimulate interest in
scientific careers. This represents more than a fourfold expansion in
the training programs of the National Science Foundation in 5 years.
Schools in federally affected areas.-The Federal Government has recognized an obligation to assist school districts in which enrollments are
significantly increased by its activities. Legislation for this purpose was
enacted as a temporary measure during the Korean emergency. However, legislation providing aid to districts with children whose parents
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both reside and work on Federal property was made permanent in I 958.
The budget provides funds required to meet Federal obligations under
this program.
The programs of assistance to school districts on behalf of pupils whose
parents work on Federal property but live on private taxable property
expire on June 30, i96i. This budget includes $93 million to cover
the cost of extending the program for operating grants, but on a modified
basis which would discharge more equitably than the expiring legislation
the Federal responsibility to these districts. In the case of construction
grants, where general aid for needy districts is again proposed, no separate provision is included for continuing the special program for federally
affected districts. It is recommended, furthermore, that the Congress
defer consideration of any extension legislation until after it has considered and enacted the broad program of Federal aid for school construction which is being recommended. The Congress would then be in a
better position to determine the kind of support which should be provided
to discharge the Government's obligations to these areas.
Defense education program.-The National Defense Education Act,
which will be in its fourth year in I962, the last under the current authorization, has provided outstanding assistance to American education. Expenditures under this act in I962 are estimated to be $I90 million, an
increase of $29 million from I 96 I. The proposed I 962 appropriation
of $I94 million will provide modest increases for fellowships, language
and cultural training centers, counseling institutes, and area vocational
programs. The amount requested for student loans for I 962 is estimated
at the I 96 I level pending further information as to the rate of
applications.
I am again recommending repeal of the provision of the National
Defense Education Act that requires a student seeking aid to supply an
affidavit stating that he does not believe in or belong to any organization
that teaches the illegal overthrow of the Government. This requirement
is unwarranted and discriminatory.
SCIENCE AND RESEARCH (INCLUDING LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS).-The
advancement of our national security and welfare depends in great
measure upon the strength and progress of American science. The Federal Government plays a major role in the development of the Nation's
scientific capacity through the research programs of many agencies.
Expenditures for promotion of science, research, libraries, and museums
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in i962 are estimated to be $25I million, which is $48 million more than
in i96i and over three times the amount 5 years earlier. In addition to
these figures, there are large amounts of expenditures for research and
development included in other functional categories.
New scientific knowledge which stems from basic research is indispensable to the technological progress of modern industrialized society.
Expenditures of $ii9 million are estimated for general purpose basic
research grants by the National Science Foundation, chiefly for research
projects and facilities, including the support of national research centers
and the improvement of graduate school laboratories. This represents
an increase of $29 million over i96i and a sevenfold expansion in these
activities in 5 years. Many other agencies are engaged in the support
and conduct of basic research where it is recognized that such fundamental research is important and desirable in the attainment of their
objectives.
Increased funds are included in the budget for the National Bureau
of Standards, particularly for the completion of the major laboratories
and service buildings at its new Gaithersburg, Md. site. Expansion
is also provided in the regular scientific program of the Bureau, including
initiation of a program for research projects abroad financed with foreign
currencies which the Government holds in excess of its normal needs.
Certain scientific areas of broad national interest have been given
special attention in recent years by the Federal Council for Science
and Technology. These include long-range programs for oceanography,
high-energy physics, and the atmospheric sciences, which will be further
expanded under this budget. Part of the financing of these activities
is included in other functional categories.
The scientific program for the Antarctic is developed, financed, and
managed by the National Science Foundation with logistic support from
the Department of Defense. Under this program the United States is
cooperating with many other nations in the peaceful development of
the Antarctic.
Government statistical services.-An estimated $56 million in obligations is provided throughout the budget for gathering, processing, and
disseminating the statistical information which is used by Government,
private institutions, and individuals in policy formulation and decision
making. Increases in i962 for collecting the regular recurring statistics
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are more than offset by the decrease from the funds required in 1961
for the Eighteenth Decennial Census.
Further improvement is planned in the scope and reliability of statistical
data on current economic and social conditions. These include information on retail and service trade, foreign trade, manufacturing, construction, crop and livestock production, prices, manpower utilization,
characteristics of the unemployed labor force, health and medical care,
vital statistics, and education. Provision is also made for completion
of the processing and publication of the results of the I960 decennial
census, for taking the I962 Census of Governments, for planning the
1963 economic censuses, and for continuing a substantial portion of the
work, begun over a year ago, looking toward a major revision of the
Consumer Price Index.
LABOR AND MANPOWER.-The manpower programs of the Department
of Labor and other labor agencies help maintain an efficient labor market
and a healthy national climate in labor-management relations.
Employment security.-Of particular importance are the job placement services and unemployment compensation payments made through
the State employment security offices. In addition to general job placement services, farm people are assisted in finding industrial work and
workers in depressed areas are helped in finding jobs in other areas.
Last year the administration proposed, and the Congress enacted,
amendments to the Social Security Act that placed Federal receipts and
expenditures for the employment security program on a trust fund basis
starting July I, I960. This is the same arrangement that is used for
other social insurance programs. Expenditures for this program are now
expected to exceed the 1961 tax receipts, and the Treasury, as authorized
by present law, will advance to the trust fund the additional $36 million
needed in 1961. This advance will be repaid with interest in 1962 from
the excess of receipts which will come from the increased Federal unemployment tax rate taking effect on January I, I96I, from 0.3% to 0.4%
of covered payrolls.
Based on the level of claims for unemployment compensation, this
budget estimates $4I million more than enacted to date for the limitation
on 1961 grants to States for administering unemployment insurance and
employment services. Together with the $326 million already enacted,
this brings the estimated 1961 requirement to $366 million, which is in
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excess of the $350 million annual ceiling established by the Social Security
Act Amendments of 1960. In view of the number of workers now filing
claims for unemployment compensation, it is necessary to ask the Congress to remove this ceiling so that adequate funds can be provided to
pay claims promptly.
Last year, coverage of unemployment compensation was extended to
about 60,ooo additional workers, but further legislation is still needed
to extend unemployment compensation to some 3 million workers, most
of whom are employed in small businesses employing fewer than 4
workers each. Such action, together with action by States to increase the
amount and duration of unemployment compensation benefits, would
provide more adequately against economic hardship for the Nation's
work force. This program has proved to be one of the most successful
means for combining the interest of the economy as a whole with the
interest of the individual worker.
Other labor programs.-In the last several years the operating programs of the Department of Labor have been strengthened by additional
funds and new legislation. The 1962 budget provides an increase of
$4 million in appropriations to strengthen further such activities of the
Department as the enforcement of the Labor-Management Reports Act
and the statistical and research programs of the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Last year the Secretary of Labor endorsed expanded coverage and a
moderate adjustment in the level of the minimum wage under the Fair
Labor Standards Act. This recommendation is repeated. Legislation
should also be enacted to make the Welfare and Pension Plan Disclosure
Act more effective. Legislation is again proposed to assure equal pay
for equal work and to improve the laws relating to hours of work and
overtime pay on Federal construction projects.
HEALTH.-Americans enjoy a high standard of health service. About
three-quarters of the more than $25 billion devoted annually to health
services and facilities in this country is being spent through private channels. However, State and local as well as Federal agencies also play an
important role.
Promotion of public health.-The Federal Government's contribution
toward improved health care for the American people has been increasing rapidly in recent years. Expenditures for the promotion of public
health in 1962 are estimated at $I. billion, more than twice the amount
spent only 5 years earlier. Total Federal expenditures for all health
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programs in the various categories of this budget (including military and
veterans hospitals) are about $4 billion.
In I962, expenditures by the National Institutes of Health for medical
research and training will represent about half the total spent for promotion of public health. The programs of the National Institutes will
have multiplied more than threefold from I 957 to I 962.
The budget for i962 recommends appropriations of $540 million for
the National Institutes, compared to the $56o million enacted by the
Congress for i96i. While this is $20 million less than the i96i appropriation, it actually represents a substantial program increase for medical
research and training. The reduction results from the elimination in
I 962 of nonrecurring projects and from the transfer of programs to other
parts of the Public Health Service which were included in the total for
the National Institutes of Health for i96i. These decreases more than
offset increases for new research activities. Expenditures by the Institutes will rise by an estimated $76 million in i962.
Appropriations of $ I 53 million for hospitals, mainly construction grants,
are recommended for i962. Although this is less than the level of
appropriations for i 96 I, it will not result in a decrease in federally assisted
hospital construction. On the contrary, it is anticipated that expenditures in i962 for this program will be at an alltime high because of the
prior authorizations and the volume of construction which has been
initiated but not yet completed. The appropriation recommended for
I962 will permit initiation of new projects for general hospital beds, which,
together with construction not federally assisted, will be sufficient to provide for growth in population, cover current obsolescence, and reduce the
backlog by over 5,ooo beds. The I962 appropriation will also permit
starting the same volume of new projects for specialized facilities for longterm care as is provided for in the appropriation for the current year.
In recognition of the need for medical care facilities and the continuing
rise in the cost of hospital services, new legislation is proposed to encourage
coordinated community and regional planning of hospital facilities, to
augment research on design and operation of hospitals, and to permit
use of grants for high priority modernization projects.
Federal grants for construction of health research facilities in the last
5 years have materially helped expand our Nation's medical research
capacity. This budget continues appropriations for this purpose at the
full authorization of $30 million.
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One of our greatest national health needs is the expansion of existing
schools and establishment of new schools to train doctors and dentists.
The shortage of physicians, already a critical factor in the rising cost of
medical care, will become increasingly acute as the population and the
demand for medical services increase. The Congress should at an early
date enact legislation to authorize $00oo million of matching grants over
a 5-year period to stimulate construction of additional medical and dental
school facilities.
Legislation should also be enacted to authorize a loan guarantee program to facilitate the construction of clinics for the group practice of
medicine and dentistry. The sharing of such clinics by groups of physicians and dentists is economical in terms of reducing capital expenditures
for such purposes and leads to more complete care for the patient by
enabling the practitioners to combine their diverse skills.
In our urbanized and industrial society, environmental and community health is assuming increasing importance. Appropriations of $ 104
million for 1962 are proposed for Public Health Service activities in these
fields. Increased funds are provided to augment the research and operating arms of the Public Health Service in the fields of air pollution, water
pollution, community sanitation, and radiological health control activities. Larger amounts are also proposed for community health service activities to make the benefits of improved medical knowledge more
widely and quickly available. Legislation is again recommended to
authorize greater Federal leadership in combating air pollution.
The budget also includes an appropriation of $50 million for construction of waste treatment works, the full amount authorized for this program.
These funds will help stimulate local action to correct immediate pollution problems. The control of water pollution is principally a local
responsibility and requires greater financial and enforcement efforts by
local interests. The Federal Government can most appropriately assist
State and local governments through legislation (i) to strengthen its
enforcement powers under the Federal Water Pollution Control Act and
(2) to provide flexibility assuring that highest priority is given to waste
treatment construction grants for projects which contribute to the reduction of pollution of interstate and coastal streams. Legislation to accomplish these and related objectives should be enacted by the Congress.
Of daily importance to each of us is the work of the Food and Drug
Administration in establishing and enforcing standards of safety for food
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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and drugs. The I 962 budget continues a long-standing policy of strengthening this agency, which in I 962 will spend three times as much as it did
5 years earlier.
Legislation should be enacted to transfer Freedmen's Hospital to Howard University and to provide for construction of a new teaching hospital.
Such legislation would give essential support to Howard University's
program of medical education and end the divided responsibility and
control now existing.
SOCIAL INSURANCE AND OTHER WELFARE.-Since the Social Security
Act first became law in I 935, the United States has made great strides in
its public income maintenance programs, both under the social security
system and other public retirement systems. Today 93% of our workers
are protected under the basic old-age, survivors, and disability insurance
program or under other Federal or State-local retirement systems. To
assist the unemployed we also have the Federal-State unemployment
insurance system, and the Federal Government further provides or helps
finance assistance to needy groups through other programs.
In IO years the benefit payments made because of loss of income due
to old age, death, disability, or unemployment under Federal, State, and
local programs have trebled, rising in the calendar year i960 to approximately $26 billion, of which about $24 billion was paid from federally
administered or federally aided programs. Benefits were paid during
the calendar year I960 to an average of more than 20 million families
or single persons. The cost of these benefits, 6% of our national income,
is funded from employee and employer contributions and taxes. Benefit
payments and taxes under laws already in effect will increase greatly
over the years.
Social insurance.-The Federal old-age, survivors, and disability insurance system now covers 9 out of I o American workers and their
families. In fiscal year i962 it will pay $I2.9 billion in benefits to an
average of i6.5 million people of all ages, including I2 million persons
aged 65 and over. Coverage should be extended to Federal civilian
employees and self-employed physicians, the largest groups of regularly
employed persons in our economy not now covered by this system.
Benefit payments and administrative costs are paid from trust funds
supported by payroll taxes shared equally by workers and employers and
from contributions of the self-employed. The combined employeremployee rate is now 6% of covered payrolls. Under present law it will
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rise by steps to 9% in calendar year 1969. Expenditures for the administration of this vast insurance system will be increased in fiscal year 1962
to cope with the increased workloads resulting from extension of disability protection to workers below age 50 and from other amendments
enacted by the last Congress.
Public assistance.-Total Federal expenditures for public assistance
and medical aid in 1962 under existing law are estimated to increase by
$128 million over 1961, largely reflecting the cost of the newly enacted
medical assistance program for the aged. In 1962, the Federal share
of payments for an average of 6.3 million recipients is estimated to be
$2.3 billion, which is 58% of the total. Caseloads for old-age assistance
and aid to the blind are declining moderately, while caseloads for aid to
dependent children and aid to the permanently and totally disabled are
increasing.
Medical care for the aged.-In recent years, the American people
have greatly improved their ability to obtain and pay for medical care
through private and nonprofit health organizations. This approach has
produced excellent results and should be preserved.
However, some aged persons are finding it increasingly difficult to pay
for the medical services which they require. Medical and institutional
care for the aged financed by public funds (Federal, State, and local) is
currently estimated to cost over $i billion annually. The last Congress
authorized substantial expansion in Federal assistance for medical care
of the aged through (I) increased Federal participation under the regular old-age assistance program and (2) a new program of medical
assistance for the aged who are not recipients of public assistance but
who nevertheless require aid to pay their medical and hospital bills.
In the 1962 budget, $400 million is included in the amount shown for
public assistance for the old and the new programs of medical care for
the aged. There will be a substantial increase in these expenditures in
future years under existing law as additional States participate in these
programs.
Extension of medical care assistance to the aged through a voluntary
program under Federal-State-local auspices-as authorized by the Congress-is sound national policy both from a fiscal standpoint and from
the standpoint of encouraging the widest participation of private as well
as public agencies in the improvement of medical care for this group.
However, under the program approved by the Congress many of the
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aged will still not be able to obtain needed protection against catastrophic
hospital and medical expenses even though under ordinary circumstances
they are able to pay their normal medical bills. The Congress is therefore urged to broaden the existing program in keeping with the recommendations which were made by this administration last spring. This
would further increase the number who receive assistance.
Public action in providing assistance for medical care and the sharply
rising costs of hospital and medical care underline the need for more adequate information regarding medical costs and the best methods of organizing to meet them. This budget provides for augmented research in
medical economics under the Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare. Likewise, it expands the related program of research and demonstration projects on causes of dependency for which appropriations
were first authorized last year.
Military service credits.-Both the Railroad Retirement Act and the
Social Security Act provide that military service during certain periods of
military conflict should be counted toward the rights of employees in
determining benefits even though the employee made no contribution
during this period. As has been previously indicated, it is appropriate
for the Federal Government to reimburse the trust funds for the cost of
benefits paid on the basis of such military service credits. But it is not
sound policy for the Government to pay more than the true cost of such
benefits or to pay both the railroad retirement and old-age and survivors
and disability insurance trust funds for the same military service credits,
as the present law requires.
Under statutes now in effect the Federal Government has paid the
railroad retirement account an estimated $400 million more than the
estimated cost of military service benefits. At the same time the Federal
Government is obliged to reimburse the old-age and survivors and disability insurance trust funds for an estimated $450 million for military
service benefits. The Congress is again urged to enact legislation to
recover the overpayments to the railroad retirement account and to transfer them to the social security trust funds to cover the Government liability. Pending action on such legislation, no appropriations are included
in this budget for military service payments to these trust funds.
Other welfare services.-Between I950 and 1960, the number of
disabled people rehabilitated annually through the Federal-State rehabilitation program increased by 48%, to 88,ooo. The budget for i962
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includes enlarged appropriations of $97 million for this program, mostly
for grants to State agencies for the rehabilitation of an estimated 103,000
persons.
The authorization for the special milk program, financed by the Commodity Credit Corporation, expires June 30, 1961. Appropriations are
recommended in this budget to reimburse the Corporation for costs of
the 1960 and 1961 operations. This program was originally established
as a temporary measure to aid the dairy industry. An evaluation presently under way in the Department of Agriculture will provide a basis
for determining the proper level of the program. Pending the results
of this evaluation, an appropriation of $95 million is included under proposed legislation to provide for a continuation of the special milk program in 1962 through a regular annual appropriation. Including this
amount, grants to the States through the school lunch and special milk
programs of the Department of Agriculture would be $250 million in
1962.
Our society must continue to encourage all our citizens to achieve the
maximum degree of self-realization and economic independence. There
are two large groups which as a nation we have recognized must be given
special attention-the I6 million aged persons and the 65 million children
and young people under 18. A White House Conference on Children
and Youth was held last spring. Widespread local and State preparations have been made also for this month's White House Conference on
Aging. Such conferences can help State, local, and Federal agencies, as
well as private organizations and individuals, to increase opportunities
for the aged and for the youth of our land.
VETERANS SERVICES AND BENEFITS
Budget expenditures for veterans programs are estimated to total $5.3
billion in 1962, which is $69 million more than in 1961. Continued
increases in pensions for non-service-connected disabilities and deaths
and in costs of medical care are expected to be largely offset by a decrease
in readjustment benefits for veterans of the Korean conflict.
Expenditures for pensions are estimated to increase in 1962 principally
because World War I veterans and survivors of World War II veterans
will continue to be added to the pension rolls. These additions reflect
both the number of World War I veterans reaching age 65 by 1962 who
will be able to meet the eligibility standards, and the effect of the liberali
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zations provided in the Veterans' Pension Act of I 959.
The decline in the education and training assistance provided to veterans of the Korean conflict foreshadows the approaching end of this second historic venture in providing readjustment assistance for wartime
service. Henceforth, the bulk of the veterans expenditures will be for
pensions, compensation, and medical care benefits. Because of the growth
in non-service-connected disability and survivor pension costs, veterans
expenditures will continue to increase for many years under laws now
in effect.
In the 6-year period 1957-62, annual pension, compensation, and
medical care expenditures will have risen by over $i billion. This
increase is in part the result of liberalizations in pension laws and improved standards of medical care. It also results from the advancing age
of our veterans, which makes more of them or their survivors eligible for
benefits. The trends are illustrated by the fact that from I957 to I962
there will be a net increase of 750,000, or about 20%, in disability and
survivor cases on the rolls. Of the 22 /2 million living veterans, i out of
every 7 will be receiving compensation or pension benefits at the end
of 1962.
An increasing proportion of the total expenditures of the Veterans
Administration is attributable to disabilities, diseases, or deaths not related
to military service. Between 1957 and 1962, non-service-connected costs
will increase by 70%, rising from less than one-third to nearly one-half of
all budget expenditures for veterans services and benefits.
This trend raises serious questions about the further expansion of
veterans programs, particularly since veterans, their dependents, and
survivors of veterans total about 8o million people or over two-fifths of
our total population. The improvement in recent years of general welfare
programs, for which veterans as well as others are eligible, coupled with
the improvements in veterans programs, has reduced the justification for
providing additional special benefits to veterans on the basis of non-serviceconnected factors. Any further expansion of non-service-connected benefits would create serious inequities of treatment between veterans and
others in our population. I particularly oppose measures which would
increase or make available non-service-connected pensions for veterans
of World War I contrary to the principle of need incorporated in the
Veterans' Pension Act of 1959.
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VETERANS SERVICES AND BENEFITS
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Budget expenditures new obligational
I 960 1961 1962 authority
Program or agency actual estimate estimate for 1962
Readjustment benefits:
Education and training................... $383 $233 $128 $72
Loan guarantee and other benefits.......... 3.....2 131 77 9
Unemployment compensation.................. 5..................
Compensation and pensions:
Service-connected compensation........... 2, 049 2, 038 2, 026 2, 026
Non-service-connected pensions............ I, 263 1, 512 I, 717 I, 487
Burial and other allowances............... 56 55 55 55
Hospitals and medical care................... 904 982 I, 025 I, 025
Hospital construction......................... 57 63 66 75
Insurance and servicemen's indemnities...... 33 31 27 40
Other services and administration............ 1.....79 182 174 174
Total................................... 6 5, 60 5, 227 5,296 1'4,963
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $5,169 million enacted for g1960 and
$5,438 million (including $58 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for 1961.
Readjustment benefits.-Expenditures for readjustment assistance, estimated in 1962 at $205 million, continue their decline from a post-Korean
high mark of about $900 million in 1957. The principal reduction is in
the education and training program, in which the average number of
Korean conflict veterans participating will be reduced to 85,ooo000 in 1962,
compared to 288,oo000 in 1 960 and 1 70,000 in 1 96 1.
The previous Congress extended until July 25, 1962, the home loan
guarantee program as it applies to veterans of World War II. The direct
loan program was similarly extended for both Korean conflict veterans
and World War II veterans. It is clear that continuation of direct loan
assistance and of loan guarantee assistance is no longer required to help
World War II veterans in their readjustment to civilian life I5 years
after the end of that war.
Veterans, like other citizens, can and should participate in the regular
housing programs when their special readjustment needs resulting from
military service have passed. The loan guarantee program for World
War II veterans should therefore be terminated as of July 25, 1961.
Changes proposed in the veterans direct loan program have been described
with other housing programs elsewhere in this message.
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Legislation is again recommended to provide vocational rehabilitation
for peacetime ex-servicemen having substantial service-connected disabilities. This would add to other benefits which the Federal Government
provides peacetime ex-servicemen, such as unemployment compensation,
employment service, and reemployment rights. On the other hand, there
is no justification for the extension of special educational or housing
benefits to peacetime ex-servicemen. Such benefits cannot be justified
by conditions of military service and are inconsistent with the incentives
which have been provided to make military service an attractive career
for capable individuals.
Compensation and pensions.-Expenditures for service-connected
death and disability compensation benefits continue a slow decline from
their I959 peak as compensation rolls are reduced by the deaths of
veterans or their widows and by the transfer of many aging veterans to
pension rolls. These decreases are offset in small part by the addition of
veterans of the Korean conflict and of peacetime ex-servicemen or their
survivors. Compensation will be paid to an average of 2,397,000 veterans
and survivors of veterans in I962 compared to 2,4I0,000 in 1961 and
2,428,000 in 1960.
The continued rise in expenditures for non-service-connected pensions,
however, will more than offset the decline in compensation payments.
Approximately half of all World War I veterans over 65 will be receiving
pensions by the end of 1962, and the pension rolls will carry an average
of nearly 2 million veterans and survivors in 1962. The Veterans' Pension Act of I959 is expected to increase expenditures by adding over
Ioo,ooo new beneficiaries to the rolls at an estimated additional cost of
$77 million in I96I. These additional expenditures also reflect higher
rates for many veterans on the rolls before July I, 1960.
Hospitals and medical care.-The budget includes expenditures of
approximately $I billion for hospital and medical care for eligible veterans in 1962, an increase of $43 million over I96I. The increase will
permit continued improvement in the quality of medical care in the hospitals and clinics. The new I,ooo-bed hospital at Brecksville, Ohio, is
scheduled to be opened in 1962 and the new Palo Alto, Calif., hospital
addition will be fully activated. Hospital and domiciliary care will be
provided for an average of I41,500 beneficiaries per day in Veterans
Administration, contract, and State facilities, and a total of 3,622,000
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visits for medical services are expected to be made by veterans to outpatient clinics and to private physicians on a fee basis.
Hospital construction.-An appropriation of $75 million is proposed
for 1962, the same as for 1961, as the second step in carrying out a
i2-year hospital modernization program of $900 million initiated in 1961.
Of the 1 962 appropriation, $26 million will be for construction of a 1,250 -bed replacement hospital at Wood (Milwaukee), Wis., $ I I million will
be for replacement of 500oo beds at Charleston, S.C.; the remainder will
be for planning a new 58o-bed general hospital at Atlanta, Ga., planning
the replacement of approximately i,ooo beds in the Los Angeles, Calif.,
area, and for a large number of modernization projects.
Administration.-The general operating expenses of the Veterans Administration (other than the direct costs of administration of medical,
dental, and hospital services) in 1962 are expected to be $162 million,
slightly less than in 1961. Reductions in administrative costs are expected to accrue in future years from the program now under way to
convert the recording and payment of veterans benefits to automatic data
processing equipment.
INTEREST
Interest payments are estimated to decrease by $400 million to $8.6
billion in the fiscal year 1962. These payments are almost entirely for
interest on the public debt and represent I I % of budget expenditures.
INTEREST
[Fiscal years. In millions]
New obligational authority and
budget expenditures
1960 1961 1962
Item actual estimate estimate
Interest on public debt........................... $9, 80 $8, 9o00 $8, 500
Interest on refunds of receipts........................76 83 83
Interest on uninvested funds.......................... 10 1 0 10
Total.................................. 9,266 8,993 8,593
Market rates of interest have been decreasing from the levels prevailing
last year. This makes it possible for the Treasury to pay, on the average,
lower interest on securities issued to refinance maturing obligations. The
reduction in the public debt during the year, facilitated by the surplus in
the budget in 1960 as well as currently, is also helping to a lesser extent
to reduce interest payments.
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GENERAL GOVERNMENT
Expenditures for general government activities are estimated to rise by
$89 million to $2.I billion in the fiscal year 1962. The increase is primarily for more construction of Government buildings and for strengthening the tax collection system.
Central fiscal operations.-The I962 budget includes an increase of
$36 million in new obligational authority to $450 million for the Internal
Revenue Service. This will finance the second year's cost of a program
to provide more effective enforcement of our tax laws and will thus reduce
the revenue losses which arise from the failure of some individuals and
businesses to report their incomes fully or accurately. Ultimately, all
aspects of tax administration capable of being mechanized will be handled electronically. With the growth of the economy, tax returns are
increasing in volume and necessarily become more complex. Installation
of the new and modernized system for the processing of these returns will
make possible the collection of taxes with lower expenditures than would
otherwise be the case. Legislation should be enacted to authorize the
adoption of tax account numbers which are needed for mechanical and
electronic processing.
Legislation to authorize the consolidated reporting by employers of
wages for income tax and social security purposes should also be enacted.
Such legislation would produce considerable savings for both employers
and the Government by reducing paperwork and would also help in
enforcing the tax laws. Nearly 4 million employers could be relieved of
the need to file for social security purposes 14 million separate quarterly
wage reports each year covering over 230 million wage items. The
Treasury Department and the Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare have already agreed on the cooperative steps to be taken for
improved administration of the tax laws and the social security system
once such legislation is enacted.
Presidential office space.-There is pressing need for providing future
Presidents with modern and efficient office facilities. My experience
during the last 8 years strongly confirms the conclusion of the Advisory
Commission on Presidential Office Space that present facilities "are outmoded, overcrowded, inefficient, and not consistent with effective and
well coordinated management of the highest office of the executive branch
of the Government." The Commission recommended: (I) a new build
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Public Papers of the Presidents
GENERAL GOVERNMENT
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Bud
1960
Program or agency actual
Legislative functions........................ $ 10
Judicial functions............................ 4!
Executive direction and management.........,
Central fiscal operations:
Internal Revenue Service................. 36'
Other................................. 1'9
General property and records management.... 36
Central personnel management and employment
costs:
Department of Labor.................... I9
Civil Service Commission:
Present program s...................... 2
Proposed legislation.........................
Civilian weather services.................... 5,
Protective services and alien control............ 21
Territories and possessions, and the District of
Columbia:
District of Columbia....................... 2
O ther..................................... 6
Other general government..................... 2
Total.............................. 1, 69
Recommended
lget expenditures new obligational
1961 1962 authority
I estimate estimate for 1962
9 $I37 $130 $Ioo
9 53 56 56
2 14 I5 I5
0
8
7
412 446 450
207 218 218
417 467 5i6
0 212 2i6 2i6
I
4
7
8
3
8
5
74
57
241
48
75
34
1, 982
95
-45
66
247
66
8I
12
2, 071
95
-45
70
250
63
75
17
12, o96
1 Compares with new obligational authority of $,664 million enacted for I960 and
$2,073 million (including $131 million in anticipated supplemental appropriations)
estimated for I96i.
ing to house only the White House office on the site of the existing Executive Office Building; (2) a new building for other units of the Executive
Office; and (3) remodeling of the west wing of the White House for use
as quarters for visiting dignitaries.
As a first step in carrying out these recommendations, the Congress
should provide funds for constructing a new Executive Office Building
on the west side of Lafayette Square, and this budget includes $26 million
of new obligational authority for this purpose. More than two decades
ago, the Congress wisely provided new quarters for the Supreme Court of
the United States. In recent years, major improvements and expansions
have been made in the facilities necessary to carry on the increasingly
complex and important duties of the legislative branch. The next logical
step is to remedy the serious deficiencies in the office space of the Chief
Executive of the United States. I strongly urge the Congress to give early
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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attention to the needed building as well as to the other recommendations
of the Commission.
General property and records management.-New obligational authority of $516 million is requested for the general property and records
management activities of the General Services Administration, predominantly for management of existing buildings, construction of new buildings, purchase and distribution of supplies, and custody of Government
records. Of this total, $212 million is for the construction of Federal
office buildings, $26 million more than enacted for I96I. Budget expenditures for new buildings will be $169 million in 1962, nearly 50%
above the 1961 level. This large increase results from an acceleration in
construction initiated in 1959 to remedy some serious deficiencies of space
which interfere with effective operations in many Federal agencies.
The expanded program of the General Services Administration for
improving the utilization of excess Federal personal property is accomplishing significant results. Transfers of property in 1962 from agencies
having an excess to those which can use it are expected to be $350 million
valued at acquisition cost, compared to $218 million in 1960.
As a part of an overall program for improving supply management,
the responsibility for the procurement and distribution of subsistence items
for the civilian agencies has been centralized in the Veterans Administration. Substantial progress has also been made toward centralizing
in the Veterans Administration the procurement and distribution of medicines, drugs, and pharmaceuticals for the civilian agencies. Progress is
also being made in transferring from the Department of Defense to the
General Services Administration responsibility for managing the supplies
of certain items which are used by civilian agencies as well as by the
military services.
Central personnel management and employment costs.-Appropriations of $147 million are recommended in 1962 for the Department of
Labor to provide unemployment compensation for former Federal civilian
employees and ex-servicemen. Another $69 million will be required for
workmen's compensation for present and past Federal employees. The
new obligational authority recommended for the Civil Service Commission includes $26 million to finance the Government's share of the new
health benefits programs for retired Federal personnel. The remaining
appropriations in this category are predominantly for administration of
the civil service system.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
A long-range policy should be established for financing the civil service
retirement system, which covers over 9o0% of Federal civilian employment. Previous recommendations to accomplish this objective should be
enacted. This legislation would assure continued availability in the fund
of the full amount of the net accumulations from employee contributions
and would establish a definite basis for meeting the Government's share
of the costs consistent with the principle that its full faith and credit
support the authorized benefits.
Under present law, an appropriation of $45 million would be required
for i962 to finance the cost of civil service retirement benefits enacted
in I958 for certain retired employees and certain widows or widowers
of former employees. Without this appropriation these benefits could
not be continued. Legislation is again recommended to assure that in
I962 and later years such benefits are paid from the civil service retirement
and disability fund on the same basis as other benefits, without specific
annual appropriation.
A number of outmoded and inconsistent statutes now regulate the
employment and compensation of retired military personnel in civilian
positions with the Government. We should replace this legal maze with
a single, rational statute which would eliminate unnecessary dual payments, adequately safeguard the civilian career service, and permit the
Government to hire members of this group possessing needed skills under
conditions that are fair to the individual.
Efforts must be continued to improve Federal job evaluation and other
pay practices so as to make Federal pay, including that at the executive
level, more comparable with private enterprise. This is essential to recruit
and retain superior personnel for Federal programs, particularly in the
middle and upper professional and managerial positions, and to overcome
the severe competitive disadvantages with which the Federal Government
must now contend in recruiting personnel.
To help attain this objective, the accuracy of comparisons of Federal
salary rates with private business rates should be improved. Funds are
recommended in this budget for the Department of Labor to continue
its recently expanded surveys which provide annual reports on salaries
currently paid in private business. In time the Federal Government
should make full use of this information as a guide in fixing salaries for
its own officers and employees.
Legislation should be enacted to provide a system of survivorship annui1020
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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ties for the widows and dependent children of judges of the Tax Court
of the United States comparable to the system already in effect with
respect to the other Federal courts.
Civilian weather services.-The successful launching of meteorological
satellites has created vast possibilities for increasing our knowledge about
the atmosphere and for improving daily weather services and forecasts.
To realize some of this potential, an appropriation increase of $9 million
over i96i, to a total of $70 million, is recommended for the Weather
Bureau for i 962. This increase will provide for the establishment of
processing facilities to permit the immediate use of worldwide cloud data
received from satellites, as well as for increased research in applying this
new source of information to improve understanding of atmospheric
motion. The budget also continues the efforts of the past several years
to transfer to Weather Bureau appropriations the financing of certain
meteorological activities of other Federal agencies which are national in
scope and serve both civilian and military needs.
Territories, possessions, and District of Columbia.-The expenditures
required to meet the Federal share of the financing of governmental
operations in the District of Columbia will increase substantially in i962,
primarily because of loans authorized in prior years to meet capital requirements of the area, including a metropolitan sewage system to connect
with the Dulles International Airport.
A constitutional amendment to permit residents of the District to vote
for President and Vice President is now before the States for ratification.
The States should act promptly on this amendment.
Another basic step, recommended on many past occasions, would be
the restoration of home rule for the 764,ooo District of Columbia residents. I repeat my recommendation in this respect. Such local selfgovernment is essential not only to carry out our democratic principles
but also to remove excessive and unnecessary responsibilities from the
Federal Government.
To promote the further development of democratic institutions, and in
keeping with the growth of local self-government, the Congress should
authorize representation of the Virgin Islands and Guam in the Congress
through nonvoting territorial deputies.
Intergovernmental relations.-Federal financial assistance to State and
local governments plays a large role in financing their operations. In
i962 such aid, including budget and trust funds, will amount to $7.9
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Public Papers of the Presidents
billion and account for a substantial portion of total annual State and
local revenues. Continuous attention must be given to Federal-State-local
fiscal interrelationships so that they reflect the proper distribution of
responsibilities. The Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations established in I959 can make an important contribution through
its work in reexamining intergovernmental relations and fiscal problems.
In this field, a uniform Federal policy is needed (I) defining immunity from local taxation on the use or possession of Federal property in
the custody of contractors and lessees, and (2) governing payments in
lieu of taxes made by the Government to localities on certain real properties. Legislation on these matters should be enacted in accordance
with the recommendations made by the administration in the last session
of the Congress, which call for partial restoration of immunity from taxation of Federal property in the hands of contractors or lessees and authorization of a system of payments in lieu of taxation on certain real
properties in cases of local hardship.
Other recommendations.-It is again recommended that the Employment Act of 1946 be amended to make reasonable price stability an explicit goal of Federal economic policy, coordinate with the goals of maximum production, employment, and purchasing power now specified in
that Act.
In support of our position of world leadership, legislation is again recommended to liberalize and modernize our immigration laws. The quota
system should be brought up to date by revising the methods of determining, distributing, and transferring quotas, and the total number of
immigrants admitted under quotas should be doubled. A permanent
program for admission of refugees should also replace the inadequate
and piecemeal legislation now in effect.
The enactment of the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and I960, the activities of the Department of Justice in enforcing these statutes, and the contribution of the Civil Rights Commission in identifying basic problems
and legislative action required, represent significant progress in the field
of civil rights. To permit the Commission to explore more thoroughly
the necessity for further legislation in this field, its life should be extended
for another 2 years. As part of an effort to extend civil rights in education to all our citizens, the Congress should enact legislation to assist
State and local agencies to meet costs of special professional services
needed in carrying out public school desegregation programs. Also, leg1022
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
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islation should be enacted to establish a Commission on Equal Job Opportunity to make permanent and expand, with legislative backing, the
important work of the President's Committee on Government Contracts.
The seriously congested conditions in the courts require that the Congress give early consideration to the creation of additional Federal judgeships as proposed by the Judicial Conference.
It is important that the Congress enact legislation, such as that passed
by the House of Representatives last year, to reimburse Americans for
certain World War II property damage.
A system of awards to recognize outstanding civilian achievements
should also be established, as previously recommended.
Legislation should be enacted to incorporate the Alaska Railroad to
place its operations on the same basis as other Federal activities of this
type.
Last spring, legislation was introduced in the Congress to enlarge and
change the boundaries of the site for the National Cultural Center in
accordance with the design for the structure contemplated as a national
center for the performing arts on the banks of the Potomac. It is important that such legislation be enacted as early as possible so that the
fund-raising activities of the Center's Board of Trustees may be energetically continued.
I have repeatedly urged construction of a freedom monument symbolizing the ideals of our democracy as embodied in the freedoms of speech,
religion, press, assembly, and petition. I still believe such a living, everbuilding monument would be fitting.
IMPROVEMENTS IN BUDGETING
The budget process is a means of establishing Government policies,
improving the management of Government operations, and planning and
conducting the Government's fiscal role in the life of the Nation. Whether
that role is increasing, decreasing, or remaining unchanged, the budget
process is perhaps our most significant device for planning, controlling,
and coordinating our programs and policies as well as our finances. Thus,
the President and the Congress will always need to give attention to the
improvement and full utilization of the budget system.
Improvements in presentation.-The budget totals in this document
reflect a technical accounting adjustment which affects budget expenditures and budget receipts equally, and does not affect the budget surplus
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Public Papers of the Presidents
for any year. This is the exclusion from the totals of expenditures and
receipts, for all years shown in this document, of certain interfund transactions, mainly interest payments to the general fund of the Treasury by
wholly owned Government enterprises which have borrowed from the
Treasury. The amounts involved continue to be included in the figures
for each function and for each agency, but are deducted in one sum to
reach expenditure totals. Similarly, they continue to be included as
miscellaneous budget receipts of the Treasury, but are deducted to arrive
at the total of budget receipts. Since the beginning of the present fiscal
year, various statements and reports on Government financial operations
have been eliminating these interfund payments from budget totals.
Steady progress is being made in applying the principles of performance
budgeting. In this budget, the appropriation pattern or activity classifications of several agencies and bureaus have been improved and greater
use is being made of program and workload measurement data. Costtype budgets, which present the most adequate measure of financial
performance, are used for more than 8o appropriation accounts for the
first time. With these additions, about two-thirds of the appropriation
accounts are now presented on a cost-type basis.
Funding arrangements.-Recommendations placed before the Congress in this budget are again based upon the principle that authority to
incur budget obligations and make expenditures should be granted in
appropriation acts, rather than in substantive legislation handled outside
the regular appropriation process. Of course, the budget totals includeas they have for many years-all of the new obligational authority actually
granted each year and the subsequent spending, no matter what the
method by which provided. The Congress ought to pass upon all new
obligational authority in a regular systematic way as part of the appropriation process. We must never be led into thinking that special funding
arrangements, which are a claim against budget receipts or borrowing,
are somehow not a part of the budget or not a cost to the taxpayers.
From time to time, the Congress has enacted legislation and appropriations under which additional sums become available for obligation
and expenditure annually without further congressional action. These
are so-called permanent appropriations. In a few cases, such as interest
on the public debt, permanent obligational authority may be desirable.
In many other cases, however, permanent appropriations give unnecessary
1024
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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preferential treatment. A complete congressional review is needed of all
such provisions of permanent authority, including those to use borrowed
money, to enter into contracts ahead of appropriations, and to use collections to supplement appropriations. Those provisions which cannot
be fully justified at this time should be repealed.
It is again recommended that major business-type activities of the
Government be placed on a revolving fund basis, through which receipts
can be used to meet obligations and expenditures, subject to annual
review and control by the Congress. Such a system, which is presently
applied successfully to all of the Government-owned corporations and
many unincorporated Government enterprises, provides a clear display
of the business-type nature of these activities, their income or loss from
current operations, and the extent to which they are adding to or using
up the Government's capital assets. In accordance with legislation enacted in response to a previous recommendation, the loan guarantee
program of the Veterans Administration is thus presented in this budget.
Legislation should be enacted to provide revolving funds for the Farmers
Home Administration, the Bureau of Reclamation, and the power marketing agencies of the Department of the Interior.
A few mixed-ownership Government corporations having authority to
draw money from the Treasury or to commit the Treasury for future
expenditures are presently outside the Government's budget system. This
is largely because of the unrealistic and inconsistent distinction the law
now makes between wholly owned and mixed-ownership Government
corporations, even though both may affect the Government's finances.
All Government corporations with such authority, namely, the Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation, the banks for cooperatives, and the Federal intermediate credit banks, should be brought within the flexible
budget provisions of the Government Corporation Control Act, and thus
within the normal budgetary and reporting structure of the Government.
The extensive recommendations made a year ago for the control of
foreign currencies generally were adopted by the Congress, and this action
has proved helpful in obtaining more adequate budget control of these
resources. However, there still remain various special provisions of law,
requiring reservations of currencies for certain programs, that hinder the
Government in making the wisest use of the foreign currencies coming
into its hands. They should be repealed. Expenditures of all foreign
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Public Papers of the Presidents
currencies owned by the Government and used for its activities should
be controlled through the annual budget process and should be accounted
for in the same way as dollar expenditures.
The budget process in the Congress.-Although the President presents
one budget for the entire Government to the Congress each year, the
Congress considers the budget in a multitude of pieces rather than as a
whole. The financing methods outside the regular appropriation process, already mentioned, are but one phase of this problem. Another is
the tendency to require a double budget process each year for certain
agencies-requiring them, first, to seek legislation to authorize appropriations annually and, second, to seek their appropriations. The subcommittee arrangement and time schedule for processing appropriation
requests further fragments the budget process. The complete separation
of the handling of tax legislation from the consideration of appropriations
and expenditures adds to the total problem.
The Congress should therefore provide a mechanism by which total
receipts and total appropriations (and expenditures) can regularly be
considered in relation to each other. Further, substantive legislation
with respect to all continuing programs should be written so that new
legislation is not required each year, thus permitting the budget and
appropriation process to proceed in an orderly manner.
In accordance with recommendations of the second Hoover Commission, legislation was enacted in I958 authorizing the Congress to establish
limitations on accrued expenditures as a means of enabling more direct
control over spending. Limitations were proposed for selected accounts
in the last two budgets, but were rejected by the Congress without exception. Therefore, and since the law providing for accrued expenditure
limitations expires in April i962, no such limitations are proposed in this
budget.
Provision of item veto.-Future Presidents should have the authority to
veto items of appropriation measures without the necessity of disapproving an entire appropriation bill. Many Presidents have recommended
that this authority be given to our Chief Executive, and more than 8o%
of the States have given it to their Governors. It is a necessary procedure
for strengthening fiscal responsibility. As in the case of other vetoes, the
Congress should have the authority to override an item veto.
io26
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
( 4I4
In my first budget message to the Congress, I described the philosophy
of this administration in the following words:
"By using necessity-rather than mere desirability-as the test for our
expenditures, we will reduce the share of the national income which is
spent by the Government. We are convinced that more progress and
sounder progress will be made over the years as the largest possible share
of our national income is left with individual citizens to make their own
countless decisions as to what they will spend, what they will buy, and
what they will save and invest. Government must play a vital role in
maintaining economic growth and stability. But I believe that our development, since the early days of the Republic, has been based on the
fact that we left a great share of our national income to be used by
a provident people with a will to venture. Their actions have stimulated the American genius for creative initiative and thus multiplied our
productivity."
This philosophy is as appropriate today as it was in I954. And it
should continue to guide us in the future.
Over the past 8 years, we have sought to keep the role of the Federal
Government within its proper sphere, resisting the ever-present pressures
to initiate or expand activities which could be more appropriately carried
out by others. At the same time, the record of this administration has
been one of action to help meet the urgent and real needs of a growing
population and a changing economy. For example, Federal expenditures
between I953 and I96i for aids to education have more than doubled;
outlays for public health have more than tripled; civil aviation expenditures have more than quadrupled; highway expenditures are five times
the I953 level; and urban renewal expenditures are more than seven
times as great.
The major increases in spending which have taken place have not been
devoted to the tools of war and destruction. A military posture of great
effectiveness and strong retaliatory capability has been maintained without increasing defense expenditures above I953, despite rising costs. We
have, fortunately, been able to direct more of our public resources toward
the improvement of living conditions and the enlargement of opportunities
for the future growth and development of the Nation.
By applying the test of necessity rather than desirability to the expenditures of government, we have made significant progress in both public
1027
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Public Papers of the Presidents
and private affairs during the past 8 years. And it is significant that
requirements have been met while holding budget expenditures to a lesser
proportion of the national income than in I953.
The 1962 budget has been designed to promote further advancement
for all of our people on a sound and secure basis. In that spirit, I commend it to the consideration of the next administration and the Congress.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: As printed above, the following grams and highlight summaries; (2) refhave been deleted: (I) illustrative dia- erences to special analyses appearing in
the budget document.
415 eI Letter Accepting Resignation of Robert B.
Anderson as Secretary of the Treasury.
January 16, 196I
[ Released January 16, I961. Dated January 13, 1961 ]
Dear Bob:
I shall never be able to tell you of the depth of my gratitude for your
readiness to return three and a half years ago to governmental service as
Secretary of the Treasury. Your sound grasp of fiscal, financial and
general governmental problems have made you a real stalwart in this
Administration and invaluable to me. In accepting your resignation,
effective January 20, 1961, as Secretary of the Treasury and from the
other offices referred to in your letter of January ninth, it would be difficult
indeed to over-emphasize the sense of obligation I feel to you and your
staff.
Under your leadership the Treasury has provided constructive guidance in this Administration's efforts to stabilize the dollar, balance the
Federal budget, correct the balance of payments deficit, plan for tax
revision and simplification, and manage the Federal debt. The story of
the actions of the Department of the Treasury in these areas is clearly
presented in your report and I shall release it to the press in order that
these major accomplishments can be made a part of the public record.
I earnestly hope that opportunities will develop from time to time for
you and me to meet; no matter what my future activities may be, I shall
always deem it a privilege to renew with you the conversations and ex1028
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
e4I V6
change of views that have meant so much to me over these many months.
As for you and your future, I am completely confident that your
demonstrated capacity, ability and strength of character will make you
a brilliant success in whatever calling you may see fit to follow.
To you and your family, I send my warm regard and, of course, my
very best wishes for your continued health and vigor.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Secretary Anderson served from tary Fund, as U.S. Governor of the InterJuly 29, I957, to January 20, i96i. His national Bank for Reconstruction and
letter of resignation, dated January 6, and Development, as U.S. Governor of the
his report were released with the Presi- Inter-American Development Bank, and
dent's reply. In his letter of January 9, as a member of the Advisory Commission
also released, Mr. Anderson resigned as on Intergovernmental Relations.
U.S. Governor of the International Mone416 eiT Remarks at the Signing of the Columbia
River Basin Treaty With Canada.
January I7, i96i
Gentlemen:
The signing of this treaty marks the culmination of a long effortindeed I6 years long-between Canada and the United States to reach
a common ground of agreement on the development of the Upper
Columbia.
