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PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS
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UNITED STATES












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1




PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS
OF THE
UNITED STATES
George Bush


1989
(IN TWO BOOKS)
BOOK I-JANUARY 20 TO JUNE 30, 1989


UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON: 1990




Published by the
Office of the Federal Register
National Archives and Records Administration
For sale by the
Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington, DC 20402




Foreword
In my Inaugural Address, I stated that America stood at a moment rich with promise, with new ground to be broken and new action to be taken. And we have succeeded. The first six months of this Administration was a time of growth and stability. Our
economy remained strong; in June 1989 we concluded 78 consecutive months of economic expansion. Real per capita income, output, and business fixed investment were
at record levels, and unemployment fell to levels not seen in sixteen years.
We moved to build a better America by emphasizing fundamental values. We
worked to reinvigorate our competitiveness, conserve and protect our environment,
promote educational excellence, increase ethical standards in government, strengthen law enforcement to fight the scourge of drugs and crime, and restore confidence
in our savings and loan industry.
Abroad, we began to witness developments in Eastern Europe and other parts of
the world that indicated change in the East-West relationship that has predominated
since the end of World War II. In the face of these developments, the United States
reaffirmed its leadership role in the pursuit of democratic values, arms control, and a
strong Western alliance. We dealt with these challenges in a positive and constructive manner. During this period, I traveled to Canada; to Japan, the People's Republic
of China, and the Republic of Korea; and to Western Europe for a highly successful
NATO Summit.
As we look back on the first six months of this Administration, we see a new breeze
blowing. We move forward on this breeze, showing the world that the United States
will continue to build a better nation at home and to lead in the articulation and
demonstration of democratic principles.


v








Preface
This book contains the papers and speeches of the 41st President of the United States
that were issued by the Office of the Press Secretary during the period January 20 -June 30, 1989. The material has been compiled and published by the Office of the
Federal Register, National Archives and Records Administration.
The material is presented in chronological order, and the dates shown in the headings are the dates of the documents or events. In instances when the release date
differs from the date of the document itself, that fact is shown in the textnote. Every
effort has been made to ensure accuracy: Remarks are checked against a tape recording, and signed documents are checked against the original. Textnotes, footnotes, and
cross references have been provided by the editors for purposes of identification or
clarity. Speeches were delivered in Washington, DC, unless indicated. The times
noted are local times. All materials that are printed full-text in the book have been
indexed in the subject and name indexes, and listed in the document categories list.
The Public Papers series was begun in 1957 in response to a recommendation of
the National Historical Publications Commission. An extensive compilation of messages and papers of the Presidents covering the period 1789 to 1897 was assembled
by James D. Richardson and published under congressional authority between 1896
and 1899. Since then, various private compilations have been issued, but there was
no uniform publication comparable to the Congressional Record or the United States
Supreme Court Reports. Many Presidential papers could be found only in the form of
mimeographed White House releases or as reported in the press. The Commission
therefore recommended the establishment of an official series in which Presidential
writings, addresses, and remarks of a public nature could be made available.
The Commission's recommendation was incorporated in regulations of the Administrative Committee of the Federal Register, issued under section 6 of the Federal
Register Act (44 U.S.C. 1506), which may be found in title 1, part 10, of the Code of
Federal Regulations.
A companion publication to the Public Papers series, the Weekly Compilation of
Presidential Documents, was begun in 1965 to provide a broader range of Presidential materials on a more timely basis to meet the needs of the contemporary reader.
Beginning with the administration of Jimmy Carter, the Public Papers series expanded its coverage to include all material as printed in the Weekly Compilation. That
coverage provides a listing of the President's daily schedule and meetings, when announced, and other items of general interest issued by the Office of the Press Secretary. Also included are lists of the President's nominations submitted to the Senate,
materials released by the Office of the Press Secretary that are not printed full-text
in the book, acts approved by the President, and proclamations and Executive orders.
This information appears in the appendixes at the end of the book.
Volumes covering the administrations of Presidents Hoover, Truman, Eisenhower,
Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, and Reagan are also available.