I personally believe that the work which will now go ahead, when
these treaties are properly approved, will be one of the great developments
for the benefit of both our countries.
Moreover, in more intangible benefits, there is a tremendously important advance. That comes about because these two nations living so
close together have to watch each other, probably, at times. Nevertheless, we are such great friends, as Mr. Diefenbaker has also said, that we
serve as a model for other countries.
This is another step in cementing that friendship and making it more
lasting and useful to the whole world.
So, for me to be able to sign this treaty, in the last 2 or 3 days of this
administration, is indeed a great personal gratification and satisfaction.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
I thank you, Mr. Prime Minister, and your associates for the work you
have done to facilitate this treaty and to be a part of this great step in the
future cooperation of our countries.
NOTE: Prime Minister Diefenbaker's remarks follow:
Mr. President:
This, I believe, is an historic milestone
in Canadian-American relations. As you
have said, this project is one of the greatest projects that has ever been undertaken. Indeed, it is the first occasion in
history when two nations, side by side,
have agreed to the distribution of power
as between their two countries, and the
sharing of the development of an international river to the same extent as will
be the result in the years ahead.
And as you have said, this relationship
between our countries is something that
is a model for all mankind. Indeed, it
would be difficult to understand the relationship between our two countries when
placed alongside the relationships that
prevail between other countries in the
world today. My hope is that, in the
years ahead, this day will be looked back
on as one that represents the greatest advance that has ever been made in intranational relations between countries.
While we are joined in sentiment and
in a common dedication to freedom, we
are, under this project, joined as well in
an economic development for the benefit
of both our countries.
And I want to say this, Mr. President,
as you approach the end of your term of
office, and in deep sincerity, how much
your friendship has meant to me. And I
speak for all Canadians when I wish you
good health, long years of service on behalf of peace. Indeed we think of you
as the great leader of the legions of freedom in the darkest days of war. We think
of you as well as the architect of international relationships. Your dedication
to the achievement and the attainment
of peace is something that has been an
inspiration to all of us in the free world.
I think that this day is the culmination of your dedication to the assurance
that each nation is indeed its brother's
keeper and that only in the raising of the
opportunities economically can there be a
true foundation for peace.
We, in our cooperation, are building
for the future. And if only the other
nations could catch something of this relationship so that each of us would
through economic endeavor and cooperation help others less enjoyably placed economically, a long step forward can be
made.
This is a great day. I wish you well,
and I know that in the days ahead your
contribution everywhere in the world, with
the prestige that is yours, will do much
to bring about the attainment of peace
in this generation.
4 I 7 fJ Citation Presented to General Melvin J.
Maas. January 17, i96i
[ Text read by Gerald D. Morgan, The Deputy Assistant to the President ]
CITATION:
Major General Melvin Joseph Maas (U.S. Marine Corps, Retired),
has served the people of the United States in peace and war with vigor,
ability and devotion.
As a Congressman, as a Marine in both World Wars, as Chairman of
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
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the President's Committee on Employment of the Physically Handicapped,
Melvin Maas has become an example of inspired citizenship to all
Americans.
Total blindness and diverse physical afflictions have not been able to
stop him in his prosecution of good works. He is a symbol of the proud
motto of the handicapped: "It's ability, not disability, that counts." In
him the physically handicapped have a brave and effective champion.
For his life-long dedication to the service of the American people; for
his outstanding leadership of the President's Committee on Employment
of the Physically Handicapped; and for his courage in action over and
beyond the call of duty, it is most fitting that Melvin Maas receive the
grateful recognition of his countrymen.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The citation was presented at the Chairman of the President's Committee
Bethesda Naval Medical Center, where on Employment of the Physically HandiGeneral Maas was recuperating from an capped on April 13, 1954.
illness. General Maas was appointed
4 I 8 eI Statement by the President on the Sugar
Act. January I7, i96i
I HAVE instructed the Secretary of Agriculture to transmit to the Congress of the United States a recommendation for extension and amendment of the Sugar Act of I948, as amended, from its present expiration
date of March 3 I, I 96 I, through December 3 I, I 96 I. I have also indicated my belief that a nine-months extension is imperative to maintain
a stable sugar market in the interest of domestic producers and consumers,
if the Congress is to have time enough to develop longer range legislation.
In accordance with my statement of December i6, i960, I have again
asked the Congress to relieve the Executive of the obligation to purchase
from the Dominican Republic a portion of the sugar needed to replace
that formerly obtained from Cuba.
NOTE: For the President's statement of December i6, i960, see Item 374.
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4 I 9 Ct Special Message to the Senate
Transmitting the Columbia River Basin Treaty
With Canada. January I7, i96I
To the Senate of the United States:
With a view to receiving the advice and consent of the Senate to ratification, I transmit herewith a treaty between the United States of America
and Canada concerning the cooperative development of the water resources of the Columbia River Basin, signed at Washington January I7,
i96i, together with a report of the Secretary of State.
The treaty is an important step toward achieving optimum development of the water resources of the Columbia River basin as a whole from
which the United States and Canada will each receive benefits materially
larger than either could obtain independently.
The United States will secure a large block of power at low cost, substantial flood control benefits, and additional incidental benefits for irrigation, navigation, pollution abatement, and other uses resulting from
controlled storage. Canada will also receive a large block of power at a
low cost, as well as flood control and other benefits resulting from the
control of water flow.
The treaty envisages the construction, in the Columbia River basin in
Canada within a nine-year period, of reservoirs providing I5.5 million
acre-feet of storage. The treaty also clears the way for construction by
the United States, at its option, of the Libby project on the Kootenai
River in northern Montana, which was authorized by the Congress in
the Flood Control Act of I 950. The reservoir area for this project extends
forty-two miles into the Canadian province of British Columbia.
The flood control and power benefits resulting from the treaty will be
realized at a much earlier date and at a cost materially less than would
be the case were they to be provided exclusively through projects in the
United States.
The developments brought about under the treaty will be of great significance for their human values as well as for the material gains they will
provide.
The flood control objectives of the United States for the lower Columbia
River in Oregon and Washington which have been a pressing need for
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 419
many years will be brought to substantial realization within a span of
less than a decade. The Libby project will resolve the critical flood control problem in the Bonners Ferry area in Idaho. Removal of the hazard
of periodic floods will pay incalculable dividends in the saving of human
life and the avoidance of suffering, as well as through economic improvement in areas heretofore subject to recurring flood damage.
The initial power benefits realizable in the United States from Canadian storage under the treaty are comparable to another Grand Coulee
dam, the largest hydroelectric project now in operation in the United
States. The Libby clearance presents the opportunity to gain an additional block of power substantially greater than the output of Bonneville
dam. The total initial result is a gain to the United States of over,686,ooo kilowatts of low-cost prime power.
Over the longer term, this large block of storage will make more valuable the existing projects in the Columbia River basin, representing an
investment of some $3.5 billion, by accelerating the time at which their
full potential can be realized. The large blocks of power that will result
will be a tremendous asset in fostering the nation's economic growth and
in augmenting our national resources.
Due to the location of the storage, there will be no interference with the
cycle for salmon and other anadromous fish which constitute such an
important economic and recreational asset for the people of the Pacific
Northwest.
To provide flood control and power benefits equivalent to those provided by the Canadian storage as of 1970 entirely from projects in the
United States would require an investment in the United States of about
$710,000,000 (including the cost of necessary additional transmission
facilities) over this decade. To realize the treaty benefits, on the other
hand, the costs in the United States over the next o years are estimated
at not over $I50,000,000. Between I970 and 1985 an additional estimated $268,000,000 of United States expenditures will be required.
Most of this added expenditure will go to install additional generating
facilities in the United States to take full advantage of the Canadian
storage. In all, the total capital outlay in the United States by reason
of the treaty (exclusive of the cost of the Libby project) is estimated at
about $418,000,000.
I recommend that the Senate give early and favorable consideration
to the treaty which should not be considered from the aspect of economic
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benefit alone but also as a further demonstration of the spirit of cooperation and mutual accommodation which has traditionally characterized
relationships between Canada and the United States of America.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The report of the Secretary of
State and the text of the treaty are pub
lished in the Department of State Bulletin
(vol. 24, p. 229).
420 IJ Special Message to the Congress
Transmitting Agreement With Italy for
Cooperation on Uses of Atomic Energy for Mutual
Defense. January 17, 196I
To the Congress of the United States:
In December I957 the Heads of Government of the nations members
of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization reached agreement in principle on the desirability of achieving the most effective pattern of NATO
military defensive strength, taking into account the most recent developments in weapons and techniques. In enunciating this agreement in
principle the Heads of Government made it clear that this decision was
the result of the fact that the Soviet leaders, while preventing a general
disarmament agreement, had left no doubt that the most modern and
destructive weapons of all kinds were being introduced into the Soviet
armed forces. The introduction of modern weapons into NATO forces
should be no cause for concern on the part of other countries, since NATO
is purely a defensive alliance.
It is our conviction and the conviction of our NATO allies that the
introduction into NATO defenses of the most modem weapons available
is essential in maintaining the strength necessary to the Alliance. Any
alliance depends in the last analysis upon the sense of shared mutual
interests among its members, and by sharing with our Allies certain training information we are demonstrating concretely our sense of partnership
in NATO's defensive planning. Failure on our part to contribute to the
improvement of the state of operational readiness of the forces of other
members of NATO will only encourage the Soviet Union to believe that
it can eventually succeed in its goal of destroying NATO's effectiveness.
To facilitate the necessary cooperation on our part legislation amending
the Atomic Energy Act of I954 was enacted by the Congress in 1958.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(l 42 I
Pursuant to that legislation agreements for cooperation were concluded
with four of our NATO partners in May and June I959. A similar
agreement was also recently concluded with our NATO ally, the Republic of Italy. All of these agreements are designed to implement in
important respects the agreed NATO program.
This agreement with the Government of Italy will enable the United
States to cooperate effectively in mutual defense planning with Italy and
in the training of Italian NATO forces in order that, if an attack on
NATO should occur, Italian forces could, under the direction of the
Supreme Allied Commander for Europe, effectively use nuclear weapons
in their defense.
These agreements previously concluded and this Italian Agreement
represent only a portion of the work necessary for complete implementation of the decision taken by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in
December I957. I anticipate the conclusion of similar agreements for
cooperation with certain other NATO nations as the Alliance's defensive
planning continues.
Pursuant to the Atomic Energy Act of I954, as amended, I am submitting to each House of the Congress an authoritative copy of the agreement with the Government of Italy. I am also transmitting a copy of
the Secretary of State's letter accompanying an authoritative copy of the
signed agreement, a copy of a joint letter from the Secretary of Defense
and the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission recommending my
approval of this document and a copy of my memorandum in reply thereto
setting forth my approval.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The text of the agreement and re- gressional Record of March 7, i961 (vol.
lated documents is published in the Con- 107, p. 3095).
42I tI Farewell Radio and Television Address to
the American People. January I 7, I 96 I
[ Delivered from the President's Office at 8:30 p.m.]
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country,
I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn
ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
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This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell,
and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will
labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed
with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential
agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will
better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and
tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to
West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during
these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have,
on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than
mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation
should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends
in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so
much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved
our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest,
the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the
interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and
among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt
both at home and abroad.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I 42 I
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the
conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology-global in scope,
atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To
meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and
transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry
forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle-with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we
remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or
domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some
spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to
all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture;
a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research-these and many
other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested
as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programsbalance between the private and the public economy, balance between
cost and hoped for advantage-balance between the clearly necessary and
the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as
a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the
future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually
finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their
government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new
in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.
IV.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment.
Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential
aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known
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by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men
of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and
as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create
a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this,
three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than
the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large
arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influenceeconomic, political, even spiritual-is felt in every city, every State house,
every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative
need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave
implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the
very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition
of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the militaryindustrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced
power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties
or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an
alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the
huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful
methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent
decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more
formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In
the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free
ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct
of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960 e( 42I
old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present-and
is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should,
we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy
could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate
these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system-ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
V.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time.
As we peer into society's future, we-you and I, and our governmentmust avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own
ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot
mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss
also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to
survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom
of tomorrow.
VI.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that
this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation
of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come
to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as
we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table,
though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the
certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing
imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not
with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need
is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who
has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war-as one who
knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has
been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years-I wish I
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Public Papers of the Presidents
could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward
our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done.
As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the
world advance along that road.
Vii.
So-in this my last good night to you as your President-I thank you
for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war
and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy;
as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance
in the future.
You and I-my fellow citizens-need to be strong in our faith that
all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May
we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble
with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation's great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to
America's prayerful and continuing aspiration:
We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their
great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall
come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the
needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease
and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the
goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
422 Ii The President's News Conference of
January i8, i96i
THE PRESIDENT. Good morning. Please sit down.
I came this morning not with any particularly brilliant ideas about the
future, but I did want the opportunity to say goodbye to people that I
have been associated with now for 8 years, mostly I think on a friendly
basis-[laughter]-and at least it certainly has always been interesting.
There is one man here who has attended every press conference that
I have had, at home and abroad, and who has been of inestimable servI040
Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960 (q 422
ice to the Government and to all of you, and I think most of you have
never seen him. It's Jack Romagna, and I am going to ask him to stand
up. [Shouting and applause]
Now, if we have any questions, past, present, or future, whyQ. William J. Eaton, United Press International: Mr. President, more
than 2 months have elapsed since Senator Kennedy's election and the
problem of transition began. Do you feel this transition period should
be shortened or changed in any way?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, my ideas are more radical than that. I think
that we ought to get a constitutional amendment to change the time of
the inauguration and to give dates for election and assumption of office
in such fashion that a new President ought to have at least 80 days or
something of that kind before he meets his first Congress.
Q. Thomas N. Schroth, Congressional Quarterly: Mr. President, in
the 8 years of your Presidency you have had a Congress of the other party
for 6 years. How do you, would you describe that experience? Has the
loyal opposition been pretty loyal or have you been frustrated by Congress?
THE PRESIDENT. I think I said, I made a little talk last evening you
may have heard-[laughter]-and I said on vital issues I thought that
the record of the Congress was really cooperative and no one could
fault upon that.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. President,
you had one talk with Mr. Kennedy; you are about to have another. I
wonder if you could give us your personal impression of the man.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, now you know that's the last thing I would do.
After all, this is a new President coming in and I don't think it's up to
me to talk about personalities. As I said last evening, I wish him Godspeed in his work because I'll tell you
Q. Mr. Scherer: I mean, what I mean more specifically, how do you
think the transition is going?
THE PRESIDENT. Oh! The transition.
Q. Mr. Scherer: Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. I think it's going splendidly, splendidly. As a matter
of fact there are no complaints on our part.
Q. William McGaffin, Chicago Daily News: Mr. President, you
sounded a warning last night of the dangers to our democratic processes
implicit in unparalleled peacetime military establishment. But some of
your critics contend that one liberty, the people's right to know, has sufI041
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Public Papers of the Presidents
fered under your administration because you have tolerated the abuse of
Executive privilege in the Defense Department and other departments
and agencies and because you did not hold frequent enough press
conferences.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, they are critics and they have the right to
criticize.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, at your first
press conference you came into the room here and you said there had
been some speculation in the press that there would be a great deal of
antagonism develop between you and the reporters over the years. You
said that "through the war years and ever since, I have found nothing but
a desire to dig at the truth, so far as I was concerned, and be openhanded
and forthright about it. That is the kind of relationship I hope we can
continue."
Do you think during these 8 years we have continued it?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I will say this: so far as I have known the facts
I have given them responsively to every question, and where I thought
the national security was involved, I was honest enough to say so.
Q. Mr. Spivack: I meant, did you feel that reporters had been fair
to you, too, in their questions?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, when you come down to it, I don't see what a
reporter could do much to a President, do you? [Laughter]
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Could you expand
a little more on your ideas about a constitutional amendment on the reelection of the President? Do you have any particular dates in mind
when the election should be held or
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am going to be talking, as I warned someone the other day, much more in the future than I thought I would; so,
I am going to put these ideas out. I don't mind giving the general idea
that I just did, but I wouldn't want to put the details and dates right down
until I had studied them completely through in this way. But I do think
that a President ought to have the task of completing and finishing his
Budget Message, his Economic Reports, and recommendations, and his
State of the Union Message during a period while he is still responsible.
Q. Mr. Donovan: The new President?
THE PRESIDENT. The new President. That's right. So we can give
him a period in which he is responsible for that, before you go before
the Congress. Because now the old President has got to put these things
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(I 422
in and the new President has different ideas, he just has to start changing
them right away. It seems a little bit silly to me.
Q. Mr. Donovan: I wonder if you could tell us for the historical
record, this has come up a number of times, could you say whether at
any time you advised or counseled Vice President Nixon against engaging
in televised debates, and whether you felt that you, your participating in
the campaign began as early as it should have?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you have a lot of questions this morning.
[Laughter]
First, I was not asked for any advice on debates. Secondly, I carried
out exactly the schedule that the headquarters of the Campaign Committee asked me to do.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Portland (Maine) Press Herald: Mr. President,
can you tell us yet what you think has been your most satisfying achievement and the most heartbreaking failure in your 8 years? You came
into the office, I know, with many desires of what you could do.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think possibly, Mrs. Craig, that there will
have to be more reflection on my part to give you truly a definitive answer.
The big disappointment I felt is one not of a mere incident, it was
the fact that we could not in these 8 years get to the place where we
could say it now looks as if permanent peace with justice is really in
sight. But, on the other hand, if you take achievement over the long
run, let us remember what has happened in these 8 years. Our opponents achieved the nitrogen-hydrogen bomb. They began to build
up an arsenal which, of course, we know is many thousands of megatons
in expressed power, in its power; and at the same time during those
days we were already fighting one war, there was danger that there
was going to be a spread of those hostilities. During the entire first 4
years, I think, the Red Chinese were constantly threatening war, saying
they were and they were not only threatening, but often making moves
in that direction and at the same time the Russians were saying, "We
are going to support our Red China allies."
Now, there was I believe in this-in the governmental actions of the 8
years, the kind of understanding and firmness and readiness to take the
risk that prevented those things from happening because I am perfectly
sure that weakness would have allowed them to, and a display of
weakness, and I mean either moral or physical would have allowed
them to spread this war to the great and disastrous consequences of
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(J 422 Public Papers of the Presidents
all the earth. So, the achievement I think, one of the achievements has
been that we actually have stopped many of these risks from becoming
realities, and on the other hand the disappointment is that we haven't
done better in getting a more constructive and positive indication that
real disarmament is around the corner.
Now if you want, if you want a very particular incident, I'd say
November 8th was one of another bad disappointments. [Laughter]
Q. Robert C. Pierpoint, CBS News: Mr. President, I wonder if
you could tell us in some detail your work and travel plans for the
near future, and also whether you want to do this, or prefer to do
this work and travel as a civilian, an ex-President, or would you like
to have Congress restore your five-star military rank?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, let's start, so I may not remember all your
questions, I will start with the end of it.
By Democratic friends of mine in the Congress it has been proposed
to give me back my rank that I resigned in July of I952 and that, of
course, would be a satisfying thing to me simply because it was the 40
years that I put in the military service that would give me a title of
my own rather than-how do you say "Mr. ex-President"? I don't
know. [Laughter]
But anyway, I understand that that is to be merely a title and no
additional pay so that there is no conflict there.
Now, as to what I want to do, I do want to explore my own mind
and have a bit of perspective in looking at these 8 years rather than
being in the midst of them and seeing whether I have anything that I
think is worthwhile to providing for the public; and in doing that, I
will possibly do some traveling.
I have, as I think some of you know, I have tentatively agreed to go
to Japan in-some time later, I don't know just when, but later and
as a matter of fact it has been very gratifying to know of the extraordinary numbers of groups and the really, literally the millions of people
that have expressed a desire for me to come back. But that is not as
gratifying as the fact that every single election held in that country
since last June has been very, very favorable to the United States and
to the treaty that was really at the heart of the whole affair.
Q. William H. Y. Knighton, Jr., Baltimore Sun: Mr. President, have
you come to a firm decision on the value of the third-term amendmentno third-term amendment?
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, I960
(I 422
THE PRESIDENT. A funny thing, ever since this election the Republicans have been asking me this. [Laughter]
No, I think I told you that I had come or, I think at first way back
even when I had no intention of ever going more than once that I was
sort of against the third-term amendment because I thought the American
people had the right to choose who they wanted. But we do know there
are possibilities of building up great machines in a democracy and so on,
and finally I came, on balance, and I think I so said to this body, on
balance to decide that I believe the two-term amendment was probably
a pretty good thing.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: Mr. President, this is a question about the past and the future.
Could you tell us what you personally think were the major points
which lost the Republicans the election; and do you have any counsel for
the Republicans in '62 and '64 to avoid a repetition of November 8th?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would think this: yes, of course I have ideas
but here is one case that I think it would be better for me to keep still for
the moment. I have to meet with these Republican leaders of the future
and talk to them and give them the lessons I think I have learned, and
where together we can point out what we believe are mistakes, and where
together we can say what we believe is the best method to make sure that
this country will have balanced government.
Q. Lillian Levy, Science Service: Mr. President, last night you called
attention to the danger that public policy could become the captive of a
scientific technological elite. What specific steps would you recommend
to prevent this?
THE PRESIDENT. I know nothing here that is possible, or useful, except
the performance of the duties of responsible citizenship. It is only a
citizenry, an alert and informed citizenry which can keep these abuses
from coming about. And I did point out last evening that some of this
misuse of influence and power could come about unwittingly but just by
the very nature of the thing. When you see almost every one of your
magazines, no matter what they are advertising, has a picture of the
Titan missile or the Atlas or solid fuel or other things, there is becoming
a great influence, almost an insidious penetration of our own minds that
the only thing this country is engaged in is weaponry and missiles. And,
I'll tell you we just can't afford to do that. The reason we have them
is to protect the great values in which we believe, and they are far deeper
1045
eu 422
Public Papers of the Presidents
even than our own lives and our own property, as I see it.
Q. Edward V. Koterba, United Features Syndicate: Mr. President,
in line with your opening statement and a question earlier, it is agreed
that at times over the last 8 years we at the press conferences may not
have been too charitable in our questioning of you. Now could you
elaborate, sir, and relate to us your feeling about your relations with the
press and these press conferences in particular?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know that I can elaborate very much.
I'll say this, the other evening I asked the people that they call the
regulars around the White House, and you people know them as well as
I do, and I guess there was, what, seventy? Seventy people. Now I
didn't ask them whether they were critics or particular friends of mine,
some of them are, they've been warm personal friends, whether they were
Democrats or Republicans or Socialists-but we had a good time I think,
everybody seemed to, and I think on a personal basis it was a friendly
thing. So I have never objected to penetrating and searching questions.
The only thing I object to is something that tries to-it's like the beating
of your wife question, I don't like that, and-[laughter]-but I have no
one that I could single out and say that they have been annoying nor
have I anyone to argue with.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, this question
concerns your budget, this proposal on the Office of Executive Management. Would you discuss that for us some and tell us, does this not mean
that there will be more centralized control over our public works projects,
as to whether or not they would be started or they would be stopped?
THE PRESIDENT. Oh, no, not at all. There, you can have supervision
not only subjectively, like the Secretary of the Interior over the Interior
subjects, but you can have it functionally because you have two great areas
that cause a President work and study every single day of his life. One is
everything that touches foreign relations. This is his constitutional duty,
and here where we used to think of it, those things falling only within
the Department of State, we have now-we have representatives of the
Labor Department, of the Commerce Department, of the Agriculture
Department, we have ICA, we have USIA, and then the Defense Department which now obviously with the stationing of troops abroad everywhere, has a great effect on foreign policy.
Now, it is therefore a very tough problem to keep all of these things
always on the same road going the same way. This would be the job of
1046
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 422
the First Secretary, as I see it, not that he takes the place of the President at all, in the foreign field, but to day by day watch what is going on
in the world-keep everybody in all the several departments aware of
what they must do so as to have a completely coordinated policy.
Now, in the management field you have everything from rates of pay
that are different in all sorts of different departments, you have all different kinds of accounting methods in different departments, you have
got different methods of procurement and all of this sort of thing in my
opinion ought to be coordinated. Now, you don't get into their business
of running the Defense Department or the State Department or the
USIA. You make sure that the business arrangements that they carry
out are good, and this has nothing to do with the starting of a new dam
or not. That is a political decision.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Can you tell us,
sir, what you think is the greatest problem confronting your successor?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think that is answered almost by the fact
that the thing that causes all our problems is the intransigent, unreasonable attitude of the Communist bloc and therefore his basic problem
and as a matter of fact not just the President's, everybody else's, is what
do to keep ourselves strong and firm and yet conciliatory in trying to
meet this-this terrible problem that is none of our making.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: One indication of what
the succeeding administration may have in mind is apparently contained
in the report by Professor Samuelson in which he recommends an
increase of $3 billion to $5 billion immediately in certain domestic programs. Do you take the view that the economy is moving into a
dangerous period that would require this additional governmental action,
or do you feel that the proposals made may be extreme and not
necessary?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, put it this way: of course I'm no-while I'm
one of seven sons, I'm not the seventh son of a seventh son, so I'm not a
prophet.
Now, we believe, and I'm now talking not out of my guesswork, I'm
talking about the economic analyses, that the economy is swinging and
it will be swinging up gradually but steadily so as to provide more revenue than it currently is doing, I mean Federal revenue.
Now, this business of going into public works all of a sudden to cure
what someone believes is a recession, or to stop a recession-I have had a
1047
(I 422
Public Papers of the Presidents
very, very searching study made of this thing and it's not quite complete,
but I am going to use it someday in trying to point out that that kind
of a problem, or that kind of dependence upon stopping a recession
usually gets into effect about i8 months after the recession is all over
and you are in your boom period. If people exaggerate the number
of men that are going to be put back to work because you appropriate 3
billion or 5 billion, in fact I believe as we go back to this last one of'58-the biggest thing that the Federal Government did, was most
helpful, was this: it picked up the tab for all of the unemployment
insurance benefits that had been exhausted by people in the several
States and where there was no help. So the Federal Government I
think probably put, I don't remember the figures, let's say 600 or 700
million and that 600 or 700 million was far better because it alleviated
suffering at the moment and restored some confidence and people
naturally began to build and buy again.
I really don't go in very much for the theory that by suddenly expanding $3 or $4 or $5 billion worth of Federal programs that you get
a tremendous boost. We are talking of $503 or $504 billion GNP, and
this is 3 or 4 or 5 billions now that we are going to put somewhere, and
it takes a long, long time to get it used. But it does mean that it stays
permanently as a debt that we have to pay sometime.
Q. L. Edgar Prina, Washington Star: How active a role do you plan
to play in the effort to strengthen the Republican Party; and can you
tell us whether this role will be nearly as active, for example, as Mr.
Truman's in his own party? You mentioned making a lot of speeches.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I won't make any comparisons-[laughter]I'll just say this: I'm now, I think this is the fourth time that I am supposedly going to retire, and I feel this, the Republican Party is necessary
to this country, I believe in its general policies and if the leaders of that
party want me for any service in which I can be helpful and by that I
would assume we were talking about consultation from time to time and
not any truly active thing, I will be available. I won't be around trying
to lecture them, but I should like to converse with them if they want me.
Q. Mr. Prina: You mentioned you were going to make a great many
more speeches than you had planned. Would that be
THE PRESIDENT. Not speeches; no, not speeches, I'll probably stop that.
Q. Spencer Davis, Associated Press: Mr. President, you mentioned a
short time back the need for the United States to remain firm and strong
1048
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(t 4!22 -
and at the same time conciliatory. Would you relate that to our policy
toward Laos, sir, particularly the reports that the United States had
turned down the invitation of Cambodia to attend a I 4-nation conference?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, at the moment there is no point, of course, of
going into a conference unless everybody thinks this would be a good idea.
You can't haul anybody into a conference.
Now, the thing that has been proposed most has been a reconvening
of the ICC and if that could be done in proper auspices and where it
was recognized that the government of Phoumi, which has been now
approved by the Parliament, if that was recognized as the proper government I think there might be a useful purpose of reconvening this ICC
to be served.
Actually what again causes the trouble is the determination of the
Communist bloc, as expressed again yesterday in Mr. Khrushchev's speech
to exacerbate and support what he calls wars of liberation and which are
revolts of Communist elements to overturn constituted governments in
authority.
Now, the United States has tried to do this within the limits of the
United Nations Charter. We believe that unless there can become a
greater adherence to these principles, and unless that charter can be supported by more of our nations, then the outlook for peace becomes
dimmer.
On the other hand, as all of us take the United Nations Charter as
our guide and as we have tried to do so earnestly, and I think most of
the Western nations have tried to do also, then I think the chances of
settling this as well as other problems will be greater.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Sir, the House of Representatives will vote soon on a proposal by Speaker Rayburn to add two
Democrats and one Republican to the Rules Committee for the announced
purpose of clearing the way for some of these welfare and spending bills
that you vetoed in the past. Would you advise the Republicans in the
House to vote solidly against this proposal which has been called the
packing plan?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think one thing that is scarcely proper for me
to comment on is how the two bodies of Congress rule themselves. This,
for the reason that I believe the Constitution says that they have established their own methods of operation and I don't think the President has
any real right to interfere.
I 049
(I 422
Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President, you referred
earlier to the great values to be considered in our way of living. Would
you sum up for us your idea of what kind of a United States you would
like your grandchildren to live in?
THE PRESIDENT. I'd say in a peaceful world and enjoying all of the
privileges and carrying forward all the responsibilities envisioned for the
good citizen of the United States, and this means among other things the
effort always to raise the standards of our people in their spiritual, their
intellectual, their economic strength and generally and specifically and
that's what I would like to see them have.
Sterling F. Green, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
[The Press Conference was concluded with a standing ovation and applause by the members present as the President left the conference room.]
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun- from io to io:29 o'clock on Wednesday
dred and ninety-third news conference morning, January i8, i96i. In attendwas held in the Executive Office Building ance: 309.
423 ei Annual Message Presenting the Economic
Report to the Congress. January i8, I96 I
To the Congress of the United States:
I present herewith my Economic Report, as required by Section 3 (a) of
the Employment Act of I946.
The Report was prepared with the advice and assistance of the Council
of Economic Advisers, who, in turn, have had the assistance of the heads of
the executive departments and independent agencies directly concerned
with the matters discussed. Pursuant to the requirements of the Employment Act, the Report summarizes the economic developments of the year
and the policy actions taken to promote balanced growth of the economy,
appraises the economic outlook, and puts forward a number of legislative
proposals designed to help achieve the purposes of the Act. The Report
also reviews the performance of the economy under the Employment Act,
and particularly during the period of this Administration, and discusses
policies for the future in the light of this experience.
The major conclusions and recommendations of the Report are set forth
below, in part in the words of the Report itself.
As the year i960 came to a close, the Nation was producing goods and
services at an annual rate of $503.5 billion, the same as in the third quarter
1050
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 9604
%f 423
of the year, though slightly less than in the second quarter. For the year
as a whole, the total output of our economy, in dollars of constant buying
power, was 2.6 percent greater than in I 959.
Production and employment declined in the latter part of I 960, and unemployment rose, owing in large measure to an inventory adjustment. In
the first quarter, inventories were being built up at an annual rate of $ I I.4
billion, but in the fourth quarter they were being reduced at an annual rate
of $4.o billion. It is encouraging, however, that the declines in production and income were moderate. And it is especially important that final
demands for goods and services-that is, the sum of the Nation's expenditures except those resulting in inventory change-rose without interruption during the year and in the final quarter reached the level of
$507.5 billion.
The achievement of a reasonable equilibrium in the Nation's international transactions continued to be a goal of our policies in i960.
The over-all deficit in the United States balance of payments last year
remained close to that in each of the two preceding years, but the
structure of the deficit changed markedly. Short-term capital outflows
accelerated, mainly in response to a widening of the margin by which
interest rates abroad exceeded those in this country. But the deficit on
all other transactions diminished greatly, as a result of a rapid rise in
exports.
The underlying strength of our economy, manifested in final demand
for goods and services, is a distinctly favorable element in appraising
the economic outlook. So, also, is the fact that economic conditions
today are free of maladjustments and imbalances which, to be corrected,
would require prolonged contraction. Businessmen and consumers have
kept their use of credit within reasonable limits, and speculative excesses
have been generally avoided. Inflationary pressure has been restrained.
While this may have affected inventory policies and, perhaps, other
demands for goods and services, it has helped to prepare a solid foundation for a resumption of sustainable growth. Because action to maintain
balance and to consolidate gains was taken in good time, we can look
forward, provided public and private policies are favorable, to a period
of sound economic growth from a firm base.
The Federal policies needed to promote balanced growth can, to a
considerable extent, be applied under existing administrative authority.
But there are certain areas in which legislative action is needed.
60295-61 70
1051
(l +23
Public Papers of the Presidents
First, funds appropriated by the Congress for the fiscal year i962
should be held within the limits of expected revenues. A budget conforming to this standard has been presented to the Congress. It makes
certain suggestions for revenues to cover projected expenditures, including necessary extensions of taxes that would otherwise terminate or
be reduced on July I, i96i; an increase in the highway fuel tax to 4%2
cents per gallon, to supply needed funds in the Highway Trust Fund;
the rescinding by the Congress of action taken in i99 which would
divert funds from the general fund of the Treasury for road construction;
and a rate increase to place the postal system on a self-supporting basis.
Second, Congress should give the Secretary of the Treasury authority
to raise funds in the long-term capital market when, in his judgment,
this is in the public interest, even if the cost of the funds is above 4 /4
percent. The existing ceiling remains an important impediment to the
Treasury's flexibility in achieving significant debt lengthening.
Third, as I have pointed out to the Congress each year since I955,
legislation is needed to enable the Federal Government to give constructive assistance to areas where there is high and persistent unemployment. The character of the legislation needed is described in the
Economic Report, and an Administration proposal drafted to meet the
standards indicated has been placed before the Congress.
Fourth, legislative needs in the areas of health, education and welfare,
antitrust enforcement, long-term agricultural adjustment, unemployment
compensation, and housing and community development are outlined in
the Report. These are also described in the Budget Message.
Finally, I recommend again that Congress amend the Employment
Act of I946 to make reasonable price stability an explicit goal of national
economic policy, coordinate with the goals of maximum employment,
production, and purchasing power now stated in the Act. The amendment proposed is limited to a change in the language of the Act's declaration of policy and would accomplish its aim without placing restrictions
on the effective operation of economic markets. It would strengthen
the Employment Act which, as the Economic Report shows, has been
a useful statute under which our citizens have made notable further
advances in their welfare.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The message and the complete re- nomic Report of the President, i96I"
port (214 pp.) are published in "Eco- (Government Printing Office, i96i).
1052
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i96o
( 424
424 eT Message to the Congress Transmitting the
Third Annual Report on U.S. Aeronautics and
Space Activities. January i 8, I96 I
To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with Section 206 (b) of the National Aeronautics and
Space Act of 1958, I am transmitting herewith the third annual report on
the Nation's activities in the fields of aeronautics and space.
As this report testifies, 1960 witnessed a vast expansion of man's knowledge of the earth's atmosphere and of the limitless regions of space beyond.
The Vanguard, Explorer, and Pioneer spacecraft have added substantially
to our knowledge of the earth's environment and of the sun-earth relationship. Experiments with Projects Echo and COURIER, TIROS I and
II, and TRANSIT I and II have shown the promise of spacecraft application in the fields of communications, meteorology, and navigation.
Among the outstanding accomplishments in technology were a series of
successful recoveries from orbit of capsules from the DISCOVERER
satellites and the increasing degree of reliability in stabilizing these satellites in the required orbit.
Significant advances were made in the manned space flight program
and in the preparation of a small fleet of powerful launch vehicles to carry
out a wide variety of space missions.
Underlying the Nation's aeronautics and space programs was a strong
basic and applied research effort which resulted in constantly broadening
scientific and technological horizons. Finally, the entire effort has been
drawn together in a long-range program of space exploration which offers
every promise that in the years to come benefits for all mankind will be
extensive.
Summarized within this report are contributions of Federal agencies
participating in the space effort.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The report is printed in House Document 56 (87th Cong., ist sess.).
I153
(l 425
Public Papers of the Presidents
425 qI Citation Accompanying the Medal of
Freedom Presented to James H. Douglas.
January 18, 1961
[ Text read by Brig. Gen. A. J. Goodpaster, Staff Secretary to the President ]
CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF
THE MEDAL OF FREEDOM
TO
JAMES H. DOUGLAS
FOR EXCEPTIONALLY MERITORIOUS SERVICE
AND DISTINGUISHED CONTRIBUTION
TO THE SECURITY OF THE UNITED STATES
For nearly eight years-as Under Secretary of the Air Force, Secretary
of the Air Force and currently as Deputy Secretary of Defense, James
Douglas has borne major responsibilities in the shaping of military policy
and programs, and in key decisions guiding the use of military resources.
Through sound judgment, wise leadership and great devotion to his
country he has made an outstanding contribution to the effective direction
of the Defense establishment, to our international security operations, and
to the strengthening of cooperation and confidence between the United
States and nations joined with us in collective security. For his firm and
unyielding dedication to principles of good government, and for his many
contributions to the nation's security, I award to him the Medal of
Freedom.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The presentation was made by the President at a ceremony held in the Cabinet
Room at the White House.
1054
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
(I 426
426 eJ Citation Accompanying the Medal of
Freedom Presented to Thomas S. Gates.
January 18, 1961
[ Text read by Brig. Gen. A. J. Goodpaster, Staff Secretary to the President ]
CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF
THE MEDAL OF FREEDOM
TO
THOMAS S. GATES
FOR EXCEPTIONALLY MERITORIOUS SERVICE
AND DISTINGUISHED CONTRIBUTION
TO THE SECURITY OF THE UNITED STATES
Through nearly seven years of service in the Department of Defenseas Under Secretary of the Navy, Secretary of the Navy, Deputy Secretary
of Defense, and currently Secretary of Defense-Thomas Gates has
worked with selfless dedication for the security of the United States and
the Free World. He has brought experienced leadership, sound judgment, and unswerving loyalty and courage to the heavy responsibilities
assigned to him.
Through his effective leadership in the direction of the United States
military forces, and his statesmanship and diplomatic skill in numerous
international conferences on security affairs, he has made outstanding
contributions to the constant effort of our Nation to attain the goal of
world peace with freedom and honor. It is with great pleasure that I
award to him the Medal of Freedom.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The presentation was made by the President at a ceremony held in the Cabinet
Room at the White House.
1055
'f 42 7
Public Papers of the Presidents
427 4e Citation Accompanying the Medal of
Freedom Presented to Gordon Gray.
January i 8, I 96 I
[Text read by Brig. Gen. A. J. Goodpaster, Staff Secretary to the President]
CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF
THE MEDAL OF FREEDOM
TO
GORDON GRAY
FOR EXCEPTIONALLY MERITORIOUS SERVICE
AND DISTINGUISHED CONTRIBUTION
TO THE SECURITY OF THE UNITED STATES
Over a period of many years, Gordon Gray has given dedicated service
to the cause of peace and security. An outstanding public servant, he
has borne with distinction and devotion responsibilities as Assistant Secretary, Under Secretary and Secretary of the Army, Director of the Psychological Strategy Board, Assistant Secretary of Defense for International
Security Affairs, Director of the Office of Defense Mobilization, and
Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs. In all
of these duties, he has shown wisdom, integrity and responsibility of the
highest order. He has made a major contribution to the effective development and execution of policies for our national security and has
served with statesmanship and understanding in international conferences
on security affairs. With deep appreciation, I award him the Medal of
Freedom.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The presentation was made by the President at a ceremony held in the Cabinet
Room at the White House.
I 056
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 oJ 428
428 it CitationAccompanyingtheMedalof
Freedom Presented to Christian A. Herter.
January i8, i96i
[Text read by Brig. Gen. A. J. Goodpaster, Staff Secretary to the President]
CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF
THE MEDAL OF FREEDOM
TO
CHRISTIAN A. HERTER
FOR EXCEPTIONALLY MERITORIOUS SERVICE
AND DISTINGUISHED CONTRIBUTION
TO THE SECURITY OF THE UNITED STATES
During a lifetime of dedicated service, Christian Herter has made a
distinguished contribution to world peace and to the safety of his nation.
Selfless patriot and distinguished gentleman, he has brought a clear and
lucid mind, a sense of history, intense devotion and steadfast courage to
the cause of justice and well-being for his fellow man. He has borne
heavy responsibilities with sagacity, imagination and patience coupled
with perseverance.
As Secretary of State during one of the most trying times of our
history, Christian Herter has stood as a symbol of strength and inspiration to those who love freedom.
It is with great appreciation and gratitude for his services to his
country that I award him the Medal of Freedom.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The presentation was made by the President at a ceremony held in the C~binet
Room at the White House.
I057
(l 429
Public Papers of the Presidents
429 e Citation Accompanying the Medal of
Freedom Presented to George B. Kistiakowsky.
January i8) i96i
[Text read by Brig. Gen. A. J. Goodpaster, Staff Secretary to the President]
CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF
THE MEDAL OF FREEDOM
TO
GEORGE BOGDAN KISTIAKOWSKY
FOR EXCEPTIONALLY MERITORIOUS SERVICE
AND DISTINGUISHED CONTRIBUTION
TO THE SECURITY OF THE UNITED STATES
For more than two decades George Kistiakowsky has worked tirelessly
for the advancement of science and for the development of military
technology.
During World War II and in the years since, he has been a major
contributor to the success of vital defense projects-a courageous spirit
and guiding force in the forefront of development activities, giving
generously of his time while continuing his important work as a distinguished scientist and teacher. He has labored to promote the progress
and understanding of science in the interests of mankind everywhere.
Seeking safeguarded arms control in the interest of security and peace,
he served at the international conference table on measures to prevent
surprise attack.
As my Special Assistant for Science and Technology, he has combined
scientific judgment and statesmanship, lending wise counsel, knowledge
and experience to the framing of national policies that have served to
keep our country strong and secure. In recognition of his outstanding
service and his abiding dedication to the national interest, I award him
the Medal of Freedom.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The presentation was made by the President at a ceremony held in the Cabinet
Room at the White House.
1058
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
q 43I
430 41 CitationAccompanyingtheMedalof
Freedom Presented to General Andrew J.
Goodpaster. January i8, 1961
[Text read by Lt. Col. John D. S. Eisenhower, Assistant Staff Secretary]
CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF
THE MEDAL OF FREEDOM
TO
BRIGADIER GENERAL ANDREW J. GOODPASTER, USA
FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICE IN A POSITION OF
GRAVE RESPONSIBILITY
During the period 1954 to 1961, General Goodpaster has served in the
position of Staff Secretary to the President of the United States, and as
Liaison Officer of the Department of Defense to the White House. In
these capacities he has been the President's operational assistant and has
distinguished himself by his unparalleled devotion to duty, his courage
and wisdom, and his remarkable ability as administrator and coordinator.
General Goodpaster's unique service throughout this period was in the
finest military tradition and reflects the highest credit upon himself and
upon the United States Army.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The presentation was made by the President at a ceremony held in the Cabinet
Room at the White House.
431 ~1 Statement by the President on Releasing a
Report on Cuban Refugee Problems.
January i8, 1961
I AM RELEASING herewith the final report on Cuban refugee problems by Tracy Voorhees who has been acting as my personal representative in this matter.
In appointing Mr. Voorhees for this task last November, and in giving
him funds and added powers on December 2, I sought to express by
effective action the interest which, as President of the United States, I
1059
(t 431 Public Papers of the Presidents
felt in these troubled people, as well as my deep sympathy for them and
desire to be of help to them.
This latest exodus of persons fleeing from Communist oppression is the
first time in many years in which our nation has become the country
of first asylum for any such number of refugees. To grant such asylum
is in accordance with the long standing traditions of the United States.
Our people opened their homes and hearts to the Hungarian refugees
four years ago. I am sure we will do no less for these distressed Cubans.
I would like to pay public tribute to Mr. Voorhees for his willingness
once again to give of his time and energy in the public interest. Steps
have been initiated to implement his additional recommendations including the assignment of State Department personnel evacuated from Cuba
to the Refugee Center in Miami.
NOTE: The report (15 pp.) includes o1 request. It supplements an interim rerecommendations concerning the Cuban port of December I9 ( o pp.). Both rerefugee problem and a partial list of re- ports were printed by the Government
ports and surveys made at Mr. Voorhees' Printing Office.
432 4I Statement by the President Upon Signing
Proclamation Modifying Petroleum Import Control
Program. January 18, 1961
I AM TODAY further modifying Proclamation 3279, March io, I959,
which established a mandatory oil import control program within the
Department of the Interior.
The purpose of this amendment is to permit, effective April i, 1961,
the orderly entrance of new importers, who do not currently qualify as
importers, into the residual fuel oil markets of the East Coast. These
new importers must be sellers in that area of residual fuel oil and will
be granted residual fuel oil allocations on the basis of their deep-water
terminal inputs of that fuel. Furthermore, the amendment will also
result in more equitable residual fuel oil import allocations to several
established importers.
This change in the method of allocating residual fuel oil imports will
be effective in District I, which includes the states of Maine, New
Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, West Virginia,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, and the
o160
Dwight D. Eisenhower, g1960
q 433
District of Columbia. Imports of residual fuel oil into other parts of
the Nation are negligible, and current importing practices in those areas
are not changed.
The Proclamation issued today also contains other technical amendatory language made necessary by adoption of the new method of issuing
residual fuel oil allocations. These changes do not affect current procedures under which other portions of the mandatory oil import program
are operated.
The Department of the Interior will shortly issue regulations implementing this proclamation, along the lines of the proposal published
by that Department in the Federal Register on October 7, 1960.
NOTE: Proclamation 3389 modifying Proclamation 3279 is published in the Federal
Register (26 F.R. 507, 8i i).
433 4J LettertoArthurS.FlemmingConcerning
the President's Advisory Committee on Government
Organization. January i 8, 1 961
[ Released January i 8, 1 961. Dated January 1 7, 1 961 ]
Dear Arthur:
Thank you for the summary of the work of the Advisory Committee
on Government Organization.
The constructive advice of this Committee has played a large part
in promoting economy and efficiency in the Executive Branch of the
Government. I am especially pleased with the Committee's contribution to the reorganization of the Department of Defense and the
creation of three major agencies of government-the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare, the Federal Aviation Agency, and the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration.
I again wish to express my appreciation to you, as Chairman, and to
your colleagues on the Committee.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Mr. Flemming's letter of January cipal activities of the committee for the
14 and his report summarizing the prin- past 8 years were released with the President's reply.
io6i
(q 434
Public Papers of the Presidents
434 e Letter to Secretary Gates Concerning the
Effect of the President's Directive on Balance of
Payments. January 18, 1961
Dear Mr. Secretary:
I fully agree that the understandings and views outlined in your letter
of January 18, 1961 with respect to the Directive of November 16, 1960
on the United States balance of payments should be placed on record.
Fundamentally, as you say, these measures were taken to improve
our difficult balance of payments situation and to show our seriousness
and our determination to meet this problem. It has been my constant
hope that it would be possible eventually to relieve hardships occasioned
by these actions, giving priority to those which involve family separation.
I know that you have, for this purpose, been studying reductions in the
length of overseas tours. Also, I have been in full agreement that, over
any extended period of time, the treatment applied to Defense personnel
must be as far as possible comparable to that applied throughout the
rest of government. To this end all departments of the government
are under instructions to continue to examine the size of their staffs
abroad and the number of their dependents accompanying these staffs
with the objective of making further reductions wherever possible.
As you know, my Directive has been viewed as one that should appropriately be under close and continued review, and at my direction
specific follow-up procedures are in effect. Among the matters requiring
continued attention are the further development of our balance of
payments situation in light of actions taken, any possibility of making
some reduction of our forces deployed overseas (thus reducing separations from dependents) and any evidence of undue adverse effect on our
military forces.