vii




The Chief Editor of this book was William King Banks, assisted by E.B. Swidal,
Karen Howard Ashlin, and Bill Rozday.
White House liaison was provided by Marlin Fitzwater, Assistant to the President
and Press Secretary. The frontispiece and photographs used in the portfolio were
supplied by the White House Photo Office.
Martha L. Girard
Director of the Federal Register
Don W. Wilson
Archivist of the United States


viii




Contents


Foreword... v
Preface... vii
Cabinet... x
Public Papers of George Bush,
January 20-June 30,1989... 1
Appendix A
Digest of Other White House Announcements... 839
Appendix B
Nominations Submitted to the Senate... 861
Appendix C
Checklist of White House Press Releases... 871
Appendix D
Acts Approved by the President... 877
Appendix E
Proclamations and Executive Orders... 881
Subject Index... A-1
Name Index... B-1
Document Categories List... C-1


ix




Cabinet


Secretary of State...........................................
Secretary of the Treasury..............................
Secretary of Defense.....................................
Attorney General............................................
Secretary of the Interior................................
Secretary of Agriculture................................
Secretary of Commerce.................................
Secretary of Labor..........................................
Secretary of Health and Human Services...
Secretary of Housing and Urban
Development...................................................
Secretary of Transportation..........................
Secretary of Energy........................................
Secretary of Education..................................
Secretary of Veterans Affairs........................
Director of the Office of Management and
Budget..............................................................
United States Trade Representative.............


James Addison Baker III
Nicholas F. Brady
Richard B. Cheney
Richard L. Thornburgh
Manuel Lujan, Jr.
Clayton Yeutter
Robert Adam Mosbacher
Elizabeth Hanford Dole
Louis W. Sullivan
Jack Kemp
Samuel Knox Skinner
James D. Watkins
Lauro F. Cavazos
Edward J. Derwinski
Richard G. Darman
Carla Anderson Hills


x




Administration of George Bush
1989








Inaugural Address
January 20, 1989


Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice
President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker
Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel,
and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends:
There is a man here who has earned a
lasting place in our hearts and in our history. President Reagan, on behalf of our
nation, I thank you for the wonderful things
that you have done for America.
I've just repeated word for word the oath
taken by George Washington 200 years ago,
and the Bible on which I placed my hand is
the Bible on which he placed his. It is right
that the memory of Washington be with us
today not only because this is our bicentennial inauguration but because Washington
remains the Father of our Country. And he
would, I think, be gladdened by this day;
for today is the concrete expression of a
stunning fact: our continuity, these 200
years, since our government began.
We meet on democracy's front porch. A
good place to talk as neighbors and as
friends. For this is a day when our nation is
made whole, when our differences, for a
moment, are suspended. And my first act as
President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your
heads.
Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and
thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks
for the peace that yields this day and the
shared faith that makes its continuance
likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write
on our hearts these words: "Use power to
help people." For we are given power not
to advance our own purposes, nor to make
a great show in the world, nor a name.
There is but one just use of power, and it is
to serve people. Help us remember, Lord.
Amen.
I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise. We
live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we
can make it better. For a new breeze is


blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom
seems reborn. For in man's heart, if not in
fact, the day of the dictator is over. The
totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas
blown away like leaves from an ancient,
lifeless tree. A new breeze is blowing, and a
nation refreshed by freedom stands ready
to push on. There is new ground to be
broken and new action to be taken. There
are times when the future seems thick as a
fog; you sit and wait, hoping the mists will
lift and reveal the right path. But this is a
time when the future seems a door you can
walk right through into a room called tomorrow.
Great nations of the world are moving
toward democracy through the door to
freedom. Men and women of the world
move toward free markets through the door
to prosperity. The people of the world agitate for free expression and free thought
through the door to the moral and intellectual satisfactions that only liberty allows.
We know what works: Freedom works.
We know what's right: Freedom is right.
We know how to secure a more just and
prosperous life for man on Earth: through
free markets, free speech, free elections,
and the exercise of free will unhampered
by the state.
For the first time in this century, for the
first time in perhaps all history, man does
not have to invent a system by which to
live. We don't have to talk late into the
night about which form of government is
better. We don't have to wrest justice from
the kings. We only have to summon it from
within ourselves. We must act on what we
know. I take as my guide the hope of a
saint: In crucial things, unity; in important
things, diversity; in all things, generosity.
America today is a proud, free nation,
decent and civil, a place we cannot help
but love. We know in our hearts, not loudly
and proudly but as a simple fact, that this


1




Jan. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


country has meaning beyond what we see,
and that our strength is a force for good.
But have we changed as a nation even in
our time? Are we enthralled with material
things, less appreciative of the nobility of
work and sacrifice?
My friends, we are not the sum of our
possessions. They are not the measure of
our lives. In our hearts we know what matters. We cannot hope only to leave our children a bigger car, a bigger bank account.
We must hope to give them a sense of what
it means to be a loyal friend; a loving
parent; a citizen who leaves his home, his
neighborhood, and town better than he
found it. And what do we want the men
and women who work with us to say when
we're no longer there? That we were more
driven to succeed than anyone around us?
Or that we stopped to ask if a sick child had
gotten better and stayed a moment there to
trade a word of friendship?
No President, no government can teach
us to remember what is best in what we
are. But if the man you have chosen to lead
this government can help make a difference; if he can celebrate the quieter,
deeper successes that are made not of gold
and silk but of better hearts and finer souls;
if he can do these things, then he must.
America is never wholly herself unless
she is engaged in high moral principle. We
as a people have such a purpose today. It is
to make kinder the face of the Nation and
gentler the face of the world. My friends,
we have work to do. There are the homeless, lost and roaming. There are the children who have nothing, no love and no
normalcy. There are those who cannot free
themselves of enslavement to whatever addiction-drugs, welfare, the demoralization
that rules the slums. There is crime to be
conquered, the rough crime of the streets.
There are young women to be helped who
are about to become mothers of children
they can't care for and might not love.
They need our care, our guidance, and our
education, though we bless them for choosing life.
The old solution, the old way, was to
think that public money alone could end
these problems. But we have learned that
that is not so. And in any case, our funds
are low. We have a deficit to bring down.


We have more will than wallet, but will is
what we need. We will make the hard
choices, looking at what we have and perhaps allocating it differently, making our
decisions based on honest need and prudent
safety. And then we will do the wisest thing
of all. We will turn to the only resource we
have that in times of need always grows:
the goodness and the courage of the American people.
And I am speaking of a new engagement
in the lives of others, a new activism, handson and involved, that gets the job done. We
must bring in the generations, harnessing
the unused talent of the elderly and the
unfocused energy of the young. For not
only leadership is passed from generation to
generation but so is stewardship. And the
generation born after the Second World
War has come of age.
I have spoken of a Thousand Points of
Light, of all the community organizations
that are spread like stars throughout the
Nation, doing good. We will work hand in
hand, encouraging, sometimes leading,
sometimes being led, rewarding. We will
work on this in the White House, in the
Cabinet agencies. I will go to the people
and the programs that are the brighter
points of light, and I'll ask every member of
my government to become involved. The
old ideas are new again because they're not
old, they are timeless: duty, sacrifice, commitment, and a patriotism that finds its expression in taking part and pitching in.
We need a new engagement, too, between the Executive and the Congress. The
challenges before us will be thrashed out
with the House and the Senate. And we
must bring the Federal budget into balance.
And we must ensure that America stands
before the world united, strong, at peace,
and fiscally sound. But of course things may
be difficult. We need to compromise; we've
had dissension. We need harmony; we've
had a chorus of discordant voices.
For Congress, too, has changed in our
time. There has grown a certain divisiveness. We have seen the hard looks and
heard the statements in which not each
other's ideas are challenged but each
other's motives. And our great parties have
too often been far apart and untrusting of


2




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 20


each other. It's been this way since Vietnam. That war cleaves us. still. But, friends,
that war began in earnest a quarter of a
century ago, and surely the statute of limitation has been reached. This is a fact: The
final lesson of Vietnam is that no great
nation can long afford to be sundered by a
memory. A new breeze is blowing, and the
old bipartisanship must be made new again.
To my friends, and, yes, I do mean
friends-in the loyal opposition and, yes, I
mean loyal-I put out my hand. I am putting out my hand to you, Mr. Speaker. I am
putting out my hand to you, Mr. Majority
Leader. For this is the thing: This is the age
of the offered hand. And we can't turn back
clocks, and I don't want to. But when our
fathers were young, Mr. Speaker, our differences ended at the water's edge. And we
don't wish to turn back time, but when our
mothers were young, Mr. Majority Leader,
the Congress and the Executive were capable of working together to produce a
budget on which this nation could live. Let
us negotiate soon and hard. But in the end,
let us produce. The American people await
action. They didn't send us here to bicker.
They ask us to rise above the merely partisan. "In crucial things, unity"-and this, my
friends, is crucial.
To the world, too, we offer new engagement and a renewed vow: We will stay
strong to protect the peace. The offered
hand is a reluctant fist; once made-strong,
and can be used with great effect. There
are today Americans who are held against
their will in foreign lands and Americans
who are unaccounted for. Assistance can be
shown here and will be long remembered.
Good will begets good will. Good faith can
be a spiral that endlessly moves on.
Great nations like great men must keep
their word. When America says something,
America means it, whether a treaty or an
agreement or a vow made on marble steps.
We will always try to speak clearly, for
candor is a compliment; but subtlety, too, is
good and has its place. While keeping our
alliances and friendships around the world
strong, ever strong, we will continue the
new closeness with the Soviet Union, consistent both with our security and with
progress. One might say that our new relationship in part reflects the triumph of