In light of the above, I approve your recommendation to acquaint
your successor with your letter of January 18, 1961 and this reply.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: Secretary Gates, in his letter re- President's Directive of November 16,
leased with the President's reply, noted I960 (25 F.R. 1222I). With respect to
that the Defense Department had initiated dependents, he stated that the Departaction on all of the points specified in the ment had recognized from the outset that
1062
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
'l 435
it would be desirable to alleviate the prob- relief should be sought as soon as feasible.
lem of separation of families as soon as He noted that this impact had been
practicable. He further stated that the heightened by the fact that other agencies
adverse impact of the separation of fami- were not planning to reduce the number
lies was substantial and, in his opinion, of their dependents significantly.
435 "I Letter to the Director, Bureau of the
Budget, Upon Receiving Reports on Government
Operations. January 19, I961
Dear Maury:
I have the seven reports which you transmitted to me recently:
Federal Fiscal Behavior During the Recession of 1957-58
User Charges
Ten-Year Projection of Federal Budget Expenditures
Program for Disposal of Surplus Federal Real Property
Government Competition with Business
Management Improvement in the Executive Branch
Progress in Improving Budget Practice 1953 to 196 I
These are excellent reports, individually and collectively. They not
only reflect significant progress in improving Government operations,
but in addition they suggest further courses of action for the consideration
of our successors, who will have the responsibility for seeking efficiency,
economy, and sound measures of budgetary and fiscal management.
I am glad to leave these valuable reports as part of my legacy to the
next administration and to the Nation.
Sincerely,
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The reports were made available by the Bureau of the Budget.
10o63
EiIJ 436 Public Papers of the Presidents
436 J Memorandum Concerning the TransPacific Route Case. January i9, I 96i
[ Released January I 9, I 96 I. Dated January I 8, I 96 ]
Memorandum for the Chairman, Civil Aeronautics Board:
After considerable deliberation I have concluded that the recommendations of the Civil Aeronautics Board in the Trans-Pacific Route
Case, Docket 7723 et al., should, with minor exceptions set forth at the
end of this memorandum, be disapproved.
XWhen I requested in February I959 that this proceeding be undertaken by the Board, I sincerely hoped that it would be possible at the
conclusion of the case to provide greater competition among United
States flag carriers in the Pacific.
The study made by the Board is excellent. Much evidence is set
forth in support of the Board's recommendations for additional United
States flag service on major routes to the Orient. My decision not to
approve the Board's principal recommendations is predicated solely on
considerations of foreign policy, a responsibility that is mine and which
the Board, of course, does not share.
My review of the record in this case persuades me that our foreign
relations would be adversely affected were we at this time to add second
carriers on our major routes to the Orient. Duplication of service on
major routes presently served by a single carrier means inevitably-as
history shows-that greater United States flag capacity would be offered. This result is made all the more certain by the advent in recent
months of jet service which in and of itself means greater capacity
because much larger and much faster aircraft are involved.
Greatly increased capacity-always of considerable concern to other
nations engaged in international commercial aviation-should not in
my judgment be approved unless traffic forecasts for the routes in question
plainly show that the additional capacity can be absorbed without engendering a legitimate fear abroad that United States flag carriers will
collect so much of the traffic as to make service on the route by a foreign
carrier economically untenable or marginal at best. The evidence in
the case at hand, including particularly the traffic forecasts does not
establish the circumstances I have described. It is reasonable, therefore,
I 064
Dwight D. Eisenhower, i960
(e 436
to predict that approval of the Board's major recommendations in this
case would unsettle our international relations-particularly with Japan
which would be faced with an additional United States carrier on all
but one of the now existing four routes from the United States to Tokyo.
For these reasons I have concluded that the Board's major recommendations should be disapproved, but I recommend to the Board that
within the next several years it update the evidence in this case and again
consider the addition of second United States flag carriers on major
routes to the Orient.
The Board in the Mainland-Hawaii part of this case has concluded
that another airline-until now a carrier engaged solely in service on the
North American continent-should be authorized to provide service
between San Francisco and Los Angeles and Honolulu. Due to the
advent of Hawaii as a State, the President, under the law, no longer
has jurisdiction over service between the Mainland and Hawaii. It
would be my hope, however, that the Board would reconsider its decision to authorize additional service between the Mainland and Hawaii
by a carrier which heretofore has not been engaged in service over the
Pacific. At some future time it may be deemed advisable from every
standpoint to add a second United States carrier on the CaliforniaHawaii-Tokyo route. The carrier selected-which would presumably
be a carrier customarily engaged in international commercial aviation in
the Pacific-should also be authorized to carry local traffic between the
Mainland and Hawaii. To do otherwise would be to handicap such a
second carrier in terms of its ability to compete with the carrier now
serving this route to the Orient, a carrier which already has full traffic
rights between the Mainland and Hawaii and which is thus able materially to support its overall route to the Orient.
Those of the Board's recommendations that I do approve are (a)
the renewal for an indefinite period of Northwest Airlines' authority to
serve Okinawa, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the Philippines; (b)
the renewal for an indefinite period of Pan American World Airways'
authority to serve Japan, Viet Nam, Singapore, Sumatra, Java, Federation of Malaya, Thailand, Burma, and points within India and Pakistan
lying north of the twentieth parallel; (c) the amendment of Pan American's certificate to redesignate Australia as an intermediate point and
adding Java as a new intermediate point on its South Pacific route; (d)
i065
q 436
Public Papers of the Presidents
the renewal and amendment of South Pacific Airlines' certificate as recommended by the Board; (e) the amendment of Trans World Airlines'
certificate as recommended by the Board; (f) the Board's denial of
applications.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
I o66
Appendix A —White House Press Releases, 1960-6
NOTE: Includes releases covering matters with which the President was closely concerned, except announcements of Presidential personnel appointments and approvals
of legislation with which there was no accompanying statement.
Releases relating to Proclamations and Executive Orders have not been included.
These documents are separately listed in Appendix B.
For list of Press and Radio Conferences, see subject index under "News Conferences."
January Subject
I Letter to the Attorney General on receiving his report on deceptive practices in broadcasting media
2 White House announcement of the
President's forthcoming meeting with
the Special Committee on Civil Defense of the Governors' Conference
4 Exchange of New Year greetings between the United States and the Soviet
Union
6 White House announcement of the
President's forthcoming trip to South
America
6 White House announcement of the
forthcoming visit of President de
Gaulle of France
7 Statement by the President on the
death of Representative Simpson of
Pennsylvania
7 Annual message to the Congress on
the State of the Union
8 Letter to Senator Cooper on Federal
programs and activities in aid of
chronic labor surplus areas
12 Special message to the Congress on removal of the interest rate ceiling on
Government bonds
13 Letter to Gordon Gray designating him
chairman of the Operations Coordinating Board
13 Letter to Karl G. Harr, Jr., concerning
his duties with the Operations Coordinating Board
14 Special message to the Congress on
transfers from the Department of Defense to the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration
14 Special message to the Congress recommending amendments to the National Aeronautics and Space Act
January Subject
14 Letter to T. Keith Glennan, Administrator, National Aeronautics and
Space Administration, on high thrust
space vehicles
17 White House announcement of the
date of the President's forthcoming
visit to the Soviet Union
18 Annual Budget Message to the Congress: Fiscal Year I96I
19 Toasts of the President and Prime
Minister Kishi of Japan
I9 Remarks at the signing of the Treaty
of Mutual Cooperation and Security
between Japan and the United States
19 White House announcement of the
presentation to Prime Minister Kishi
of a medal commemorating the arrival of the first Japanese Diplomatic
Mission in April I86o
19 Joint statement following discussions
with Prime Minister Kishi of Japan
20 White House announcement concerning the President's forthcoming visit
to Japan
20 Annual message presenting the economic report to the Congress
20 Remarks to participants in the Young
Republican National Leadership
Training School
21 White House statement following receipt of report by the President's Committee for Traffic Safety
21 White House release of summary report of the President's Committee for
Traffic Safety
25 Remarks at the annual midwinter
meeting of the National Association
of Real Estate Boards
25 White House statement following
meeting with Governor Rockefeller to
discuss transferring the tax on local
telephone service to the States
1067
Appendix A
January Subject
25 White House statement following
meeting with the Special Committee
on Civil Defense of the Governors'
Conference to discuss a fallout shelter
program
26 Statement by the President on the
occasion of the 8oth birthday of General of the Army Douglas MacArthur
26 Statement by the President restating
U.S. policy toward Cuba
27 Address in Los Angeles to the nationwide Republican "Dinner with Ike"
rallies
28 White House announcement of the
forthcoming visit of the King and
Queen of Nepal
February
I White House announcement of increase in NASA appropriation request to permit accelerated development of the super booster program
3 White House announcement of appointment of chairman and vice
chairman of the Commission on National Goals
4 Citation accompanying awards for
oceanographic research
5 White House statement concerning
tariff on imports of spring clothespins
and safety pins
5 White House statement concerning
import quota on almonds
5 Memorandum concerning a career
executive development program in all
departments and agencies
5 Memorandum directing the Special
Assistant for Personnel Management
to provide leadership in the executive
development program
5 Memorandum to the Chairman, Civil
Service Commission, on the career executive development program
6 White House announcement of forthcoming visit of Chancellor Adenauer
of Germany
7 Letter to Henry Wriston on his acceptance of the chairmanship of the
Commission on National Goals
7 Memorandum concerning the Commission on National Goals
8 Remarks at dedication of the Veterans
of Foreign Wars Memorial Building
February Subject
8 White House statement and letter to
Secretary Anderson on woolen-fabric
imports
8 White House statement on report of
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Naval
Academy
9 Special message to the Congress on
agriculture
io Remarks after inspecting the Missile
Test Center, Cape Canaveral, Fla.
I Statement by the President on the U.S.
proposal to end nuclear weapons tests
I White House statement on the U.S.
proposal to end nuclear weapons tests
I Message to the Congress transmitting
iith semiannual report under Public
Law 480 (83d Cong.)
I2 White House statement concerning the
President's request for reports on the
use of chemicals and drugs as food
additives
I2 Remarks recorded in observance of the
both anniversary of the Boy Scouts of
America
I6 Special message to the Congress on the
mutual security program
17 Memorandum on the i960 Red Cross
campaign
17 White House announcement of appointment of members of the President's Committee on Information Activities Abroad
17 White House announcement of the
forthcoming visit of the King and
Queen of Thailand
i8 Special message to the Congress recommending U.S. participation in the
International Development Association
I 9 Statement by the President on the
birth of a son to Queen Elizabeth II
and Prince Philip
20 Message to the King of Denmark on
the death of Prime Minister Hansen
2I Radio and television address to the
American people on the eve of South
American trip
22 Remarks upon arrival at International
Airport, San Juan, Puerto Rico
23 Veto of bill to amend the Federal
Water Pollution Control Act
23 Remarks at the civic reception for
President Eisenhower in Brasilia
i o68
Appendix A
February
Subject
23 Joint statement of the President and
President Kubitschek of Brazil
24 Message to the Congress transmitting
second annual report on U.S. aeronautics and space activities
24 White House announcement of the
forthcoming visit of the King and
Queen of Denmark
24 Remarks upon arrival at the Naval
Ministry in Rio de Janeiro
24 Address before a joint session of the
Congress of Brazil
24 Remarks to the members of the Supreme Court of Brazil
24 Toast by the President at a dinner
given in his honor by President Kubitschek in Rio de Janeiro
25 Remarks upon arrival at Congonhas
Airport, Sao Paulo, Brazil
25 Address by the President at a luncheon
given in his honor in Sao Paulo
25 Remarks at the airport in Sao Paulo
upon leaving for Rio de Janeiro
26 Statement by the President upon leaving Brazil
26 Remarks upon arrival at Ezeiza Airport, Buenos Aires
26 Remarks at the U.S. Embassy Residence in Buenos Aires upon receiving
the key to the city
26 Address before a joint session of the
National Congress of Argentina
26 Toast by the President at a dinner
given in his honor by President
Frondizi in Buenos Aires
27 Remarks to the members of the Supreme Court of Argentina
27 Remarks upon arrival at the Provincial Hotel in Mar del Plata, Argentina
27 Remarks upon arrival at the airport,
San Carlos de Bariloche, Argentina
27 Toast to President Frondizi at a dinner given in his honor by the President
in San Carlos de Bariloche
28 Message to President Kubitschek of
Brazil on the air tragedy over Rio de
Janeiro
28 Statement of the President recorded
for the opening of the i960 Red Cross
campaign
February Subject
28 The Declaration of San Carlos de
Bariloche: joint declaration by the
President and President Frondizi of
Argentina
29 Remarks at the airport in San Carlos
de Bariloche upon leaving for Chile
29 Statement by the President concerning the recipients of the President's
Award for Distinguished Federal
Civilian Service
29 Remarks in Santiago in response to
greetings by President Alessandri of
Chile
29 Remarks at the American Embassy
Residence in Santiago upon receiving
a scroll from the Chilean-American
Cultural Institute
29 Toast by the President at a dinner
given in his honor by President
Alessandri
March
I Remarks to the embassy staff and to
members of Chilean-American groups
in Santiago
I Address before a joint session of the
National Congress of Chile
I Remarks upon receiving a medal presented by members of the National
Congress of Chile
I Toast to President Alessandri at a
dinner given in his honor by the
President
I Joint statement following discussions
with President Alessandri of Chile
2 Remarks at Los Cerrillos Airport in
Santiago upon leaving for Uruguay
2 Remarks upon arrival at Carrasco Airport, Montevideo
2 Remarks upon receiving a medal from
the President of the Departmental
Council of Montevideo
2 Address before a joint session of the
National Congress of Uruguay
2 Remarks upon receiving a medal presented by the President of the General
Assembly
2 Toast of the President at a dinner
given in his honor by President
Nardone of Uruguay
3 Letter accepting resignation of R.
Lockwood Jones, member, Subversive
Activities Control Board
I o69
Appendix A
March
Subject
March
Subject
3 Remarks to the staff of the U.S. Embassy in Montevideo
3 The Declaration of Montevideo:
joint declaration by the President and
the National Council of Government
of Uruguay
3 Remarks at Carrasco Airport, Montevideo, upon leaving for Puerto Rico
4 Remarks at Dorado, Puerto Rico, at
a meeting of the American Assembly
8 Radio and television report to the
American people on the South American trip
9 White House statement and memorandum concerning the authority of agencies to classify information or material
10 Letter accepting resignation of John
C. Doerfer, Chairman, Federal Communications Commission
10 Remarks at a dinner given by the
Indiana State Society in honor of
Minority Leader Charles A. Halleck
I I Special message to the Congress on increasing the postal rates
I 2 Letter to Frederick M. Eaton, U.S.
Representative to the Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference in Geneva
15 White House announcement of the
itinerary for President de Gaulle's
forthcoming visit
15 Toasts of the President and Chancellor
Adenauer of Germany
15 Joint statement following discussions
with Chancellor Adenauer
I5 Letter accepting resignation of Henry
Kearns, Assistant Secretary of Commerce
I6 Remarks at the i6th annual Washington Conference of the Advertising
Council
17 Special message to the Congress concerning the administration's program
to promote the growth of export trade
17 Special message to the Congress on
immigration
17 White House announcement of the
President's forthcoming visit to Portugal
I8 Message to the Congress transmitting
the second semiannual report of the
NASA
22 Exchange of messages between the
President and Chairman Khrushchev
on the rescue of four Soviet soldiers
by the U.S.S. Kearsarge
22 Remarks to a group of Eisenhower
Exchange Fellows
23 Exchange of messages between the
President and the King of Morocco
on the earthquake at Agadir
24 White House announcement of the
forthcoming visit of Prime Minister
Macmillan
27 Address at the opening session of the
White House Conference on Children
and Youth, College Park, Md.
28 Joint statement by the President and
Prime Minister Macmillan at the beginning of their conversations at Camp
David
29 Joint declaration by the President and
Prime Minister Macmillan on nuclear
weapons tests
30 White House announcement concerning the Agriculture Department's offer
of indemnity payments to cranberry
growers
31 White House statement following the
President's approval of a bill providing for citations and awards to the
master and crew of the S.S. Meredith
Victory
April
i Statement by the President on the
launching of satellite Tiros I
4 Statement by the President on the
fifth anniversary of the announcement
of the effectiveness of polio vaccine
4 White House statement prior to departure of OCDM Director Hoegh and
General Gruenther, President of the
National American Red Cross, for
flood disaster areas in Nebraska, South
Dakota, Iowa, and Illinois
4 Exchange of telegrams between the
President and President Garcia on the
Philippine sugar quota
4 Remarks at a rally sponsored by the
Republican Women's National Conference
5 White House announcement of plans
for the Easter egg rolling
I070
Appendix A
April
Subject
5 Remarks of welcome to President
Lleras Camargo of Colombia at the
Washington National Airport
5 Toasts of the President and President
Lleras at the White House
7 Toasts of the President and President
Lleras at the Colombian Embassy
8 Statements by the President and President Lleras following their discussions
8 Message to President Garcia of the
Philippines on the occasion of Bataan
Day
9 White House announcement of designation of the President's Personal
Representatives to Brasilia's inauguration ceremonies and to Togo independence ceremonies
I Veto of bill for relief of Mrs. Virginia
Bond
II Veto of bill for relief of William J.
Kaiser
12 Letter to the cochairmen of the Joint
Federal-State Action Committee on
receiving the Committee's final report
12 Letter to the Governors concerning
assumption by the States of regulatory
functions relating to atomic energy
I2 White House announcement of the
President's forthcoming visit to Japan
and Korea
12 White House announcement of forthcoming meetings of the President's
Quetico-Superior Committee with a
similar committee created by Prime
Minister Frost of Ontario
I3 White House announcement of the
appointment of Don Paarlberg as
Food-For-Peace Coordinator
17 Statement by the President upon making public the second interim report of
the Cabinet Committee on Price Stability for Economic Growth
I9 Letter to the Administrator of General
Services offering the President's papers
and other documentary materials as a
gift to the United States
19 Exchange of letters between the chairman of the Eisenhower Presidential
Library Commission and the Administrator of General Services concerning
the Eisenhower Presidential Library
April Subject
19 White House statement concerning the
President's approval of a nine-point
program for improving relations between United States and Panama
20 White House statement releasing preliminary report of the Interdepartmental Committee to Coordinate
Federal Urban Area Assistance Programs
2 Message to President Kubitschek of
Brazil on the occasion of the inauguration of the new capital, Brasilia
22 Remarks of welcome to President de
Gaulle of France at the Washington
National Airport
22 Toasts of the President and President
de Gaulle
23 Message to President Betancourt on
the occasion of the sesquicentennial
of Venezuela's independence
25 Remarks to members of the National
4-H Conference
25 Joint statement following discussions
with President de Gaulle
25 Toast by the President at a dinner
given in his honor by President de
Gaulle
26 White House statement following the
President's meeting with the President,
AFL-CIO, concerning proposed labormanagement conferences
26 White House announcement concerning the President's forthcoming visit to
Portugal
27 Exchange of messages between the
President and the Shah of Iran on the
Lar earthquake disaster
27 Remarks of welcome to the King and
Queen of Nepal at the Washington
National Airport
27 Toasts of the President and King
Mahendra of Nepal
28 White House release in response to a
news conference query on Federal assistance to economically depressed
areas
28 White House announcement of appointments of a member of the
National Advisory Committee on the
Selection of Physicians, Dentists and
Allied Specialists and of U.S. delegates to the I3th World Health Assembly in Geneva
107I
Appendix A
April Subject
28 Joint statement following discussions
with King Mahendra
May
2 Remarks at the annual meeting of the
U.S. Chamber of Commerce
2 Address at a dinner sponsored by the
Committee for International Economic
Growth and the Committee to
Strengthen the Frontiers of Freedom
3 Special message to the Congress on
the legislative program
3 Statement by the President on the
occasion of the centennial of the first
Japanese diplomatic mission to the
United States
3 Remarks at Fort Benning, Ga., after
watching a demonstration of new
army equipment
4 Statement by the President upon signing "Food for Peace" agreement between the United States and India
4 White House statement concerning
the agricultural commodities agreement between the United States and
India
4 White House announcement concerning sewage disposal at Dulles International Airport
6 Statement by the President upon signing the Civil Rights Act of i960
6 Exchange of messages between the
President and Queen Juliana upon
completion of the monument presented by the people of the Netherlands
6 Remarks at the opening of the i960
AFL-CIO union-industries show
7 Statement by the President announcing the forthcoming visit of the Crown
Prince and Princess of Japan
7 Statement concerning the President's
approval of an expanded seismic research and development program
9 White House announcement of the
forthcoming visit of Prime Minister
Diefenbaker of Canada
9 Letter to Syngman Rhee upon his
withdrawal from political life in Korea
10 Citation accompanying award of
Legion of Merit to Captain Edward L.
Beach, USN
May Subject
I I Statement by the President concerning
the U-2 incident
I 2 Statement by the President on the
the death of John D. Rockefeller, Jr.
I 2 Remarks to the members of the American Helicopter Society
I 3 Veto of the area redevelopment bill
I4 White House statement making public
the report of the panel on food additives
I5 Remarks upon arrival at Orly Airport
in Paris
i6 White House statement on report of
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Air
Force Academy
i6 Statement by the President upon signing the Mutual Security Act
16 Message to the Congress transmitting
the Civil Service Commission's first report under the Government Employees
Training Act
i6 Veto of a bill relating to the income
tax treatment of non-refundable capital contributions to Federal National
Mortgage Association
i6 Veto of bill for relief of Universal
Trades, Inc.
i6 Special message to the Congress concerning the proposed Freedom Monument
i6 Memorandum to Federal agencies on
the United Givers Fund campaign
in the National Capital Area
I6 Letter accepting resignation of John
H. Williams, member, Atomic Energy
Commission
I6 Letter accepting resignation of John
F. Floberg, member, Atomic Energy
Commission
I6 Statement by the President concerning
the position taken by Chairman
Khrushchev at the opening of the
summit conference
I7 White House announcement of members of U.S. delegation to attend ceremonies in connection with the Isoth
anniversary of the independence of
Argentina
17 Statement approving recommendations contained in memorandum
"Radiation protection guidance for
Federal agencies"
I072
Appendix A
May Subject
17 Statement by the Press Secretary on
the meeting called by President de
Gaulle for the afternoon of May 17
I 7 Joint statement with President de
Gaulle and Prime Minister Macmillan
concerning the summit conference
18 Statement by the Press Secretary and
the Assistant Secretary of State for
Public Affairs on the meeting of the
President with President de Gaulle
and Prime Minister Macmillan before
the President's departure for Lisbon
I 9 Remarks at Orly Airport, Paris, before leaving for Lisbon
I9 White House announcement of the
forthcoming meeting of the President
and Seisaku Ota, Chief Executive of
the Government of the Ryukyu Islands, in Tokyo
i9 Remarks upon arrival at Portela Airport, Lisbon
I9 Remarks to the staff of the U.S. Embassy and the American Community
in Lisbon
I 9 Toast by the President at a luncheon
given in his honor by President
Thomaz at Ajuda Palace
I 9 Toast by the President at a dinner
given in honor of President Thomaz
at Queluz Palace
20 Remarks at Portela Airport, Lisbon,
before leaving for Washington
20 Remarks upon arrival at Andrews Air
Force Base
25 Radio and television report to the
American people on the events in
Paris
27 Statement by the President concerning
the disaster in Chile
31 Remarks of welcome to the delegates
of SEATO at a luncheon given in
their honor at the White House
June
I Remarks to the delegates to the Second Conference of Young Political
Leaders from North Atlantic Treaty
countries
I Remarks at a dinner commemorating
the both anniversary of the Boy Scouts
of America
June Subject
2 Letter to Senator Bennett on the need
for legislation authorizing the President to make adjustments in sugar
quotas
3 Statement by the President upon signing bill relating to the San Luis Unit of
the Central Valley Project, Calif.
3 Veto of bill relating to unemployment
tax credits of successor employers
3 Veto of bill concerning unlimited income tax deductions for certain contributions to charity
3 Toasts of the President and Prime
Minister Diefenbaker of Canada
4 Joint statement following discussions
with the Prime Minister of Canada
4 Remarks at a testimonial dinner in
honor of Representative St. George,
Bear Mountain State Park, N.Y.
5 Address "Beyond the Campus" delivered at the commencement exercises
of the University of Notre Dame
8 Exchange of messages between the
President and President Alessandri
concerning the disaster in Chile
I2 Letter to Governor Underwood of
West Virginia on further Federal activities in aid of chronic labor surplus
areas
I 2Statement by the President recorded
before leaving for the Far East
I2 Remarks upon arrival at Elmendorf
Air Force Base, Anchorage, Alaska
I3 Veto of bill for the relief of Our Lady
of the Lake Church, Mandeville, La.
I3 Veto of bill concerning the defense of
suits against Federal employees operating Government motor vehicles
I3 Veto of bill for the relief of Grand
Lodge of North Dakota, Ancient Free
and Accepted Masons
13 White House statement regarding
United States participation in the International Indian Ocean Expedition
and prospectus
13 Letter accepting resignation of Don C.
Bliss, Ambassador to Ethiopia
I4 Remarks upon arrival at the International Airport in Manila
15 Address before a joint session of the
Philippine Senate and House of Representatives
1073
Appendix A
June
Subject
15 Remarks to the staff of the U.S. Embassy and the American Community
in Manila
I5 Toast by the President at a dinner
given in his honor by President Garcia
I6 Remarks at the University of the
Philippines upon receiving an honorary degree
16 Remarks at a luncheon given by the
Chamber of Commerce in Manila
16 White House announcement of delegations to ceremonies marking the independence of the Congo Republic
and of Somalia, and the inauguration
of the Republic of Ghana
i6 Remarks at a civic reception at the
Luneta in Manila
I6 Joint statement following discussions
with President Garcia
16 Statement by the Press Secretary on
the postponement of the President's
visit to Japan
16 Remarks in Manila before leaving for
Taipei
18 Remarks to the officers and men of the
7th Fleet
18 Remarks upon arrival at the Sungshan
Airport, Taipei
I8 Address at a mass rally in Taipei
I8 Toast by the President at a dinner
given in his honor by President Chiang
Kai-shek
19 Joint statement following discussions
with President Chiang Kai-shek
19 Remarks at the Sungshan Airport,
Taipei, upon leaving for Okinawa
I9 Remarks upon arrival at Kadena Air
Force Base, Okinawa
19 Remarks upon arrival at Kimpo International Airport in Seoul
20 Remarks to the American Community
in Seoul
20 Toast by the President at a luncheon
given in his honor by Prime Minister
Huh Chung of Korea
20 Address before the National Assembly
of Korea
20 Remarks at the headquarters of the
Korean Army's Sixth Corps
20 Joint statement following discussions
with Prime Minister Huh Chung
20 Remarks in Seoul upon leaving for
Honolulu
June Subject
20 Remarks upon arrival at the Honolulu
International Airport
25 Remarks at Hickam Air Force Base,
Honolulu, upon leaving for Washington
26 Message to President Tsiranana on the
occasion of the independence of the
Malagasy Republic
27 Remarks recorded for the Governors
conference at Glacier National Park,
Mont.
27 Radio and television report to the
American people on the trip to the
Far East
28 Letter accepting resignation of Maj.
Gen. J. Stewart Bragdon, Special Assistant to the President for Public
Works Planning
28 Memorandum to Federal agencies on
the United Fund and Community
Chest campaigns
28 Remarks of welcome to the King and
Queen of Thailand at the Washington
National Airport
28 Citation accompanying Legion of
Merit, Degree of Chief Commander,
presented to the King of Thailand
28 Toasts of the President and the King
of Thailand
29 Letter to the President of the American Red Cross on the Nation's voluntary disaster relief in Chile
29 Remarks at the AFL-CIO testimonial
dinner in honor of Secretary of Labor
Mitchell
30 Message to President Kasavubu on the
occasion of the independence of the
Republic of the Congo
30 Veto of a bill to increase the salaries
of Federal employees
July
I Joint statement following discussions
with the King of Thailand
I Letter accepting resignation of Julian
F. Harrington, Ambassador to Panama
I Letter accepting resignation of Gerald
A. Drew, Ambassador to Haiti
I Statement by the Press Secretary on
congressional action overriding the
veto of the Federal employees pay
raise bill
1074
Appendix A
July Subject
I Message to President Osman on the
occasion of the independence of the
Somali Republic
I Message to President Nkrumah on the
occasion of the accession of Ghana to
the status of Republic
X Statement by the President on the
United Nations Freedom-from-Hunger
campaign
6 White House statement concerning
tariff on clinical thermometers
6 Statement by the President upon signing bill and proclamation relating to
the Cuban sugar quota
7 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
for relief of Juan D. Quintos and
others
7 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
for relief of Sam J. Buzzanca
7 Memorandum of disapproval of bill to
provide for the economic regulation of
the Alaska Railroad under the Interstate Commerce Act
8 Statement by the Press Secretary concerning a plan for more effective U.S.
participation in raising standards in
the Americas
9 Letter accepting resignation of Andrew D. Orrick, member, Securities
and Exchange Commission
9 Statement by the President concerning
Premier Khrushchev's announcement
of support for the Castro regime in
Cuba
ii Statement by the President pledging
U.S. cooperation to strengthen the
framework of freedom through social
and economic progress in the Americas
i2 Statement by the Press Secretary on
the downing of an RB-47 plane by
the U.S.S.R.
I 2 Statement by the President upon signing the Independent Offices Appropriation Act
I 2 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
concerning wage rates at the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard
I 3 Statement by the President on the
downing of an RB-47 plane by the
U.S.S.R.
13 Telegram to Senator Mansfield welcoming a Security Council discussion
of the RB-47 plane incident
July Subject
14 Statement by the Press Secretary on
the U.S. response to the U.N. appeal
for emergency food supplies for Leopoldville
14 Statement by the President upon signing bill providing for the admission
of refugees
I4 Memorandum of disapproval of bill for
the relief of Margaret P. Copin
I4 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
relating to payments to Bernalillo
County, N. Mex., for care of Indians
i6 Message to the Congress transmitting
the fourth annual report on the
operation of the Trade Agreements
Program
i8 Telegrams to Senators Kennedy and
Johnson offering them briefings by the
Central Intelligence Agency
i8 Letter to the President from Senator
Kennedy accepting his offer of briefings on foreign affairs
20 White House announcement of forthcoming visit of Prime Minister Rahman of Malaya
20 Statement by the President on the
budget surplus for fiscal year i960
2 ILetter accepting resignation of Dallas
S. Townsend, Assistant Attorney General
2 ILetter accepting resignation of Mason
Sears, U.S. Representative on U.N.
Trusteeship Council
2I Statement by the President on the need
for an early meeting of the Disarmament Commission of the United
Nations
22 Remarks at the dedication of Eisenhower Park, Newport, R.I.
22 Letter to Henry M. Wriston on the
progress made by the Commission on
National Goals
22 Letter to Lynn U. Stambaugh at the
close of his term of service as first vice
president of the Export-Import Bank
of Washington
22 Letter to Frederick M. Eaton following the closing of the Ten-Nation
Committee on Disarmament
24 Statement by the President making
public an interim report on the Foodfor-Peace program
60295-61 -71
I1075
Appendix A
July
Subject
25 Letter to the Administrator of General
Services concerning the design of proposed buildings on Lafayette Square
25 Statement by the President following
the firing of the Polaris missile by the
submarine Patrick Henry
26 Address at the Republican National
Convention in Chicago
27 Remarks at the Republican National
Committee Breakfast, Chicago, Ill.
28 Statement by the President concerning
a program for the development of
Peru
29 White House statement concerning the
appointment of Roy R. Rubottom as
Ambassador to Argentina and Thomas
C. Mann as Assistant Secretary of
State for Inter-American Affairs
3 I Exchange of messages between the
President and President Nkrumah on
the airlift of Ghanaian forces to the
Congo
August
I Message to Prime Minister Maga on
the occasion of the independence of
the Republic of Dahomey
2 Message to the students of Korea
3 Message to Prime Minister Diori on
the occasion of the independence of
the Republic of Niger
4 Exchange of messages between the
President and Prime Minister Ikeda
of Japan
5 Message to Prime Minister Yameogo
on the occasion of the independence
of the Republic of Upper Volta
7 Message to Prime Minister Houphouet-Boigny on the occasion of the
independence of the Republic of the
Ivory Coast
8 Special message to the Congress upon
its reconvening
9 White House statement on report of
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Military
Academy
9 Memorandum from the Director,
Bureau of the Budget, submitting report on congressional actions affecting
the budget recommendations for fiscal
year I 96 I
August Subject
Io Statement by the President on the
Security Council resolution on the
Congo
IO Message to the Congress transmitting
the I2th semiannual report under
Public Law 480 (83d Cong.)
I Message to Prime Minister Tombalbaye on the occasion of the independence of the Republic of Chad
12 Message recorded for transmission via
communication satellite Echo I
13 Message to Prime Minister Dacko on
the occasion of the independence of
the Central African Republic
15 Message to President Youlou on the
occasion of the independence of the
Republic of Congo
I5 Remarks upon inspection of the capsule retrieved from the satellite Discoverer XIII
i6 Message to President Makarios on the
occasion of independence of the Republic of Cyprus
17 Message to President M'ba on the occasion of the independence of the
Republic of Gabon
I7 Statement by the President on U.S.
achievements in space
I9 Letter accepting resignation of Henry
Cabot Lodge as U.S. Representative
to the United Nations
I9 Statement by the Press Secretary concerning the sentence imposed on U-2
pilot Powers by the Soviet court
2o Letter accepting resignation of William J. Hallahan, member, Federal
Home Loan Bank Board
20 Letter accepting resignation of Clyde
A. Wheeler, Jr., Staff Assistant to the
President
23 Special message to the Congress on
the sugar quota of the Dominican
Republic
23 White House statement on the Tariff
Commission report on cotton imports
23 White House statement on the tariff
on linen toweling and watch movements imports
23 Letter accepting resignation of Ervin
L. Petersen, Assistant Secretary of
Agriculture
1076
Appendix A
August Subject
26 Statement by the President on the
40th anniversary of the women's suffrage amendment
26 Statement by the President concerning mutual security appropriations
26 Letter to the Majority and Minority
Leaders of the Senate on mutual security appropriations
26 Letter to the Speaker and to the
Minority Leader of the House of Representatives on mutual security appropriations
28 Exchange of letters between the Press
Secretary and the Joint Editorial
Board of Moscow News and Nouvelles
de Moscow
29 Message to President Po Sun Yun of
Korea
29 Message to Prime Minister Chang
Myon of Korea
29 Letter to Judge E. Barrett Prettyman
requesting him to serve as chairman
of the President's Conference on Administrative Procedure
29 Remarks at the Assembly Session of
the American Bar Association
30 White House announcement of the
members of the U.S. delegation to
attend the inauguration of the President of Ecuador
30 Message to the King of Jordan on the
death of Prime Minister Hazza alMajali
30 Letter to the Chairman, Tariff Commission, on imports of tung oil and
tung nut
30 Message to the Congress transmitting
the third semiannual report of the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration
3 I Remarks to a group of Republican
candidates for Congress
September
i Remarks at the Fifth International
Congress on Nutrition
I White House statement concerning
the President's continued support of
his legislative recommendations and
his regret at the failure of Congress to
enact sugar legislation
September Subject
2 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
authorizing the payment of subsidies
to producers of lead and zinc
2 Letter to the Chairman, Civil Aeronautics Board, concerning international local service to Regina, Saskatchewan
5 Statement by the President: Labor
Day
6 Remarks at the dedication of a new
building at the Industrial College of
the Armed Forces, Fort McNair
7 Statement by the President concerning Soviet action in supplying aircraft
and other military equipment to the
Congo
7 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
concerning the marking of imported
articles and containers
8 Message for the SEATO Day ceremonies at Bangkok
8 Remarks at the dedication of the
George C. Marshall Space Flight
Center, Huntsville, Ala.
9 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
for the relief of Raymond Baurkot
9 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
amending the Bankruptcy Act
I 2 Remarks at the opening of the Republican campaign, Friendship International Airport near Baltimore
13 Letter accepting resignation of Francis
0. Wilcox, Assistant Secretary of
State for International Organization
Affairs
I4 Statement by the Press Secretary announcing the President's forthcoming
address to the United Nations
14 Letter accepting resignation of
Fletcher Warren, Ambassador to
Turkey
I 4 Letter accepting resignation of Roger
C. Ernst, Assistant Secretary of the
Interior for Public Land Management
I 4 Letter accepting resignation of Selden
Chapin, Ambassador to Peru
14 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
for the relief of Eric and Ida Mae
Hjerpe
14 Memorandum of disapproval of bill
for the relief of H. P. Lambert Company, Incorporated, and Southeastern
Drilling Corporation
I077
Appendix A
September Subject
15 Statement recorded for the opening of
the United Community campaigns
I6 Exchange of letters between the President and Prime Minister Ikeda of
Japan
I6 Statement by the President upon signing bill raising support prices for butterfat and manufacturing milk
I7 Statement by the Associate Press Secretary announcing the President's directive that the flags of Panama and
the United States be flown together in
Shaler's Triangle in the Canal Zone
I 7 Statement by the President concerning
the attendance of chiefs of state and
heads of government at the U.N. General Assembly
I9 Statement by the President on the
signing of the treaty between Pakistan
and India relating to the waters of the
Indus River
i9 Remarks to members of the American
Nationalities for Nixon-Lodge
20 Statement by the President: National
Science Youth Month
2 IStatement by the President: The
Jewish High Holy Days
21 Message to the Fourth General Conference of the International Atomic
Energy Agency
22 Letter accepting resignation of
Leonard J. Saccio, Deputy Director,
International Cooperation Administration
22 Address before the Isth General Assembly of the United Nations, New
York City
22 Remarks at a luncheon for Latin
American delegates to the U.N. General Assembly, New York City
23 White House announcement of the
forthcoming visit of Secretary Benson
to South America
24 White House announcement of U.S.
recognition of the Republics of Mali
and Senegal
26 Address in Philadelphia before the
American Institute of Certified Public
Accountants
26 Remarks in Philadelphia to a group
of Eisenhower Exchange Fellows
September Subject
26 Address at the Golden Jubilee Dinner
of the National Conference of Catholic Charities, New York City
27 Joint statement following meeting
with Prime Minister Macmillan to
discuss the situation before the United
Nations
27 Toasts of the President and the Crown
Prince of Japan
29 White House announcement of the
death of Mrs. Elivera Doud, mother
of Mrs. Eisenhower
29 Address in Chicago at the i960 Victory Fund Dinner rally
30 Remarks at the Polish-American Congress in Chicago
October
i Message to the people of the Federation of Nigeria on the occasion of
their independence
2 Joint statement following meeting
with Prime Minister Macmillan and
Prime Minister Menzies
2 Letter in reply to a proposal for a
meeting of the President and Chairman Khrushchev
4 Remarks to the 67th annual conference of the International Association
of Chiefs of Police
5 Remarks to a group of engineers from
India upon completion of a training
program in the United States
5 White House statement on report of
the President's Committee on Government Employment Policy covering
employment of Negroes in the Government
7 Letter to Secretary Mitchell on receiving report on the effectiveness of
the Labor-Management Act
7 Toasts of the President and Prince
Albert of Belgium
8 Remarks to regional office and hospital managers of the Veterans Administration
I0 White House statement concerning
tariffs on bicycles and dried figs
I I Remarks to participants in the International Field Hockey Festival
I IRemarks of welcome to the King and
Queen of Denmark at the Washington National Airport
I078
Appendix A
October Subject
1 Toasts of the President and King
Frederick of Denmark
13 Memorandum from Secretary Flemming concerning radiation protection
activities of Federal agencies
13 Statement of the President upon receiving fifth annual report on the
Rural Development Program
14 Statement by the President: National
Newspaper Week
14 Remarks to the heads of U.N. delegations from new African nations and
Cyprus
14 Remarks in response to a statement by
the Minister of Justice of the Niger
Republic
14 Remarks at the tree-planting ceremony
at the White House on the President's
70th birthday
17 Remarks at the City-County Building
in Detroit
17 Remarks in Detroit to a group of business and professional women
17 Address in Detroit at the National
Automobile Show Industry Dinner
I8 Remarks at a Republican rally at the
Minneapolis-St. Paul International
Airport
I8 Remarks at the dedication of the
Hiawatha Bridge, Red Wing, Minn.
19 Statement by the President concerning
the agreement with Canada on the
water resources of the Columbia River
Basin
19 White House statement concerning the
agreement with Canada on the water
resources of the Columbia River Basin
20 Statement by the Chairman, President's Committee on Information Activities Abroad, concerning U.S.
prestige
20 Address in San Francisco to the Commonwealth Club of California
21 Remarks in San Diego before the
Inter-American Congress of Municipalities
24 Remarks broadcast to the Mexican
people, Ciudad Acufia, Mexico
24 Joint declaration by the President and
President Lopez Mateos concerning
the construction of Amistad Dam
24 Address in Houston before the faculty
and students of Rice University
October Subject
25 Telegram accepting invitation to address a rally of the Nixon for President
Committee of Pennsylvania
26 Message to President Ngo Dinh Diem
on the fifth anniversary of the independence of Viet-Nam
26 Letter accepting resignation of Marvin
L. McLain, Assistant Secretary of
Agriculture
26 Toasts of the President and the Prime
Minister of Malaya
27 Address at ceremonies honoring the
memory of Woodrow Wilson, Staunton, Va.
28 Address in Philadelphia at a rally of
the Nixon for President Committee of
Pennsylvania
29 Letter accepting resignation of John
C. Drier, U.S. Representative on the
Council of the Organization of American States
November
I White House statement on agreement
establishing Polaris submarine base in
the United Kingdom
i Statement by the President regarding
the U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo,
Cuba
I Statement by the President concerning the agreement reached in the railway industry
I Remarks recorded for a telecast sponsored by the Independent Television
Committee for Nixon and Lodge
2 Letter from Secretary Mitchell transmitting report "The Economic Progress of Negroes in the United States"
2 Remarks at a rally in Garden City,
N.Y.
2 Remarks in New York at a rally at
the Westchester County Airport
2 Remarks at a rally in Herald Square,
New York City
2 Address at a Republican rally in the
New York Coliseum
3 Letter to Dr. Milton S. Eisenhower on
the occasion of his resignation from
two advisory committees
4 Address in Cleveland at a rally in the
public square
1079
Appendix A
November Subject
4 Remarks at a Republican men's
luncheon in Cleveland
4 Remarks in Cleveland at a reception
of Republican women
4 Remarks upon arrival in Pittsburgh
4 Address in Pittsburgh at a dinner
sponsored by the Allegheny County
Republican Executive Committee
7 Radio and television remarks on election eve
9 Telegrams of congratulations to the
President- and Vice President-elect
9 Telegrams to Vice President Nixon
and Henry Cabot Lodge
10 White House statement concerning
assistance to the Cuban Refugee Committee
I I Letter accepting resignation of George
V. Allen, Director, U.S. Information
Agency
i2 Letter to Secretary Mueller concerning participation in the New York
World's Fair of I964-65
14 Exchange of messages between the
President and President Garcia on the
occasion of Philippine-American Day
15 Statement by the President on the entrance into sea duty of the Polaris
submarine George Washington
I5 Statement by Secretary Anderson concerning his forthcoming mission to
West Germany
i6 Letter to Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe on the
occasion of his investiture as Governor General of the Federation of
Nigeria
17 Directive concerning the outflow of
gold from the United States
17 Letter to Secretary Anderson concerning rates of duty for imports from
Poland
20o Letter accepting resignation of James
D. Zellerback, Ambassador to Italy
20 Statement by the President on making
public a report by the Science Advisory Committee
25 White House statement concerning
lead and zinc imports
26 Exchange of messages between the
President and President Tour6 of
Guinea regarding U.S. policy toward
the Congo
November Subject
28 Statement by the President upon completion of the mission of Secretary
Anderson and Under Secretary Dillon to West Germany
28 Exchange of messages between the
President and Prime Minister Ikeda
on the election in Japan
30 Exchange of messages between the
President and Prime Minister Nash of
New Zealand
30 Letter accepting resignation of
Lawrence G. Derthick, U.S. Commissioner of Education
December
2 Exchange of messages between the
President and President Ydigoras
Fuentes on U.S. naval aid to Guatemala
2 Letter accepting resignation of Gordon M. Tiffany, Staff Director, Commission on Civil Rights
6 White House statement releasing report of National Agricultural Advisory
Commission
6 Joint statement by the President and
President-elect Kennedy
7 White House statement regarding
termination of naval aid to Nicaragua
and Guatemala
7 Letter accepting resignation of George
Cochran Doub, Assistant Attorney
General
9 Letter to Cardinal Spellman concerning aid to Cuban refugees
13 Letter accepting resignation of Amory
Houghton, Ambassador to France
14 Statement by the President on the
death of Meyer Kestnbaum
I5 White House report on the President's
annual physical examination
I6 Exchange of messages between the
President and Prime Minister Holyoake of New Zealand
I6 Statement by the President upon issuing proclamation fixing the Cuban
sugar quota at zero
i9 Letter accepting resignation of James
W. Barco, Deputy U.S. Representative to the United Nations
20 Citation accompanying the National
Security Medal presented to Robert
Murphy
io8o
Appendix A
December Subject
20 Letter to Secretary Mueller concerning U.S. participation in the New
York World's Fair of I964-65
2I Presidential citation honoring James
Forbis Brownlee
22 Statement by the President on appointing the Presidential Railroad
Commission
22 Message to President Kubitschek on
the occasion of the ceremonies in
Brazil honoring the dead of World
War II
23 The President's certification as to his
forbidding disclosure of certain documents to Congress relating to aid to
South American countries
23 Letter from Gerald D. Morgan,
Deputy Assistant to the President, to
the Attorney General, requesting an
opinion on the availability of mutual
security funds for the Office of Inspector General and Comptroller, Department of State, and the Attorney
General's reply
23 Remarks at the Pageant of Peace
ceremonies
24 Memorandum to the Secretary of the
Army on the operation of steamships
by the Panama Canal Company
24 Statement by the President upon issuing proclamation relating to petroleum imports
24 Letter accepting resignation of Dempster McIntosh, Ambassador to Colombia
28 Letter accepting resignation of Lawrence E. Walsh, Deputy Attorney
General
29 Letter accepting resignation of T.
Keith Glennan, Administrator, National Aeronautics and Space Administration
30 Letter accepting resignation of Leo A.
Hoegh, Director, Office of Civil and
Defense Mobilization
30 Letter accepting resignation of Sumner G. Whittier, Administrator of
Veterans Affairs
31 Letter accepting resignation of John
Hay Whitney, Ambassador to Great
Britain
January Subject
I Letter accepting resignation of Arthur E. Summerfield as Postmaster
General
z Statement by the President concerning commercial use of communication
satellites
2 Letter accepting resignation of Frederick H. Mueller as Secretary of
Commerce
3 Statement by the President on terminating diplomatic relations with Cuba
3 Letter accepting resignation of Perkins McGuire, Assistant Secretary of
Defense for Supply and Logistics
3 Letter accepting resignation of Vance
Brand, Managing Director, Development Loan Fund
3 Letter accepting resignation of Bertha
S. Adkins, Under Secretary of Health,
Education, and Welfare
3 Letter accepting resignation of George
W. Beadle, member, Science Advisory Committee
3 Letter accepting resignation of George
M. Moore, Assistant Postmaster General, Bureau of Transportation
3 Statement by the President following
announcement of recipients of the
President's Award for Distinguished
Federal Civilian Service
3 Letter accepting resignation of Parke
M. Banta, General Counsel, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare
3 Letter accepting resignation of Philip
McCallum, Administrator, Small Business Administration
3 Letter accepting resignation of E. R.
Quesada, Administrator, Federal
Aviation Agency
4 Letter accepting resignation of Franklin Floete, Administrator, General
Services Administration
4 Letter accepting resignation of Douglas Dillon, Under Secretary of State
4 Message to Tuanku Syed Putra, Paramount Ruler of the Federation of
Malaya
4 Statement by the Press Secretary on
the status of the U.S. naval station,
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba
Io8i
Appendix A
January Subject
5 Letter accepting resignation of Ezra
Taft Benson as Secretary of Agriculture
5 Statement by the President: the
centennial of the American Civil War
5 White House statement on report of
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Naval
Academy
5 Letter accepting resignation of John
A. McCone, Chairman, Atomic Energy
Commission
6 Letter accepting resignation of Philip
A. Ray, Under Secretary of Commerce
6 Letter accepting resignation of Glenn
L. Emmons, Commissioner, Bureau of
Indian Affairs
6 Letter to Alan T. Waterman on receiving report of the National Science
Foundation
6 Letter to Archibald J. Carey, Jr., regarding report of the President's Committee on Government Employment
Policy
6 Letter accepting resignation of George
T. Moore, Assistant Secretary of Commerce
6 Letter accepting resignation of John J.
Allen, Jr., Under Secretary of Commerce for Transportation
6 Remarks at a luncheon honoring the
President given by the Republican National Committee
7 Remarks at troop review ceremonies,
Fort Gordon, Ga.