hope and strength over experience. But
hope is good, and so is strength and vigilance.
Here today are tens of thousands of our
citizens who feel the understandable satisfaction of those who have taken part in democracy and seen their hopes fulfilled. But
my thoughts have been turning the past
few days to those who would be watching
at home, to an older fellow who will throw
a salute by himself when the flag goes by
and the woman who will tell her sons the
words of the battle hymns. I don't mean
this to be sentimental. I mean that on days
like this we remember that we are all part
of a continuum, inescapably connected by
the ties that bind.
Our children are watching in schools
throughout our great land. And to them I
say, Thank you for watching democracy's
big day. For democracy belongs to us all,
and freedom is like a beautiful kite that can
go higher and higher with the breeze. And
to all I say, No matter what your circumstances or where you are, you are part of
this day, you are part of the life of our great
nation.
A President is neither prince nor pope,
and I don't seek a window on men's souls.
In fact, I yearn for a greater tolerance, and
easygoingness about each other's attitudes
and way of life.
There are few clear areas in which we as
a society must rise up united and express
our intolerance. The most obvious now is
drugs. And when that first cocaine was
smuggled in on a ship, it may as well have
been a deadly bacteria, so much has it hurt
the body, the soul of our country. And
there is much to be done and to be said,
but take my word for it: This scourge will
stop!
And so, there is much to do. And tomorrow the work begins. And I do not mistrust
the future. I do not fear what is ahead. For
our problems are large, but our heart is
larger. Our challenges are great, but our
will is greater. And if our flaws are endless,
God's love is truly boundless.
Some see leadership as high drama and
the sound of trumpets calling, and sometimes it is that. But I see history as a book
with many pages, and each day we fill a


3




Jan. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


page with acts of hopefulness and meaning.
The new breeze blows, a page turns, the
story unfolds. And so, today a chapter
begins, a small and stately story of unity,
diversity, and generosity-shared, and written, together.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless
the United States of America.
Remarks to White House Visitors
January 21, 1989
The President. Good morning, everybody.
[Applause] Thank you. Thank you all very
much. Let me just say that I know some of
you have been up all night lohg. And so,
what we want to do is not delay this but
take whoever is first. And I gather that's
been sorted out by whoever got first in line
into theVisitors. No!
The President. Not quite?
Visitors. No!
The President. Okay, so there's some injustice out there. [Laughter]
Visitor. We love you, George! I love you!
The President. No, but this is the people's
house, and it just seemed appropriate on


Note: The President spoke at 12:05 p.m. at
the West Front of the Capitol. Prior to his
address, the oath of office was administered
by Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist. The
address was broadcast live on radio and
television.


this first day that we welcome as many as
we can. I have a little hiatus in the middle
because I do have to go over to this building. I'm sure most of you recognize that as
the West Wing, and then the office you see
in the corner is the President's Oval Office.
And I have to go sign one or two things and
at least start to work over there, and then I
will come back. Barbara will be here-some
of our kids inside. But we just wanted to
wish you well and welcome you to the people's house.
Thank you all very, very much. Thank
you. We'll scoot on in.
Note: The President spoke at 8:05 a.m. at
the Executive Entrance of the White House.


Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters
January 21, 1989


The President. Good morning, Helen
[Helen Thomas, United Press International].
First Day as President
Q. How are you? How does it feel to be
President?
The President. It feels just fine-setting in
now, after the glamour and excitement of
the inauguration. It's a great joy to have my
mother here, the leader of our family, a
great joy to have our ten kids over there
last night. One got sick, so I had the duty at
about 6 a.m. this morning. Ellie LeBlondpumped a half a Tylenol into her, and she's


looking good. Ate two pancakes-what
you'd call a rapid recovery.
Q. Which one was ill, sir?
The President. Ellie, Doro's daughter, the
Thousand Points of Light kid that ran across
in the commercial. No, but it's so exciting
over there and just a joy to have the family
all there. They'll start leaving. We have a
luncheon today with 240.
Mrs. Bush. Oh, really?
The President. Yes, 240-family.
Mrs. Bush. Oh, my Lord!
Q. Are you responsible for all that? Are
you responsible for 240?