8 Letter accepting resignation of
Thomas S. Gates as Secretary of
Defense
9 Remarks at opening session of the
White House Conference on Aging
9 Letter accepting resignation of James
R. Killian, Jr., member, Science Advisory Committee
9 Message to General Cemal Gursel on
the occasion of the opening of the
Turkish Constituent Assembly
9 Letter accepting resignation of Eric H.
Hager, Legal Adviser, State Department
9 Letter accepting resignation of Gerard
C. Smith, Assistant Secretary of State
for Policy Planning
January Subject
9 Letter accepting resignation of George
B. Kistiakowsky as Special Assistant to
the President for Science and Technology
9 Letter accepting resignation of James
P. Mitchell as Secretary of Labor
9 Letter accepting resignation of James
C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to the
President
9 Letter accepting resignation of Fred
A. Seaton as Secretary of the Interior
9 Remarks at the Vice President's birthday party
IO Letter accepting resignation of Clarence B. Randall, Special Assistant to
the President and Chairman, Council
on Foreign Economic Policy
IO Letter accepting resignation of James
H. Douglas, Deputy Secretary of Defense
IO Remarks upon receiving the Big
Brother of the Year Award
I IStatement by the President on receiving report of the President's Committee on Government Contracts
i2 Memorandum to the Chairman, Civil
Aeronautics Board, concerning the
international phase of the large irregular air carrier investigation
i2 Letter accepting resignation of Christian A. Herter as Secretary of State
I2 Annual message to the Congress on
the State of the Union
I 3 Letter accepting resignation of William P. Rogers as Attorney General
I3 Letter accepting resignation of True
D. Morse, Under Secretary of Agriculture
13 Letter accepting resignation of Ogden
R. Reid, Ambassador to Israel
3 Letter accepting resignation of Philip
B. Taylor, Assistant Secretary of the
Air Force
I3 Letter accepting resignation of Courtney Johnson, Assistant Secretary of the
Army (Logistics)
I3 Letter accepting resignation of Robert
Kramer, Assistant Attorney General
I3 Letter accepting resignation of John
N. Irwin II, Assistant Secretary of
Defense
I082
Appendix A
January Subject
13 Letter accepting resignation of Norman P. Mason, Administrator, Housing and Home Finance Agency
13 Letter accepting resignation of Dana
Latham, Commissioner of Internal
Revenue
I3 Letter accepting resignation of William B. Franke, Secretary of the
Navy
13 Letter accepting resignation of Frank
Barr, Assistant Postmaster General
I3 Letter accepting resignation of Gordon Gray as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
13 Letter accepting resignation of Raymond Blattenberger, Public Printer
I3 Letter accepting resignation of Julian
B. Baird, Under Secretary of the
Treasury
I4 Letter accepting resignation of Perry
W. Morton, Assistant Attorney General
I4 Letter accepting resignation of Edward Foss Wilson, Assistant Secretary
of Health, Education, and Welfare
I5 Letter accepting resignation of Arthur
S. Flemming as Secretary of Health,
Education, and Welfare
I6 Annual Budget Message to the Congress: Fiscal Year 1962
i6 Letter accepting resignation of Robert
B. Anderson as Secretary of the
Treasury
16 Letter accepting resignation of Samuel
C. Waugh, President, Export-Import
Bank of Washington
I6 Letter accepting resignation of Philip
Young, Ambassador to the Netherlands
I6 Letter accepting resignation of
Thomas E. Stephens, Secretary to the
President
17 Remarks at the signing of the Columbia River Basin Treaty with Canada
17 Citation presented to General Melvin
J. Maas
I7 Statement by the President on the
Sugar Act
17 Special message to the Senate transmitting the Columbia River Basin
Treaty with Canada
January
Subject
17 Special message to the Congress transmitting agreement with Italy for cooperation on uses of atomic energy for
mutual defense
17 Letter accepting resignation of Clarence L. Miller, Assistant Secretary of
Agriculture
17 Letter accepting resignation of Clarence M. Ferguson, Assistant Secretary
of Agriculture
17 Letter accepting resignation of Carl J.
Stephens, General Counsel, Department of Agriculture
17 Letter accepting resignation of Charles
K. Rice, Assistant Attorney General,
Tax Division
17 Letter to J. Walter Yeagley expressing
appreciation for his services as Assistant Attorney General, Internal Security Division
I7 Letter accepting resignation of Don
K. Price, member, President's Advisory
Committee on Government Organization
17 Letter accepting resignation of
William I. Myers, Chairman, National
Agricultural Advisory Commission
17 Letter accepting resignation of
Henry C. Wallich, member, Council
of Economic Advisers
17 Letter accepting resignation of Karl
Brandt, member, Council of Economic
Advisers
17 Letter accepting resignation of Charles
C. Finucane, Assistant Secretary of
Defense for Manpower, Personnel and
Reserve
17 Letter accepting resignation of Murray Snyder, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs
17 Letter accepting resignation of J.
Vincent Burke, Jr., General Counsel,
Department of Defense
17 Letter accepting resignation of Richard Jackson, Assistant Secretary of the
Navy (Personnel and Reserve Forces)
17 Letter accepting resignation of Walter
C. Wallace, Assistant Secretary of
Labor
17 Letter accepting resignation of James
T. O'Connell, Under Secretary of
Labor
60295-61 -72
Io83
Appendix A
January Subject
I7 Letter accepting resignation of Alice
K. Leopold, Director, Women's
Bureau, Department of Labor
I7 Letter accepting resignation of John
M. McKibbin, Deputy Postmaster
General
17 Letter accepting resignation of Hyde
Gillette, Assistant Postmaster General
I 7 Letter accepting resignation of Laurence B. Robbins, Assistant Secretary
of the Treasury
I 7 Letter accepting resignation of Mrs.
Oswald B. Lord, U.S. representative,
U.N. Human Rights Commission
17 Farewell radio and television address
to the American people
I8 Annual message presenting the economic report to the Congress
i8 Message to the Congress transmitting
the third annual report on U.S. areonautics and space activities
i8 Message to the Congress transmitting
the fourth semiannual report of the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration
i8 Citation accompanying the Medal of
Freedom presented to James H.
Douglas
i8 Citation accompanying the Medal of
Freedom presented to Thomas S.
Gates
I8 Citation accompanying the Medal of
Freedom presented to Gordon Gray
i8 Citation accompanying the Medal of
Freedom presented to Christian A.
Herter
i8 Citation accompanying the Medal of
Freedom presented to George B.
Kistiakowsky
x8 Citation accompanying the Medal of
Freedom presented to General
Andrew J. Goodpaster
i8 Statement by the President on releasing a report on Cuban refugee problems
i8 Statement by the President upon signing Proclamation modifying petroleum
import control program
i8 Letter to Arthur S. Flemming on receiving report of the President's Advisory Committee on Government
Organization
January Subject
i8 Letter to Secretary Gates concerning
the effect of the President's directive
on balance of payments
i8 Letter accepting resignation of Ross
Leffler, Assistant Secretary of the Interior
i8 Letter accepting resignation of Fred
G. Aandahl, Assistant Secretary of
the Interior
I8 Letter accepting resignation of F. A.
Bantz, Under Secretary of the Navy
x8 Letter accepting resignation of Robert
E. Merriam, Deputy Assistant to the
President for Intergovernmental Relations
i8 Letter accepting resignation of Hart
H. Spiegel, Chief Counsel, Internal
Revenue Service
I9 White House announcement of second meeting between the President and
President-elect Kennedy
I 9 Letter accepting resignation of Harold
R. Tyler, Jr., Assistant Attorney General
I9 Letter to the Director, Bureau of the
Budget, upon receiving seven reports
on Government operations
i9 Letter accepting resignation of Robert
A. Bicks, Assistant Attorney General
I9 Memorandum to the Chairman, Civil
Aeronautics Board, concerning the
Board's recommendation in the TransPacific Route Case
I9 Letter accepting resignation of Fred
Lazarus, Jr., member, President's
Committee on Government Contracts
I9 Letter accepting resignation of Robert L. Chambers, member, President's
Committee on Government Contracts
i9 Letter accepting resignation of B. D.
Tallamy, Federal Highway Administrator
I9 Letter accepting resignation of Carl
F. Oechsle, Assistant Secretary of
Commerce for Domestic Affairs
i9 Letter accepting resignation of Earl
M. Hughes, member, Advisory Board,
Commodity Credit Corporation
I9 Letter accepting resignation of Frank
J. Welch, member, Advisory Board,
Commodity Credit Corporation
1084
Appendix A
January Subject
i9 Letter accepting resignation of Franklin B. Lincoln, Jr., Assistant Secretary
of Defense (Comptroller)
x9 Letter accepting resignation of Robert
A. Forsythe, Assistant Secretary, Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare
9 Letter accepting resignation of Elmer
F. Bennett, Under Secretary of the
Interior
I 9 Letter accepting resignation of David
A. Lindsay, General Counsel of the
Treasury
20 Letter to the Chairman, Tariff Commission, regarding cotton imports
2o Letter accepting resignation of Dudley
C. Sharp, Secretary of the Air Force
2o Letter accepting resignation of Wilber
M. Brucker, Secretary of the Army
January Subject
20 Letter accepting resignation of John
A. Roosevelt, member, President's
Committee on Government Contracts
20 Letter accepting resignation of John
J. Gilhooley, Assistant Secretary of
Labor for Labor-Management Relations
20 Letter to Dr. Leroy E. Burney regarding his retirement as Surgeon General
20 Letter accepting resignation of Rowland Jones, Jr., member, Advisory
Board, Post Office Department
20 Letter accepting resignation of Herbert B. Warburton, General Counsel,
Post Office Department
2o Letter accepting resignation of Ivy
Baker Priest, Treasurer of the United
States
i085
Appendix B-Presidential Documents Published
in the Federal Register, I 960-6 I
PROCLAMATIONS
Date 25 F.R.
Vo. 1959 Subject page
3330 Dec. 31 Law Day, I96..................... I39
I96o
3331 Jan. 13 National Defense Transportation Day, I960........ 401
3332 Jan. 30 National Junior Achievement Week, I960......... I ooI
3333 Feb. 5 Pan American Day and Pan American Week, I960.... 1237
3334 Feb. 5 Red Cross Month, I960................. I237
3335 Feb. 5 National Safe Boating Week, I960............. 1239
3336 Mar. 15 Citizenship Day and Constitution Week, 1960................. 235
3337 Mar. 15 Eighteenth Decennial Census................ 235I
3338 Mar. 15 National Farm Safety Week, 1960.............. 2351
3339 Mar. I5 Establishing the Key Largo Coral Reef Preserve.......... 2352
3340 Mar. 28 Cancer Control Month, I960o......................... 2703
3341 Mar. 31 United Nations Day, I960o................. 2831
3342 Apr. I National Maritime Day, I960.............. 2943
3343 Apr. 8 Loyalty Day, I96o....................... 3153
3344 Apr. 8 Excluding lands from the Black Canyon of the Gunnison
National Monument-Colorado............ 3153
3345 May 5 Mother's Day, I960................... 4273
3346 May 6 World Trade Week, I960................ 4273
3347 May II Increasing import quotas on certain kinds of cheese.......4343
3348 May 13 Prayer for Peace, Memorial Day, 1960........... 4423
3349 May 14 United States of America-Japan Centennial Year.......4443
3350 May 20 National Transportation Week, I96.............4575
335I June I Flag Day, I960.................... 4947
3352 June 3 General of the Armies John J. Pershing Centennial Day.. 5. I71
3353 June I5 Copyright extension: Austria............... 5373
3354 June 29 National Wool Month, I960............. 6233
3355 July 6 Determination of Cuban sugar quota............ 64I4
3356 July 14 1960 Pacific Festival.................. 6869
3357 July 18 Captive Nations Week, 1960............... 6945
3358 July 18 Determining ethyl -(3-cyano-3,3-diphenylpropyl)-4-phenyl-4 -piperidinecarboxylate to be an opiate........... 6945
3359 July 22 National Day of Prayer, I960.............. 7I45
3360 July 22 Modifying the Arches National Monument-Utah..... 7145
336I July 29 Fire Prevention Week, I960............... 7351
3362 July 29 Determining certain drugs to be opiates........... 7351
3363 Aug. I American Education Week, 1960............. 7519
3364 Aug. 22 National Employ the Physically Handicapped Week, 1960.. 8278
Io86
Appendix B
Date
25 F.R.
No. ig960 Subject page
3365 Aug. 23 Modification of trade agreement concessions on cotton typewriter-ribbon cloth.................. 8278
3366 Aug. 24 Termination of the Iranian trade agreement proclamations.. 8279
3367 Aug. 26 Veterans Day, 1960................... 8279
3368 Aug. 26 National Farm-City Week, 1960............. 8280
3369 Aug. 31 Child Health Day, 1960................. 8593
3370 Sept. 2 Jane Addams Centennial Day.............. 8633
3371 Sept. 15 National Forest Products Week, 1960........... 8987
3372 Sept. 23 Immigration quotas................... 9283
3373 Sept. 23 Columbus Day, 1960................ 9283,9593
3374 Sept. 23 Enlarging the Rocky Mountain National Park-Colorado.. 9284
3375 Sept. 23 General Pulaski's Memorial Day, i960.......... 9284
3376 Oct. 27 Immigration quotas................... 10387
3377 Oct. 27 Determining certain drugs to be opiates.......... 10387
3378 Oct. 27 Imposing import quotas on tung oil and tung nuts..... I10449
3379 Nov. 8 Establishing the St. Francis National Forest and enlarging the
Ozark and Nebraska National Forests-Arkansas and Nebraska....................... o10863
3380 Nov. ii Thanksgiving Day, 1960................. 10864
3381 Nov. 12 Human Rights Week, 1960............... 10864
3382 Dec. 6 Civil War Centennial.................. 12587
3383 Dec. 16 Determination of Cuban sugar quota to supplement Proclamation No. 3355.................... 13131
3384 Dec. 21 Immigration quota................... I13681
3385 Dec. 22 Designation of restricted waters under the Great Lakes Pilotage
Act of 1960..................... 13681
3386 Dec. 24 Modifying Proclamation 3279 of March io0, 1959, adjusting
imports of petroleum and petroleum products....... I13945
3387 Dec. 28 Modifying the duty on certain wool fabrics......... 13945
ig961
3388 Jan. 9
3389 Jan. I7
3390 Jan. i8
339I Jan. i8
I959
10857 Dec. 29
jg6o
960858 Jan. 3
xo858 Jan. 1 3
Enlarging the Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico.
Modifying Proclamation No. 3279 of March I0, 1 959, adjusting
imports of petroleum and petroleum products.......
Terminating the Honduran Trade Agreement in part....
Establishing the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal National Monument-Maryland.......................
EXECUTIVE ORDERS
Determining the termination of certain Federal functions in
Alaska and delegating to the Secretary of the Interior the
authority of the President to transfer to Alaska property
owned or held by the United States in connection with such
functions......................
The President's Committee for Traffic Safety........
247
507
507
639
33
373
1087
Appendix B
Date
No. 1960
10859 Feb.
io86o Feb.
io86i Feb.
I o862 Feb.
Io863 Feb.
Io864 Feb.
Io865 Feb.
i o866 Feb.!
10
2
Subject
5 Revocation of Executive Order No. 10758, establishing a career
executive program within the civil-service system and Executive Order No. I 0777, amending Executive Order No. I 0758
5 Coat of Arms, Seal, and Flag of the President of the United
States.........................
I Suspension of certain provisions of section 5762 of Title I o of the
United States Code which relate to the promotion of officers
of the Supply Corps, Chaplain Corps, Civil Engineer Corps,
and the Medical Service Corps of the Navy.........
I12 Creating an emergency board to investigate a dispute between
the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway CompanyCoast Lines and certain of its employees..........
i8 Authorizing the Attorney General to seize arms and munitions
of war, and other articles, pursuant to section I of Title VI of
the Act of June I 5, 1917, as amended...........
I 8 Designating the Pan American Health Organization as a public
international organization entitled to enjoy certain privileges,
exemptions, and immunities...............
20 Safeguarding classified information within industry......
2o Designating the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization as a public
international organization entitled to enjoy certain privileges,?5 F.R.
page
1089
1089
I301
I 355
1507
I 507
I 583
I o867
i o868
I o869
Xo870
I 0871
I 0872
I o873
I o874
10875
I o876
exemptions, and immunities.............. I584
Feb. 2o Readiness of the United States District Court for the District of
Alaska to assume the functions imposed upon it...... 1584
Feb. 29 Creating an emergency board to investigate a dispute between
the New York Central System and certain of its employees. 1927
Mar. 9 Amendment of Civil Service Rule II, as prescribed by Executive Order No. 10577 of November 22, 1954....... 2073
Mar. I5 Designating the facilities of the Aeronautics and Space Administration at Huntsville, Alabama, as the George C. Marshall
Space Flight Center.................. 2197
Mar. i5 Inspection of income, excess profits, estate, and gift tax returns
by the House Committee on Public Works........ 2251
Mar. I 8 Creating an emergency board to investigate a dispute between
the Pan American World Airways, Inc., and certain of its
employees...................................... 2379
Apr. 8 Designating the Inter-American Development Bank as a public
international organization entitled to enjoy certain privileges,
exemptions, and immunities............................. 3097
Apr. i 8 Creating an emergency board to investigate a dispute between
the Long Island Railroad Company and certain of its employees............................................. 3457
Apr. 22 Creating an emergency board to investigate disputes between
the Akron & Barberton Railroad and other carriers, and
certain of their employees.............................. 3567
Apr. 22 Amendment of Executive Order No. I o8ss, authorizing the
inspection of certain tax returns............. 3569
I o88
Appendix B
Date
No. i960
10877 May 20
10878 May 23
10879 June I
io88o June 7
io88x July 6
10o882 July I8
10883 Aug. II
10884 Aug. 17
10885 Aug. 31
io886 Sept. 6
10887 Sept. 23
io888 Sept. 28
10889 Oct. 5
1089o Oct. 27
I0891 Nov. I
10892 Nov. 8
10893 Nov. 8
10894 Nov. I5
Subject
25 F.R.
page
Creating an emergency board to investigate a dispute between
the Pennsylvania Railroad Company and certain of its employees....................... 4531
Creating an emergency board to investigate a dispute between
the Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railroad Company
and other carriers represented by the Western Carriers' Conference Committee and certain of their employees..... 4575
Establishing the White House Service Certificate and the White
House Service Badge................. 4893
Permitting certain employees to be given career or career-conditional appointments........................513
Amendment of Executive Order No. o08IO prescribing regulations governing the allowance of travel expenses of claimants
and beneficiaries of the Veterans' Administration and their
attendants.......................................... 6414
Further amendment of Executive Order No. 10289, relating to
the performance of certain functions affecting the Department
of the Treasury..........................6869
Termination of the Air Coordinating Committee...... 7710
Amendment of Executive Order No. I o56o, providing for the
administration of the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954, as amended........... 8oi 9
Sale of vessels of the Navy................ 847I
Suspension of certain provisions of section 523I (b) of Title 10 of
the United States Code which relate to the number of officers
serving in the grades of Admiral and Vice Admiral in the
Navy............................................ 8633
Designating the Department of Commerce to perform functions
with respect to participation of the United States in the Century 21 Exposition.................................. 9195
Creating an emergency board to investigate a dispute between
certain carriers represented by the New York Harbor Carriers'
Conference Committee and certain of their employees.. 936I
Amendment of Executive Order No. 10530, providing for the
performance of certain functions vested in or subject to the
approval of the President............... 9633
Including certain lands in the Dixie National Forest and transferring certain lands from the Department of Agriculture to
the Department of the Interior............. 10331
Establishing a commission to inquire into a controversy between
certain carriers and certain of their employees...... I 0525
Amendment of Executive Order No. I10152, prescribing regulations relating to incentive pay for the performance of hazardous duty by members of the uniformed services...... 1073I
Administration of mutual security and related functions... 10731
Establishing the President's Committee on Migratory Labor. 10913
1089
Appendix B
Date
No. 1960
10895 Nov. 25
10896 Nov. 29
10897 Dec. 2
10898 Dec. 2
10899 Dec. 9
25 F.R.
Subject page
Extension of the provisions for rotation of civilian employees of
the defense establishment assigned to duty outside the United
States........................ 12165
Amendment of Executive Order No. 6260 of August 28, 1933. 12281
Authorizing the Secretary of State to prescribe rules and regulations relating to the Foreign Service retirement and disability system.................... 12429
Establishing the Interdepartmental Highway Safety Board.. 12429
Authorization for the communication of restricted data by the
Central Intelligence Agency.............. 12729
I96I
10900 Jan. 5 Administration of the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954, as amended...........
109o01 Jan. 9 Amendment of Executive Order No. 10501, relating to Safe
guarding Official Information in the interests of the defense
of the United States..................
10902 Jan. 9 Providing for the issuance of emergency preparedness orders
by the Director of the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization........................
10903 Jan. 9 Delegating authority of the President with respect to regulations
relating to certain allowances and benefits to Government
personnel on overseas duty...............
10904 Jan. 1 2 Creating an emergency board to investigate a dispute between
certain carriers represented by the New York Harbor Carriers' Conference Committee and certain of their employees.
10905 Jan. 14 Amendment of Executive Order No. 6260 of August 28, 1933,
iogo6 Jan. 17
as amended........................
Inspection by certain classes of persons and State and Federal
Government establishments of returns made in respect of
certain taxes imposed by the Internal Revenue Code of
I43
217
217
217
279
321
508
508
508
508
509
509
509
510
1954........................
10907 Jan. 17 Inspection by Renegotiation Board of income tax returns made
under the Internal Revenue Code of I954........
10908 Jan. 17 Inspection by Federal Trade Commission of income tax returns
of corporations made under the Internal Revenue Code of
1954........................
10909 Jan. 17 Amendment of Executive Order No. I o865, safeguarding
classified information within industry..........
10910 Jan. I 7 Providing for the design and award of the National Medal of
Science.......................
10911 Jan. 17 Inspection by Department of Commerce of income tax returns
made under the Internal Revenue Code of I 954.....
og 1091I2 Jan. i8 Amending Executive Order No. 1071 6 of June 17, 1957..
10913 Jan. i8 Amending Executive Order No. 10584 of December i8, 1954,
prescribing rules and regulations relating to the administration of the Watershed Protection and Flood Prevention Act.
logo90
Appendix C-Presidential Reports to the Congress,
1960-61
Subject
Mutual Security Program.........
Housing and Home Finance Agency:
Twelfth Annual............
Thirteenth Annual...........
Corregidor Bataan Memorial Commission..
National Science Foundation........
Economic Report of the President......
Public Law 480 (83rd Congress):
Eleventh Semiannual..........
Twelfth Semiannual..........
Commodity Credit Corporation.......
Middle East:
Fourth Annual.............
Fifth Annual..............
Health Research Facilities Program.....
National Aeronautics and Space Administration:
Second Annual.............
Published
H. Doc. 299
H. Doc. 373
*....
H. Doc. 298
H. Doc. 300
H. Doc. 268
Sent to the
Congress,
I960
Jan. 14
May 2
Jan. 14
Aug. 23
Jan. 14
Jan. i8
Jan. 20
Date of
White
House
release
*...
*.......
*...
Jan. 20
Feb. ii
Aug. Io
*...
H. Doc. 335 Feb.
H. Doc. 449 Aug.
Aug...... Feb.
I I
I0 (S)
i6 (H)
I5
H. Doc.
H. Doc.
H. Doc.
342
448
344
H. Doc. 349
Second Semiannual..................... H. Doc. 36i
Third Semiannual..................... H. Doc. 454
Civil Service Commission................. H. Doc. 253
Civil Service Commission Report on Government Employees Training.............
Railroad Retirement Board............... H. Doc. 267
Semiannual Report of the Secretary of the Interior on Mineral Reserves............
Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation............................... H. Doc. 376
Commission on International Rules of Judicial
Procedure....................
National Monument Commission...........
National Capital Housing Authority..........
International Cultural Exchange and Trade
Fair Participation Act................
Weather Modification.................H. Doc. 438
Feb. 15
Aug. i6
Feb. I 7
Feb. 24
Feb. 25
Mar. i8
Aug. 30
Mar. i0
May i 6
Mar. i0
Mar. 21
Apr. I I
May 9
May i6
May i6
June 2
June 28
(S)
(H)
JogI
Appendix C
Subject
Lend-Lease Operations..........
Office of Alien Property..........
U.S. Participation in the United Nations for
the year 959.............
Trade Argeements Program........
International Cultural Exchange and Trade
Fair Participation Act..........
Corregidor Bataan Memorial Commission..
Semiannual Report of the Secretary of the Interior on Mineral Reserves........
Eighteenth Decennial Census of the Population..................
United States Participation in the International
Atomic Energy Agency.........
Civil Service Commission.........
Expenditures and allocations to States for Disaster Relief..............
Mutual Security Program.........
National Science Foundation........
Economic Report of the President......
National Aeronautics and Space Administration:
Third Annual.............
Fourth Semiannual...........
Sent to the
Congress,
Published r960
H. Doc. 429 Aug. I
(Secy. of
Senate)
Aug. I
(Clerk of
House)...... Aug. 16
H. Doc. 378 Aug. I6
H. Doc. 447 Aug. 16
196I... Jan. io (S)
Jan. 12 (H)
H. Doc. 48 Jan. Io (S)
Jan. 12 (H)... Jan. Io (S)
Jan. 12 (H)
H. Doc. 46 Jan. Io (S)
Jan. 12 (H)
H. Doc. 45 Jan. Io (S)
Jan. 12 (H)
H. Doc. 13 Jan. io (S)
Jan. 12 (H)
H. Doc.' 47 Jan. Io (S)
Jan. 12 (H)
H. Doc. 50 Jan. 17 (S)
Jan. I8 (H)
H. Doc. 57 Jan. 17 (S)
Jan. I8 (H).... Jan. I8 (H)
Jan. 20 (S)
H. Doc. 56 Jan. I8 (H)
Jan. 20 (S)
H. Doc. 58 Jan. I8 (H)
Jan. 20 (S)
Date of
White
House
release....
I092
Appendix D-Rules Governing This Publication
[Reprinted from the Federal Register, vol. 24, p. 2354, dated March 26, 1959]
TITLE I-GENERAL PROVISIONS
Chapter I-Administrative Committee of the Federal Register
PART 32-PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE
PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED
STATES
PUBLICATIONS AND FORMAT
Sec.
32.I
32.2
32.3
Publication required.
Coverage of prior years.
Format, indexes, ancillaries.
SCOPE
32.IO Basic criteria.
32.II Sources.
FREE DISTRIBUTION
32.15 Members of Congress.
32.I6 The Supreme Court.
32.17 Executive agencies.
PAID DISTRIBUTION
32.20 Agency requisitions.
32.2 Extra copies.
32.22 Sale to public.
AUTHORITY: ~~ 32.I to 32.22 issued
under sec. 6, 49 Stat. 5o0, as amended;
44 U.S.C. 306.
PUBLICATION AND FORMAT
~ 32.1 Publication required. There
shall be published forthwith at the end of
each calendar year, beginning with the
year 1957, a special edition of the FEDERAL REGISTER designated "Public Papers
of the Presidents of the United States."
Each volume shall cover one calendar year
and shall be identified further by the name
of the President and the year covered.
~ 32.2 Coverage of prior years. After
conferring with the National Historical
Publications Commission with respect to
the need therefor, the Administrative
Committee may from time to time authorize the publication of similar volumes
covering specified calendar years prior to
1957.
~ 32.3 Format, indexes, ancillaries.
Each annual volume, divided into books
whenever appropriate, shall be separately
published in the binding and style deemed
by the Administrative Committee to be
suitable to the dignity of the office of
President of the United States. Each
volume shall be appropriately indexed and
shall contain appropriate ancillary information respecting significant Presidential documents not published in full
text.
SCOPE
~ 32.Io Basic criteria. The basic text
of the volumes shall consist of oral utterances by the President or of writings subscribed by him. All materials selected for
inclusion under these criteria must also be
in the public domain by virtue of White
House press release or otherwise.
~ 32.11 Sources. (a) The basic text
of the volumes shall be selected from the
official text of: (I) Communications to
the Congress, (2) public addresses, (3)
transcripts of press conferences, (4) public letters, (5) messages to heads of state,
(6) statements released on miscellaneous
subjects, and (7) formal executive documents promulgated in accordance with
law.
(b) Ancillary text, notes, and tables
shall be derived from official sources only.
FREE DISTRIBUTION
~ 32.I5 Members of Congress. Each
Member of Congress, during his term of
o93
Appendix D
office, shall be entitled to one copy of
each annual volume published during
such term: Provided, That authorization
for furnishing such copies shall be submitted in writing to the Director and
signed by the authorizing Member. [As
amended effective Dec. 30, 1960, 25 F.R.
14009]
~ 32.16 The Supreme Court. The
Supreme Court of the United States shall
be entitled to twelve copies of the annual
volumes.
~ 32.17 Executive agencies. The head
of each department and the head of each
independent agency in the executive
branch of the Government shall be entitled to one copy of each annual volume
upon application therefor in writing to
the Director.
PAID DISTRIBUTION
~ 32.20 Agency requisitions. Each
Federal agency shall be entitled to obtain
at cost copies of the annual volumes for
official use upon the timely submission to
the Government Printing Office of a
printing and binding requisition (Standard Form No. I).
~ 32.2 I Extra copies. All requests
for extra copies of the annual volumes
shall be addressed to the Superintendent
of Documents, Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Extra copies
shall be paid for by the agency or official
requesting them.
~ 32.22 Sale to public. The annual
volumes shall be placed on sale to the
public by the Superintendent of Documents at prices determined by him under
the general direction of the Administrative
Committee.
* * * * *
ADMINISTRATIVE COMMITTEE OF
THE FEDERAL REGISTER,
WAYNE C. GROVER,
Archivist of the United States,
Chairman.
RAYMOND BLATTENBERGER,
The Public Printer,
Member.
WILLIAM 0. BURTNER,
Representative of the Attorney
General, Member.
Approved March 20, 1959.
WILLIAM P. ROGERS,
Attorney General.
FRANKLIN FLOETE,
Administrator of General Services.
[F.R. Doc. 59-2517; Filed, Mar. 25,
1959; 8:45 a.m.]
1094
INDEX
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Abel, Col. Rudolf I., 143, 268
Abilene, Kans., 45, 290
Eisenhower Library, 21 I, 118
Abraham Lincoln, U.S.S., 360
Acapulco, Mexico, 334
Accelerators, linear, 414 (p. 960)
Accidents, U.S. Navy transport over Brazil,
55 64
Accountants, Certified Public, American
Institute of, address, 304
Accra, Ghana, 248
Acreage allotments, wheat, 32
Adams, Lt. Gen. Paul D., 396
Addresses, remarks, etc., on commemorative or dedicatory occasions
Boy Scouts of America, both anniversary, 35, I66
Eisenhower Park (Newport, R.I.), dedication, 239
George C. Marshall Space Flight Center,
dedication, 287
Hiawatha Bridge, Red Wing, Minn.,
dedication, 330
Industrial College of the Armed Forces,
new building, dedication, 283
Japan, centennial of first diplomatic mission to U.S., 134
Netherlands, i5th anniversary of liberation, 138
SEATO, sixth anniversary, 286
Veterans of Foreign Wars Memorial
Building, dedication, 31
Women's suffrage amendment, 40th anniversary, 269
Woodrow Wilson, ceremonies honoring
memory of, 340
Addresses, remarks, etc., to national
groups
Advertising Council, 94
American Assembly, 86
American Bar Association, 276
American Helicopter Society, 145
American Institute of Certified Public
Accountants, 304
Addresses, remarks, etc.-Continued
Big Brothers of America, 404
Boy Scouts of America, 35, i66
4-H Conference, 123
National Association of Real Estate
Boards, 19
National Conference of Catholic Charities, 306
Polish-American Congress, 310
Republican National Committee, 246,
395
Republican Women's National Conference, 107
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, 131
Addresses or remarks at presentation ceremonies
Big Brother of the Year Award, acceptance, 404
Bust of Lincoln, acceptance, 246
Citation, acceptance, 145
Flag from capsule of Discoverer XIII,
acceptance, 261
4-H tie clasp, acceptance, 1 23
Honorary degrees, acceptance, 174, i86
Hoover Medal Award, acceptance, 405
Keys to cities, acceptance
Buenos Aires, 57
Ciudad Acuna, 334
Detroit, 326
Mar del Plata, 6i
Medals, acceptance, 23, 74, 79, 8i, 206
Minature statue "Spirit of Detroit," acceptance, 326
Order of Sikatuna, Rajah, acceptance,
i88
Red oak tree from District of Columbia,
acceptance, 325
Scroll, acceptance, 70
Silver bowl, Vice President Nixon, 403
Adenauer, Konrad, 147, 362 ftn. (p. 864)
Exchange of toasts, 91
Joint statement with, 92
News conference remarks on, 38, 93, 143
1095
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Administrative Procedure, President's Conference on, letter to Chairman, 275
Advertising Council, remarks, 94
Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, 15, 2o8, 415 n.
Budget messages, 13 (p. 105), 414 (p.
1022)
Aerial surveillance
Open skies proposal, I43, 163, 209
United Nations, proposed, 154, I63
Aeronautics and space activities, reports,
47, 424
AFL-CIO
Opening of Union-Industries Show, remarks, 139
Testimonial dinner for Secretary
Mitchell, remarks, 215
Africa, 271, 272
Allied landings (1942), 355
Assistance, 13 (p. 63), 36, 242, 263, 302,
414 (pp. 961, 967, 968)
New nations, 36, 410
U.N. delegation, remarks to, 324
News conference remarks, 263, 284
Program for, proposed, address before
U.N. General Assembly, 302
U.S. diplomatic posts and information
centers, 414 (p. 968)
Visit to (I959) See Visits, foreign
See also specific countries
Agadir, Morocco, earthquake disaster, 99
Age as factor in choosing President, comment on, 222
Aggression
Retaliation in case of, comment on, 24
See also Communist aggression and expansion
Agricultural Conservation Program Service, 13 (p. 8I)
Agricultural conservation reserve program,
32
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 77, 8I, 82),
414 (pp. 987, 991)
Agricultural research, 32, 391, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 82), 414 (p.
992)
Agricultural surpluses, 4, 32, I33, 242 n.,
246, 255, 279, 41O
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 77, 79, 8o, 82,
0o7), 414 (pp. 967, 987-989)
Food-for-peace. See Food-for-peace
program
Relief of poor in U.S., I27 and ftn. (p.
362), 414 (p. 989)
See also specific commodities
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act, I36 n.
Agriculture, 4, 23, I33, 255, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 77-82), 414
(pp. 985-993)
Tables, 13 (p. 78), 414 (p. 986)
Message to Congress, 32
See also Farm; specific programs
Agriculture, Department of, 32, 217, 358
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 77, 8o, 8, 96),
414 (PP. 987, 989-992, 996-998,
1012)
McArdle, Richard E., 389 n.
Morse, True D., 322
Report, 39I n.
Sugar imports, 374
Trade promotion activities, 95
Agriculture, Secretary of (Ezra Taft Benson), 32, 418
News conference remarks on, I27, 256,
268
Resignation, letter, 391
Agriculture Fair, World (New Delhi,
1959), I36
Air carriers, 255
Large irregular air carrier investigation,
memorandum, 408
Service to Regina, Saskatchewan, 28I
Trans-Pacific route case, 436
Air defense
Budget messages, 13 (p. 54), 414 (pp.
949, 952-954)
U.S.-Canada, 13 (p. 54)
Air Force
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 48, 50, 56),
414 (pp. 950-952, 954, 956)
News conference remarks, 7, 38
0o96
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Air Force, Chief of Staff (Gen. Thomas D.
White), 7, 261 n.
Air Force, Department of the, manual on
communism and the churches, 38
Air Force, Secretary of the (Dudley C.
Sharp), 38
Air pollution, 410, 413
Budget messages, 13 (p. 94), 414 (p.
I008)
Aircraft
C-47 missing in Germany, 162
U-2 incident, I43, I54, 162, I63, 231 n.,
263
See also Air carriers; Aircraft, military;
Aviation
Aircraft, military
Accident of U.S. Navy transport over
Brazil, 55, 64
Bombers, 13 (pp. 52-54, 56), 24, 42,
414 (pp. 938, 949, 951, 952, 954,
956)
B-29, 245
B-36, 245
B-47, 13 (p. 53), 245, 255
B-52, 13 (p. 53), 245, 4Io, 414 (p.
951)
B-58, I3 (p. 53), 245, 4I0, 414 (p.
951)
B-70, 7, I3 (P- 52), 255, 256, 414
(PP. 938, 951)
F-io5, I3 (p. 56), 414 (p. 956)
Soviet, 21
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 52-54, 56),
414 (PP. 938, 949, 95I, 952, 954 -957, 959)
Nuclear-powered, proposed, 414 (p.
959)
Soviet attack on USAF RB-47 plane,
231, 232, 255, 284, 302, 313
X-I 5 research plane, 264
See also Aircraft; Aviation
Airlift of Ghanaian forces to the Congo,
248
Airline subsidies, 13 (p. 68), 414 (p. 974)
Airmen, U.S., Soviet detention of RB-47
fliers, 284
Airport construction, Federal aid, 414 (pp.
973, 974)
Airways modernization program, 255
Akihito, Crown Prince, I40, 209, 294 n.
Exchange of toasts, 308
Alabama
Huntsville, 287
Patterson, Gov. John, 287
Alaska, 42, 8o, 261 n.
Admission into Union (1959), 4, I3 (p.
104), 402, 410
Anchorage, 178
Communication facilities, 13 (p. 50),
414 (p. 956)
Egan, Gov. William A., 178
Visit to, 177, 78
Wildlife ranges, 414 (p. 999)
Alaska Railroad
Budget message, 414 (p. 1023)
Economic regulation under Interstate
Commerce Act, disapproval, 225
Alberdi, Juan, 58
Albert, Prince, exchange of toasts, 317
Alcoholic beverage tax, 414 (p. 940)
Alessandri Rodriguez, Jorge, 69, 73, 77, 87,
228
Joint statement with, 76
Message, 175
Toasts to, 71, 75
Alex, Ralph, I45
Alexander, Holmes, 143
Alexander the Great, 58
Algeria, De Gaulle policy on, 127
Algiers, 124
Allen, George V., I43
See also United States Information
Agency, Director (George V. Allen)
American Assembly, 29, 30 n.
Remarks, 86
American Bar Association, 275
Remarks, 276
American Helicopter Society, remarks, 145
American Institute of Certified Public Accountants, address, 304
American Medical Association, 263
American Nationalities for Nixon-Lodge,
remarks, 298
I097
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
American Republics, 42, 49, 58, 86, 87, 183
Heads of government meeting, question
of, 268
News conference remarks, 228, 256, 268
See also Inter-American; Latin America; Organization of American
States; specific countries
American Society of Chile, 72 n.
American Society of Newspaper Editors,
8o n.
American States, Organization of. See Organization of American States
Amerika, U.S.-Russian language magazine,
410
Amistad Dam, Rio Grande, 303, 334
Budget messages, 13 (p. 83), 414 (p.
995)
Joint declaration with President Lopez
Mateos, 335
Amsterdam, 279
Anchorage, Alaska, remarks on arrival, 178
Anderson, Robert B. See Treasury, Secretary of the (Robert B. Anderson)
Antarctic, 414 (p. I 004)
Antarctic Treaty, 4, 302, 410
Ratification, proposed, 255
Anthony, Prince, birth of, statement, 40
Anthony, Susan B., 269
Antietam, Battle of, 370
Antitrust laws, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 76), 414 (p.
984)
Anzus treaty, 410
Appropriations
Independent offices, statement, 229
Mutual security
Letters, re, 271, 272
Statement, 270
Approval of acts of Congress, statements.
See Legislation, statements upon approval
Arab States
Dispute with Israel, 38, 332
Soviet arms for, 38
Aranha, Oswaldo, 5 I
Archives and Records Service, National,
118
Arctic Wildlife Range, establishment, proposed, 133
Area Development, Office of, 5
Area redevelopment, 133, 255
Area Redevelopment Bill, veto, I46
Argentina
Assistance, 58
Buenos Aires. See Buenos Aires
Economy, 58
Frondizi, Arturo, 56, 57 n., 58, 59, 6o,
6I, 62, 63, 67, 87, 228
Joint declaration with, 66
Mar del Plata, 6o n., 6
Patagonia, 62
San Carlos de Bariloche. See San Carlos
de Bariloche
Toboada, Diogenes, 56 n.
U.S. Ambassador Willard L. Beaulac,
56 n., 57 n.
Visit to, 42, 56, 57, 58, 59, 6o, 6I, 62,
63, 64,66, 67, 87
Argonza, Nieves G., 224
Arkansas, Sen. J. W. Fulbright, 8o, 103,
I32
Arlington, Va., 138 n.
Arlington National Cemetery, 9i n.
Armaments industry, 421
Armed forces, U.S., 4, 135, I63, 348, 397,
410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 46, 48-50, 52,
54-57), 414 (PP. 947-956)
In Germany, 362 ftn. (p. 864), 365
In Korea, 202
In Western Europe, 362
News conference remarks, 93, 362
Racial discrimination, elimination, 410
Red Cross services for, 37, 65
See also Military personnel
Armed Forces Industrial College, dedication of new building, remarks, 283
Arms inspection, control, etc. See Disarmament
Army, 245, 287, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 48-50, 56),
414 (PP. 938, 947, 949, 955, 956)
Demonstration of new equipment, remarks, 135
1098
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Army-Continued
Modernization of equipment, 255, 414
(p. 938)
Weapons display, I43
Army, Chief of Staff (Gen. Lyman L.
Lemnitzer), 135
Army, Department of the, 284
Hinman, Wilbur S., Jr., 389 n.
Army, Secretary of the (Wilber M.
Brucker), 135
Memorandum, 382
Army Ballistic Missile Agency, space vehicle development operations, transfer
to NASA, 10, I3 (p. 66)
Army Industrial College, 283
Army National Guard, 13 (p. 48), 414 (p.
950)
Army Reserve, 13 (pp. 48, 49), 414 (p.
950)
Aronson, Gov. J. Hugo, 208
Arrowsmith, Marvin L., 7, 2I, 24, 34, 38,
93, 103, I27, I43, 222, 228, 284
Artigas, Jose, 79, 8o
Arvada, Colo., 23
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia, I64
Assistance, 4, 36, I32, 193, 242, 302
Joint statement with President Garcia,
I89
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Huh Chung, 203
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Kishi, I6
SEATO. See Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization
Visits to. See Visits, foreign
See also Far East; specific countries
Association of American Women in Chile,
72 n.
Aswan Dam construction (Egypt), 7
Athens, 284
Atlas missile. See Missiles
Atomic bomb
French explosion of, 38
See also Nuclear weapons; Nuclear
weapons tests
Atomic Energy Agency, International. See
International Atomic Energy Agency
Atomic Energy Commission, I I6, 358
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 47, 58, 59, 94),
414 (PP. 948, 959, 96o)
Atomic Energy Commission, Chairman
(John A. McCone), I i6, 420
International Atomic Energy Agency,
conference, 301
Atomic energy for mutual defense, U.S.
agreement with Italy, 420
Atomic energy for peaceful uses, 36, 301,
409, 41
Address at United Nations (I953), 209
Atoms for peace program, 330
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 47, 58, 59),
414 (pp. 948, 959, 960)
Project Plowshare, 143
States, regulatory responsibilities, I 16
See also International Atomic Energy
Agency
Atomic information exchange with allies,
24
Atomic weapons. See Nuclear weapons
Atoms for peace. See Atomic energy for
peaceful uses
Attorney General, authority concerning
paroling certain refugees into U.S.,
233
Attorney General (William P. Rogers),
233
Civil rights proposals, 21
Deceptive practices in broadcasting
media, letter, i
News conference remarks on, 21, 143
Opinion on disallowance of use of certain mutual security funds, 380 n.
Reports, I, 41 1
Resignation, letter, 41 I
Taft-Hartley Act study, 21
Augusta, Ga., 365, 396
Mayor Millard Beckum, 396 n.
Releases from, 2, I 6, I I8, I I9, 358 -361, 363
Aurand, Capt. E. P., I42 n.
Australia, 36, 410
Armed forces in Korea, 202
Menzies, R. G., joint statement, 312
SEATO membership, 286
1099
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated J
Austria, 23, 4I0
Vienna, 301 n.
Automobile Manufacturers Association,
328
Automobile production, 256
Automobile Show, National, dinner, address, 328
Automobile tax, 414 (pp. 940, 977)
Automobile travel, first crossing from San
Francisco to New York, 332
Aviation
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 65, 68, 69),
414 (pp. 973-975)
Fuel tax. See Gasoline tax
Progress in, I85
See also Air carriers; Aircraft; Aircraft,
military
Awards and citations
Big Brother of the Year Award, acceptance, 404
Citation, acceptance, I45
Citation, Gen. Melvin J. Maas, 417
Distinguished Civilian Service Award,
Andreas B. Rechnitzer, 25
Distinguished Federal Civilian Service
Awards, Presidents, 68, 389
Distinguished Public Service Award,
Jacques Piccard, 25
Hoover Medal Award, acceptance, 405
Legion of Merit
Beach, Capt. Edward L., I42
Bhumibol Adulyadej, 212
Walsh, Lt. Don, 25
Medal, Prime Minister Kishi, 15 n.
Medal of Freedom
Douglas, James H., 425
Gates, Thomas S., Jr., 426
Goodpaster, Gen. Andrew J., 430
Gray, Gordon, 427
Herter, Christian A., 428
Kistiakowsky, George B., 429
Medals, acceptance, 23, 74, 79, 8, 178 n.,
206, 405
National Security Medal, Robert
Murphy, 375
Awards and citations-Continued
Navy Commendation Ribbon with
Metal Pendant, Lt. Lawrence A.
Shumaker, 25
Order of Sikatuna, Rajah, acceptance,
i88
Posthumous citation, James Forbis
Brownlee, 377
Ayub Khan, Mohammed, 284, 297
Azikiwe, Nnamdi, letter, 361
Ba, Ousmane, 324 n.
Bailey, Charles W., 127, 222
Baker, Lt. Gen. Milton G., 341
Balance of payments deficit, 4, 415, 423
Anderson-Dillon mission to Europe, 362
and ftn. (p. 864), 365
Budget message, 414 (pp. 936, 962)
Directive, 362 ftn. (p. 862)
Letter to Secretary Gates, 434
Discussion with President-elect Kennedy,
369
Balatbat, Marcelo, I87
Ballistic Missile Early Warning System
(BMEWS), 4I4 (p. 953)
Baltimore, Md., campaign remarks, 290
Bangkok, Thailand, SEATO Day ceremonies, 286
Bankruptcy Act, amendment, disapproval,
289
Bannow, Rudolph F., I27 and ftn. (p.
368)
Barbara Anne (President's yacht), 244 n.
Barbosa, Luis, 50
Barkout, Raymond, relief of, disapproval,
288
Barnes, Bert V., President's Award for Distinguished Federal Civilian Service,
389 n.
Barr, Andrew, President's Award for Distinguished Federal Civilian Service,
68 n.
Barros, Adhemar de, 52
Barry, Repr. Robert R., 346
Bartlett, Charles L., 256
Baruch, Bernard, 38, 283
I 00
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Baseball
Little league, 199
World series, 284, 319
Basel, Switzerland, 279
Bases, U.S., abroad
In Philippines, 189
Nuclear weapons bases, 24
Basic research, 393, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 39, 87, 89, 91),
414 (PP. 939, 959, Ioo4)
Bataan Day, message, I 2
Battle Act, amendments proposed, 13 (p.
64)
Beach, Capt. Edward L., Legion of Merit
citation, 142
Bear Mountain State Park, N.Y., 173
Beaulac, Willard L., 56 n., 57 n.
Beckum, Millard, 396 n.
Belair, Felix, 7, 2I, 24, 34, 38, 93, 143, 222,
228, 256, 263, 268, 362
Belgium, 216, 256
Visit of Prince Albert and Princess Paola
to U.S., 317
Bell, Jack, 256, 263, 268
Bell Telephone Laboratory, Holmdel, N.J.,
258 n.
Beltran, Pedro G., 247
Bennett, Sen. Wallace F., letter, 167
Benson, Ezra Taft. See Agriculture, Secretary of (Ezra Taft Benson)
Berkner (Lloyd) Panel on Seismic Improvement, I43 ftn. (p. 4I0)
Berlin, 23, 302
Allied policy on, 38, 93
Campaign remarks, 348, 355
Communist threat to West Berlin, 24,
127, 222, 256,348, 410
Flight ceilings, 93
Information withheld from press by U.S.
officials, 7
Joint statement with Chancellor Adenauer, 92
News conference remarks, 7, 24, 38, 93,
127, 222, 256
Western rights, 93
Bermuda, field hockey team, 319 n.
Bernalillo County, N. Mex., payments for
hospitalization of Indians, disapproval, 235
Berwind, Charles G., 404 n.
Betancourt, Romulo (President of Venezuela), 267
Message, 122
Bhumibol Adulyadej, 209
Exchange of toasts, 213
Joint statement with, 218
Legion of Merit citation, 212
Remarks of welcome, 211 I
Big Brother of the Year Award, acceptance, remarks, 404
Bill of Rights, 127
Bipartisanship in foreign policy, 7, 103, 268
Birthday, the President's, 284
Tree-planting ceremony, remarks, 325
Black, Eugene R., 284, 297
Bleriot, Louis, Ioo
Blind persons, Federal aid, I27 ftn. (p.
362), 4IO
Budget messages, 13 (p. 95), 414 (pIOIO)
Blough, Roger M., 7
Blum, David, 290
Bogota, Colombia, OAS economic conference, 228 and ftn. (p. 569), 255, 256
Boggs, Gov. J. Caleb, 208
Boland, Frederick H., 302 n.
Bolton, Repr. Frances P., 350
Bomarc missile. See Missiles
Bombers. See Aircraft, military
Bombings of schools or churches, 137
Bombs
Atomic, 38
Hydrogen, 422
See also Nuclear weapons; Nuclear
weapons tests
Bond, Virginia, relief of, veto, I 14
Bonds, Federal
Interest rates, 6, 13 (pp. 41, 42, Ioo,
IOI), I7, 133, 255, 414 (P- 942),
423
Treasury bonds, 6, 133, 255, 414 (p.
942), 423
IIOI
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Bonin Islands, compensation for displaced
residents, 13 (p. 65)
Bonn, Germany, 9I n., 362 ftn. (p. 864),
365
Bonneville Dam, 419
Bonsai, Philip W., 22
News conference remarks on, 21, 103
Booth, Lt. Gen. Donald P., 197
Boston, Mass., 309 n.
Wage rates, 230
Boundary and Water Commission, International, 335
Budget message, 13 (p. 83), 414 (p.
996)
Bourgholtzer, Frank, 103
Boy Scouts, 153, 2 I
5oth anniversary, remarks, 35, i66
Braddock, Daniel M. (U.S. Charge
d'Affaires ad interim of U.S. Embassy,
Havana), 388
Bradley, Gen. Omar N., 135, 405
Bragdon, Maj. Gen. John S., interstate
highway study, 93
Brandt, Raymond P., 7, 2I, 38, I43, 222,
268, 422
Brasilia, Brazil, 42 n., 49, 55
Inauguration as new capital, message to
President Kubitschek, I19
Joint statement with President Kubitschek, 46
Remarks at civic reception, 45
Brazil
Airplane collision over Guanabara Bay,
55, 64
Assistance, 49, 53
Brasilia. See Brasilia
Ceremonies honoring dead of World
War II, 379
Goulart, Joao, 49 n.
Kubitschek de Oliveira, Juscelino, 45,
48, 49 n., 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 87, 228
Joint statement with, 46
Messages, 64, I 19, 379
Lafer, Horacio, 46 n.
Rio de Janeiro. See Rio de Janeiro
Sao Paulo. See Sao Paulo
Brazil-Continued
Trade with U.S., 54
U.S. Ambassador John M. Cabot, 45 n.
Visit to, 42, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52,
53,54, 55, 87, 19
Bridwell, Lowell K., 93
Bristow, Joseph L., I8
Broadcasting media, deceptive practices,
letter to Attorney General Rogers, i
Broadcasts to the American people. See
Messages to the American people
Bronzini, Todoro, 61 n.
Brookhaven National Laboratory, 13 (p.
59), 414 (p. 959)
Brose, Lambert, 34, 38, 263
Brown, George R., 336
Brown, Mrs. Rollin, Ioo
Brownlee, James Forbis, posthumous citation, 377
Brownlee, Mrs. James Forbis, 277 n.
Brucker, Wilber M. See Army, Secretary
of the (Wilber M. Brucker)
Budget, 19, 174, 415
News conference remarks, 34, 222, 256
Budget (1952), 133
Budget (1960), 222
Surplus, statement, 237
Budget ( 961), 4, 17, I33, 255 n.
Annual message, 13
Tables, 13 (pp. 42, 44-47, 6i, 62, 67,
78, 84, 88, 98, IOI, 102, 109)
News conference remarks, 7, 34, 222
Budget (1962), 4IO, 422
Annual message, 414
Tables, 414 (pp. 940, 941, 943, 947,
948, 963, 964, 97I, 986, 994,
IOOO, IOOI, IOI4, ioi6, IOI8)
Budget, Bureau of the, 376
Budget message, 13 (p. I02)
Findings on operation of Panama Steamship Line, 382
Report, 406
Budget, Bureau of the, Director (Maurice
H. Stans), 304
Government operations, reports, 435
Resignation, letter, 406
1102
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Budget, Bureau of the, Director-Con.
Summary of effect of congressional action on 1961 budget, 255 n.
Surplus budget details, 237
Buencamino, Delfin, 224
Buenos Aires, 42 n., 6
Address to Congress of Argentina, 58
Mayor Hernan M. Giralt, 57 n.
Remarks on arrival, 56
Remarks to Supreme Court, 60
Remarks at U.S. embassy, 57
Toast to President Frondizi, 59
Buildings, Federal, 13 (pp. IOI, I02), 414
(pp. 1017, IOI9)
Bulgaria, Gueorgui Nadjakov, 301 n.
Burd, Laurence H., 24, 38, I27, I43, 222,
228, 256
Burdick, Eugene, The Ugly American, 184
Bush, Sen. Prescott, 127
Bush, Vannevar, I32
Business Advisory Council, 13 (p. 64)
Butler, Paul, 93
Butterfat, price supports, 295
Buy American Act, 13 (p. 50)
Buzzanca, Sam J., relief of, disapproval,
226
Byer, George H., 178
Byrd, Sen. Harry F., 340
Cabinet, 246, 309
Cabinet Committee on Price Stability for
Economic Growth, report, statement,
117
Cabot, John M., 45 n.
California
Central Valley Project, San Luis Unit,
approval, 168
Chula Vista, 333 n.
Goldstone, 258 n.
Kuchel, Sen. Thomas H., 333
Los Angeles, 23
Palm Springs, 331 n.
San Diego, 333
San Francisco, 332
Utt, Repr. James B., 333
Wilson, Repr. Bob, 333
Cambodia, 422
Cameroun, Republic of, Charles Okala,
324 n.
Camp David (Maryland), 102 n., 296 n.
Discussions with President Lleras, 1 I
Meeting with Premier Khrushchev
(1959), 222
Meeting with Prime Minister Macmillan, 10o, 103
News conference remarks, 24, 93, 103,
222
"Spirit of Camp David," comment on,
24
Canada, 92
Air Defence Command, 13 (p. 54)
Armed forces in Korea, 202
Assistance to new nations, 36
Big Brothers of Canada, 404 n.
Columbia River Basin development, 410
Treaty with U.S., 33I, 414 (p. 994),
4I6, 419
Diefenbaker, John G., 171, 2o8, 331, 416
Joint statement with, 172
Relations with U.S., 131, 171, 172
Canal Zone. See Panama Canal
Candidates for public office, 93, 246, 278
Campaign remarks, 290, 309, 341, 344,
345, 346, 347, 348, 350, 353, 354,
355
Equal time on radio and TV, 268 and
ftn. (p. 647)
Canham, Erwin, 30 n., 131
Cape Canaveral, Fla., Missile Test Center,
inspection, 34
Remarks, 33
Capitalism, 328
Caracas Resolution against Communist infiltration into Western Hemisphere,
222
Career Executive Development Program,
memorandums, 26, 27, 28
Carey, Archibald J., Jr., report, letter, 394
Carillon, gift from Netherlands, message to
Queen Juliana, I38
Carroll, Coleman F., bishop of Miami, 371
Carvalho Pinto, Carlos A., 52, 53, 54
Casablanca, 124
Casey, Dr. C. Brewer, 333
I 03
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Castro, Fidel, 368 n., 388
Attacks on U.S., 2 I, 22, 103
News conference remarks on, 21, 93, I 03,
127, 268
Soviet support for regime, 227
Cater, S. Douglass, Jr., 256
Catholic Charities, National Conference,
Golden Jubilee Dinner, address, 306
Catholic Welfare Conference, National,
37I
Catt, Carrie Chapman, 269
Census, Bureau of the, 5
Census, decennial, 13 (p. 91), 414 (p.
1005)
Centaur space project, 13 (p. 68), 414 (p.
972)
CENTO. See Central Treaty Organization
Central African Republic
Dacko, David, message, 259
Gallin-Douathe, Michel, 324 n.
Independence, 259
Central America. See Latin America.
Central Intelligence Agency, briefings for
Senators Kennedy and Johnson, proposed, 236
Central Intelligence Agency, Director
(Allen W. Dulles), 236
Central Treaty Organization, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 58), 414 (p.
959)
Central Valley Project, San Luis Unit, approval, i68
Centralization of government, 336, 340
Centre College, 395
Chad, Republic of
Independence, message to Prime Minister Tombalbaye, 257
Toura Gaba, Jules, 324 n.
Chagla, M. C., 136 n.
Chamber of Commerce, U.S., annual
meeting, remarks, 13I
Chang Myon, message, 274
Charitable contributions, income tax deductions for, I69
Chatterjee, D. N., 315 n.
Chemical warfare, 7
Chen Cheng, 192 n.
Chiang Kai-shek, 192, 193, I 96
Joint statement with, 195
Toast to, 194
Chiang Kai-shek, Madame, 194
Chicago, Ill., 23 n., 246, 310, 320 n.
Campaign remarks, 309
Republican National Convention, 245
Chickamauga, Battle of, 370
Chief Justice of the United States (Earl
Warren), 171 n., 275, 276
Chiefs of Police, International Association,
remarks, 314
Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Services, 283
Children, dependent, Federal aid, 127 ftn.
(p. 362), 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 95), 414 (p.
IO0O)
Children and Youth, White House Conference on, 103
Address, 100
Budget messages, 13 (p. 96), 414 (p.
10II2)
Children's Fund, United Nations, 279
Chile
Alessandri Rodriguez, Jorge, 69, 71, 73,
75, 77,87, 175, 228
Joint statement with, 76
Message, 175
American Society of Chile, 72 n.
Assistance, 255, 414 (p. 966)
Association of American Women in
Chile, 72 n.
Earthquake disaster, 214
Message, 175
Economic development, 73, 75
Santiago. See Santiago
Students Federation of Chile, 72 n.
U.S. Ambassador Walter Howe, 69 n.,
72 n., 75 n.
Vergara, German, 73 n.
Visit to, 42, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75,
76, 77, 86, 87
Chilean-American Chamber of Commerce,
72 n.
Chilean-American Cultural Institute, presentation of scroll to the President, 70
I 04
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
China, Communist, 36, 193, 196, 209, 410
Admission into United Nations, question of, 410
Aggression in Tibet, 410
Agricultural communes, 193
Armed forces, 93
Campaign remarks, 351
Disarmament negotiations with, question of, 34, 93
Joint statement with President Chiang
Kai-shek on, 195
Joint statement with President Garcia
on, 189
News conference remarks, 34, 93, I03,
222, 284, 422
Recognition by Cuba, 284
China, Republic of, 133, 410
Assistance, 36, I95, 34I
Chen Cheng, 192 n.
Chiang Kai-shek, I92, I93, I94, I96
Joint statement with, 195
Economy, 193, I95
Land reform, 193
Mutual Defense Treaty with U.S., 194,
195
Relations with U.S., 194, 195
Taipei. See Taipei
U.S. Ambassador Everett F. Drumright,
I92 n.
Visit to, 177, I92, I93, I94, 195, I96,
209
See also Formosa
Cholera in Southeast Asia, 286
Christmas Tree, National Community, 381
Christopher, George E., 332
Chula Vista, Calif., Mayor Robert R. McAllister, 333
Chungang University, Seoul, Korea, 250 n.
Churches
Air Force manual on alleged Communist
infiltration, 38
Our Lady of the Lake Church, relief
of, veto, 179
Churchill, Winston, 21, 287
CIA. See Central Intelligence Agency
Cigarette tax, 414 (p. 940)
Cisler, Walker L., 405 n.
Citations. See Awards and citations
Ciudad Acuna, Mexico, 333
Broadcast to Mexican people, 334
Joint declaration with President Lopez
Mateos, 335
Mayor Lucina Sanchez Martinez, 334
Civil Aeronautics Board
Budget messages, 13 (p. 68), 414 (pp.
974, 984)
Large irregular air carrier investigation,
408
Trans-Pacific route case, memorandum
436
Civil Aeronautics Board, Chairman (Whitney Gillilland)
Letter, 28I
Memorandums 408, 436
Civil defense, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 76), 414 (pp.
96, 984, 985)
Fallout shelters, 13 (p. 76), 229, 384,
414 (p. 985)
White House meeting, 229
Civil and Defense Mobilization, Office of,
386
Budget message, 13 (p. 49)
Report, 384
Civil and Defense Mobilization, Office of,
Director (Leo A. Hoegh) resignation,
letter, 384
Civil rights, 4, 137, 410
Biracial conferences proposed, 93, 143
Budget messages, 13 (p. 105), 414 (pp.
I02I-1023)
District of Columbia, 410
Government employment, 410
News conference remarks, 7, 21, 93, I 3,
I43, 256
"Sit-in" demonstrations, comment on,
93, 103, 143
Voting rights, 4, 7, I3 (p. 105), 24, 93,
137, 40, 414 (p I02I)
See also Integration
Civil Rights, Commission on, 4, 4I0
Budget messages, 13 (p. o05), 414 (p.
1022)
News conference remarks, 7, 2I
I 05
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Civil Rights Act (I957), I37, 410
Budget message, 414 (p. I022)
Civil Rights Act (1960), 7, 93, 133, 410
Approval, 137
Budget message, 4I4 (p. 1022)
Civil service. See Government employees
Civil Service Commission, 26, 27, 28
Budget messages, 13 (p. I02), 414 (p.
IoI9)
Federal employees training program, report, I49
Lawton, Frederick J., 389 n.
Civil Service Commission, Chairman
(Roger W. Jones), memorandum, 28
Civil War, 171 n.
Centennial
Proclamation, 370
Statement, 392
Civil War Centennial Commission, 370
Civilian-Military Liaison Committee, II
Cleveland, Ohio, campaign remarks, 350,
35I, 352
Clifford, Clark, 369
Clinics, construction of, Federal aid, 414
(p. Io08)
Coal research programs, 13 (p. 85), I33,
402, 414 (p. 998)
Coast Guard, 414 (p. 976)
Cochrane, Lord, 73
Coffee
Imports, 54
Prices, I I I n.
Coggeshall School (Newport, R.I.), 239
Colbert, L. L., 328
Cole, Benjamin R., 263
Collective bargaining, 343, 410
Collective security, 4, 36, 42, 58, 87, I64,
I83, I88, I93, 209, 409, 410
Campaign remarks, 348
Joint statement with King Bhumibol
Colleges and universities-Continued
Columbia University, 29 n., 30 n., 86,
I43, i86, 187
Federal aid, 13 (pp. 75, 90, 91), 133,
255, 410, 414 (pp. 939, I002)
Housing, 13 (p. 75), 414 (pp. 982, 983)
Howard University, 23, 414 (p. 1009)
Johns Hopkins University, 349
Mary Baldwin College, 340
Princeton University, 2I
Rice University, 336
SEATO Graduate School of Engineering, 286
University of Maryland, Ioo
University of Notre Dame, 174
University of the Philippines, i86
U.S. Military Academy, I35, 173, 3I9,
340
Collins, Frederic W., 228
Collins, Gov. LeRoy, I03
Colombia
Agricultural and industrial production,
III
Assistance, 0og n., I I n.
Bogota, OAS economic conference, 228
and ftn. (p. 569), 255, 256
Lleras Camargo, Alberto, o8, 109, I Io
Discussions with, statement, I
Participation in Korean war, 108, o09
Colonialism, 183
Colorado
Arvada, 23
Denver, 12 n., 247 n.
Colorado River storage project, 410
Colts, football team, 290
Columbia River Basin development, 410
Treaty with Canada, 414 (p. 994)
Message to Congress, 419
Proposed, statement, 331
Remarks on signing, 416
Columbia University, 29 n., 30 n., 86, 143,
i86, 187
Columbus, Christopher, 332
Commemorative occasions. See Addresses,
remarks, etc., on commemorative or
dedicatory occasions
Adulyadej, 218
Colleges and universities
Centre College, 395
Chungang University, Seoul,
250 n.
Korea,
i Io6
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Commerce, Department of, I43, 146
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 64, 68, 69, 75,
9I), 414 (pp. 968, 969, 973, 975,
977, 979, 983, 984, 992)
Ray, Philip A., 176 n.
Report, 387
Trade promotion services, 95
Transportation study, I3 (p. 68), 414
(P- 973)
Commerce, Secretary of (Frederick H.
Mueller), 131
Letters, 358, 376, 387
Reports, 358, 387
Resignation, 387
Taft-Hartley Act study, 21
U.S. participation in New York World's
Fair (1964-65) study, 358, 376
Commission on Civil Rights, 4, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. I05), 414 (p.
1022)
News conference remarks, 7, 21
Commission on Equal Job Opportunity,
proposed, 414 (. I 023)
Commission of Fine Arts, 243
Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, 208
Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, Advisory, II5, 208, 415 n.
Budget messages, 13 (p. o05), 414 (p.
1022)
Commission on International Rules of Judicial Procedure, 13 (p. Io5)
Commission on National Goals, 2 I
Letters to Chairman, 29, 240
Memorandum, 30
Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government. See
Hoover Commission
Commission on Presidential Office Space,
President's Advisory, 414 (p. IOI7)
Commissions, Presidential, comment on,
268
Committee to Coordinate Federal Area
Assistance Programs, Interdepartmental, 5, 176 n.
Committee on Disarmament, Ten-Nation,
241
Committee on Employment of the Physically Handicapped, President's, 417
Committee on Government Contracts,
President's, 41 0
Budget message, 414 (p. 1023)
Report, statement, 407
Committee on Government Employment
Policy, President's, 4I0
Report, 217 ftn. (p. 545), 394
Committee on Government Organization,
President's Advisory, 349
Report, letter, 433
Committee on Information Activities
Abroad, President's, 332 ftn. (p. 789)
Committee on Inter-American Affairs, National Advisory, 42 and ftn. (p. 205),
5, 69, 228, 349
Committee for International Economic
Growth, address, 132
Committee for Rural Development Program, 5
Budget message, 414 (p. 993)
Committee to Strengthen the Frontiers of
Freedom, address, 132
Committee to Study the U.S. Military Assistance Program, President's, 36
Budget messages, I3 (p. 57), 414 (p.
962)
Committee on Transport Policy and Organization, Presidential Advisory, report (I955), 2I
Commodity Credit Corporation, 32
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 79, 107), 414
(pP- 938, 986, 988, 989, I 12)
Commonwealth Club of California, address, 332
Communications
Alaska, I3 (p. 50), 414 (p. 956)
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 50, 68), 414
(Pp. 956, 970, 972, 973, 977, 978)
Earth satellites, 26I, 264, 4I0, 414 (pp.
970, 972), 424
Commercial use, statement, 386
Message recorded for transmission via
Echo I, 258
60295-61 -73
I I07
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Communism, 4, 22, 30, 36, 42, 53, i6o, 171
n., 183, i86, i88, 191, 192, 193, 194,
209, 250, 359,409, 410,420
Campaign remarks, 345, 347, 348, 354
In Cuba, 227, 256, 410, 431
Joint statement with President Chiang
Kai-shek, 195
News conference remarks, 24, 127, 222,
256
Communist activities in U.S., alleged infiltration in churches, 38
Communist aggression and expansion, 36,
38, 133, 164, 200, 201, 202, 203, 209,
245, 286,422
In Guatemala, 368
In Tibet, 410
SEATO council of ministers action re,
286
See also Aggression
Communist bloc, 174, 183, 341, 342, 409,
422
Trade with Cuba, 223
See also specific countries
Communist doctrine, 328
Communist imperialism, 286,422
Community Chest campaign, 293
Memorandum, 210
Comptroller General (Joseph Campbell),
view on disallowance of use of certain
mutual security funds, 380 n.
Conant, James, 30 n.
Conference on Administration Procedure,
President's, letter to Chairman, 275
Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville)
Independence, message to President
Youlou, 260
Tchichelle, Stephane, 324 n.
Congo, Republic of the (Leopoldville),
245, 270, 410
Assistance, 263
Independence from Belgium, 216
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Macmillan on role of U.N., 307
Kasavubu, Joseph, 364
Message, 216
Lumumba, Patrice, 263, 284
Congo, Republic of the-Continued
News conference remarks, 256, 263, 284
Soviet action in, 284
U.N. action in, 263, 284, 302, 364
Airlift of Ghanaian forces, 248
Malayan support, 339
Congress
Address by President de Gaulle, 124
Address by President Lleras, i i I
House Rules Committee membership increase, 422
Meetings with leaders of, 246
Privileged information of executive, disclosure to Congress forbidden by
President, 380
Record, 263, 284
Relations with, 422
Congress, letters, etc., to Members of
Bennett, Sen. Wallace F., sugar quotas,
i67
Cooper, Sen. John Sherman, Federal aid
to chronic labor surplus areas, 5
Dirksen, Sen. Everett McK., mutual security appropriations, 271
Halleck, Repr. Charles A., mutual security appropriations, 272
Johnson, Sen. Lyndon B.
Briefings by CIA, 236
Congratulations on election victory,
356
Mutual security appropriations, 271
Kennedy, Sen. John F.
Briefings by CIA, 236
Congratulations on Presidential election victory, 356
President of the Senate, post election
telegram, 357
Speaker of the House of Representatives,
mutual security appropriations, 272
See also Congress, messages to
Congress, messages to
Aeronautics and space activities, reports,
47,424
Agriculture, 32
Atomic energy for mutual defense agreement, U.S.-Italy, 420
Budget messages, 13, 414
i io8
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Congress, messages to-Continued
Columbia River Basin Treaty, 419
Economic reports, 17, 423
Export trade, 95
Federal employees training program, report, 149
Freedom Monument, proposed, report,
152
Immigration, 96
Interest rates on Federal bonds, 6
International Development Association,
U.S. participation, 39
Legislative program, 133
Mutual security program, 36
National Aeronautics and Space Act,
amendments, II
National Aeronautics and Space Administration, transfer of certain Department of Defense functions, 10
Postal rate increase, 89
Reconvening of Congress, 255
State of the Union, 4,410
Sugar quota of Dominican Republic, 267
Vetoes
Area Redevelopment Bill, 146
Bond, Virginia, relief of, 114
Federal employees, salary increase, 217
Federal employees operating Government motor vehicles, defense of
suits against, I80
Federal National Mortgage Association, income tax treatment of
nonrefundable capital contributions, 151
Federal Water Pollution Control Act,
amendment, 44
Grand Lodge of North Dakota, relief of, 181
Income tax deductions for certain
charitable contributions, 169
Kaiser, William J., relief of, 11 3
Our Lady of the Lake Church, relief
of, i79
Unemployment tax credits of successor
employers, 170
Universal Trades, Inc., relief of, 150
See also Congress, letters to Members of
Congress, reports to, list, Appendix C, p.
1091
Congress, reports to, messages transmitting
Aeronautics and space activities, 47, 424
Economic reports, 17, 423
Federal employees training program, 149
Freedom Monument, proposed, 152
See also Congress, letters to Members of;
Congress, messages to
Congressmen (Representatives)
Appointment by Governors under certain wartime conditions, proposed,
24
Term of four years, proposed, 24
Connally Reservation on U.S. participation in World Court, 276 ftn. (p. 665)
Connecticut, Sen. Prescott Bush, 127
Connole, William R., 127
Conservation of natural resources, 133, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 82-86), 414
(PP. 939, 993-999)
Conservation reserve program, agricultural, 32
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 77, 8i, 82),
414 (pp. 987, 991)
Constitution, U.S., 4, 58, 163, i65, 276,
336
Article VI, 1 27
Bill of Rights, 127
I5th amendment, 137
Foreign affairs, Presidential authority,
246
News conference remarks, 24, 93, 127,
143,268,284,422
Presidential authority until end of term,
369
22d amendment, comment on, 422
Women's suffrage amendment, 40th anniversary, statement, 269
Constitutional amendments, proposed
District of Columbia, voting rights, 24,
414 (p. 1021)
Poll tax abolishment, 24
Presidential election and inauguration,
422
I o09
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Constitutional amendments, proposedContinued
Representatives
Appointment by Governors under certain wartime conditions, 24
Term of four years, 24
Consumer Price Index, 217
Budget message, 414 (p. I005)
Continental defense, 245
Contracts, Government, 410
In depressed areas, 5
President's committee on, 407, 410, 414
(p. 1023)
Controls, Government, 410
Budget messages, I3 (p. 77), 414 (p.
987)
Campaign remarks, 346, 351, 352
Cook, Winfield C., 337 n.
Cooper, Sen. John Sherman, I76
Letter, 5
Cooperatives, taxes on, 414 (p. 943)
Copin, Margaret P., relief of, disapproval,
234
Corcoran, Thomas G., 127
Corn
Program, 32
Surpluses, 414 (p. 987)
Corporate taxes
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 39, 42), 414
(PP. 937, 940, 943, 944)
Depreciation allowances, 414 (p. 944)
Corps of Engineers, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 83), 414
(PP. 947, 993, 994, 996, 997)
Civil water resources functions, 414 (p.
947)
Cost of living, 217
Costa Rica, OAS foreign ministers meeting at San Jose, 228, 263, 267, 268
Cotton
Exports, 132
Surpluses, 414 (p. 987)
Coue, Emile, 350
Council of Economic Advisers, 17, 263, 410
Budget message, 414 (p. 944)
Council of Economic Advisers, Chairman
(Raymond J. Saulnier), 21
Council on Foreign Relations, 86
Council on International Monetary and
Financial Problems, National Advisory, 39
Council on Science and Technology, Federal, 349
Courier communications satellite, 424
Budget message, 414 (p. 970)
Court buildings, construction, 243
Court of Justice, International, 73
U.S. acceptance of jurisdiction, 4, 13 (p.
65), 276 and ftn. (p. 665), 414 (p.
968)
Courts, Federal
Circuit Court of Appeals, Seventh, decision on taxation of disability payments, 291
Civil rights, orders re, 137
Court of Claims, 224
Judgeships, additional, proposed, 13 (p.
I05), 133, 255, 268, 414 (p. 1023)
Tax Court of the United States, 50, 414
(p. 1021)
See also Supreme Court, U.S.
Craig, May, 7, 2I, 24, 127 and ftn. (p.
362), 143, 256, 263, 284, 422
Credit outflow, 362
Crespo, Daniel Fernandez, 79 n.
Crime, organized, 13 (p. o5)
Croneis, Carey, 336
Crop insurance, 414 (p. 989)
Cuba, 245, 255
Castro, Fidel, 2I, 22, 93, 103, 127, 227,
268, 368 n., 388
Communism in, 227, 256, 410, 431
Embargo on exports to, 332
Guantanamo naval base, 228
Statement, 342
Havana, 388
News conference remarks, 7, 21, 38, 93,
103, 222, 228, 256, 263, 268, 284
OAS action on, 263
Recognition of Communist China, 284
Refugees from, 410
Letter to Cardinal Spellman on aid,
371
Report, statement, 431
III0
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Cuba-Continued
Relations with U.S., 22, 268
Roa, Raul, 268
Seizure of U.S. property, 7, 222
Soviet bases in, question of, 222
Sugar quotas, 2I, 38, 93, 167 n., 222, 267
Approval of bill, 223
Proclamation, statement, 374
Trade with Communist bloc, 223
U.S. Ambassador Philip W. Bonsal, 22
U.S. policy, statement, 22
U.S. termination of diplomatic relations,
statement, 388
Culin, Curtis J., 405
Cultural Center, National, 414 (p. 1023)
Cultural exchange, 98, 286, 319
U.S.-Soviet, 4Io, 414 (p. 969)
Currencies, foreign. See Foreign currencies
Currency, U.S., prevention of debasement.
See Dollar, sound
Cushing, Ned, 18 n.
Customs, Bureau of, I79, I81, 285
Customs duties, refund claims, vetoes
Grand Lodge of North Dakota, i8I
Our Lady of the Lake Church, 179
Cutrer, Lewis, 336 n.
Cyprus, Republic of
Independence, 262
Kutchuck, Fazil, 262
Makarios, archbishop, message, 262
Rossides, Zenon, 324 n.
U.N. delegation, remarks to, 324
Dacko, David, message, 259
Da Gama, Vasco, I6o
Dahomey, Republic of
Maga, Hubert, message, 249
Pinto, Ignacio, 324 n.
Dail, Charles C., 333
Da Maia, Jose Joaquim, 45
Darby, Harry, I 18 n.
Darden, Colgate, 30 n.
Davis, Harold, 362, 422
Davis, Spencer, 21, 34, 93, I27, 222, 256,
263
Deaths, statements, etc.
Hansen, H. C., 41
Hazza al-Majali, 277
Kestnbaum, Meyer, 372
Rockefeller, John D., Jr., 144
Simpson, Repr. Richard M., 3
De Barros, Adhemar, 52
Debt, national, 4, I 7, 23, 89
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 40-42, 45,
Ioo), 414 (pp. 935, 938, 942, ioi6)
Campaign remarks, 344, 350, 354
Interest on, 4, I3 (pp. 4, 42, I00),414
(pp. 938, ioi6)
Limit on, 13 (p. 41), 133, 414 (p. 942)
Management, 4, 6, 13 (pp. 4I, 42), 344,
414 (p. 942),415
News conference remarks, 7, 34
Reduction, 13 (pp. 38, 40, 41), 414 (p.
942)
Decatur House (Washington, D.C.), 243
Decennial census, 13 (p. 91), 414 (p.
00oo5)
Declaration of Independence, 4, 58, 73,
171 n., I83, 284
Declaration of Santiago, joint statement
with President Alessandri, 76
Dedicatory occasions. See Addresses, remarks, etc., on commemorative or
dedicatory occasions
Defender project, 414 (pp. 953, 954)
Defense, Department of, 5, IO, 36, I48,
255, 386, 4IO
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 46-58, 6o,
65, io8), 414 (pp. 944, 948-959,
970, Io19)
Douglas, James H., 425
News conference remarks, 21, 34, 284,
422
Officials, attendance at Republican dinners, comment on, 34
Overseas personnel, reduction, 434
Reorganization, 350, 414 (pp. 944, 957),
433
Report, 397 n.
Space activities, I I
Travel expenses of personnel, 414 (p.
950)
IIII
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Defense, Secretary of (Thomas S. Gates,
Jr.), I32, I35, 26i n., 365, 369, 420
Balance of payments directive, letter, 434
Medal of Freedom, citation, 426
Military readiness, order re, 163
News conference remarks on, 2I, 24
On Soviet strength, 21
Resignation, letter, 397
Vice Chairman, United Community
campaigns, 210
Defense Education Act, National, 410, 413
Budget messages, 13 (p. 89), 414 (pp.
I002, 1003)
Loyalty affidavit, repeal proposed, I3 (p.
89), 414 (p. 1003)
Defense Establishment, 410, 421
See also Defense, Department of; specific services
Defense procurement
Budget messages, 13 (p. 50), 414 (pp.
955-957)
In chronic unemployment areas, 5
Defense program
Criticism of, comment on, 38
News conference remarks, 7, 21, 34, 38,
256
See also National security
Defense spending, 4, 36, 410
Budget messages, I3 (pp. 38, 46-58),
414 (pp 938, 948-961)
News conference remarks, 7, 24, 34, 222,
256
Defense support. See Military assistance
and defense support
Deficit spending, 255, 336, 410
Budget message, 414 (p. 935)
Campaign remarks, 341, 344, 346, 350,
354
De Gaulle, Charles, 147, 154, I62, 163, 313
Algerian policy, 127
Joint statements, I25, 155
News conference remarks on, 24, 127
Remarks of welcome to, 120
Toasts to, 121, 124
De Gaulle, Madame, 120, I21, 124
De Gomez, Carmen Vda, 224
Delaware, Gov. J. Caleb Boggs, 208
Del Rio, Sotero, 77
DeMaioribus, A. L., 350 n.
De Malo France, Afranio, 5 I
Democracy, comment on, 24
Democratic National Committee, Chairman (Paul Butler), 93
Democratic Party
News conference remarks, 21, 93
Presidential nomination, 93
Denmark
Frederik IX, 41, 209, 320, 321
Hansen, H. C., death of, 41
Queen Ingrid, 209, 320, 32I
U.S.-Denmark defense alliance, 32I n.
Dental and medical school facilities, Federal aid, 414 (p. 1008)
Denver, Colo., 12 n., 247 n.
Depressed areas (chronic unemployment)
Area Redevelopment Bill, I43
Veto, 146
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 75, 76), 414
(PP. 939, 983)
Federal aid, 5, 13 (pp. 75, 76), 127 and
ftn. (p. 362), I33, I43, I46, I76,
414 (PP. 939, 983)
Letter to Governor Underwood, 176
Letter to Senator Cooper, 5
De Rio Branco, Baron, 5 I
De San Martin, Jose, 58, 6o, 69
De Sreitas, C. Arreiro, 157 n.
De Toledano, Ralph, 256
Detroit, Mich., 326, 327, 328
Mayor Louis C. Miriani, 326 n., 328
Development Loan Fund, 36, 39, I48, 245,
247, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 6o), 414
(pp. 961, 965, 966)
U.S. aid to South America, documents
re, 380
Development loans, 39, 279
Latin America, 247 n.
Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development, 414 (p. 965)
See also Development Loan Fund; InterAmerican Development Bank
De Visale, Antonio, 53 n.
Diary, the President's, 21
III2
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Diefenbaker, John G., 208, 331, 416
Exchange of toasts, 171
Joint statement with, 172
Diefenbaker, Mrs. John G., 171
Diem, Ngo Dinh, message, 338
Dillon, C. Douglas
Mission to Germany on U.S. balance of
payments, 362 and ftn. (p. 864),
365
News conference remarks on, 127, 263,
362
Diori, Hamani, message, 251
Diplomatic personnel, reduction, 362
Diplomatic posts, U.S., 13 (p. 64), 414
(p. 968)
Dirksen, Sen. Everett McK., I32, 272
Letter, 271
News conference remarks on, 143, 263
Disabled persons, Federal aid, 127 ftn. (p.
362), 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 95), 414 (pp.
IOI-I1012)
Disapproval of bills. See Memorandums
of Disapproval
Disarmament, 2 n., 4, 49, 63, 75, 8o, 85,
91 n., 163, 209, 245, 421
Address before U.N. General Assembly,
302
Arms inspection and control, 23, 73, 76,
I88,302, 332
Budget message, 13 (pp. 46, 64)
Effect on U.S. economy, comment on,
I27
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Diefenbaker, 172
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Kishi, I6
Letters to Frederick M. Eaton, 90, 24
News conference remarks, 34, 93, 0I3,
127, I43, 222, 284,422
Open skies proposal, 143, I63, 209
Soviet proposal, 93
Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference,
I3 (p. 64), 34, 90, 92, 209, 222,
238, 241 n., 255, 302, 313
U.S. proposal, 93
Disarmament, Ten-Nation Committee on
Conference. See Disarmament
Letter to Frederick M. Eaton, 241
Disarmament Administration, 414 (p. 968)
Disarmament Commission, U.N., 302
Need for meeting, statement, 238
Disaster relief, 279
Disasters, earthquakes
Chile, 175, 214
Lar, Iran, 126
Morocco, 99
Discoverer earth satellite, 261, 424
Discrimination. See Civil rights; Integration
Distant early warning system. See Warning systems for missile and aircraft
detection
Distinguished Civilian Service Award, presentation to Andreas B. Rechnitzer, 25
Distinguished Federal Civilian Service
Awards, President's, 68, 389
Distinguished Public Service Award, presentation to Jacques Piccard, 25
District of Columbia
Budget messages, 13 (p. 104), 414 (p.
102I)
Home rule, 13 (p. I04), 414 (p. I021)
Judicial conference, 275
McLaughlin, Robert E., 325 n.
Murray, Robert V., 3I4
Presentation of tree to President, 325
Racial discrimination, elimination, 410
Transportation, 13 (p. 104)
United Givers Fund campaign, 153
Voting rights, 24, 414 (p. I021)
Djermakoye, Issofou, 324
Docking, Gov. George, I I8 n.
Dollar, sound, 19, 23, 131, 268, 341, 410,
415
Budget message, 414 (pp. 935, 936)
Campaign remarks, 344, 350, 354
Discussions with President-elect, 369
Dominican Republic
OAS action on, 263, 267
Sugar quota, 267, 374, 418
Trujillo y Molina, Hector, 263
Donovan, Robert J., 7, I27, I43, 422
I113
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Dooley, Dr. Thomas A., I74
Dorado, P. R., 86
Douglas, James H., Medal of Freedom,
citation, 425
Do Yun Kim, 201 n.
Draper, William H., Jr., 36
Draper Committee. See President's Committee to Study the U.S. Military Assistance Program
Drummond, Roscoe, 7, 222
Drumright, Everett F., 192 n.
Dryden, Hugh L., 287
President's Award for Distinguished
Federal Civilian Service, 68 n.
Dulles, John Foster, 91 n., 194, 209, 410
News conference remarks on, 7, 21, 24
Official papers, 21
Dulles International Airport, 414 (pp. 974,
1021)
Eagan, Col. P. F., 319
Early warning systems. See Warning systems for missile and aircraft detection
Earthquake disasters
Chile, I75, 214
Lar, Iran, 126
Morocco, 99
East-West contacts, 4, 127, 209
East-West relations, 163
Joint statement with Chancellor Adenauer, 92
Easton, Pa., IRS District Office, 288
Eaton, Frederick M., letters, 90, 241
Eaton, William J., 2I, 362, 422
Eban, Abba, 21, 24
Echeverria, Esteban, 58
Echo communications satellite, 261, 264,
41o, 424
Budget message, 414 (p. 970)
Message recorded for transmission via,
258
Economic Advisers, Council of. See Council of Economic Advisers
Economic assistance, 36, 132, I33, 203, 279,
362
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 60-64), 414
(pp. 962, 964-967)
Economic assistance-Continued
See also Foreign assistance; Mutual security program; Technical assistance to less developed countries
Economic Cooperation and Development,
Organization for, 414 (p. 965)
Economic Growth, Cabinet Committee on
Price Stability for, report, statement,
II7
Economic mission, Belgian, 317 n.
Economic reports to Congress, 17, 423
Economy, national, 4, 5, I7, 23, 53, 245,
283, 40o, 423
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 40, 76, 91,
Ioo), 414 (pp. 934-937)
Campaign remarks, 348, 350, 35I, 354,
355
Effect of disarmament on, 127
Executive responsibility, 255
News conference remarks, 21, 93, 127,
222, 256, 263, 284, 362, 422
Economy, world, 38
Eden, Anthony
News conference remarks on, 7, 21
On Suez invasion (1956), 2
On U.S. foreign policy, 7
Education, 4, 94, 363, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 87, 89), 414
(pp. 1001-1003)
Civil rights. See Integration
Federal aid, 13 (pp. 89, 90), 23, 34, I33,
255, 4IO, 414 (pp. 939, IOOI-I003)
School construction. See School construction
Science, 13 (p. 89), 414 (p. I002)
Vocational, 13 (p. 89), 414 (p. IOI5)
Education Act, National Defense, 410, 413
Budget messages, 13 (p. 89), 414 (pp.
I002, 1003)
Loyalty affidavit, repeal proposed, 13 (p.
89), 414 (p. 1003)
Egan, Gov. William A., 178
Egypt
Ancient civilization, 328
Suez crisis (1956), 2I, 4I1
See also United Arab Republic
III4
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Eisenhower, Dwight D., personal reminiscences
American Assembly, 86
Argentina, plans to visit as youth, 57
Army Industrial College assignment, 283
Athletic teams, 395
Birthplace, 336
Boy Scout training of John Eisenhower,
i66
Boyhood, game of "shinny," 319
Columbia University, i86, 187
Decision to run for Presidency, 290
First meeting with wife, 336
Marching in Woodrow Wilson inaugural
parade, 340
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
( I95), 362
Panama, 24
Pearl Harbor day, 336
Philippines, 182, i85, i86, 187, i88
Start of military career, 336
Torch parade in election campaign
(1896), 327
Vice President, choice of (1952), 38
Visit to Brazil (1I946), 48
Visit to China ( 946), I 94
Visit to Portugal (1951), 157, i6i
Visits to Korea, I 98, 20 I
West Point, 57, 173
Football, 319
World War II
Allied landings in Africa, 355
Battle of Normandy, 405
D-day, 354
Japanese-American unit, 205
Operation Overlord, 405
Rhine River crossing, 405
Sacrifices of soldiers, 3 I 8
Eisenhower, Mrs. Dwight D., 3, 51, 109 n.,
i io n., i2I n., 129 n., i87, 2I3 n., 239,
245, 308, 317 n., 320 n., 321 n., 327,
336, 367,37I, 372, 38I
News conference remarks on, 38, I43,
222
Eisenhower, Edgar, 276 n.
Eisenhower, Ida Stover, President's
mother, 340
Eisenhower, Lt. Col. John S. D., i i8, i66,
355, 43~
Eisenhower, Mrs. John S. D., 355
Eisenhower, Milton S., resignation from
committees, letter, 349
Eisenhower Exchange Fellows, remarks, 98,
305
Eisenhower Exchange Fellowships, 98 n.,
305
Eisenhower Foundation, II8
Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kans., 21,
II8
Eisenhower Park (Newport, R.I.), dedication, remarks, 239
Eisenhower Presidential Library, Governor's National Committee for the,
ii8 n.
Eisenhower Presidential Library Commission, ii8
Ekra, Mathieu, 324 n.
Elbrick, C. Burke, 157 n.
Eleazer, Frank, 263
Election (1956), 7
Election campaign (I960), 107, 245, 337
News conference remarks, 93, 103, 222,
256, 263, 268, 284, 422
Post election remarks, 422
Post election telegrams, 356, 357
President's role, 93, 222, 256, 263, 268,
422
Election campaign addresses or remarks
September I2, Baltimore, Md., 290
September 29, Chicago, Ill., 309
October i8, Minneapolis, Minn., 329
October 28, Philadelphia, Pa., 341
November i, Washington, D.C., 344
November 2, Garden City, N.Y., 345
November 2, Westchester County, N.Y.,
346
November 2, New York City, 347, 348
November 4, Cleveland, Ohio, 350, 35I,
352
November 4, Pittsburgh, Pa., 353, 354
November 7, Washington, D.C., 355
Elections, Presidential, constitutional
amendment proposed, 422
III5
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Elephant, gift to the President (I959),
260 n.
Elizabeth II, 40, 17I
Emory, Alan S., 24
Employment, 17, 23, 410, 423
Equal opportunity, 407, 410
Government, 410
News conference remarks, I43, 222, 256,
263
See also Unemployment
Employment Act, amendment proposed,
423
Budget messages, 13 (p. I05), 414 (p.
1022)
Employment of the Physically Handicapped, President's Committee on, 417
Engels, Friedrich, 328
Engineers, Corps of. See Corps of Engineers
Engineers from India participating in education program, remarks, 315
England. See United Kingdom
Enterprise system, 17, 23, 53, 215, 343,
355, 4Io
News conference remarks, 24, I43
Equal Job Opportunity, Commission on,
proposed, 414 (p. I023)
Equal pay for equal work, I3 (p. 93)
Escapees. See Refugees and escapees
Espionage activities, I43, I54, I63
Ethiopia, armed forces in Korea, 202
Europe, Western
Assistance for, following World War II,
80, 132, I33
Assistance to countries of Africa and
Asia, 4, 36, 362
Defense, 13 (pp. 57, 58), 36, 414 (pp.
958, 959)
Economic integration, 92
Economic and trade communities, 16
Economy, 362
Missile squadrons, 245
News conference remarks, I03, 263, 362
Reduction of U.S. troops, question of,
362
Visits to. See Visits, foreign
European Economic Commission, joint
statement with Chancellor Adenauer,
92
European Economic Community, i6, 80,
103
European Economic Cooperation, Organization for, 4, 263
Budget message, 414 (p. 965)
Joint statement with Chancellor Adenauer, 92
European Free Trade Association, 80, 103
Evans, Rowland, Jr., 24, 103, 222, 256
Exchange Fellowships, Eisenhower, 98 n.,
305
Exchange of persons, 58, 87
Budget message, 414 (p. 969)
Students, 38, 80
Teachers, 80
See also Cultural exchanges; East-West
contacts; People-to-people program
Excise taxes. See Taxes
Executive branch, reorganization, Presidential powers, 133, 255
Executive Management, Office of, proposed, 422
Budget message, 414 (pp. 945, 946)
Executive Office, proposals re, 243, 414
(PP 945, 946, 1017-1019)
Executive orders, 8, 268, 343 n.
List, Appendix B, p. 087
Explorer earth satellites, 287, 424
Export-Import Bank, 39, 53, 73, 86, 245,
247
Budget messages, 13 (p. 64), 414 (pp.
938, 965, 966)
Credit program, 95
Exports, 4, 279, 410, 423
Budget message, 414 (PP. 968, 984)
Cotton, 132
Increase proposed, 362, 387
Message to Congress, 95
To Cuba, embargo, 332
Wheat, 132
Fascism, 355
Fair Labor Standards Act, extension of
coverage, proposed, 133, 255
Budget message, 13 (p. 93)
ii 6
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Falcon Dam, 335
Fallout shelters, 384
Budget messages, 13 (p. 76), 414 (p.
985)
Government buildings, construction proposed, 229
Family Service Associations, 153
FAO. See Food and Agriculture Organization
Far East, 191, 209, 348, 41 0
See also Asia, South Asia, and Southeast
Asia; specific countries
Farewell address, 42I
Farm Credit Administration, 410
Farm economy, 4, 23, 32, 4I10
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 79-8I), 414
(p. 988)
Farm program, 350
News conference remarks, 34, 38, 93,
222, 256, 268
See also specific programs
Farmers, 255
Farmers Home Administration, 13 (pp. 81,
io8), 414 (pp. 990, 1025)
Federal aid to States, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 70-73, 75, 76,
87, 89, 90, 92, 95), 414 (PP- 939,
IOOI-I003, I021, 1022)
Depressed areas, 5, 13 (pp. 75, 76), 127
and ftn. (p. 362), I33, I43, I46,
176, 414 (pp. 939, 983)
Education, 13 (pp. 89, 90), 23, 34, I33,
255, 410, 414 (PP- 939, I00I-I003)
Highway programs, 13 (pp. 70, 7 ), 255,
330, 414 (p. 977)
News conference remarks, 34, I27 and
ftn. (p. 362),422
Federal Aviation Agency, 349, 4I0, 433
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 50, 68, 109),
414 (PP. 944, 945, 956, 973)
Federal Bar Association, 275
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Director (J. Edgar Hoover), 38
Investigation of bombings of schools or
churches, 137
Federal Communications Commission
Budget messages, 13 (p. 76), 414 (pp.
946, 984)
Study of ultrahigh frequency television,
13 (P- 76)
Utilization of communication satellites,
386
Federal Council for Science and Technology, 349
Budget messages, 13 (p. 91), 414 (p.
1004)
Federal Crop Insurance Corporation, 414
(p. 989)
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation,
414 (p. I025)
Federal employees. See Government employees
Federal Housing Administration, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 73, 74), 414
(pp. 980, 981)
Federal National Mortgage Association
Budget messages, 13 (p. 74), 414 (p.
982)
Income tax treatment of nonrefundable
capital contributions, veto, 15 I
Federal Power Commission, 127
Connole, William R., 127
River basin surveys, 4I4 (pp. 947, 996)
Federal Radiation Council, 410
Report, 268 and ftn. (p. 654)
Federal Republic of Germany. See Germany
Federal Reserve System, 17, 344
Federal Safety Councils, 410
Federal Savings and Loan Corporation,
premium rate increase proposed, 13
(P. 73), 414 (P. 980)
Federal-State Action Committee, Joint,
116
Report, letter, 115
Federal-State-local governmental responsibilities, 5, 23, 44, 103, 27 ftn. (p.
362), 208, 245, 333, 336, 340, 372, 410
Atomic energy for peaceful uses, 116
Budget messages, I3 (pp. 94-96), 414
(PP. 939, 985, Io22)
1117
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Federal-State-local governmental-Con.
Interstate highway system, 330
Medical care for older persons, 133
School construction, 133
Federal Trade Commission, 285
Budget messages, 13 (p. 76), 414 (p.
984)
Federal Water Pollution Control Act,
amendment, veto, 44
Feldmann, Louis G., 31
Fellowships, Eisenhower Exchange, 98 n.,
305
Felt, Adm. Harry D., 205, 2o6
Ferre, Luis A., 93
Field hockey international festival, remarks
to participants, 319
Finance, international, 13 (pp. 59-64),
414 (pp. 961-968)
Tables, 13 (p. 6I), 414 (p. 963)
Fine Arts, Commission of, 243
First automobile crossing, San Francisco to
New York, 332
Fish and wildlife resources, 13 (p. 86),
410, 414 (pp. 998, 999)
Fish and Wildlife Service, 414 (p. 996)
Fissionable materials, production ban and
conversion to peaceful uses, address
before U.N. General Assembly, 302
Flag from capsule of Discoverer XIII, gift
to the President, 26I
Flag carriers, U.S., on routes to Orient, 436
Flag of Panama in Canal Zone, 24 and ftn.
(p. I50)
Flaherty, Edward L., 354
Flemming, Arthur S. See Health, Education, and Welfare, Secretary of
(Arthur S. Flemming)
Floete, Franklin (General Services Administrator), letters, I I8, 243
Flood control, 419
Budget messages, I3 (p. 85), 414 (pp.
994, 996, 997)
Florida
Cape Canaveral, 33, 34
Collins, Gov. LeRoy, I03
Miami, 431
Folliard, Edward T., 7, 93, I43, 263, 268
Folsom, Marion B., 263
Food and Agriculture Organization
(United Nations), 221I, 279, 302
Food and Drug Administration, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 94), 414 (pp100oo8, I 009)
Food-for-peace program, 32, 22I, 246, 279,
302, 391, 4I0
Budget messages, I3 (pp. 79, 8o), 414
(p. 988)
Report, statement, 242
U.S.-Indian agreement, statement, I36
Football, 319
Ford Foundation, 3 5 n.
Foreign affairs, 148, I63, 245, 332, 341, 410
Bipartisanship, 7, I03, 268
Briefing for next President, proposed,
222
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 59, 6o, 64, 65),
414 (pp. 961-969)
Tables, 13 (p. 6I), 414 (p. 963)
Discussions with President-elect Kennedy, 369
News conference remarks, 7, I03, 222,
268, 422
Presidential authority, 246
Foreign assistance, 362
Africa, I3 (p. 63), 36, 242, 263, 302,
414 (pp. 96i, 967, 968)
Argentina, 58
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia, 4,
36, I32, 193, 242, 302
Brazil, 49, 53
Chile, 255, 414 (p. 966)
China, Republic of, 36, I95, 34I
Colombia, 109 n., I I I n.
Congo, 263
Europe, 8o, I32, I33
Greece, I32, I33
Guatemala, 368
India, 36, 136, 410
Iran, 34I
Korea, 36, 203
Laos, 256
iIi8
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Foreign assistance-Continued
Latin America, 36, 42, 49, 72, 8o, 86, 87,
228, 242, 247, 255, 256, 263, 302,
380, 414 (PP. 96I, 966, 968)
Less developed countries, 4, I3 (pp. 60 -64), i6, I9, 39, 58, 8o, 209, 362 ftn.
(p. 864), 365, 4I4 (pp. 961, 964,
965)
Middle East, 7, 302
Nepal, 130
Netherlands, 138 n.
Newly emerging countries, 4, 36, 163,
302
Pakistan, 36
Philippines, 189, 34I
Turkey, 132, 133
Viet-Nam, 36, 341
See also Economic assistance; Military
assistance and defense support;
Mutual security program; Technical assistance to less developed
countries
Foreign currencies
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 80, 82, 107),
414 (pp. 988, I025, Io26)
Sale of agricultural surpluses for, 13 (pp.
80, 82, Io7), 44 (p. 988)
Foreign ministers meetings
Organization of American States
San Jose (1960), 228, 263, 267, 268
Santiago (I959), 73, 76, 228
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, 164,
189, 286
Foreign Relations, Council on, 86
Foreign Service, 95
Forest Service, 13 (p. 85), 414 (p. 997)
Forests, national, 41o
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 85, 86), 414
(PP. 997, 998)
Formosa (Taiwan), 143, 245, 34I
See also China, Republic of
Fort Benning, Ga., 135
Fort Gordon, troop review ceremonies, remarks, 396
Fort McNair, dedication of new building,
remarks, 283
4-H Conference, National, remarks, 123
France, 207, 249, 253, 254, 257, 259, 260,
265
Armed forces in Korea, 202
Atomic bomb explosion, 38
De Gaulle, Charles, 24, 120, 12I, 124,
127, I47, I54, 162, 163, 3I3
Joint statements, 125, 155
Geneva conferences. See Geneva
Paris, 365
Paris summit conference. See Paris summit meeting
Policy on Berlin, 38
SEATO membership, 286
Suez invasion (1956), 21
U.S.-French relations, 12I, 124
U.S. nuclear bases, removal, 24
Visit to, 147, I54, I55, 156, 162, 163
Franklin, Benjamin, 171 n., 246
Fredericks, Marshall M., 326 n.
Frederik IX, 209
Exchange of toasts, 321
Message, 4I
Welcoming remarks to, 320
Freedmen's Hospital, 414 (p. I009)
Freedom monument, proposed
Budget message, 414 (p. 1023)
Report, 152
Freeman, Gov. Orville L., 330
Freitas, Paulin, 324 n.
Froessel, Charles W., I66 n.
Frondizi, Arturo, 56, 57 n., 58, 60, 6i, 62,
67, 87, 228
Joint declaration with, 66
Toasts to, 59, 63
Frondizi, Madame, 56
Fryingpan-Arkansas project, 133
Budget messages, 13 (p. 83), 414 (p.
993)
Fujiyama, Aiichiro, I4, I6
Fulbright, Sen. J. W., 103, I32
Student exchange program, 8o
Fundraising campaigns
Red Cross, 37, 65
United Givers Fund, 153, 210
1119
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Gabon, Republic of
Independence, message to President
M'ba, 265
N'Goua, Joseph, 324 n.
Gallin-Douathe, Michel, 324 n.
Galloti, Luiz, 50 n.
Gama, Vasco da, I60
Gandhi, Mohandas K. (Mahatma), 93
Garcia, Carlos P., 182, I88, 190
Joint statement with, 189
Messages, Io6, 112, 359
Toast to, 185
Garcia, Madame, 185
Garden City, N.Y., 345
Gas and oil leases on public domain lands,
13 (p. 86), 414 (pp. 941, 997)
Gas warfare, 7
Gasoline tax, 133
Increase proposed, 13 (pp. 39, 43, 44,
69, 70), 414 (PP- 94I, 975, 977),
423
Aviation fuel, 13 (pp. 39, 43, 44, 69),
133, 222, 255, 414 (PP- 94I, 975,
977)
Tractors and machinery, repeal (1956),
410
Gates, Thomas S., Jr. See Defense, Secretary of (Thomas S. Gates, Jr.)
Gaulle, Charles de, I47, 154, I62, 163, 313
Algerian policy, I27
Joint statements, 125, 155
News conference remarks on, 24, 127
Remarks of welcome, 120
Toasts to, 121, 124
Gaulle, Madame de, 120, 121, 124
Gaza area, U.N. emergency force in
(1957), 33~
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade,
95
See also Trade, international
General Services Administration, 5
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 76, 102), 414
(p. II09)
Construction of fallout shelters in Government buildings, proposed, 229
General Services Administrator (Franklin
Floete), letters, I I8, 243
Geneva conferences
Heads of government (1955), 209
Nuclear test suspension ( 958-I960), 4,
13 (p. 64), 24, 34, 38, II0, 103, 127
Joint declaration with Prime Minister
Macmillan, 102
Seismic research activities (I960), I43
ftn. (p. 410)
Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference
(I960), I3 (p. 64), 34, 90, 92, 209,
229, 238, 255, 302, 33
Genghis Khan, 58
Geological Survey, 414 (p. 999)
George Washington, U.S.S., 255
Entrance into sea duty, statement, 360
Georgia
Augusta, 365, 396
Releases from, 2, I I6, I I8, I I9, 358 -361, 363
Fort Benning, 135
Germ warfare, 7
Germany, 23
Adenauer, Konrad, 38, 9I, 93, 143, I47,
362 and ftn. (p. 864)
Joint statement with, 92
Anderson-Dillon mission, 362 ftn. (p.
864)
Statement, 365
Assistance to less developed countries,
362 ftn. (p. 864), 365
Berlin. See Berlin
Bonn, 91 n., 362 ftn. (p. 864), 365
C-47 missing in, 162
Hockey team, 319 n.
Imports of agricultural products from
U.S., 365
Luebke, Heinrich, 91
Military procurement, 365
Nazi affiliation of certain officials, question of, 7
News conference remarks, 7, 24, 38, 93,
127, I43, 222
Reunification, question of, 92, 222
U.S. troops in, 362 ftn. (p. 864), 365
Von Brentano, Heinrich, 92
Weisbaden, 91 n.
1120
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Germany, East, 162
News conference remarks, 24, 256
Soviet peace treaty with, question of, 24,
256
Gettysburg, Battle of, 370
Ghana
Accra, 248
Forces, airlift to Congo by U.N., 248
Nkrumah, Kwame
Letter, 313
Messages, 220, 248
Gibson, John R., 34, 93, 103, 256
Gillilland, Whitney. See Civil Aeronautics
Board, Chairman
Giralt, Hernan M., 57 n.
Girl Scouts, 153, 2 I
Glacier National Park, Mont., 208
Governors' Conference (1960), 229
Gladstone, William E., 276
Glen Canyon Dam, 414 (p. 993)
Glennan, T. Keith. See National Aeronautics and Space Administrator (T.
Keith Glennan)
GNP (gross national product). See National product
Gold, market price, 341
Gold outflow, 362
Goldstone, Calif., 258 n.
Gomez, Carmen Vda de, 224
Gomez, Soledad, 224
Goodpaster, Gen. Andrew J., 425, 426, 427,
428, 429
Medal of Freedom, citation, 430
Goulart, Joao, 49 n.
Government, comment on, 174
Government Contracts, President's Committee on, 410
Budget message, 414 (p. I023)
Report, statement, 407
Government employees, 410
Awards for distinguished Federal civilian
service, 68, 389
Budget messages, 13 (pp. I0I-I04), 414
(pp. 938, 1019, I020)
Career executive development program,
26, 27, 28
Government employees-Continued
Equality of job opportunity, 410
Health and life insurance, 13 (p. 103),
410, 414 (p. IO9)
Motor vehicle operators, defense of suits
against, I80
News conference remarks, 284, 362
Pay, 13 (pp. 103, 104), 255, 414 (PP938, I020)
Veto of bill, 217
Postal employees. See Postal employees
Privileged information re, 380
Reduction, 41 0
Overseas, 362, 434
Retirement 13 (pp. I I-Io3), 410, 414
(p. 1020)
Security program, 284
Training program, 149
Unemployment insurance, 414 (p. 1019)
Wage rates, 230
Government Employees Training Act, 149
Government Employment Policy, President's Committee on, 410
Report, 217 ftn. (p. 545), 394
Government operations, reports, 435
Government Organization, President's Advisory Committee on, 349
Report, letter, 433
Government reorganization, proposed, 143
Governors
Letter, 116
Wartime power to appoint Representatives, proposed, 24
White House meeting on civil defense,
229
Governors' conferences
Glacier National Park, Mont. (1960),
229
Remarks recorded for, 208
Lake George, N.Y. (I 954), 330
San Juan, P.R. (1959), 229
Williamsburg, Va. (I957), I 15 n.
Graham, William F. (Billy), 268, 354
Grainger, Jacqueline, 178 n.
Grand Coulee Dam, 419
Grand Lodge of North Dakota, relief of,
veto, 181
112
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Grandchildren of the President, 199, 213,
239, 355, 422
Gray, Gordon, 9, 94
Designation as Chairman, Operations
Coordinating Board, letter, 8
Medal of Freedom, citation, 427
Resignation, letter, 412
Graybiel, Lloyd E., 332
Great Britain. See United Kingdom
Great Plains conservation program, 13 (p.
82), 414 (p. 992)
Greece, 302
Ancient civilization, 328
Armed forces in Korea, 202
Assistance, 132, 133
Athens, 284
Green, Sterling F., 422
Greenewalt, Crawford, 30 n.
Greenland, U.S.-Denmark defense alliance, 321 n.
Griffin-Landrum Act, 316
Groat, Richard, 353
Gromyko, Andrei A., 143
Gronchi, Giovanni, 34
Gruenther, Alfred, 30 n., 175, 405
Letter, 214
Guam, 13 (p. I04), 414 (p. I021)
Congressional representation, proposed,
I33
Guantanamo naval base, Cuba, 228, 388 n.
Statement, 342
Guatemala, 410
U.S. naval assistance, message to President Ydigoras Fuentes, 368
Guido, Jose Maria, 58 n.
Guinea, Republic of, Sekou Toure, message, 364
Guirma, Frederic, 324 n.
Gursel, Gen. Cemal, message, 399
Hagerty, James C., 7, 21, 24, 34, 38, 93,
I03, 127, 143, 155 n., I63 n., 217 n.,
222, 228 and ftn. (p. 569), 231 n.,
256, 263, 268 and ftn. (p. 648), 284
and ftn. (p. 682), 360 n., 362, 388 n.,
422
Halleck, Repr. Charles A., 88, 263
Letter, 272
Hamilton, Alexander, 34, 309
Hamlet, Castle of, 321
Hammarskjold, Dag. See United Nations,
Secretary General (Dag Hammarskjold)
Hancock, John, 171 n.
Hand, Learned, 30 n.
Hannibal, 304
Hanoi, North Viet-Nam, 338
Hansen, H. C., death of, 41
Harr, Karl G., Jr., letter, 9
Harriman, W. Averell, 86
Harris, Maj. Gen. Hugh P., 135
Harris, John P., I 8 n.
Hassett, Thomas E., 340 n.
Hauge, Gabriel, 336
Havana, Cuba, 388
Havens, Shirley Jean, 23
Hawaii, 42, 8o, 261 n.
East-West Cultural Center, 205, 206,
I44 (p. 969)
Honolulu, 205, 206
Quinn, Gov. William F., 205, 206
Statehood, 4, 13 (p. I04), 205, 206, 402,
410
Sugar quotas, 167 n.
Visit to, 177, 205, 206
Hazza al-Majali, death of, 277
Heads of state and government, joint statements with. See Joint statements with
heads of state and government
Heads of state and government, meetings
American Republics, question of, 268
Geneva (1955), 209
Paris (1960). See Paris summit meeting
Usefulness, comment on, 209
Heads of state and government, messages
to. See Messages to heads of state
and government
Health, Education, and Welfare, Department of, 23, 235, 349, 358, 410, 433
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 75, 87, 93, 94,
109), 414 (PP. 944, 982, 992, 996,
IOII, 1017)
1122
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Health, Education, and Welfare, Department of-Continued
Medical care program for older persons, 133
Health, Education, and Welfare, Secretary
of (Arthur S. Flemming), 44, 398
Chairman, Federal Radiation Council,
268 ftn. (p. 654)
Reports, 413, 433
Resignation, letter, 413
Health insurance
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 93, 103), 414
(p. 1019)
Government employees, 13 (p. Io3),
4I0, 414 (p. 1019)
News conference remarks, o3, 127
Health Organization, World, 279
Health of the President, 284
Health programs, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 87, 93, 94),
414 (pp. 938, 939, I006-I009)
Helicopter Society, American, remarks,
I45
Helium conservation, 13 (p. 85), 414 (p.
998)
Hennepin, Louis, 330
Henry the Navigator, 157, i6o
Hensley, M. Stewart, 34, 38, 228, 284
Herling, John, 38, 127, I43
Hernandez, Jaime, 224
Herrera, Felipe, 72, 73
Herter, Christian A. See State, Secretary
of (Christian A. Herter)
Hesburgh, Rev. Theodore M., 174
Hiawatha, Indian Chief, 330
Hiawatha Bridge, Red Wing, Minn., dedication, remarks, 330
Hickerson, John D., 182 n., 189
Hightower, John M., 93, 103, 127, 222,
256, 263, 268
Highway system, interstate, 208, 34I, 387,
41o
Budget messages, 14 (pp. 70, 7I), 414
(pp. 941, 976, 977)
Federal aid, 13 (pp. 70, 71), 255, 330,
414 (P- 977)
Study by General Bragdon, 93
Highways, I33, 330
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 44, 65, 69 -7I), 44 (pp. 941, 977)
Trust funds, 13 (pp. 44, 69-7I), 133,
414 (pp. 94I, 977), 423
Hinman, Wilbur S., Jr., President's Award
for Distinguished Federal Civilian
Service, 389 n.
Hirohito, Emperor, I4, I88 n., 308
History, President's place in, comment on,
222
Hitler, Adolf, 58, 355
News conference remarks on, 24, 34
Hjerpe, Eric and Ida Mae, relief of, disapproval, 291
Hobby, Oveta Culp, 336
Hobson, Brig. Gen. Howard M., 396
Hockey international festival, remarks to
participants, 319
Hoegh, Leo A. (Director, Office of Civil
and Defense Mobilization), resignation, letter, 384
Hogan, Frank S., 34
Holland. See Netherlands
Holmdel, N.J., 258 n.
Holyoake, Keith, message, 373
Home, Lord, 307
Honolulu
Remarks on arrival, 205
Remarks on departure, 206
Hoover, Herbert, President, 405
Hoover, J. Edgar, on Premier Khrushchev's 1959 visit to U.S., 38
Hoover Commission, 372
Budget messages, 13 (p. 109), 414 (p.
I026)
Hoover Medal Award, acceptance, remarks, 405
Hopkins, William J., President's Award for
Distinguished Federal Civilian Service, 68 n.
Horner, Garnett D., 24
Horner, John V., 222, 263
Hospitals and medical care facilities, 235,
4Io
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 87, 93, 94, 97,
Ioo), 414 (pp. IOOI, I007, Ioo8,
IOI5, ioi6)
60295-61 74
1123
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Hospitals and medical care facilitiesContinued
Veterans, 13 (pp. 97, Ioo), 414 (pp.
IOI5, ioi6)
See also Medical care
Hound Dog missile. See Missiles
Houphouet-Boigny, Felix, message, 254
Housing, 34I, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 65, 71-75),
414 (PP- 957, 978-983, IOI4)
Tables, 13 (p. 67), 414 (p. 971)
College, 13 (p. 75), 414 (pp. 982, 983)
Military personnel, 414 (p. 957)
News conference remarks, 143, 256, 263
Older persons, 410
Public, 13 (pp. 72, 73), 414 (p. 980)
Veterans, 13 (p. 74), 414 (pp. 98I, 982,
1014)
Housing bill, I43
Housing and Home Finance Agency, 5,
358
Budget messages, I3 (p. 72), 414 (p.
979)
Public facility loans, 13 (p. 72), 146
Houston, Samuel, 336
Houston, Tex.
Address at Rice University, 336
Mayor Lewis Cutrer, 336 n.
Howard University
Budget message, 414 (p. 1009)
Choir, 23
Howe, Walter, 69 n., 72 n., 75 n.
Huh Chung, 198, 202, 204
Joint statement with, 203
Toast to, 200
Huh Chung, Madame, 198 n.
Humphrey, George M., 350, 351
Humphrey, Sen. Hubert H., 93, 330
Hungary
Refugees from, 41 o, 431
Soviet repression, 41 0
Huntsville, Ala.
George C. Marshall Space Flight Center,
dedication, remarks, 287
Mayor R. B. Searcy, 287
Hussein I, message, 277
Hydroelectric power projects, 402, 410
Hydrogen bomb
Soviet possession of, 422
See also Nuclear weapons; Nuclear
weapons tests
ICA. See International Cooperation Administration
ICBM (intercontinental ballistic missile).
See Missiles
Idaho, Gov. Robert Smylie, letter, I I5
Ikeda, Hayato
Election as Prime Minister, message, 252
Letter, 294
Messages, 252, 366
Iliff, W. A. B., 284, 297
Illinois
Candidates for public office, 246
Chicago, 23 n., 245, 246, 310, 320 n.
Dirksen, Sen. Everett McK., I32, 143,
263, 271, 272
Stratton, Gov. William G., 246
Immigration, 410
Admission of refugees, 96, 133
Approval of bill, 233
Budget messages, 13 (p. I05), 414 (p.
1022)
Immigration laws, revision proposed, 96,
133, 255
Message to Congress, 96
Quotas, 310
Immigration and Naturalization Service,
310
Imports, 132
Coffee, 54
Country of origin of repackaged articles
and containers, marking of, disapproval, 285
Lead and zinc, 280
Petroleum, 383, 432
Sugar quotas
Cuba, 21, 38, 93, i67 n., 222, 223, 267,
374
Dominican Republic, 267, 374, 418
Letter to Senator Bennett, I67
Philippines, i06
1124
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Inaugural Ball (1948), 143
Income, personal, 256, 423
Income taxes
Budget message, 13 (pp. 39, 64)
Deductions for certain charitable contributions, veto, 169
Independent Offices Appropriation Act,
approval, statement, 229
Independent Television Committee for
Nixon and Lodge, 344
India
Assistance, 36, 136, 410
Chagla, M. C., 136 n.
Engineers from, steel training and education program for, 315
Food-for-peace program, 410
Agreement with U.S., 136
Indus River Basin development, 36, 284
Pakistan-India Pact, statement, 297
Kashmir dispute with Pakistan, 284
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 7, 136, 284, 297
Letter, 313
New Delhi, 136
News conference remarks, 7, 284
Patil, S. K., I36
Visit to (1959), 7
Indiana, Repr. Charles A. Halleck, 88, 263,
272
Indiana State Society, remarks, 88
Indians, 330
Health and education programs, 402,
4IO
Heirship, 133
Hospitalization, Bernalillo County, N.
Mex., 235
Lands, 13 (p. 85), 414 (p. 997)
Indochina, 7
See also Cambodia; Laos; Viet-Nam
Indonesia, letter to President Sukarno, 313
Indus River Basin development, 36, 284
India-Pakistan Pact, statement, 297
Industrial College of the Armed Forces,
dedication of new building, remarks,
283
Industrial development projects, I46
Industrial installations, Federal, 41 0
Inflation, 4, 17, I9, 117, 245, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. I05), 414 (pp.
935, 936)
Campaign remarks, 346, 350, 351, 352,
354, 355
News conference remarks, 38, 362
Information
Atomic exchange with allies, 24
In Berlin, withholding by U.S. officials,
7
Intelligence-gathering activities, I43,
I54, 163
Privileged, 380, 422
Information Activities Abroad, President's
Committee on, 332 ftn. (p. 789)
Information Agency. See United States
Information Agency
Information and cultural exchange programs, 98
Ingrid, Queen, 209, 32I
Welcoming remarks to, 320
Insurance
Crop, 414 (p. 989)
Government employees, 13 (p. 10o3),
4Io, 414 (p. IO9)
Health, 13 (pp. 93, 103), I03, I27, 410,
414 (p. I019)
Mortgage, 13 (pp. 73, 74), 410, 414 (pp.
980, 981)
Old-age and survivors, 13 (pp. 95, 96),
I27, 414 (pp. 942, 943, I009-OI I)
Savings accounts, 13 (p. 73)
Unemployment, 13 (pp. 87, 92, 93, 97 -99), 170, 4IO, 414 (pp. I005, Ioo6,
I009, IOI9),422
Insurance companies, taxes, 414 (pp. 943,
944)
Integration
Armed forces, 410
Public schools, 137, 414 (p. I022)
Veterans hospitals, 410
See also Civil rights
Intelligence board, U.S., 21
Intelligence briefings for Presidential nominees, I03
Intelligence-gathering activities, I43, I54,
163
1125
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Inter-American Affairs, National Advisory
Committee on, 42 and ftn. (p. 205),
51, 69, 228, 349
Inter-American Congress of Municipalities,
remarks, 333
Inter-American Development Bank, 36, 39,
42, 72, 73, 87, 245, 410, 415 n.
Budget messages, 13 (p. 63), 414 (PP961, 962, 965)
President (Felipe Herrera), 72, 73
Inter-American Peace Committee, 73
Inter-American Social and Economic Cooperation Program, 414 (pp. 962,
966)
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, 42, 48, 73, 85, 87, 227, 268
Joint statement with President Kubitschek, 46
Interdepartmental Committee to Coordinate Federal Area Assistance Programs, 5, I76 n.
Interest on national debt, 4
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 41, 42, Ioo),
414 (pp. 938, ioi6)
Interest rates
Federal bonds, 6, 13 (pp. 41, 42, I00,
IoI), 17, I33, 255, 414 (P- 942),
423
Mortgages, 13 (p. 74), 414 (p. 98I)
Ship mortgage loans, 13 (p. 69), 414 (p.
976)
Intergovernmental Relations, Advisory
Commission on, 115, 208, 415 n.
Budget messages, 13 (p. Io5), 4I4 (p.
1022)
Intergovernmental Relations, Commission
on, 208
Interior, Department of the, 358
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 84-86, 91,
io8), 414 (pp. 947, 956, 992, 995,
998, 999, 1025)
Central Valley Project, San Luis Unit,
Calif., I68
Civil water resources functions, 414 (p.
947)
Coal research programs, 13 (p. 85), 402,
414 (p. 998)
Interior, Department of the-Continued
Oil import program, 383, 432
Report, 402
Interior, Secretary of the (Fred A.
Seaton), 152
Resignation, letter, 402
Internal Revenue Service, 151
Rule on taxation of disability payments,
291
Tax enforcement programs, 13 (p. I I),
414 (p. IOI7)
Tax refund claims
Baurkot, Raymond, 288
Hjerpe, Eric and Ida Mae, 291
International agreements, bipartisanship, 7
International agreements (1960-61)
U.S.-Canada, Columbia River Basin
Treaty, 416, 419
U.S.-India, food-for-peace agreement,
136
U.S.-Italy, atomic energy for mutual defense, 420
U.S.-Japan, Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, I4, 15, i6, 209,
245, 40I, 422
International Association of Chiefs of Police, remarks, 314
International Atomic Energy Agency, 4 10
Vienna conference, message, 301
See also Atomic energy for peaceful uses
International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, 4, 36, 39, 73, 86, 302,
410, 415 n.
Assistance in Indus River project, 297
Budget messages, 13 (p. 63), 414 (p.
964)
Iliff, W. A. B., 284, 297
News conference remarks, 7, 284
President (Eugene R. Black), 284, 297
International Boundary and Water Commission, 335
Budget messages, 13 (p. 83), 414 (p.
996)
International Congress on Nutrition, remarks, 279
International cooperation, 248 n.
1126
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
International Cooperation Administration,
247, 3 5 n., 349
Overseas personnel, reduction, 362
U.S. aid to South America, documents
re, 380
International Cooperation Administration,
Director (James W. Riddleberger),
3I5
International Court of Justice, 73
U.S. acceptance of jurisdiction, 4, 13 (p.
65), 276 and ftn. (p. 665), 414 (p.
968)
International Development Association,
36, I32, 40
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 63, 64), 414
(pp. 964, 965)
U.S. participation, message to Congress,
39
International Economic Growth, Committee for, address, 132
International field hockey festival, remarks
to participants, 319
International finance, 13 (pp. 59-64), 414
(pp. 961-968)
Tables, 13 (p. 6i), 4I4 (p. 963)
International Geophysical Year (1958),
II, 393
International law, 7
International Monetary and Financial
Problems, National Advisory Council
on, 39
International Monetary Fund, 36, 95, 302,
410, 415 n.
Budget message, 13 (p. 63)
International police force, proposed, 330
International Rules of Judicial Procedure,
Commission on, 13 (p. 105)
International Wheat Agreement, I3 (p.
77)
Interstate Commerce Act, 225
Interstate Commerce Commission, 225
Budget message, 414 (pp. 946, 984)
Investment Bankers Association of America, 222
Investments abroad, 228
Budget messages, 13 (p. 64), 414 (pp.
964, 965)
Iran, 23, 302, 341, 410
Earthquake disaster at Lar, 126
Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza, message,
126
IRBM (intermediate range ballistic missile). See Missiles
Ireland, Frederick H. Boland, 302 n.
Iron ore imports, 132
Iron and Steel Institute, 315
Iroquois, League of, 330
Isolationism, 328
Israel
Arab boycott of, 38
Defense pact with U.S., comment on
proposal, 38
Denial of access to Suez Canal, I27
Eban, Abba, 21, 24
News conference remarks, 21, 38, 127
Suez invasion (1956), 21
Issa, Abdullahi, 324 n.
Italy, 355
Atomic energy for mutual defense,
agreement with U.S., 420
Gronchi, Giovanni, 34
Item veto, proposed, 24
Budget messages, 13 (p. 107), 414 (p.
1026)
Ivory Coast, Republic of
Ekra, Mathieu, 324 n.
Independence, message to Prime Minister Houphouet-Boigny, 254
Jackson, Andrew, 284
Japan
Anti-U.S. demonstrations, 209, 245
Assistance to newly emerging countries,
4,36
Crown Prince Akihito, 140, 209, 294 n.,
308
Crown Princess Michiko, 140, 209, 294
n., 308
Diplomatic mission to U.S. (I860), 14,
I5, I6
Centennial, statement, I34
Elections, 366, 422
Emperor Hirohito, 14, I88 n., 308
Fujiyama, Aiichiro, I4, I6
II27
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Japan-Continued
Ikeda, Hayato
Letter, 294
Messages, 252, 366
Kishi, Nobusuke, I4, I5, 140, 209
Joint statement with, 6
Kosaka, Zentaro, 294
News conference remarks, 21 and ftn.
(p. 13I), 422
Relations with U.S., 14, 15, i6, 209,
294 n.
Trade, 16
Treaty of Amity and Commerce (1860),
15, I34
Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security,,, I5, i6, 209, 245, 410, 422
Visit, proposed, 15 n., 21 and ftn.
(p. 131), I77
Cancellation, I88 n., 209, 294
Visit after retirement, proposed, 422
Japanese-American unit (World War II),
205
Javits, Sen. Jacob K., mutual defense pact
with Israel proposed, 38
Jefferson, Thomas, 34,45, 53
Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Goldstone,
Calif., 258
Jewish High Holy Days, statement, 300
Job, Biblical, reference to, 245
Johns Hopkins University, 349
Johnson, Repr. Lester R., 330
Johnson, Sen. Lyndon B., 222, 256, 272
Candidacy for Vice President
Briefings by CIA, telegram, 236
Election victory, telegram, 356
Mutual security appropriations, letter,
271
Vice President-elect, 356
Johnston, Eric, 132
Joint Chiefs of Staff, 36, 132, 162, 350
Budget message, 414 (pp. 950, 952)
News conference remarks on, 24, 93
Joint Chiefs of Staff, Chairman (Gen.
Nathan F. Twining), 24
Joint Federal-State Action Committee, 1 6
Report, letter, I15
Joint statements and declarations with
heads of state and government
Argentina, President Frondizi, 66
Australia, Prime Minister Menzies, 312
Brazil, President Kubitschek, 46
Canada, Prime Minister Diefenbaker,
172
Chile, President Alessandri, 76
China, Republic of, President Chiang
Kai-shek, 195
France, President de Gaulle, 125, 155
Germany, Chancellor Adenauer, 92
Japan, Prime Minister Kishi, I6
Korea, Prime Minister Huh Chung, 203
Mexico, President Lopez Mateos, 335
Nepal, King Mahendra, 130
Philippines, President Garcia, 189
Thailand, King Bhumibol Adulyadej,
218
United Kingdom, Prime Minister Macmillan, IoI, I02, I55, 307, 312
Uruguay, National Council of Government, 84
Western leaders, 155
Jones, Roger W. (Chairman, Civil Service Commission), memorandum, 28
Jordan, 23
Hazza al-Majali, death of, 277
Hussein I, message, 277
Judd, Repr. Walter H., 329, 330, 354
Judgeships, additional, proposed, 133, 255,
268
Budget messages, 13 (p. I05), 414 (p.
1023)
Judicial Conference of the District of Columbia, 275
Judicial Conference of the United States,
I33
Judicial Procedure, Commission on International Rules of, 13 (p. Io5)
Juliana, Queen, message, 138
Juliet, Raul, 73 n.
Jupiter missile. See Missiles
Justice, Department of
Antitrust actions, 41 I
Budget messages, 13 (p. 92), 414 (p.
1022)
1128
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Justice, Department of-Continued
Civil Rights Division, 410,41 I
Eligibility of President for office of Vice
President, report, 2
Record of accomplishment, report, 411
Juvenile delinquency, I00
Kaiser, William J., relief of, veto, 13
Kansas
Abilene, 45, 290
Eisenhower Library, 21, I 8
Docking, Gov. George, I18 n.
Eisenhower Presidential Library Commission, 118
Governor's National Committee for the
Eisenhower Presidential Library,
118 n.
Karachi, Pakistan, 297
Karasik, Daniel, 228, 362
Kasavubu, Joseph, 364
Message, 216
Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan, 284
Kastenmeier, Repr. Robert W., 7
Kearsarge, U.S.S., 97
Keating, Sen. Kenneth B., 173
Kee Young Chang, 198 n.
Kelly, John B., 103
Kenesaw Mountain, battle, 370
Kennedy, Sen. John F.
Candidacy for President, 93, 263
Briefings by CIA, telegram, 236
Election victory, telegram, 356
Television debates, 268
News conference remarks on, 93, 263,
268, 284, 422
President-elect, 356, 422
Joint statement with, 369
Kennedy, Stephen P., 314
Kent, Carleton, 24, 103, 127, 256, 268
Kentucky
Cooper, Sen. John Sherman, 5, 176
Depressed areas, 176 n.
Morton, Sen. Thruston B., 23, 245 n.,
309 n., 395
Kenworthy, E. W., 103, 127, 263, 268
Kerr, Clark, 30 n.
Kestnbaum, Meyer, 208
Death of, statement, 372
Khrushchev, Nikita S., 21 ftn. (p. 131),
36, I47, 73, 23 n., 328
Announcement of support for Castro
regime in Cuba, statement, 227
Disarmament proposal, 93
Meeting with President, proposed, letter
on, 313
Messages, 2, 97
News conference remarks on, 7, 24, 34,
38, 93, I27, I43, 222, 228, 256, 268,
284, 422
Position taken at summit conference,
I54, 155, 163,313
U.N. General Assembly meeting, 256,
284
Visit to U.S. ( 959), 38
Killian, James, 30 n.
Kim, Daeyung, 250 n.
King, Dr. Charles Glen, 279
Kishi, Nobusuke, 15, I40, 209
Exchange of toasts, 14
Joint statement with, I6
Kistiakowsky, George B., 143, 363 n.
Medal of Freedom, citation, 429
Resignation, letter, 400
Knighton, William H., Jr., 7, 21, 24, 93,
268, 284, 422
Kootenai River, Libby Dam, 419
Budget message, 414 (p. 994)
Korea, 23, I33, 245, 302
Armed forces, 202
Assistance, 36, 203
Campaign remarks, 348, 35I, 352
Chang Myon, message, 274
Economy, 203
Election, 93, 127
Huh Chung, 198, 200, 202, 204
Joint statement with, 203
Membership in United Nations, question of, 203
Mutual Defense Treaty, 201
News conference remarks, 93, 127, I43
Po Sun Yun, message, 273
Political changes, 127
Relations with U.S., 201, 203
II29
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Korea-Continued
Reunification, question of, 203
Rhee, Syngman, 127, I43
Letter, 141
Seoul. See Seoul
Students of, message, 250
Treaty on, question of, I43
United Nations Command, 202, 203, 2 2
U.S. Ambassador Walter P. McConaughy, 198 n.
Visit to, 21 ftn. (p. I31), I77, I98, I99,
200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 209, 250,
274
News conference remarks on, 93, I27,
I43
Korea, North, 204
Korean war, 8o, 107, 141, I83, I98, 201,
202,209, 410, 422
Campaign remarks, 346, 348, 351, 352
Colombian participation, I o8, 109
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Huh Chung, 203
Kosaka, Zentaro, 294 n.
Kosciuszko, Tadeusz, 310
Koterba, Edward V., 34, 103, 268, 284,
422
Kraslow, David, 7, 24, 38, 93, 222, 256,
263, 284
Kubitschek, Madame, 5
Kubitschek de Oliveira, Juscelino, 45, 48,
49 n., 50, 53, 54, 55, 87, 228
Joint statement with, 46
Messages, 64, I I9, 379
Toast to, 51
Kuchel, Sen. Thomas H., 333
Kurile Islands, 97 n.
Kutchuck, Fazil, 262
Labor, Department of, 358
Budget messages, 13 (p. 92), 414 (pp.
992, 1005, ioo6, 1019, o020)
Labor-Management Relations Act,
study, 2
Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959, effectiveness,
report, 316
McCauley, William R., 389 n.
Labor, Department of-Continued
Minimum wage, increase, proposed, 133
National salary survey, 217 and ftn. (p.
545)
Record of accomplishment, report, 401
Labor, Secretary of (James P. Mitchell)
AFL-CIO testimonial dinner, remarks,
215
Chairman, Presidential Railroad Commission, 378
Letters, 3 I 6, 40 I
News conference remarks on, 7, 21
Resignation, letter, 40 I
Labor Day, statement, 282
Labor disputes, 410
Railroads, 343
Steel strike (I 959), 4, 7, 2 I
Labor-management relations, 4, 328, 343,
378, 401
Conference, proposed, 127 and ftn. (p.
368)
Labor-Management Relations Act
News conference remarks, 7, 21
Revision, question of, 21
Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (I959), 341, 401, 410
Effectiveness, report, 316
Labor organizations, 3 I6 n., 410
AFL-CIO, 139, 215
Racketeering, 13 (p. 92)
Labor programs, budget messages, 13 (pp.
87, 92, 93),414 (PP- 999 1005, Ioo6)
Tables, 13 (p. 88), 414 (pp. I000, iooi)
Labor Relations Board, National, 13 (p.
92), 414 (p. 946)
Labor Statistics, Bureau of, 217 ftn. (p.
545)
Budget message, 414 (p. ioo6)
Labor surplus areas. See Depressed areas
Lafayette, Marquis, 317
Lafayette Square, building construction,
proposed, 243
Lafer, Horacio, 46 n.
Lambert, H. P., Co., Inc., and Southeastern Drilling Corp., relief of, disapproval, 292
I 30
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Land Management, Bureau of, 414 (p.
997)
Land and timber exchanges, 13 (p. 86),
414 (PP. 997, 998)
Landrum-Griffin Act. See Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure
Act (I959)
Language training programs, 13 (p. 64)
Laos, 183, 410
Assistance, 256
International Control Commission, 422
Medico organization, 174 n.
News conference remarks, 256, 263, 422
Phoumi Nosavan, 422
Rebellion, 256, 263, 422
Lar, Iran, earthquake, 126
Latin America, 49,51, 349, 368 n.
Assistance, 36, 42, 49, 72, 8o, 86, 87,
228, 242, 247, 255, 256, 263, 302,
380, 414 (pp. 961, 966, 968)
Documents re, President's certification
forbidding disclosure to Congress,
380
Common market, proposed, 73, 75, 8o
Delegates to U.N. General Assembly,
luncheon honoring, remarks, 303
Economic development, 76, 87, I I n.,
247
Economy, 72, 87
News conference remarks, 38, 228, 256,
263
Point 4 program, 53
Raw commodity prices, 8o
Statement, 228
Trade with U.S., 8o
U.S. information centers, 414 (p. 968)
Visit of President Eisenhower. See
Visits, foreign
Visit of Vice President Nixon ( 1958), 38
See also American Republics; InterAmerican; Organization of American States; specific countries
Law, international, 7
Law, Vernon, 353
Lawton, Frederick J., President's Award
for Distinguished Federal Civilian
Service, 389 n.
Lazzio, Thomas, 344 n.
Lead and zinc producers, payment of subsidies to, disapproval, 280
League of Nations, 330, 340
Lebanon, 23, 302, 330, 410
Lederer, William J., The Ugly American,
I84
Lee, Robert E., 246
Legion of Merit, presentations
Beach, Capt. Edward L., 142
Walsh, Lt. Don., 25
Legislation, statements upon approval
Civil Rights Act, 137
Cuban sugar quota, 223
Independent Offices Appropriation Act,
229
Mutual Security Act, 148
Price supports on butterfat and manufacturing milk, 295
Refugees, admission to U.S., 233
San Luis Unit, Central Valley Project,
I68
Legislation, Vetoes and Memorandums of
Disapproval. See Memorandums of
Disapproval; Veto Messages
Legislative program
Message to Congress, 133
News conference remarks, 256, 263, 284
Lemnitzer, Gen. Lyman L., I35, 283
Lending institutions, taxes on, 414 (pp.
943, 944)
Lenin, Nikolai, 222, 328
Leopoldville, Congo, 248
Levy, Harold R., 2I
Levy, Lillian, 7, 2I, 38, 127, I43, 222, 263,
268, 422
Lewis, J. Anthony, 21
Lewis, Joseph, 139
Libby Dam on Kootenai River, 419
Budget message, 414 (p. 994)
Library, Eisenhower, 2, i 18
Lincoln, Abraham, 23, 34, 58, I07, I3I,
171 n., I73, I74, 187, 246, 318, 347
Lindquist, Leonard L., 329 n.
Lisagor, Peter, 93, I03, 127, 256, 263
Lisbon
Remarks on arrival, 157
1131
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Lisbon-Continued
Remarks on departure, 161
Remarks at U.S. embassy, 158
Toasts to President Thomaz, 159, i6o
Little league baseball, I99
Lleras, Senora, 109, I o
Lleras Camargo, Alberto
Discussions with, statement, 11
Exchange of toasts, I 09, I 1
Remarks of welcome, Io8
Loans, Federal, assistance to depressed
areas, I46
Lodge, Henry Cabot
Candidacy for Vice President, 256, 263,
290, 309, 34I
Campaign remarks on, 344, 345, 346.
347, 348, 350, 353, 354, 355
Post election telegram, 357
News conference remarks on, 256, 263,
268, 284
U.S. Representative to U.N., 238, 302
Resignation, letter, 266
Lodge, Mrs. Henry Cabot, 357
Lodge-Nixon, American Nationalities for,
remarks, 298
London, 121I, 124, 279
Anderson-Dillon discussions with officials, 365
London, Jack, 178
Long Beach (nuclear-powered cruiser), 13
(p. 55), 414 (p. 954)
Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth, 330
Lopez Mateos, Adolfo, 303, 333, 334 n.
Joint declaration, 335
Los Angeles, Calif., 23, 320 n.
Louis XV, 328
Lowell, James Russell, 306
Loyalty affidavit, loan requirement under
National Defense Education Act, 13
(p. 89), 414 (p. 1003)
Luebke, Heinrich, 9I
Lumumba, Patrice, 263, 284
Lyons, Eugene L. (Special Assistant to the
President for Personnel Management), 26, 28
Memorandum, 27
Maas, Gen. Melvin J., citation, 417
MacArthur, Gen. Douglas, 182, i86
8oth birthday, statement, 20
Macmillan, Harold, Io3, I47, 154, 162,
63, 313, 360 n.
Joint declaration, 102
Joint statements, ioi, I55, 307, 312
MacRae, Gordon, 23
Maga, Hubert, message, 249
Magruder, Gen. Carter B., 202
Magsaysay, Ramon, 359
Mahendra Bir Bikram
Exchange of toasts, 129
Joint statement, 130
Welcoming remarks to, 128
Maher, Mayor James, 239 n.
Maia, Jose Joaquim da, 45
Makarios, Archbishop (President of Cyprus), message, 262
Malagasy Republic
Independence, message to President
Tsiranana, 207
Rakotomalala, Louis, 324 n.
Malaria eradication, 13 (p. 63)
Malaya, Federation of
Ambassador Kamil, 339
Prime Minister Rahman, exchange of
toasts, 339
Supreme Ruler, Tuanka Syed Putra, 339
Message, 390
Mali, Republic of, Ousmane Ba, 324 n.
Mallott, Deane W., 344 n.
Malo France, Afranio de, 51
Man-in-space (Project Mercury), 13 (p.
66), 414 (p. 972)
Manila, 286
Address to Congress of Philippines, 183
Arrival, remarks, 182
Chamber of Commerce, remarks, 187
Civic reception, remarks, 188
Departure, remarks, I90
Joint statement with President Garcia,
189
Toast to President Garcia, 185
University of Philippines, remarks, i86
U.S. embassy, remarks, 184
1132
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Manila Pact. See Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty
Mansfield, Sen. Mike, I64
Telegram, 232
Mar del Plata, Argentina, 42 n., 60 n.
Mayor Todoro Bronzini, 61 n.
Remarks on arrival, 6
Marcelino Gonzaga, Dsembargador J.,
52 n.
Marine Corps, 245, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 48, 56, 57),
414 (pp. 949, 955)
Mariner project, 414 (p. 972)
Maritime Administration, 13 (p. 69), 4 14
(PP. 975, 976)
Marketing quotas, wheat, 32
Mars, 287
Marshall, Gen. George C., 91 n., 287, 405
Marshall, Mrs. George C., 91 n., 287
Marshall, George C., Space Flight Center,
dedication, remarks, 287
Marshall, John, 50
Marshall, Brig. Gen. Samuel L. A., 405
Marshall plan, 91 n., 287
News conference remarks, 228, 263, 362
Martin, Paul, 263
Martin, William H., defector to Soviet
Union, 284
Martinez, Homero, 78 n.
Marx, Karl, 328
Mary Baldwin College, 340
Maryland, candidates for public office,
290 n.
Maryland, University of, oo
Masons, Grand Lodge of North Dakota, relief of, veto, 181
Massachusetts
Boston, 230, 309 n.
Kennedy, Sen. John F., 93, 236, 263,
268, 284, 356, 369, 422
Matsu, I43
May, Ronald W., 7
Mazeroski, William, 353
M'ba, Leon, message, 265
McAllister, Mayor Robert R., 333
McArdle, Richard E., President's Award
for Distinguished Federal Civilian
Service, 389 n.
McCabe, Thomas B., 305
McCauley, William R., President's Award
for Distinguished Federal Civilian
Service, 389 n.
McClendon, Sarah, 7, 21, 34, 38, 93, 127,
143, 256, 263, 268, 422
McCloy, John J., 91 n.
McConaughy, Walter P., 198 n.
McConaughy, Mrs. Walter P., 198 n.
McCone, John A. See Atomic Energy
Commission, Chairman (John A.
McCone)
McCormick, Jimmy, 123 n.
McElroy, Neil H., 350
McGaffin, William, 21, 34, 103, 256, 284,
422
McLaughlin, Robert E., 325
Meany, George, 30 n., 139, 215 n.
News conference remarks on, 38, I27
and ftn. (p. 368)
Medals, presentation or acceptance
Distinguished Federal Civilian Service
Awards, 68 n., 389 n.
Hoover Medal Award, acceptance, 405
Legion of Merit
Beach, Capt. Edward L., 142
Bhumibol Adulyadej, 212
Walsh, Lt. Don, 25
Medal, Prime Minister Kishi, I5 n.
Medal of Freedom
Douglas, James H., 425
Gates, Thomas S., Jr., 426
Goodpaster, Gen. Andrew J., 430
Gray, Gordon, 427
Herter, Christian A., 428
Kistiakowsky, George B., 429
Medals, acceptance, 23, 74, 79, 8I,
178 n., 206
National Security Medal, Robert
Murphy, 375
Medical Association, American, 263
"I33
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Medical care
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 93, 97, Ioo,
103), 414 (pp. 939, IOIO, IOII,
IOI3, IOI5, IOI6)
Government employees, 13 (p. 103), 414
(p. IOI9)
Indians, 235
Older persons, 103, 133, 255, 263, 410,
414 (pp. 939, Io0o, IoII)
Veterans, 13 (pp. 97, ioo), 414 (pp.
1013, 10I5, IOI6)
See also Hospitals and medical care
facilities
Medical and dental school facilities, Federal aid, 414 (p. Ioo8)
Medical research, 23, 286, 410, 413
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 93, 94), 414
(p. 1007)
Medico (Medical International Cooperation), 174 n.
Memorandums of Disapproval
Alaska Railroad, economic regulation
under Interstate Commerce Act,
225
Bankruptcy Act, amendment, 289
Bernalillo County, N. Mex., payments
for hospitalization of Indians, 235
Relief of
Baurkot, Raymond, 288
Buzzanca, Sam J., 226
Copin, Margaret P., 234
Hjerpe, Eric and Ida Mae, 291
Lambert, H. P., Co., Inc., and Southeastern Drilling Corp., 292
Quintos, Juan D., and others, 224
Repackaged imports, marking of country
of origin, 285
Subsidies for lead and zinc producers,
280
Wage rates, Portsmouth (N.H.) naval
shipyard, 230
See also Veto Messages
Memorandums to Federal agencies
Career Executive Development Program, 26
Red Cross campaign, 37
Memorandums to Federal agencies-Con.
United Fund and Community Chest
campaigns, 210
United Givers Fund campaign, National
Capital area, 153
Mental Health Association, 153
Menzies, R. G., joint statement, 312
Merchant marine, U.S., 13 (p. 69), 414
(P- 975)
Mercury project (man-in-space), 13 (p.
66), 414 (p. 972)
Messages to the American people
Farewell address, 421
Paris summit conference, 163
Visit to Asia, 209
Visit to Latin America, 42, 87
Messages to the Congress. See Congress,
messages to
Messages to heads of state and government
Brazil, President Kubitschek, 64, 119,
379
Central African Republic, Prime Minister Dacko, 259
Chad, Prime Minister Tombalbaye, 257
Chile, President Alessandri, 175
Congo, Republic of, President Youlou,
260
Congo, Republic of the, President Kasavubu, 216
Cyprus, President Makarios, 262
Dahomey, Prime Minister Maga, 249
Denmark, King Frederik, 41
Gabon, President M'ba, 265
Ghana, President Nkrumah, 220, 248,
313
Guatemala, President Ydigoras Fuentes,
368
Guinea, President Toure, 364
India, Prime Minister Nehru, 313
Indonesia, President Sukarno, 313
Iran, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi,
126
Ivory Coast, Prime Minister HouphouetBoigny, 254
Japan, Prime Minister Ikeda, 252, 294,
366
Jordan, King Hussein I, 277
"34
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Messages to heads of state-Continued
Korea
President Po Sun Yun, 273
Prime Minister Chang Myon, 274
Malagasy, President Tsiranana, 207
Malaya, Tuanku Syed Putra, 390
Morocco, King Mohamed V., 99
Netherlands, Queen Juliana, 138
New Zealand
Prime Minister Holyoake, 373
Prime Minister Nash, 367
Niger, Prime Minister Diori, 251
Nigeria, Governor General Azikiwe, 361
Philippines, President Garcia, o6, I I 2,
358
Somali, President Osman, 219
Soviet Union
Chairman, Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet, K. E. Voroshilov, 2
Premier Khrushchev, 2, 97
Turkey, General Gursel, 399
United Arab Republic, President Nasser,
313
Upper Volta, Prime Minister Yameogo,
253
Venezuela, President Betancourt, 122
Viet-Nam, President Diem, 338
Yugoslavia, President Tito, 313
Meteorological satellites. See Weather
satellites.
Metropolitan areas, growth, 4, 4I0
Mexico
Acapulco, 334
Amistad Dam construction, 13 (p. 83),
303, 334, 335, 414 (p. 995)
Anniversary of independence, 334
Ciudad Acuna. See Ciudad Acuna,
Mexico
International Boundary and Water
Commission, 13 (p. 83), 335, 414
(p. 996)
Lopez Mateos, Adolfo, 303, 333, 334 n.
Joint declaration, 335
Relations with U.S., 3 I
U.S.-Mexico water treaty, 335
Visit to, 333, 334, 335
Miami, Fla., Refugee Center, 431
Michigan
Detroit, 326, 327, 328
Williams, Gov. G. Mennen, 328
Michiko, Crown Princess, 140, 209, 294 n.,
308
Midas earth satellite, 143
Budget message, 414 (p. 953)
Middle East and Near East, 330, 410
Assistance, 7, 302
News conference remarks, 7, 38
Soviet arms for, 38
Visit to (I959). See Visits, foreign
See also specific countries
Middle-of-the-road government, 246
Midway Island, 97 n.
Mikoyan, Anastas I., visit to Cuba, 38
Military assistance and defense support, 4,
36, 133, 148,302, 41
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 46, 57, 58, 6o,
62), 414 (pp. 938, 95I, 958, 959,
962, 966, 967)
Joint statement with President Garcia,
I89
President's committee for study of, I3
(P. 57), 36, 414 (p. 962)
See also Foreign assistance; Mutual security program
Military personnel
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 48, 49), 414
(PP- 950, 956, 957, 1020)
Children of, public school education,
I37
Dependents overseas, reduction in number, 362, 434
Housing, 414 (p. 957)
Pay, 13 (p. 49), 255
Retirement pay, 4I4 (p. 956)
Travel expenses, 414 (p. 950)
See also Armed forces, U.S.
Military program. See Defense program
Military rank, the President's, restoration
proposed, 422
Military service, retirement credits for, 13
(PP. 95, 96), 414 (p. IoI1)
Military strength, Soviet, 21, 36
60295-61 75
I I35
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Military strength, U.S. 4, 42, 163, I73,
209, 245, 255, 397, 410
Campaign remarks, 341, 354
Milk
For needy children, 13 (p. 96), 414 (p.
1012)
Price supports, 295
Mineral resources, 13 (pp. 85, 86), 414
(P. 998)
Mines, Bureau of, 383
Budget messages, 13 (p. 85), 414 (p.
998)
Minimum wage, 284
Budget message, 414 (p. oo6)
Increase, proposed, 133, 255
Minneapolis, Minn., 329
Minnesota
Freeman, Gov. Orville L., 330
Humphrey, Sen. Hubert H., 93, 330
Judd, Repr. Walter H., 329, 330, 354
Minneapolis-St. Paul Republican Rally,
remarks, 329
Quie, Repr. Albert H., 330
Red Wing, Hiawatha Bridge dedication,
remarks, 330
Minshall, Repr. William E., 350
Minuteman missile. See Missiles
Miriani, Louis C., 326 n., 328
Missile Test Center, Cape Canaveral, inspection, 34
Remarks, 33
Missiles, 4, 42, 4IO
Air-to-ground, Hound Dog, 13 (p. 53)
Anti-aircraft
Bomarc, 13 (p. 54), 414 (p. 954)
Nike Hercules, 13 (p. 54), 414 (p.
954)
Anti-missile, Nike Zeus, 13 (pp. 54, 55),
414 (P- 953)
Ballistic Missile Early Warning System,
414 (p. 953)
Budget messages, I3 (pp. 51-56, 66.
68), 414 (pp. 938, 949-955, 957)
ICBM, IO, 13 (p. 66), 24, 245, 341
Atlas, 4, 13 (pp. 51-53, 66, 68), 42,
4IO, 414 (pp- 951, 952), 422
Missiles-Continued
ICBM-Continued
Minuteman, 13 (pp. 52-54), 2I, 4I0,
414 (PP. 938, 951, 952)
Titan, 13 (pp. 52, 53), 410, 414 (pp.
951, 952), 422
IRBM, IO, 24, 245
Jupiter, 13 (pp. 51, 66), 287, 410,
414 (p. 951)
Polaris, 4, 7, I3 (pp. 51-55), 42, 244,
245, 255, 360, 410, 414 (pp. 938,
951, 952, 954)
Regulus, 13 (p. 51 )
Thor, 13 (pp. 51, 66), 410, 414 (p.
95I)
Man-carried, 245, 414 (p. 955)
News conference remarks, 7, 21, 24, 34,
422
Short range, 13 (p. 56), 287, 414 (p.
955)
Soviet, 7, 24, 34, 245
Mississippi River, Hiawatha Bridge, 330
Mitchell, Bernon F., defector to Soviet
Union, 284
Mitchell, James P. See Labor, Secretary
of (James P. Mitchell)
Mohamed V, message, 99
Mohr, Charles H., 24, 38, 93, 143, 222, 268
Mollenhoff, Clark R., 93
Monroe Doctrine, 268
Montana
Aronson, Gov. J. Hugo, 208
Glacier National Park, 208, 229
Mansfield, Sen. Mike, 164, 232
Montevideo, Uruguay, 42 n.
Address to Congress of Uruguay, 80
Arrival, remarks, 78
Declaration of Montevideo, 84
Departure, remarks, 85
Mayor Daniel Fernandez Crespo, 79 n.
Remarks on receiving medals, 79, 81
Toast to President Nardone, 82
U.S. embassy staff, remarks, 83
Montgomery, Ruth S., 93, I43
Montini, Giovanni Cardinal, 174 n.
1136
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Monument, carillon, gift from Netherlands, I38
Monument Commission, National, report
on proposed Freedom Monument, I52
Moon probes
Budget message, 414 (p. 972)
Soviet, 24
Mooney, Richard E., 127
Morgan, Edward P., 24, 34, 93, 103, 127,
I43, 263, 268, 422
Morgan, Gerald D. (The Deputy Assistant
to the President), 380 n., 417
Morocco, message to Mohamed V on
earthquake disaster at Agadir, 99
Morse, True D., 322
Mortgage Association, Federal National.
See Federal National Mortgage
Association
Mortgage Credit Committee, Voluntary
Home, 414 (p. 982)
Mortgage insurance, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 73, 74), 414
(pp. 980, 981)
Mortgages
Federal purchases, 13 (pp. 74, 75), 414
(p. 982)
Interest rates, 13 (p. 74), 414 (p. 98I)
Ship mortgage loans, 13 (p. 69), 414 (p.
976)
Morton, Sen. Thruston B. See Republican National Committee, Chairman
Moscow, U.S. cultural exhibition (1959),
410
Motor vehicle operators, Federal, defense
of suits against, veto, I8o
Mueller, Frederick H. See Commerce,
Secretary of (Frederick H. Mueller)
Mundy, Lt. Gen. George W., 283
Municipalities, Inter-American Congress
of, remarks, 333
Munoz Marin, Gov. Luis, 43,86
Munroe, Pat, 34, 143
Murphy, Robert, 8, 9
National Security Medal, citation, 375
Murray, Robert V., 314
Mussolini, Benito, 355
Mutual Cooperation and Security, Treaty
of, U.S.-Japan, 14, i6, 209, 245, 410,
422
Remarks at signing, 15
Mutual Defense Treaty, U.S.-Korea, 201
Mutual Defense Treaty, U.S.-Philippines,
i88
Joint statement with President Garcia,
I89
Mutual Defense Treaty, U.S.-Republic of
China, 194
Joint statement with President Chiang
Kai-shek, 195
Mutual Security Act, approval, 148
Mutual security program, 23, 39, 42, 13I,
I32, I33, 148, I63, 209, 255, 336, 380,
409, 410
Appropriations, conference action on
Letters re, 271, 272
Statement, 270
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 46, 57, 58,
60-63), 414 (pp. 938, 951, 958,
962-964, 967)
Tables, 13 (p. 62), 414 (p. 964)
International pool, proposed, 38
Message to Congress, 36
News conference remarks, 21, 38
Withholding of aid from countries discriminating against U.S. citizens, 21
See also Economic assistance; Foreign assistance; Military assistance and defense support; Technical assistance
to less developed countries
Mutual Security and Related Agencies
Appropriation Act (1961), 270 n.
Muzzey, David S., 19
Nabuco, Joaquim, 45, 51
Nadjakov, Gueorgui, 301 n.
Napoleon Bonaparte, 58, i87
Nardone, Benito, 78, 79, 85, 87
Toast to, 82
Nardone, Senora de, 82, 85
NASA. See National Aeronautics and
Space Administration
Nash, Philleo, 330
"37
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Nash, Walter, message, 367
Nashville, Tenn., 143
Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 127
Letter, 313
National Academy of Sciences, 13 (p. 9I)
National Advisory Committee on InterAmerican Affairs, 42 and ftn. (p.
205), 5I, 69, 228, 349
National Advisory Council on International Monetary and Financial
Problems, 39
National Aeronautics and Space Act of
I958, 47
Amendments, proposed
Budget messages, 13 (p. 66), 414 (p.
970)
Message to Congress, I I
National Aeronautics and Space Administration, I I, I2 n., 349, 358, 4Io, 433
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 47, 65, 66,
109), 414 (PP. 944, 960, 970)
Civilian-Military Liaison Committee, I I
Communication satellites, utilization,
386
Dryden, Hugh L., 68 n., 287
News conference remarks, 24, 263
Space vehicle development operations,
transfer from Army Ballistic Missile
Agency, I0
National Aeronautics and Space Administrator (T. Keith Glennan), I04, 287,
350
Space vehicles development, letter, 12
National Aeronautics and Space Council,
II
National Archives and Records Service,
I18
National Association of Real Estate Boards,
remarks, 19
National Automobile Show Dinner, address, 328
National Bureau of Standards, 13 (p. 91),
414 (p. I004)
National Capital Planning Commission,
243
National Catholic Welfare Conference, 371
National Conference of Catholic Charities,
Golden Jubilee Dinner, address, 306
National Cultural Center, 414 (p. 1023)
National debt. See Debt, national
National Defense Education Act, 410, 413
Budget messages, 13 (p. 89), 414 (pp.
002, 100oo3)
Loyalty affidavit, repeal proposed, 13 (p.
89), 414 (p. I003)
National economy. See Economy,
national
National 4-H Conference, remarks, I 23
National Goals, Commission on, 21
Letters to Chairman, 29, 240
Memorandum, 30
National groups. See Addresses, remarks,
etc., to national groups
National Institutes of Health, 13 (pp. 93,
94), 414 (p. I007)
National Labor Relations Board, 13 (p.
92), 414 (p. 946)
National Monument Commission, report
on proposed Freedom Monument, 152
National Newspaper Week, statement, 323
National Park Service, 13 (p. 86), 414
(PP. 996, 998)
National product, I7, 107, 245, 283, 328,
341,410, 423
Budget messages, 13 (p. 42), 414 (p.
935)
News conference remarks, 7, 143, 222,
256
National purpose, comment on, 284
National Republican Congressional Committee, 278 n.
National Science Foundation, 358
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 87, 89, 9I),
414 (pp. 1002, I004)
Report, 393
National Science Foundation, Director
(Alan T. Waterman), report, letter,
393
National Science Youth Month, statement,
299
1138
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
National security, 4, 23, 36, 42, I07, 131,
I35, 245, 283, 332, 410, 412
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 46-59), 414
(PP. 939, 947-96 )
Tables, 13 (p. 47), 414 (p. 948)
Discussions with President-elect Kennedy, 369
News conference remarks, 7, 34, 38, 222,
362
National Security Agency, 284
National Security Council, 8, 9, 309, 355,
380, 412
News conference remarks, 38, 362
National Security Medal, presentation to
Robert Murphy, 375
National Wool Act, extension proposed,
144 (p. 989)
Nationalism, comments on, 38, 183
Nationality groups for Nixon-Lodge, 298
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Natural resources, 133, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 82-86), 414
(PP. 939, 993-999)
Tables, 13 (p. 84), 414 (p. 994)
Naval Research Laboratory, Robert M.
Page, 68 n.
Naval shipyard, Portsmouth (N.H.), wage
rates, 230
Navigation satellites, 264, 424
Navy, 245
Aid to Guatemala, 368
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 48, 55, 56,
91), 414 (pp. 949, 951, 952, 954,
956)
Petroleum reserves, 414 (p. 956)
Rescue of four Soviet soldiers, 97
7th Fleet, 1 9
Navy, Department of the, 349
News conference remarks, 38, 284
Policy on ships trading with Israel, 38
Navy Commendation Ribbon with Metal
Pendant, presentation to Lt. Lawrence
A. Shumaker, 25
Nazism, 72, 355
Near East. See Middle East and Near
East
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 136, 297
Letter, 313
News conference remarks on, 7, 284
Nepal
Mahendra Bir Bikram, 128, 129
Joint statement, 130
Ratna Rajya Lekshmi, 128, 129
Netherlands
Amsterdam, 279
Assistance, 138 n.
Hockey team, 319 n.
Queen Juliana, message, 138
New Delhi, World Agriculture Fair
(1959), I36
New Hampshire, Portsmouth, 230
New Jersey, Holmdel, 258 n.
New Mexico, Bernalillo County, 235
New York
Barry, Repr. Robert R., 346
Bear Mountain State Park, 173
Candidates for public office, 346
Garden City, 345
Javits, Sen. Jacob K., 38
Keating, Sen. Kenneth B., 173
New York City, 23 n., 306, 307 n.
Address before U.N. General Assembly, 302
Campaign remarks, 347, 348
District Attorney Frank S. Hogan, 34
Fire Department, I 13
Kennedy, Stephen P., 314
Mayor Robert F. Wagner, 306
Police, 314
Remarks to Latin American delegates
to U.N. General Assembly, 303
World's Fair ( 964-65), 358, 376,
414 (p. 984)
Rockefeller, Gov. Nelson A., 7, 103, 222,
256, 306
St. George, Repr. Katharine, 173
Tarrytown, 346
Television quiz investigation (I 959), 34
Westchester County, 346
"39
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
New Zealand, 4 10
Armed forces in Korea, 202
Holyoake, Keith, message, 373
Nash, Walter, message, 367
SEATO membership, 286
Newport, R.I., 228
Eisenhower Park, dedication, remarks,
239
Mayor James Maher, 239 n.
Releases from, 227, 229-238, 240-243,
248-254
News conferences, comments on, 222, 422
News conferences, the President's
January 13 (No. 177), 7
January 26 (No. 178), 2 I
February 3 (No. 179), 24
February I I (No. I8o), 34
February 17 (No. i8i),38
March I6 (No. 182), 93
March 30 (No. I83), I03
April 27 (No. I84), I27
May II (No. I85), 143
July 6 (No. I86), 222
July II (No. I87), Newport, R.I., 228
August I o (No. I88), 256
August 17 (No. 189), 263
August 24 (No. 190), 268
September 7 (No. 191), 284
November i6 (No. 192), 362
January i8 (No. I93), 422
Newsmen, relations with, comment on,
422
Newspaper Editors, American Society of,
8o n.
Newspaper Week, National, statement, 323
Newsweek, 263
N'Goua, Joseph, 324 n.
Nicaragua, 368 n.
Nielsen, Aksel, 320
Niger, Republic of
Djermakoye, Issofou, 324
Independence, message to Prime Minister Diori, 25 I
Nigeria, Federation of
Azikiwe, Nnamdi, letter, 36
Independence, message to people, 311
Wachuku, Jaja, 324 n.
Nike-Hercules missile. See Missiles
Nike-Zeus missile. See Missiles
Nimitz, Adm. Chester W., 143
Nixon, Richard M. See Vice President
(Richard M. Nixon)
Nixon, Mrs. Richard M., 107, 357, 403
Nixon-Lodge, American Nationalities for,
remarks, 298
Nixon for President Committee of Pennsylvania
Message, 337
Rally, address, 341
Nkrumah, Kwame
Letter, 313
Messages, 220, 248
Nobel Peace Prize, 287
Normandy, battle of (I944), 405
North American Air Defense Command,
I3 (p. 54)
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 36,
I2I, I57, I59, i62, 245, 320, 321,
360 n., 365, 410
Budget messages, I3 (pp. 38, 57, 58, 63),
414 (pp. 955, 958)
Financial support of U.S. personnel,
question of, 362
Nuclear weapons for, 420
Paris meeting, I63
Remarks to young political leaders from
NATO countries, I65
Science program, U.S. support, 13 (p.
63)
North Dakota, election, 222
Norway, 321 n.
Notre Dame, University of, commencement exercises, address, I 74
Nuclear-powered ships. See Ships, nuclear-powered
Nuclear reactors. See Reactors, nuclear
Nuclear war, 4, 147, I63, I85, I93, 409
Nuclear weapons, 4, 42, I85, I93, 209, 255
Based abroad, 24
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 46, 58), 414
(Pp. 947, 950-952, 956, 959)
Disarmament, 302
Expenditures for, 24
For allies, question of, 24
1140
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Nuclear weapons-Continued
For NATO, 420
News conference remarks, 24, 34, 38,
103, 422
Soviet, Io3,422
Spread to smaller nations, question of,
24, 38, I03
See also Bombs; Disarmament; Missiles;
Nuclear weapons tests
Nuclear weapons tests
Ban or suspension, 4, I6, 23, 24, 103,
127, I63, 263
Geneva conference. See Geneva conferences
International agreement, proposed,
102
Joint declaration with Prime Minister
Macmillan, 102
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Macmillan, I 0
U.S. moratorium, 103, 222, 256, 284
U.S. proposal, 34 and ftn. (p. 167),
38
Detection, 102, 127
Project VELA, 143 ftn. (p. 41o)
Inspection and control, 34, 103, 127
Soviet proposal, 38
News conference remarks. 24, 34 and
ftn. (p. 167), 38, 103, 127, 143 and
ftn. (p. 410), 222, 256, 263, 284
Underground tests, 34 and ftn. (p. I67),
38, I02, 10o3, 27, 143 and ftn. (p.
4I1), 222, 256, 414 (p. 959)
See also Nuclear weapons
Nutrition, Fifth International Congress, remarks, 279
OAS. See Organization of American
States
Oberdorfer, Don, 7
Oceanography
Awards for research, 25
Budget messages, 13 (p. 91), 414 (p.
999)
OEEC. See Organization for European
Economic Cooperation
Office of Executive Management, proposed, 414 (pp. 945, 946), 422
Office space, Presidential, 133, 243
Advisory Commission on, 414 (p. 1017)
Budget message, 414 (pp. 1017-10I9)
O'Higgins, Bernardo, 69
Ohio
Bolton, Repr. Frances P., 350
Candidates for public office, 350
Cleveland, 350, 351, 352
Minshall, Repr. William E., 350
Oil and gas leases on public domain lands,
i3 (p. 86), 414 (pp. 94I, 997)
Okala, Charles, 324 n.
Okinawa, visit to, 177, 197, 209
Old-age and survivors insurance
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 95, 96), 127,
414 (pp. 942, 943, 1009-IOII)
Trust fund, 13 (p. 96), 414 (pp. 942,
943, I009, IOII)
Old Rag Mountain, Va., 340
Older persons
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 95, 96), 414
(pp.939, 1010-1012)
Federal aid for needy, 13 (p. 95), 127
ftn. (p. 362), 4Io, 414 (p. 1OIO)
Housing, 4I0
Medical care, I03, 133, 255, 263, 4Io,
414 (PP. 939, IO5O, ioII)
White House Conference on Aging
(1961), I3 (p. 96), 398, 414
(p. 10I2)
O'Leary, Jerry, 34
Olive Branch Petition (1775), I71 n.
Olympic games (1956), 24
Open skies proposal (aerial surveillance),
I43, I63, 209
Operation Overlord, 405
Operation Pan American, 49, 53, 87, 228
Joint statement with President Alessandri, 76
Joint statement with President Kubitschek, 46
Operational and executive personnel program, U.N., 302
II4I
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Operations Coordinating Board, 9, 380,
412 n.
Letter to Chairman, 8
Order of Sikatuna, Rajah, presentation to
the President, I88
Organization of American States, 22, 36,
42, 49, 72, 73, 78, 80, 87, I09, III,
267, 303, 374, 410
Action on Cuba, 263
Action on Dominican Republic, 263
Bogota economic conference, 228 and
ftn. (p. 569),256
Committee of Nine, 49
Council on economic cooperation, 49 n.,
255, 267
Foreign ministers meetings
San Jose (1960), 228, 263, 267, 268
Santiago (I959), 73, 76, 228
Joint statement with President Kubitschek on, 46
News conference remarks, 222, 228, 268
See also American Republics
Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development, 414 (p. 965)
Organization for European Economic Cooperation, 4, 263
Budget message, 414 (p. 965)
Joint statement with Chancellor Adenauer, 92
Orioles, baseball team, 290
Orosa, Jose, 187
Osman, Aden A., message, 219
Ota, Seisaku, 197
Our Lady of the Lake Church, relief of,
veto, 179
Outdoor Recreation Resources Review
Commission, 414 (p. 998)
Outer Continental Shelf, 13 (p. 86), 414
(P. 997)
Overholser, Dr. Winfred, President's
Award for Distinguished Federal
Civilian Service, 68 n.
Overlord operation, 405
Paarlberg, Don, 136 n., 242 n.
Pace, Frank, Jr., 30 n., 240 n.
Page, Robert M., President's Award for
Distinguished Federal Civilian Service, 68 n.
Pageant of Peace, remarks, 381
Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza, message, 126
Pakistan
Assistance, 36
Ayub Khan, Mohammed, 284, 297
Indus River Basin development, 36, 284
India-Pakistan Pact, statement, 297
Karachi, 297
Kashmir dispute with India, 284
SEATO membership, 286
Palm Springs, Calif, 331 n.
Panama, treaty with U.S. on Canal, 24
Panama Canal, 382
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 69, 70), 414
(P. 976)
Flag of Panama in Zone, 24 and ftn. (p.
150)
Panama Canal Company
Budget messages, 13 (p. 70), 414 (p.
976)
Operation of Panama Steamship Line,
382, 414 (p. 976)
Panama Steamship Line, 382, 414 (p. 976)
Panel on Seismic Improvement, I43 ftn.
(p. 4I0)
Pantelleria, 355
Paola, Princess, 317
Papers of the President, 21
Offer as gift to U.S., I 18
Paris, 124, 279
Anderson-Dillon discussions with officials, 365
NATO meeting, 163
Trade council, I03
Visit to (1959), 2I, 26on.
Paris summit meeting (1960), i6, 71, 73,
129 n., I58, I6o, 162, 209, 245, 313,
4I0
Joint statement with President de Gaulle
and Prime Minister Macmillan, 155
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Kishi, I6
News conference remarks, 7, 34, 38, 93,
I03, 127, I43
1142
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Paris summit meeting-Continued
Remarks on arrival, 147
Remarks on departure, I56
Statement on position taken by Premier
Khrushchev, 154
Park, Air Vice Marshal, 405
Parks, national, 341, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 86), 414 (p.
998)
Mission 66 program, 402, 410
Patagonia, Argentina, 62
Patil, S. K., I36
Patrick Henry, U.S.S., 360
Firing of Polaris missile, statement, 244
Patterson, Gov. John, 287
Pay
Government employees, 13 (pp. 103,
104), 255, 414 (pp. 938, 1020)
Veto of bill, 217
Military personnel, 13 (p. 49), 255
Retirement pay, 414 (p. 956)
Postal employees, 13 (p. 104), 217
See also Wages
Peace, address on (1953), 164
Peace corps, comment on, 350
Peaceful uses of atomic energy. See
Atomic energy for peaceful uses.
Pearl Harbor, attack on (I941), i63, 336
Penghu (Pescadores) Islands, I43
Pennsylvania
Candidates for public office, 354
Depressed areas, 176 n.
Easton, 288
Nixon for President Committee
Message, 337
Rally, address, 341
Philadelphia, 45, 288, 304, 305, 309 n.,
337
Pittsburgh, 353, 354
Scott, Sen. Hugh, I 76, 354
Simpson, Repr. Richard M., death of, 3
Van Zandt, Repr. James E., 31 n.
People-to-people program, 72, 209, 315,
319
See also Cultural exchange; East-West
contacts; Exchange of persons
Pepin, Lake, 330
Personnel Management, Special Assistant
to the President for (Eugene L.
Lyons), 26, 28
Memorandum, 27
Persons, Wilton B. (The Assistant to the
President), 369
Peru
Beltran, Pedro G., 247
Development program, statement, 247
Prado y Ugarteche, Manuel, 247
Pescadores (Penghu) Islands, I43
Petroleum
Imports, proclamations re, statements,
383, 432
Naval reserves, 414 (p. 956)
Philadelphia, Pa., 45, 304, 305, 309 n., 337,
34I
IRS Regional Office, 288
Philip, Prince, 40
Philippine-American Day, message, 359
Philippines, 42, 8o
Assistance, 189, 341
Chamber of Commerce, 187
Economy, I89
Garcia, Carlos P., I82, i85, i88, 190
Joint statement with, 189
Messages, I o6, 112, 359
Manila. See Manila
Mutual Defense Treaty with U.S., I88,
I89
Relations with U.S., I85, 189
SEATO membership, 286
Sugar quota, I o6
Trade with U.S., I89
U.S. Ambassador John D. Hickerson,
I82 n., I89
U.S. bases, 189
Visit to, I77, I82, I83, i84, i85, i86,
187, i88, I89, 190, 209
War damage claims against U.S., I3 (p.
65), 414 (p. 968)
Philippines, University of the, acceptance
of honorary degree, remarks, I86
Phoumi Nosavan, 422
Physically Handicapped, President's Committee on Employment of the, 417
60295-61 76
I 43
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Piccard, Jacques, Distinguished Public
Service Award, citation, 25
Pierpoint, Robert C., 7, 24, 38, 103, I27,
I43, 222, 228, 256, 263, 268, 284, 422
Pinheiro, Israel, 45
Pinto, Ignacio, 324 n.
Pioneer space vehicle, 264, 424
Pittsburgh, Pa., 353, 354
Plowshare project, I43
Plutonium, 34
Po Sun Yun, message, 273
Poats, Rutherford M., 21, 93, 127, 268, 284
Poinsett, Joel, 73
Point 4 program, 53
Poland
Kosciuszko, Tadeusz, 310
Peace proposal of Woodrow Wilson re,
310
Visit of Vice President Nixon (I959),
310
Polaris missile. See Missiles
Police Chiefs, International Association,
67th conference, remarks, 314
Police force, international, 330
Poliomyelitis vaccine, fifth anniversary of
development, statement, I05
Polish-American Congress, remarks, 310
Politics, public interest in, 174
Poll tax abolishment, proposed, 24
Portsmouth, N.H., 230
Portugal
Armed forces, 16
Lisbon. See Lisbon
Salazar, Antonio de Oliveira, I60, 161
Thomaz, Americo D. R., 157, 159, I6o,
i6I
U.S. Ambassador C. Burke Elbrick,
157 n.
Visit to, I57, I58, I596, I6o, I6, 162
Post Office Department, 89, 217
Barnes, Bert V., 389 n.
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 65, 71, 104,
oI 0), 414 (p. 977)
Report, 385
Postal deficit, 89, 217, 222
Budget messages, 13 (p. 71), 4I4 (pp.
938,94, 977, 978)
Postal employees
Budget message, 13 (p. 104)
Pay, 13 (p. 104), 217
Postal Policy Act, 89
Postal rates, 133, 423
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 39, 71), 414
(PP. 937, 938, 94I, 978)
Message to Congress, 89
Postal service, 385, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 65, 71), 414
(pp. 938, 977, 978)
Postmaster General (Arthur E. Summerfield), resignation, letter, 385
Potsdam papers, 268
Power, Gen. Thomas S., 24
Power and influence, misuse, comments on,
42 1, 422
Power projects, 410
Amistad Dam, Rio Grande, 13 (p. 83),
303, 334, 335, 414 (p. 995)
Atomic, 13 (pp. 58, 59)
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 58, 59), 414
(PP. 994, 995)
Columbia River Basin Development,
331, 410, 414 (P. 994), 4I6, 419
Hydroelectric, 402, 41
Powers, Francis G., 263, 268 and ftn. (p.
648)
Prado y Ugarteche, Manuel, 247
Praying Colonels, football team, 395
Presentation ceremonies. See Addressess
or remarks at presentation ceremonies
Presidency, 354
News conference remarks, 34, 284
Problems of future, comment on, 34
President of the Senate. See Vice President (Richard M. Nixon)
Presidential Advisory Committee on
Transport Policy and Organization,
report (1955), 21
Presidential authority
Continuation until inauguration of successor, joint statement with President-elect Kennedy, 369
Foreign affairs, 246
Presidential commissions, comment on,
268
II44
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Presidential documents published in Federal Register (I960), Appendix B,
p. I086
Presidential nomination, Democratic, 93
Presidential nomination, Republican, comments on, 7, 24, 93, 103
Presidential Railroad Commission, 343 n.
Appointment of members, statement,
378
Presidential reports to Congress
List, Appendix C, p. I091
See also Congress, reports to, messages
transmitting
President's Advisory Commission on Presidential Office Space, 414 (p. 10I7)
President's Advisory Committee on Government Organization, 349
Report, letter, 433
President's Award for Distinguished Federal Civilian Service, 68, 389
President's Committee on Employment of
the Physically Handicapped, 417
President's Committee on Government
Contracts, 410
Budget message, 414 (p. 1023)
Report, statement, 407
President's Committee on Government
Employment Policy, 410
Report, 217 ftn. (p. 545), 394
President's Committee on Information Activities Abroad, 332 ftn. (p. 789)
President's Committee to Study the U.S.
Military Assistance Program, 36
Budget messages, 13 (p. 57), 414 (p.
962)
President's Conference on Administrative
Procedure, letter to Chairman, 275
President's papers, 2I
Offer as gift to U.S., I 18
President's Science Advisory Committee,
143, 400
Report, statement, 363
Press conferences. See News conferences
Prestige abroad, U.S., 245, 332, 341
Prettyman, Judge E. Barrett, letter, 275
Price controls, 346, 410
Price stability, I 17
Price Stability for Economic Growth,
Cabinet Committee on, report, statement, I 17
Price supports, 32, 391
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 77, 79), 414
(pp. 985-988)
News conference remarks, 38, 127
See also specific commodities
Prices, 4, 17, 23, 143, 423
Campaign remarks, 350, 354
Coffee, i i i n.
Rise in, 245
See also specific commodities
Prina, L. Edgar, 7, 93, 222, 422
Princeton University, 21
Printing press, invention of, 58
Prisoners of World War II, returned to
Soviet Union, 268
Privileged information, 422
Certification forbidding disclosure to
Congress of documents re aid to
South America, 380
Proclamations, 374, 383, 432
Civil War Centennial, 370
List, Appendix B, p. o86
Procurement, military. See Defense procurement
Production, decline in, 423
Production controls (farm products), 32
Project Defender, 414 (pp. 953, 954)
Project Mariner, 414 (p. 972)
Project Mercury (man-in-space), I3 (p.
66), 414 (p. 972)
Project Rover, 414 (p. 960)
Project VELA, 143 ftn. (p. 4 I 0)
Property, Federal, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. ioi, 102, io5),
414 (pp. 1017, IOI9)
Public assistance, 127 and ftn. (p. 362)
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 87, 95), 414
(pp. IOOI, IOIO, IOII)
Public debt. See Debt, national
Public facility loans, 13 (p. 72)
Public health, 13 (pp. 87, 93, 94), 414 (pp.
1006-I009)
Public Health Service, 13 (p. 94), 414 (pp.
1007, ioo8)
I I45
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Public housing, 13 (pp. 72, 73), 414 (p.
980)
Public lands, 133
Public morality, comment on, 34
Public opinion, 17, 50, 94
Public works, 4 Io
Cure for recession, comment on, 422
Puerto Rico, 42, 8o
Dorado, 86
Gubernatorial election, 93
Munoz Marin, Gov. Luis, 43, 86
San Juan, 43
Governors' Conference (1959), 229
Statehood, question of, 93
Sugar quota, 167 n.
Quemoy, I43, 4IO
Quezon, Manuel, I83, i85
Quie, Repr. Albert H., 330
Quinn, Gov. William F., 205, 206
Quintos, Juan D., and others, relief of, disapproval, 224
Quintos, Perfecta B., 224
Radiation Council, Federal, 410
Report, 268 and ftn. (p. 654)
Radiation safety standards, determination
by Federal agencies, 268 and ftn. (p.
654)
Radio and television
Addresses. See Messages to the American people
Equal time for candidates for public office, 268 and ftn. (p. 647)
Radioactive fallout, 34
Radiological Health, Division of, 413
Radiological health control activities, 13
(P. 94), 414 (p. I008)
Raffo Fravega, Juan Carlos, 80 n., 81 n.
Railroad Commission, Presidential, 343 n.
Appointment of members, statement, 378
Railroad Retirement Board, I 13
Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act,
4I1
Railroads
Alaska Railroad, 225, 414 (p. 1023)
Decline, comment on, 21
Railroads-Continued
Employee benefits claim of William J.
Kaiser, veto, I 13
Employee retirement system, 13 (pp. 95,
96)
Labor-management agreement, statement, 343
Presidential Railroad Commission, 343
n.
Rainbow Bridge National Monument, 414
(P. 993)
Rakotomalala, Louis, 324 n.
Ramser, Harold, 23 n.
Randall, John D., 276
Ranger moon exploration program, 414
(P. 972)
Rardin, Harry, 330
Ratna Rajya Lekshmi, 128, 129
Ray, Philip A., report, 176 n.
Rayburn, Repr. Sam. See Speaker of the
House of Representatives (Sam Rayburn)
Raymond, Jack, 34
RB-47 plane incident, 255, 284, 302, 313
Statement, 231
Telegram to Senator Mansfield, 232
Reactors, nuclear, 13 (pp. 58, 59), 414 (pp.
959, 960)
Reading of newspapers by the President,
I43
Real Estate Boards, National Association
of, remarks, 19
Recession (I958), 4, 422
Rechnitzer, Andreas B., Distinguished
Civilian Service Award, citation, 25
Reclamation, Bureau of, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 83, io8),
414 (PP. 993, 995-997, I025)
Records management, 13 (pp. IOI, I02),
414 (p. 10I9)
Recreational resources, 414 (p. 998)
Red Cross, 153, 175, 210, 293
Campaign
Memorandum, 37
Statement, 65
Disaster relief in Chile, 214
1146
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Red Cross-Continued
President (Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther),
letter, 2I4
Red Wing, Minn.
Hiawatha Bridge dedication, remarks,
330
Mayor Harry Rardin, 330
Reece, Repr. B. Carroll, 403 n.
Refugee Year, World, 133
Refugees and escapees
Admission to U.S., 96, 133, 414 (p.
1022)
Certain refugees, approval, 233
Cuban, 4I0
Letter to Cardinal Spellman on aid,
37I
Report, statement, 43 I
Hungarian, 410, 43I
U.S. assistance, 13 (p. 63)
Regina, Saskatchewan, 28I
Regulus missile. See Missiles
Religion as political issue, comments on,
127, I43, 268, 284
Renegotiation Board, 150
Reporters. See Newsmen
Reports to the Congress
List, Appendix C, p. I091
See also Congress, reports to, messages
transmitting
Reports to the President
Anderson, Robert B., Department of the
Treasury, letter, 415
Benson, Ezra Taft, Department of Agriculture, 391 n.
Cabinet Committee on Price Stability
for Economic Growth, statement,
I"7
Carey, Archibald J., Jr., President's
Committee on Government Employment Policy, letter, 394
Civil Service Commission, Federal employees training program, 149
Federal Radiation Council, 268 ftn. (p.
654)
Flemming, Arthur S.
Department of Health, Education,
and Welfare, letter, 413
Reports to the President-Continued
Flemming, Arthur S.-Continued
President's Advisory Committee on
Government Organization, letter,
433
Food-for-peace program, statement, 242
Gates, Thomas S., Department of Defense, 397 n.
Gray, Gordon, final report, letter, 412
Gruenther, Gen. Alfred M., disaster
relief in Chile, letter, 214
Herter, Christian A., Department of
State, 409 n.
Hoegh, Leo A., Office of Civil and
Defense Mobilization, letter, 384
Joint Federal-State Action Committee,
letter, 115
Mitchell, James P.
Department of Labor, letter, 401
Effectiveness of Labor-Management
Act, letter, 316
Mueller, Frederick H.
Department of Commerce, 387
New York World's Fair I964-65, U.S.
participation, letter, 376
National Monument Commission, proposed Freedom Monument, I52
President's Committee on Government
Contracts, statement, 407
Ray, Philip A., labor surplus areas, 176
Rogers, William P.
Deceptive practices in broadcasting
media, letter, I
Department of Justice, letter, 41I
Rural development program, statement,
322
Science Advisory Committee, statement,
363
Seaton, Fred A., Department of the Interior, letter, 402
Stans, Maurice H.
Bureau of the Budget, letter, 406
Government operations, letter, 435
Summerfield, Arthur E., Post Office Department, letter, 385
Voorhees, Tracy, Cuban refugee problems, statement, 431
I 47
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Reports to the President-Continued
Waterman, Alan T., National Science
Foundation, letter, 393
Republican candidates (congressional),
remarks to, 278
Republican Congressional Committee, National, 278 n.
Republican "Dinner with Ike" rallies, address, 23
Republican doctrine, 245
Republican National Committee, 7
Remarks, 246, 395
Republican National Committee, Chairman (Sen. Thruston B. Morton), 23,
245 n., 309 n., 395
Republican National Convention (1952),
38, 107
Republican National Convention (1960),
93, 222
Address, 245
Republican National Federation, Young,
18 n.
Republican National Leadership Training
School, Young, remarks, 18
Republican Party, 245
Middle-of-the-road philosophy, 246
Platform, 256, 346
Presidential nomination, comments on,
7, 24, 93, 103
Record, remarks, I07
Role in, after retirement, 422
Vice Presidential nomination, 38
Republican Rally, Minneapolis-St. Paul
International Airport, remarks, 329
Republican Victory Fund Rally, address,
3o9
Republican Women's National Conference,
rally, remarks, 107
Research
Agricultural, 13 (p. 82), 32, 391, 410,
414 (p. 992)
Basic, 13 (pp. 39, 87, 89, 91), 393, 410,
414 (pp. 939, 959, I004)
Coal production, 13 (p. 85), 133, 402,
414 (p. 998)
Medical, 13 (pp. 93, 94), 23, 286, 410,
413, 44 (p. I007)
Research-Continued
Meteorological, I04
Oceanographic, 13 (p. 9I), 25, 4I4 (p.
999)
Scientific, 363, 386, 393, 414 (pp. 959,
1003, I004), 421
Seismic, 143 ftn. (p. 4 I0)
Space. See Space research and exploration
Water conversion, 13 (pp. 84, 85)
Reserves, military, 41 o
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 48, 49), 414
(P. 95~)
Resignations, letters
Anderson, Robert B., 415
Benson, Ezra Taft, 39I
Eisenhower, Milton S., 349
Flemming, Arthur S., 413
Gates, Thomas S., Jr., 397
Gray, Gordon, 412
Herter, Christian A., 409
Hoegh, Leo A., 384
Kistiakowsky, George B., 400
Lodge, Henry Cabot, 266
Mitchell, James P., 401
Mueller, Frederick H., 387
Rogers, William P., 411
Seaton, Fred A., 402
Stans, Maurice H., 406
Summerfield, Arthur E., 385
Resignations of administration personnel,
comment on, 263
Reston, James B., 21, 103, 127, 256, 268
Retail sales, 143, 256, 263
Retirement
Government employees, 410
Civil service fund, 13 (pp. 101-I03),
414 (p. 1020)
Military personnel, 414 (p. 956)
Credits for service, 13 (pp. 95, 96),
4I4 (p. II Io)
Railroad employees, 13 (pp. 95, 96)
Retirement plans, comments on, 24, 93,
422
Revolutionary War, 336
Reynolds, Dorothy S., 327 n.
1148
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Rhee, Syngman
Letter, 14I
News conference remarks on, 127, I43
Rhine River, World War II crossing, 405
Rhode Island, Newport, 228, 239
Releases from, 227, 229-238, 240-243,
248-254
Rice University, address, 336
Riddleberger, James W., 315
Rio, Sotero del, 77
Rio Branco, Baron de, 5
Rio de Janeiro, 42 n., 54
Address to Congress of Brazil, 49
Collision of U.S. Navy and Brazilian
planes, 55, 64
Remarks at Naval Ministry, 48
Remarks to Supreme Court, 50
Statement on departure, 55
Toast to President Kubitschek, 51
Rio Grande, 335
Amistad Dam, 13 (p. 83), 303, 414 (p.
995)
Rio treaty. See Inter-American Treaty of
Reciprocal Assistance
Rizal, Jose, 186, 188
Roa, Raul, 268
Robbins, Hilda H., 337 n.
Roberts, Chalmers M., 21, 24, 34, 93, 103,
143, 256, 263
Roberts, Charles W., 34, 38, I43, 222, 228,
284
Robertson, Sen. A. Willis, 340
Robie, Merle S., 187
Rockefeller, John D., Jr., death of, 144
Rockefeller, Gov. Nelson A., 306
Meeting with Vice President Nixon, 256
News conference remarks on, 7, 103,
222, 256
On U.S. vs. Soviet position, 222
Rockets, 4, 245
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 59, 66), 414
(p. 960)
See also Satellites, earth; Space research
and exploration; Space vehicles
Rockne, Knute, 174
Rodriguez, Eulogio, 183 n.
Rogers, William P. See Attorney General
(William P. Rogers)
Rollman, Heinz, 350
Romagna, Jack, 422
Rome, ancient civilization, 328
Romualdez, Daniel Z., I83 n.
Roosevelt, Theodore, I00oo
Rose, H. Chapman, 350
Rossides, Zenon, 324 n.
Rotarians, Chula Vista, Calif., 333
Rover project, 414 (p. 960)
Royall, Kenneth C., 143
Rozmarek, Charles, 310
Rubottom, Roy R., Jr., 5 1, 69
Rules governing this publication, Appendix
D (p. 1093)
Rural development program, 32, 146, 391,
4I0, 414 (p. 992)
Report, statement, 322
Rural Development Program, Committee
for, 5
Budget message, 414 (p. 993)
Rural electrification, 41 0
Budget messages, 13 (p. 80), 414 (pp.
989, 990)
Rural Electrification Administration, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 80, io8), 414
(PP. 989, 990)
Rus de Mello Juqueira, Potado, 52 n.
Russia. See Soviet Union
Ryukyu Islands
High Commissioner (Lt. Gen. Donald
P. Booth), 197
Ota, Seisaku, 197
Visit to Okinawa, 177, I97, 209
SAC. See Strategic Air Command
Sacido, Osiris, 62, 67
Safety Councils, Federal, 410
Safety standards for workers, 410
Sagatelyan, Mikhail R., 284
Saint Elizabeths Hospital, Dr. Winfred
Overholser, 68 n.
St. George, Repr. Katharine, testimonial
dinner, remarks, 173
St. John's Church (Washington, D.C.),
243
"149
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
St. Lawrence Seaway, 341, 350, 410
St. Paul, Minn., remarks at Republican
Rally, 329
Saint Paul, U.S.S., 190 n., 19I
Salazar, Antonio de Oliveira, I60, 16I
Sales, retail, I43, 256, 263
Salvation Army, 153, 2 O
Samos satellite, 143, 255
Samuelson (Paul) economic report to
President-elect Kennedy, 422
San Agustin, Bienvenida, 224
San Antonio, Texas, 336
San Carlos de Bariloche, Argentina, 42 n.,
64 n.
Joint declaration with President Frondizi, 66
Mayor Osiris Sacido, 62, 67
Remarks on arrival, 62
Remarks on departure, 67
Toast to President Frondizi, 63
San Diego, Calif., 333
Mayor Charles C. Dail, 333
San Francisco, Calif., 320 n., 332
Mayor George E. Christopher, 332
U.N. establishment (1945), 332
San Jose, Costa Rica, OAS foreign ministers meeting, 228, 263, 267, 268
San Juan, P.R., 43
Governors' Conference (1959), 229
San Luis Unit, Central Valley Project, 133
Approval of bill, I68
San Martin, Jose de, 58, 6o, 69
Sanchez Martinez, Mayor Lucina, 334
Santiago, Chile, 42 n., 99 n.
Address before Congress of Chile, 73
Declaration of Santiago, 76
Foreign ministers meeting, 1959 (OAS),
73, 76
Inter-American Foreign Ministers Conference (1959), 228
Joint statement with President Alessandri, 76
Remarks on arrival, 69
Remarks on departure, 77
Remarks on receiving medal from Congress of Chile, 74
Santiago, Chile-Continued
Remarks at U.S. embassy, 70, 72
Toasts to President Alessandri, 71, 75
Sao Paulo, Brazil, 42 n., 49,55
Address at luncheon, 53
Mayor Adhemar de Barros, 52
Remarks on arrival, 52
Remarks on departure, 54
Sarasin, Pote, I64
Saratoga, Battle of, 124
Sarayba, Felididad G., 224
Sarr, Ibrahima, 324 n.
Saskatchewan, Regina, 281
Satellites, earth, 4
Budget message, 414 (pp. 953, 970, 972,
1021)
Communications, 264, 410, 414 (pp. 970,
972), 424
Commercial use, statement, 386
Courier, 4I4 (p. 970), 424
Discoverer, capsules recovered from,
264, 424
Remarks upon inspection, 261
Echo, 261, 264, 4Io, 414 (p. 970), 424
Message recorded for transmission via,
258
Explorer, 287, 424
Midas, I43,414 (p. 953)
Navigation, 264, 424
News conference remarks, 21, 143
Samos, 143, 255
Tiros, 143, 264, 4Io, 414 (P. 972), 424
Launching, statement, 104
Transit, 264, 424
Vanguard, I, 424
Weather, I43, 410, 414 (PP- 970, 972,
1024), 424
See also Rockets; Space research and exploration; Space vehicles
Saturn space project, Io, 12, 24, 287, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 47, 66), 414
(Pp. 972, 973)
Saudi Arabia, 21
Saulnier, Raymond J., 21
Savings accounts, insurance, 13 (p. 73)
1150
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Savings and Loan Corporation, Federal,
premium rate increase proposed, 13
(p.73), 414 (p.980)
Scali, John, 24, 34, 38, 93, Io3, 143, 284,
362
Scheibel, Kenneth M., 222, 284
Scherer, Ray L., 7, 24, 38, I03, I27, 222,
263, 268, 284, 422
School construction, 4, 284, 341
Budget messages, 13 (p. 90), 414 (pp.
939, 0oo2, 1003)
Federal aid, 13 (p. 90), 23, I33, 255,
414 (pp. 939, I002, I003)
School districts in Federally affected areas,
aid to, 13 (pp. 87, 89, 90), 414 (pp.
I00I-1003)
School integration. See Integration
School lunch program, 127 ftn. (p. 362)
Budget messages, 13 (p. 96), 414 (pp.
989, IOI2)
Schroth, Thomas N., 2I, 93, 143, 284, 422
Schuck, Arthur A., I66
Schwartz, Lloyd M., 93, 222, 263
Science, 393, 4I0, 429
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 63, 87, 89),
414 (pp. I003, I004)
NATO program, 13 (p. 63)
Science Advisory Committee, President's,
I43, 400
Report, statement, 363
Science education, 13 (p. 89), 414 (p.
1002)
Science and Technology, Federal Council
on, 13 (p. 9), 349
Science Youth Month, National, statement, 299
Scientific advancement, 58
Scientific research, 363, 386, 393, 42I
Budget message, 414 (pp. 959, I003,
I004)
Scott, Sen. Hugh, 176, 354
Sea control forces, 13 (pp. 55, 56)
Searcy, R. B., 287
Seashores, conservation, 133
SEATO. See Southeast Asia Treaty Organization
Seaton, Fred A. See Interior, Secretary of
the (Fred A. Seaton)
Secret Service, 38, 145, I66
Securities and Exchange Commission
Barr, Andrew, 68 n.
Budget message, 414 (p. 984)
Security Council, National. See National
Security Council
Security program for Government employment, 284
Segregation. See Civil rights; Integration
Seidman, J. S., 304
Seismic Improvement, Panel on, I43 ftn.
(p. 410)
Seismic research, I43 ftn. (p. 410)
Senegal, Republic of, Ibrahima Sarr,
324 n.
Sentner, David P., I27, 222, 268, 284, 422
Seoul, Korea, 250 n., 274
Address to National Assembly, 201
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Huh Chung, 203
Mayor Kee Young Chang, 198 n.
Remarks on arrival, 198
Remarks on departure, 204
Remarks at headquarters of Korean
Army Sixth Corps, 202
Remarks at U.S. embassy, 199
Toast to Prime Minister Huh Chung,
200
Serrano, Felixberto, 187
Service, Robert, 178
Seventh Fleet, remarks to officers and men,
191
Sewage treatment works, construction, 44
Shannon, Donald H., 2I, 93
SHAPE. See Supreme Headquarters of
Allied Powers in Europe
Sharp, Dudley C. (Secretary of the Air
Force), 38
Ships
Aircraft carriers, 13 (pp. 55, 56), 255
Barbara Anne, 244 n.
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 5I, 55, 56, 69,
91), 414 (pp. 949, 954, 955, 975,
976)
1151
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Ships-Continued
Guided missile, 245
Kearsarge, 97
Mortgage loans, 13 (p. 69), 414 (p.
976)
Nuclear powered. See Ships, nuclear
powered
Saint Paul, I 90 n., 19
Submarines, 13 (p. 5I), 414 (pp. 949,
955)
Subsidies, 13 (p. 69), 414 (p. 975)
Trading with Israel, 38
Ships, nuclear-powered, 245, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 51-56, 58),
414 (PP. 938, 949, 95I, 952, 954,
955)
Enterprise, 414 (p. 954)
Long Beach (cruiser), 13 (p. 55), 414
(P. 954)
Submarines, 4, 7, I3 (pp. 51-55), 244,
245, 255, 410, 414 (PP. 938, 949,
951, 952,954,955)
Abraham Lincoln, 360
Based in United Kingdom, 360 n.
George Washington, 360
Patrick Henry, 244, 360
Triton, 142
Shumaker, Lt. Lawrence A., Navy Commendation Ribbon with Metal Pendant, citation, 25
Shutt, Charles E., 38, I03
Sicily, 355
Simpson, Repr. Richard M., death of, 3
Sirikit, Queen, 209, 211, 213, 218
"Sit-in" demonstrations. See Civil rights
Small business, 41 I
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 65, 75), 414
(P. 983)
Small Business Administration, 5, I46, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 75), 414 (pp.
983, 992)
Smith, Merriman, 7, 21, 24, 34, 93, 103,
127, I43, 222
Smoot, Vice Adm. Roland N., 192 n.
Smylie, Gov. Robert, letter, 15
Social security, I27 ftn. (p. 362), 413
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 87, 95), 414
(pp. Ioo9, IOIO, 1017)
Extension of coverage, 341, 410
Social Security Act, amendment proposed,
24
Socialized medicine, I03
Socrates, 187
Soil conservation, 410
Solomon, 187
Somali Republic
Independence, message to President
Osman, 219
Issa, Abdullahi, 324 n.
South Africa, racial problems, I03
South America. See Latin America
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty,
sixth anniversary, message, 286
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, 132,
I33, 183, I88, 209, 212, 245, 4IO
Budget messages, 13 (p. 58), 414 (p.
959)
Council of ministers meeting, 189, 286
Remarks to delegates, 164
Joint statement with King Bhumibol
Adulyadej, 218
Joint statement with President Garcia,
189
Message for SEATO Day ceremonies at
Bangkok, 286
Secretary-General (Pote Sarasin), 164
Southeastern Drilling Corp. and H. P.
Lambert Co., Inc., relief of, disapproval, 292
Soviet Union, 4, 36, 42, 209, 410
Amerika, distribution of, 410
Armed forces, 93
Arms for Middle East, 38
Aswan Dam construction (Egypt), assistance, 7
Automobile production, 346
Bombers, 2I
Campaign remarks, 346, 348, 350
Cultural exchange with U.S., 410, 414
(P. 969)
Disarmament proposal, 93, 245
1152
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Soviet Union-Continued
Downing of U.S. aircraft and detention
of crew
Air Force RB-47 plane, 231, 232, 255,
284, 302, 313
U-2 plane, 143, 154, I62, 163, 231 n.,
263
Espionage activities, 154, 163
Fissionable materials production for
weapons, cessation, U.S. proposal,
302
Geneva conferences. See Geneva conferences
Gromyko, Andrei A., I43
Hydrogen bomb, possession of, 422
Khrushchev, Nikita S. See Khrushchev, Nikita S.
Military action in Congo, 284
Military bases in Cuba, question of, 222
Military strength, 21, 36
Missiles, 7, 24, 34, 245
New Year greetings, 2
News conference remarks, 7, 21 and ftn.
(p. I3 ), 24, 34, 38, 93, I 3, I27,
143 and ftn. (p. 410), 222, 256,
263, 268 and ftn. (p. 648), 284,
422
Nuclear test suspension, 34, IOI
Inspection proposal, 38
Nuclear tests, 143 and ftn. (p. 410)
Nuclear weapons, 103,422
Paris summit conference. See Paris
summit meeting
Participation in U.N. action in Congo,
248 n.
Peace treaty with East Germany, question of, 24, 256
Productivity, 328
Propaganda, 328, 341
Reconnaissance flights over western territory, question of, 143
Repression of Hungary, 410
Soldiers, rescue by U.S. Navy, 97
Space exploration, 13 (p. 66), 2I, 24,
350
Student exchange with U.S., 38
Soviet Union-Continued
Trade with Cuba, 223
Trial of Francis G. Powers, 268 and
ftn. (p. 648)
U.S. cultural exhibition (I959), 410
U.S. flights over
Suspension of, 154, I63
U-2 incident, i43, I54, 162, 163,
231 n., 263
U.S.-Soviet lend-lease talks, 24
U.S.-Soviet relations, 2, 163
U.S. vs. Soviet progress, comments on,
24, 34, 222
Visit to, proposed, 21 and ftn. (p. 131),
I27, I43
Cancellation, I63, 209
Voroshilov, Kliment E., message, 2
World War II prisoners of war returned
to, 268
Space research and exploration, 4, IO, I,
o00, 104, 245, 255, 258, 261, 287, 302,
350, 4I
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 59, 65, 66,
68), 414 (PP. 938, 939, 960, 970,
972, 973)
Tables, 13 (p. 67), 414 (p. 97I)
News conference remarks, 2 I, 24
Reports, 47, 424
Soviet, 13 (p. 66), 21, 24,350
U.S. achievements, statement, 264
See also Rockets; Satellites, earth; Space
vehicles
Space vehicles, IO
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 47, 59, 66,
68), 414 (pp. 939, 960, 970, 972,
973)
Centaur project, 13 (p. 68), 414 (p.
972)
Letter to T. Keith Glennan, 12
Pioneer, 264, 424
Saturn project, o, I 2, I3 (pp. 47, 66),
24, 4IO, 414 (pp. 972, 973)
See also Rockets; Satellites, earth; Space
research and exploration
1153
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Speaker of the House of Representatives
(Sam Rayburn), 4,88, 422
Letter, 272
Special Assistant to the President for Personnel Management (Eugene L.
Lyons), 26, 28
Memorandum, 27
Spellman, Cardinal Francis J., 263, 306
Letter, 371
Spencer, Samuel R., Jr., 340 n.
Spending by Government, 4, I9, 23, 350,
410
News conference remarks, 7, 24, 34, 222,
256, 422
Spivack, Robert G., 21, 38, 284, 422
Sprague, Mansfield D., 332 ftn. (p. 789)
Sreitas, C. Arreiro de, 157 n.
Stalin, Joseph, 328
News conference remarks on, 222, 268
Stamp album, presentation to the President, 178 n.
Stans, Maurice H. See Budget, Bureau of
the, Director (Maurice H. Stans)
State, Department of, 57 n., 246, 247, 358,
386, 431
Budget messages, 13 (p. 64), 414 (pp.
968, 969)
Cuban policy, 263
Dillon, C. Douglas, 127, 263, 362 and
ftn. (p. 864), 365
Diplomatic personnel, reduction, 362
News conference remarks, 21, 127, 143,
228 and ftn. (p. 569), 263, 284,
362
Report, 409 n.
Rubottom, Roy R., Jr., 5, 69
U.S. aid to South America, documents
re, 380
State, Secretary of (Christian A. Herter),
22, 46 n., 5i, 69, 125, I32, I54, 162,
17I n., 209, 294, 307, 339 n., 349, 365,
369, 370, 4I0, 419 n., 420
Medal of Freedom, citation, 428
Meeting with Chancellor Adenauer, 92
Meeting with President Lleras, I I
Meeting with Prime Minister Kishi, I6
State, Secretary of-Continued
News conference remarks on, 21, 93, 103,
127, 143, 228
Report, 409 n.
Resignation, letter, 409
Termination of U.S. relations with Cuba,
388
State of the Union messages, 4,41 o
Statehood
Alaska, 4, 13 (p. I04), 402, 410
Hawaii, 4, 13 (p. 104), 205, 206, 402,
410
Puerto Rico, question of, 93
States
Atomic energy for peaceful uses, regulatory responsibilities, I6
Federal aid. See Federal aid to States
Federal-State Action Committee, I 5,
In6
See also Federal-State-local governmental responsibilities; Governors;
specific States
States rights, 335, 340
Statistical services, Federal, 13 (pp. 91,
92),414 (pp. I004, I005)
Staunton, Va., 340
Mayor Thomas E. Hassett, 340 n.
Staunton Military Academy, 340
Steel and Iron Institute, 315
Steel prices, 4
Steel production, 222, 256
Steel strike ( 959), 4
News conference remarks, 7, 21
Settlement, comment on, 7
Steel Training and Education Program,
Indian, 315 n.
Stockpiling of strategic and critical materials, 13 (p. 59), 414 (PP. 960, 961)
Strategic Air Command, 245, 255
Budget message, 13 (pp. 52, 53)
News conference remarks, 24, 256
Vulnerability, question of, 24
Strategic and critical materials, stockpiling, 13 (p. 59), 414 (pp. 960, 961)
Stratton, Gov. William G., 246
Student exchange, 80
U.S.-Soviet, 38
II54
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Students Federation of Chile, 72 n.
Students of Korea, message, 250
Submarines
Budget messages, 13 (p. 51), 414 (pp.
949, 955)
Nuclear-powered. See Submarines,
nuclear-powered
Regulus missile-based, 13 (p. 51)
Submarines, nuclear-powered, 244, 245,
255
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 51-55), 414
(Pp. 938, 949, 951, 952, 954, 955)
Polaris missile-based, 4, 7, I3 (PP. 51 -55), 244, 245, 255, 4I0, 414 (pp.
938, 95I, 952, 954)
Abraham Lincoln, 360
Based in United Kingdom, 360 n.
George Washington, 255, 360
Patrick Henry, 244, 360
Triton, 142
Subsidies, Federal
Airlines, 13 (p. 68), 414 (p. 974)
Payment to lead and zinc producers,
disapproval, 280
Ships, 13 (p. 69), 414 (p. 975)
Suez Canal, 302, 330, 341
Boycott of Israeli shipping, 38, 127
Invasion (1956), 21, 410
News conference remarks, 21, 38, 127
Suffrage. See Voting rights
Sugar Act, 223 n., 374
Budget messages, 13 (p. 79), 414 (p.
989)
Extension and amendment, proposed,
io6, 133, 267, 418
News conference remarks, 38, 93, 222
Sugar quotas
Budget message, 4 4 (p. 989)
Cuba, 21, 38, 93, 167 n., 222, 267
Approval of bill, 223
Proclamation, statement, 374
Dominican Republic, 374, 418
Message to Congress, 267
Letter to Senator Bennett, 167
Philippines, telegram to President
Garcia, 0o6
Sukarno, Achmed, letter, 313
Summerfield, Arthur E. (Postmaster General), resignation, letter, 385
Summit meetings. See Heads of state and
government, meetings
Sun Yat-Sen, 193
Superior National Forest, 414 (p. 998)
Supreme Court, U.S., 50,93
Decision on taxation of disability payments, 291
See also Courts, Federal
Supreme Headquarters of Allied Powers in
Europe, 86, 91 n.
Surplus agricultural commodities. See
Agricultural surpluses
Swanson, Henry A., Jr., 330 n.
Swanstrom, Bishop Edward E., 371
Sweden, 321 n.
Switzerland, Basel, 279
Taipei
Address at mass rally, 193
Joint statement with President Chiang
Kai-shek, 195
Remarks on arrival, 192
Remarks on departure, i96
Toast to President Chiang Kai-shek, 194
Taiwan. See China, Republic of; Formosa
Tamerlane, 58
Tariff Act of 1930, amendment, disapproval, 285
Tariffs and Trade, General Agreement on,
95
See also Trade, international
Tarrytown, N.Y., 346
Tax Court of the United States, 150
Survivorship annuities for widows and
children of judges, 414 (pp. I020,
I021)
Taxes, 80, 354, 4IO
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 39, 40, 42-44,
64, 69, 70, IOI, o05), 414 (pp. 937,
940, 941, 943, 944, 975, 977, I005,
1017, I022)
Cooperatives, 414 (p. 943)
Corporate, 13 (pp. 39, 42), 414 (pp.
937, 940, 943, 944)
I 55
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Taxes-Continued
Enforcement programs, 13 (p. 101), 414
(p. IOI7)
Excise
Alcoholic beverages, 414 (p. 940)
Automobiles, 414 (pp. 940, 977)
Cigarettes, 414 (p. 940)
Gasoline, 13 (pp. 39, 43, 44, 69, 70),
133, 222, 255, 410, 414 (pp. 941,
975, 977), 423
Telephone service, 13 (p. 43), 414
(p. 940)
Transportation, 13 (p. 43), 414 (p
940)
Income, 13 (pp. 39, 64), 15I, I69
Lending institutions, 414 (pp. 943,
944)
Local taxation of Federal property, 13
(p. I05), 414 (p. 1022)
News conference remarks, 24, 222
Poll, 24
Refund claims
Barkout, Raymond, 288
Hjerpe, Eric and Ida Mae, 291
Universal Trades, Inc., I50
Revision, 4, 13 (pp. 40, 43), 410, 414
(PP. 943, 944), 415
Unemployment payroll, 414 (p. oo005)
Credits of successor employers, I 70
Taylor, Henry N., 143
Taylor, Gen. Maxwell D., 7
Tchichelle, Stephane, 324 n.
Technical assistance to less developed
countries, 4, 36, 39, 109 n., 132, 133,
279
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 61-63), 414
(p. 967)
See also Economic assistance; Foreign
assistance; Mutual security program
Technological revolution, 421
Telephone service, rural, 13 (p. 8o), 414
(pp. 989, 99o)
Telephone service tax, 13 (p. 43), 414 (p.
940)
Television Committee for Nixon and
Lodge, Independent, 344
Television quiz investigation (1959), 34
Television and radio
Addresses. See Messages to the American people
Equal time for candidates for public
office, 268 and ftn. (p. 647)
Ultrahigh frequency study, I3 (p. 76)
Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament,
241
Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference.
See Disarmament
Tennessee
Nashville, I43
Reece, Repr. B. Carroll, 403 n.
Tennessee Valley Authority, 13 (pp. 83,
84), 414 (pp. 995, 996)
Ter Horst, J. F., I 03
Texas
Houston, 336
Johnson, Sen. Lyndon B., 222, 236, 256,
271, 272, 356
Rayburn, Repr. Sam, 4, 88, 272, 422
San Antonio, 336
Texas, Republic of, 336
Thailand
Armed forces in Korea, 202
Bangkok, 286
Bhumibol Adulyadej, 209, 2 II, 212, 213
Joint statement with, 218
Queen Sirikit, 209, 211, 213, 2 I8
Relations with U.S., 211, 218
SEATO membership, 286
Social and economic development, 2I8
Thomaz, Americo D. R., 157, i6 i
Toasts to, 159, i6o
Thomaz, Madame, 159
Thompson, Col. Percy W., 38
Thor missile. See Missiles
Thornton, Brig. L. W., I64 n.
Thorpe, James F. (Jim), 395
Tibet, Communist aggression, 410
Timber and land exchanges, 13 (p. 86),
414 (pp. 997, 998)
Tiradentes (Jose Joaquim Xavier), 45
Tiros weather satellites, 143, 264, 4IO, 424
Budget message, 414 (p. 972)
Launching of Tiros I, statement, 104
I I56
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Titan missile. See Missiles
Tito, Marshal Josip Broz, letter, 313
Tjaden, Brenda Ann, 123 n.
Toboada, Diogenes, 56 n.
Togo, Republic of, Paulin Freitas, 324 n.
Tombalbaye, Francois, message, 257
Toura Gaba, Jules, 324 n.
Toure, Sekou, message, 364
Trade, international, 4, 72, 73, 95, 103, 131,
132, 246, 410
Joint statement with Chancellor Adenauer, 92
Joint statement with Prime Minister Huh
Chung, 203
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Kishi, I6
Soviet-Cuban, 223
U.S.-Brazil, 54
U.S.-Japan, I6
U.S.-Latin America, 80
U.S.-Philippines, 189
Trade Agreements Act, 4 10
See also Trade, international
Trans-Pacific air carrier case, 436
Transit navigation satellites, 264, 424
Transition period between administrations, 422
Joint statement with President-elect
Kennedy, 369
Transport Policy and Organization, Presidential Advisory Committee on, report ( 955), 21
Transportation, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 68-7, I04),
414 (pp. 939, 973-977)
National Capital area, 13 (p. I04)
Transportation, Department of, proposed,
4I4 (p. 946)
Transportation tax, 13 (p. 43), 414 (p.
940)
Travel
Americans abroad, 362
Expenses of military and civilian personnel, 414 (p. 950)
Tourist, to U.S., 95, 362
Treasury, Department of the, 289, 358, 362
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 43, 70, 72, 74,
75, 8o, Ioo, o18, I I), 414 (pp.
942-944, 990, 1005, ioi6, 1017,
1024)
Interest rates on bonds, 6, 133, 255, 414
(p. 942), 423
Report, 415
Retirement claim of Margaret P. Copin,
disapproval, 234
Treasury, Secretary of the (Robert B. Anderson), 336, 344, 369
Budget surplus details, 237
Chairman, United Givers Fund campaign, National Capital area, 153
Joint Federal-State Action Committee,
letter, 115
Mission to Germany on U.S. balance of
payments, 362 and ftn. (p. 864),
365
Resignation, letter, 415
Treaties (I960-61). See International
agreements
Tree-planting ceremony on President's
birthday, remarks, 325
Trieste, 23, 341, 4 IO
Triton, U.S.S., 142
Trujillo y Molina, Hector, 263, 267
Truman, Harry S., President
News conference remarks on, 7, 143, 422
On summit meetings, 7
Trust funds
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 44, 45, 69-71,
74, 87, 92, 95, 96), 414 (PP- 937,
941-943, 977, 999, 1005, o 009,
IOII)
Employment security program, 414 (pp.
937, Ioo5)
Highway, 13 (pp. 44, 69-71), 133, 414
(pp. 94, 977), 423
Old-age and survivors insurance, 13 (p.
96), 414 (pp. 942, 943, 1o09, IoI )
Unemployment, 13 (p. 92)
Tsiranana, Philibert, message, 207
Tuanku Syed Putra (Supreme Ruler of
Malaya), 339
Message, 390
I 57
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Tully, Andrew F., Jr., I43, 268
Turkey
Armed forces in Korea, 202
Assistance, 132, 133
Gursel, Gen. Cemal, message, 399
Opening of Constituent Assembly, message, 399
Twining, Gen. Nathan F., 24
U-2 plane incident, 154, I62, 163, 231 n.
News conference remarks, I43, 263
Udall, James M., 19
Ugly American, The (Lederer and Burdick), I84
Underwood, Gov. Cecil H., letter, 176
Unemployment, 410, 423
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 75, 76, 92),
414 (PP. 939, 983, Ioo5)
Depressed areas, 5, 13 (pp. 75, 76), I33,
I43, I76, 414 (PP. 939, 983)
Area Redevelopment Bill, veto, 146
Federal aid, 414 (p. 983), 423
News conference remarks, 127, 143, 263
Payroll tax, 414 (p. i005)
Tax credits of successor employers, veto,
170
Trust fund, 13 (p. 92)
West Virginia, I27
Unemployment insurance, I 70, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 87, 92, 93, 97 -99), 414 (pp. I005, ioo6, I009,
IoI9)
Federal aid, temporary, 422
Government employees, 414 (p. IOI9)
UNESCO. See United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization
UNICEF. See United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund
Unions. See Labor organizations
United Arab Republic
Aswan Dam construction, 7
Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 127
Letter, 3I3
Participation in U.N. action in Congo,
248 n.
See also Egypt
United Community campaigns
Memorandum, 210
Statement, 293
United Fund campaigns, 293
United Givers Fund campaign, memorandums, 210
National Capital area, 153
United Kingdom, 3 I
Armed forces in Korea, 202
Churchill, Winston, 287
Elizabeth II, 40, 171
Geneva conferences. See Geneva conferences
Home, Lord, 307
London, 121, 279, 365
Macmillan, Harold, I03, 147, 154, 162,
I63, 3I3, 360 n.
Joint declaration, I02
Joint statements, I01, I55, 307, 312
News conference remarks, 7, 21, 34, 38,
I43 and ftn. (p. 410)
Nuclear test suspension, inspection proposals, o02
Nuclear tests, 143 and ftn. (p. 4I0)
Paris summit conference. See Paris
summit meeting
Participation in U.N. action in Congo,
248 n.
Policy on Berlin, 38
Prince Anthony, birth of, statement, 40
Prince Philip, 40
SEATO membership, 286
Suez invasion (1956), 21
U.S. nuclear submarine bases, 360 n.
United Nations, 4, 49, 72, 73, 78, 80, I57,
177, I83, I93, 195, 219, 334, 410
Address before General Assembly, 302
Comments on, 268, 284 and ftn. (p.
682), 336
Aerial surveillance, proposed, I54, i63
Africa, new nations
Admission, 336
Assistance, 263, 302
Remarks to delegates, 324
Arms inspection, U.S. proposal, 302
Atomic energy for peaceful uses, 330
President's address ( 953), 209, 301
1158
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
United Nations-Continued
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 62, 63), 414
(PP. 965, 967)
Communist China, admission, question
of, 410
Congo situation, 248, 263, 284, 339
Emergency fund, 302
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Macmillan, 307
U.S. position, 364
Cyprus delegation, remarks, 324
Distribution of agricultural surpluses,
proposed, 255, 279, 302
Emergency force, 330
Establishment ( 945), 332
Fissionable materials for peaceful uses,
U.S. proposal for international
pool, 302
Freedom-from-hunger campaign, statement, 221
General Assembly. See United Nations
General Assembly
International police force, proposed, 330
Ireland, Permanent Representative to
U.N. (Frederick H. Boland), 302 n.
Joint statement with King Bhumibol
Adulyadej, 218
Joint statement with President Garcia,
189
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Huh Chung, 203
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Kishi, I6
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Menzies, 312
Joint statements with Prime Minister
Macmillan, 307, 312
Korea
Police action (1950-53). See Korean
war
U.N. Command, o8, 202, 203, 212
U.N. membership, question of, 203
Middle East, action in, 330
Military forces, stand-by arrangements,
President's proposal, 302
News conference remarks, 7, 21, 38, 263,
268, 284 and ftn. (p. 682)
United Nations-Continued
Operational and Executive Personnel
Program, 302
Security Council. See United Nations
Security Council
Space development, President's proposal,
302
Suez Canal, action on (I956), 341
Technical assistance program, 320, 410
U.S. contribution, 13 (p. 62), 36, 414
(P. 967)
U.S. support of, I63, 255, 302, 330
World Refugee Year, 133
United Nations, Secretary General (Dag
Hammarskjold), 302 n., 307
News conference remarks on, I27, 256
United Nations, U.S. Representative
(Henry Cabot Lodge), 238, 302, 309,
348
News conference remarks on, 268, 284
Resignation, letter, 266
See also Lodge, Henry Cabot
United Nations Charter, 90, I88, 204, 209,
23I, 232, 286, 302, 303, 332, 364
Joint statement with President Garcia,
I89
Joint statement with Prime Minister Huh
Chung, 203
News conference remarks, 21, 284, 422
United Nations Children's Fund, 279
U.S. contribution, 13 (p. 63)
United Nations Day, 330, 336
United Nations Disarmament Commission,
302
Need for meeting, statement, 238
United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization, 72
United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, 221, 279, 302
United Nations General Assembly, 255
Address (1960), 302
Comments on, 268, 284 and ftn. (p.
682),336
Address on peaceful uses of atomic
energy ( 953), 209, 30'
II59
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
United Nations General Assembly-Con.
Heads of state and government attending, U.S. responsibility towards,
statement, 296
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Menzies, 312
Joint statements with Prime Minister
Macmillan, 307, 312
News conference remarks, 256, 268, 284
and ftn. (p. 682)
President (Frederick H. Boland), 302 n.
Resolution on proposed meeting of President with Chairman Khrushchev,
letter, 313
United Nations International Children's
Emergency Fund, 36
United Nations Security Council
Congo, resolution on, 248 n., 256
Discussion of RB-47 plane incident, proposed, 231, 232, 255
United Nations Special Fund, 302, 328
Budget message, 414 (pp. 965, 967)
United Service Organizations, I53, 2I0,
293
United States Information Agency, 349,
358, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 65), 414 (pp.
968, 969)
United States Information Agency, Director (George V. Allen), 24
See also Allen, George V.
Universal Trades, Inc., relief of, veto, I50
Universities. See Colleges and universities
Unna, Warren W., 38
Upper Volta, Republic of
Guirma, Frederic, 324 n.
Independence, message to Prime Minister Yameogo, 253
Uranium ore procurement, 13 (p. 58)
Uranium 235, 34, 103, 284
Urban renewal, 5, 4I O
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 65, 72), 414
(PP- 979, 980)
Federal aid, 414 (pp. 979, 980)
Uruguay
Declaration of Montevideo, 84
Martinez, Homero, 78 n.
Uruguay-Continued
Montevideo. See Montevideo
Nardone, Benito, 78, 79, 82, 85, 87
Student and teacher exchange, 80
U.S. Ambassador Robert F. Woodward,
78 n.
Visit to, 42, 78, 79, 8o, 81, 82, 83, 84,
85, 87
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, remarks, 13
U.S. Military Academy, 135, 173, 319, 340
U.S. Naval Academy, Board of Visitors,
349
USO. See United Service Organizations
U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln, 360
U.S.S. George Washington, 255
Entrance into sea duty, statement, 360
U.S.S. Kearsarge, 97
U.S.S. Patrick Henry, 360
Firing of Polaris missile, statement, 244
U.S.S. Saint Paul, 190 n., 19
U.S.S. Triton, 142
Utah, Sen. Wallace F. Bennett, I67
Utilization research program (farm products), 32
Utt, Repr. James B., 333
Van Allen Radiation Belt, 410
Van der Linden, Frank, 7, 93, I43, 256,
263, 268, 284, 422
Van Zandt, Repr. James E., 31 n.
Vanguard earth satellite, I I, 424
Venezuela, 228
Betancourt, Romulo, 267
Message, 122
Caracas, 222
Conflict with Dominican Republic, 267
Field hockey team, 319 n.
Sesquicentennial of independence, 122
Venus, 287
Vergara, German, 73 n.
Vessels. See Ships; Ships, nuclear-powered
Veterans Administration
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 74, 97, I00,
Io8), 414 (pp. 981, IoI3, 1015,
Ioi6, I019, 1025)
Claim of Virginia Bond, I 14
i 6o
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Veterans Administration-Continued
Hospitals, elimination of racial discrimination, 410
Regional office and hospital managers,
remarks, 318
Veterans Affairs, Administrator (Sumner
G. Whittier), 318
Veterans benefits, 318, 410
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 97-100), 414
(pp. 938, 1012-IOI6)
Tables, 13 (p. 98), 414 (p. 1014)
Veterans of Foreign Wars Memorial
Building, dedication, remarks, 31
Veterans housing, 13 (p. 74), 414 (pp.
98I, 982, 10o4)
Veto Messages
Area Redevelopment Bill, I46
Federal employees
Defense of suits against operators of
Government motor vehicles, I8o
Salary increase, 217
Federal National Mortgage Association,
income tax treatment of nonrefundable capital contributions,
15I
Federal Water Pollution Control Act,
amendment, 44
Income tax deductions for certain charitable contributions, 169
Relief of
Bond, Virginia, II4
Grand Lodge of North Dakota, I8 I
Kaiser, William J., I 13
Our Lady of the Lake Church, 179
Universal Trades, Inc., 150
Unemployment tax credits of successor
employers, 170
See also Memorandums of Disapproval
Veto of specific items, proposed, 13 (p.
107), 24,414 (p. 1026)
Vice Presidency
Eligibility of President, comments on,
7, 2I
Republican nomination for, 38
Vice President (Richard M. Nixon), 4,
23, I07, I32, I77, 2o8, 209, 407, 410
Vice President-Continued
Administration decisions, participation
in, 268
Approach to national problems, 38, 93,
I03
Birthday party, remarks, 403
Campaign remarks on, 290, 309, 344,
345, 346, 347, 348, 350, 353, 354,
355
Candidacy for President, 7, 24, 93, 103,
256, 263, 284, 290, 309, 337, 341I
344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 350, 353,
354, 355
Post election telegram, 357
Television debates, 268, 422
Consultations with, 256
Farm program, 34, 93
Governors Conference (i954), Lake
George, N.Y., 330
Meeting with Governor Rockefeller, 256
Meeting with President Lleras, i I
Meeting with Prime Minister Macmillan, 103
News conference remarks on, 7, 24, 34,
38, 93, I03, 127, 143, 222, 256, 263,
268, 284, 422
Steel strike settlement, role in, 7
Substitute for President at summit meeting, question of, 127, I43
Visit to Latin America ( 1958), 38
Visit to Poland (1959), 31 o
Videla, Hernan, 73 n., 74 n.
Vienna, Austria, International Atomic Energy Agency conference, 301 n.
Viet-Nam, I83, 245
Assistance, 36, 34I
Diem, Ngo Dinh, message, 338
Fifth anniversary of independence, 338
Hanoi, 338
Villegas Basavilbaso, Benjamin, 6o n.
Virata, Enrique, I86 n.
Virgin Islands, congressional representation, proposed, 13 (p. 104), 133, 414
(p. 1021)
Virginia
Arlington, 138 n.
Birthplace of mother, 340
II6I
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Virginia-Continued
Byrd, Sen. Harry F., 340
Mt. Sidney, 340 n.
Old Rag Mountain, 340
Robertson, Sen. A. Willis, 340
Staunton, 340
Williamsburg, 115 n.
Visale, Antonio de, 53 n.
Visitors, foreign
Adenauer, Konrad, 91, 92, 93
Akihito, Crown Prince, I40, 209, 308
Albert, Prince, 317
Bhumibol Adulyadej, 209, 211, 212, 213,
218
De Gaulle, Charles, I20, 121, 124, I25,
127
Frederik IX, 209, 320, 32I
Ingrid, Queen, 209, 320, 32I
Lleras Camargo, Alberto, I o8, I o9, I Io,
III
Macmillan, Harold, I03
Mahendra Bir Bikram, I28, 129
Michiko, Crown Princess, I40, 209, 308
Paola, Princess, 317
Prime Minister of Malaya, 339
Ratna Rajya Lekshmi, 128, 129
Sirikit, Queen, 209, 2II, 213, 218
Visits, foreign, 245
Africa, Asia, Europe, and Middle East
(Dec. 1959), 4, 7, I6, 24, 38, 73,
121 n., 208, 209, 260 n., 381
Asia, 21, 93, 98, 127, 208
Broadcast, 209
China, Republic of, 177, 192, 193, 194,
195, 196, 209
Japan, proposed. See Japan
Korea, 2I ftn. (p. 13I), 93, 127, I43,
177, 198, 199, 200, 20I, 202, 203,
204, 209,250,274
Okinawa, I77, 197, 209
Philippines, I77, I82, 183, I84, 185,
i86, 187, I88, 89, I90, 209
Statement, 177
Europe
France, I47, I54, 155, 156, I62, 163
Portugal, I57, 158, I59, i60, i6i, 162
Visits, foreign-Continued
Latin America, 38, 86, 93, 98, o09 n.,
228
Argentina, 42, 56, 57, 58, 59, 6o, 61,
62,63,64,66,67,87
Brazil, 42, 45, 4 448, 49, 50, 51, 52,
53, 54, 55, 87, 119
Broadcast on departure, 42
Broadcast on return, 87
Chile, 42, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75,
76,77,86,87
Mexico, 333, 334, 335
Uruguay, 42, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84,
85,87
Soviet Union, proposed, 21 and ftn. (p.
I31), 127, 143, 209
Cancellation, I63, 209
Vocational education, 13 (p. 89), 414 (p.
IOI5)
Vocational rehabilitation, 41I
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 96, 99)
Veterans, 13 (p. 99)
Voice of America, 13 (p. 65), 414 (p. 969)
Voluntary Home Mortgage Credit Committee, 414 (p. 982)
Von Braun, Wernher, 287
Von Brentano, Heinrich, 92
Voorhees, Tracy, 371
Report, 43I
Voroshilov, Kliment E., message, 2
Voss, Earl H., 34, 93
Voting rights, 4, I37, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. o05), 414 (p.
I021)
District of Columbia, 24, 414 (p. I021)
Importance of individual vote, 310
News conference remarks, 7, 24, 93
Wachuku, Jaja, 324 n.
Wadsworth, James J., 34
Wage controls, 346, 410
Wages, 17, 41
Increase, 341
Minimum, 133, 255, 284, 414 (p. I006)
Portsmouth (N.H.) naval shipyard, 230
See also Pay
II62
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Wagner, Robert F., 306
Walsh, Lt. Don, Legion of Merit, citation,
25
War, nuclear, 4, I47, 163, 185, I93, 409
War Between the States, 171 n.
Centennial
Proclamation, 370
Statement, 392
Ward, J. Carlton, Jr., 283
Warning systems for missile and aircraft
detection, 245
Ballistic Missile Early Warning System,
4I4 (P- 953)
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 54, 55), 414
(PP. 953, 954)
Project Defender, 414 (pp. 953, 954)
Warren, Earl. See Chief Justice of the
United States (Earl Warren)
Washington, D.C. See District of
Columbia
Washington, George, 80, 246
Washington National Airport, 414 (p. 974)
Waste treatment facilities, 13 (pp. 87, 94),
4I4 (p. Ioo8)
Water conversion, 402, 41O
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 84, 85), 414
(P 995)
Water pollution, 410, 413
Budget messages, 13 (p. 94), 414 (pp.
996, Ioo8)
Conference proposed, 44
Federal Water Pollution Control Act,
amendment, veto, 44
Water resources development, 36, 402, 410
Amistad Dam, Rio Grande, 13 (p. 83),
303, 334, 335, 414 (P. 995)
Budget messages, 13 (pp. 38, 82-85),
414 (PP. 993-996)
Columbia River, 33I, 4o0, 414 (p. 994),
416,419
Indus River, 36, 284, 297
India Pakistan Pact, statement, 297
Water transportation, 13 (pp. 69, 70), 414
(PP. 975, 976)
Water treaty, U.S.-Mexico, 335
Waterman, Alan T. (Director, National
Science Foundation), report, letter,
393
Watershed protection programs, 13 (p.
82), 410, 414 (pp. 991, 992, 996)
Weapons, I35, I43
New, 13 (pp. 47, 51, 52, 56, 58), 341,
414 (PP- 948, 955, 958, 959)
See also Bombs; Disarmament; Missiles;
Nuclear weapons; Nuclear weapons
tests
Weapons systems, 255
Weather Bureau, 13 (p. I04), 414 (p.
I021)
Weather forecasting, 13 (p. I 4)
Weather satellites, 143, 264, 40I, 424
Budget message, 414 (pp. 970, 972,
I021)
Tiros I launching, statement, I04
Weisbaden, Germany, 91 n.
Welfare and Pension Plan Disclosure Act,
amendments proposed, 13 (p. 93),
414 (p. I006)
Welfare programs, 13 (pp. 87, 89-96), 414
(PP. 999, IOOI-I003, o006-IOI2)
Tables, 13 (p. 88),414 (pp. Iooo, Iooi)
West Point. See U.S. Military Academy
West Virginia
Depressed areas, Federal aid, 127 and
ftn. (p. 362), 176
Primary election, 143
Underwood, Gov. Cecil H., I76
Westchester County, N.Y., campaign remarks, 346
Wheat
Acreage allotments and marketing quotas, 32
Exports, 132
International Wheat Agreement, 13 (p.
77)
News conference remarks, I27, 222, 256
Price supports, 13 (p. 77), 32, 127, 414
(P. 987)
Surpluses, 13 (p. 77), 32, I33, 246, 279,
410,414 (pp. 987, 988)
Wheat bill, 222, 256
Wheat program, 133, 255
1163
Index
[ References are to items except as otherwise indicated ]
Wheeler Dam, 13 (p. 84)
White, Gen. Thomas D. (Chief of Staff,
Air Force), 7, 26I n.
White House Conference on Aging ( 96 )
Budget messages, 13 (p. 96), 414 (p.
1012)
Remarks, 398
White House Conference on Children and
Youth, 103
Address, 100
Budget messages, 13 (p. 96), 414 (p.
1012)
White House Office
Aurand, Capt. E. P., I42 n.
Goodpaster, Gen. Andrew J., 425, 426,
427,428,429,430
Gray, Gordon, 8, 9, 94, 412, 427
Harr, Karl G., Jr., 9
Hopkins, William J., 68 n.
Kestnbaum, Meyer, 208, 372
Kistiakowsky, George B., I43, 363 n.,
400, 429
Lyons, Eugene L., 26, 27, 28
Morgan, Gerald D., 380 n., 417
Persons, Wilton B., 369
Press Secretary. See Hagerty, James C.
White House Office space, 133, 243, 414
(pp. 1017-1019)
White House releases, partial list, Appendix
A,p. 1067
Whittier, Sumner G. (Administrator of
Veterans Affairs), 318
Wildlife, 402, 410
Budget messages, 13 (p. 86), 414 (pp.
998, 999)
Wildlife Range, Arctic, establishment proposed, 133
Wilkinson, Henry C., 239
Williams, Alfred H., 344 n.
Williams, Clare B., 107 n., 395
Williams, Gov. G. Mennen, 328
Williamsburg, Va., I 15 n.
Wilson, Repr. Bob, 333
Wilson, Richard L., 38, 103, 422
Wilson, Woodrow, 310
Ceremonies honoring memory of, address, 340
Wilson (Woodrow) Birthplace Foundation, 340
Wisconsin
Johnson, Repr. Lester R., 330
Kastenmeier, Repr. Robert W., 7
Nash, Lt. Gov. Philleo, 330
Witwer, Samuel W., 246
Women
In politics, comment on, 107
Suffrage amendment, 40th anniversary,
statement, 269
Woodson, Col. Charles W., 314
Woodward, Robert F., 78 n.
Wool Act, National, extension proposed,
414 (p. 989)
World Agriculture Fair (New Delhi,
I959), I36
World Bank. See International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development
World Court. See International Court of
Justice
World Health Organization, 13 (p. 63),
279
World Refugee Year, 133
World series, 284, 319
World War I, 80, 171 n.
World War II, 48, 49, 52, 80, 124, 171 n.,
I94, 205, 287, 319
Allied landings in Africa, 355
Association with Gen. de Gaulle, I20,
121
Battle of Normandy, 405
Brazilian dead, ceremonies honoring, 379
Compensation to Americans for property
damage, 13 (p. I05),414 (p. 1023)
D-day, 354
News conference remarks, 7, 268
Operation Overlord, 405
Prisoners of war returned to Soviet
Union, 268
Rhine River crossing, 405
World's Fair I964-65, New York, U.S.
participation, 358, 414 (p. 984)
Report 376
Wright, Orville and Wilbur, 332
Wriston, Henry, 30 n., 86
Letters, 29, 240
1164
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
X-I5 research plane, 264
Xavier, Jose Joaquim (Tiradentes), 45
Yamashita, Madam Harue, 14 n.
Yameogo, Maurice, message, 253
Ydigoras Fuentes, Miguel, message, 368
YMCA. See Young Men's Christian
Association
Young, Robert C., 362
Young Men's Christian Association, 2 1
Young Republican National Federation,
8 n.
Young Republican National Leadership
Training School, remarks, 18
Young Women's Christian Association, 21 o
Youth
Of America, comment on, 123
Physical fitness, comment on, 103
White House Conference on Children
and Youth, 13 (p. 96), oo, 103, 414
(p. IOI2)
Youth Science Month, statement, 299
Yu Jai Heung, Lt. Gen., 202
Yugoslavia, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, letter,
313
YWCA. See Young Women's Christian
Association
Zinc and lead producers, payment of subsidies to, disapproval, 280
165
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