4




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 21


Mrs. Bush. No. [Laughter]
Q. What are your thoughts, Mrs. Bush?
Mrs. Bush. What did you say?
Q. What are your thoughts about today?
Mrs. Bush. Oh, I think it's the most exciting day of my life so far. It's just been wonderful. Everything has been perfect. Everything is so beautifully arranged.
The President. This is the one that told
me not to brag about myself and to bend
my knees when I volleyed. Right here,
you're looking at her. [Laughter]
American Hostages
Q. Mr. President, you seem to be holding
out an olive branch to Iran or the Shi'ites in
terms of Terry Anderson and the hostages.
Were you hinting a movement there, or a
change of policy, or
The President. No, Helen, I don't think
it's a change of policy, but I wanted to be
sure I mentioned in that speech my absolute determination not to forget either category: POW-MIA or these hostages. And I
wanted that right in there. It was one of the
few specific points in an otherwise thematic
speech. And in terms of your question, I
hope it was heard around the world. You
know, we keep hearing rumors that countries want to have improved relations with
the United States. I wanted to make clear
to them that good will begets good will. I
also know enough about the situation to
think, in fairness, that because of the nature
of the hostage-holding you can't finger any
one country for holding Americans hostage
against their will. But people have, in the
past, facilitated the release of our citizens,
and I'd love to see that happen again. And I
won't forget it. Having said that, we're not
going to escalate the currency of holding
Americans hostage. We're not going to have
people feel that we are going to make concessions in order to free those precious
lives. We simply can't.
Q. You talk about a fist, sir.
The President. Yes. That is a broad term
to indicate that the United States will stay
strong, and occasionally Presidents are
called upon to use force in one situation or
another around the world. And this President will be no different. It wasn't in the
context of the people held against their will
necessarily.


Relations With Congress
Q. Do you plan any official business
today, Mr. President?
The   President.  There  just  is-no,
today
Q. Like the ethics order, for instance.
The President. I4 haven't talked to
John Sununu. We had one or two formal
things we were going to do, I think.
Mr. Sununu. Yes, but ethics is not today.
The President. Ethics won't be today.
We're going to talk to the leadership early
next week-the bipartisan leadership of the
Congress-on how we proceed on the
budget. We're contemplating how we best
make clear to the Hill my determination to
do one of the things I talked about yesterday and try to reach for bipartisanship in
foreign affairs. And so, we're thinking of a
meeting that will say to those who have
shown the most interest in that in Congress,
Look, we're ready. The President has
unique responsibilities under the Constitution for foreign policy and for the national
security. But we want, through consultation,
to have the Congress in as much as possible
on the takeoff. We've got to figure out how
we do that.
There was a very good letter sent to me
before I was elected President by David
Boren and Senator Danforth-Senator
Boren and Senator Danforth. I'm sure that
has been released. There's been some editorial comment on it, and that caught my
imagination. And I wrote him back and
said, "Okay, let's talk about it." We can't do
it one way. The President has certain
unique responsibilities, and I intend to
carry those out. But we can, I think, do a
better job of having the Congress understand initiatives that we might take. Certainly, in some difficult areas I need their
advice. I welcome it, but I'd love to think
we could go back to the Vandenberg days,
partisanship stopping at the water's edge.
But I'm not naive. I know they're very difficult.
One thing, however, having said all those
sweet and nice things, I am concerned, as a
lot of Congressmen are, as a lot of Senators
are, about the erosion of Presidential
power, and I have been. And so, I want to
talk with reasonable Members in the Senate


5




Jan. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


and the House, Democrat and Republican.
Some have told me they share that concern.
And I say, what do we do about it? How do
we work with you people in consultation
not only to avoid the erosion of power but
to reestablish in the Presidency the firm
hand that I think the Constitution gave the
President?
Q. Well, the Constitution also lets Congress declare war.
The President. Well, that's right.
Q. And Vietnam was the part of the not
keeping Congress really informed as they
made these moves. So, don't you think that
what you're really saying is, you want something different from the Reagan administration.
The President. I'm saying I've just spelled
out what I want for the Bush administration.
Inaugural Address
Q. Sir, there was criticism of your speech
that there wasn't any meat in it, that it set a
tone, but that you didn't have any specific
initiatives. What do you say to that?
The President. I haven't heard too much
criticism about that. I've been very pleased
with the wonderful-well, put it this wayvery overly, perhaps, generous response, at
least from the Members of 'the Hill. But I
say, stay tuned. February 9th we'll have
something a little different, if that's the
date that's settled on.
Q. Is that the State of the Union?
The President. Yes. That'll be up there
with the Congress.
Communications With Foreign Leaders
Q. Mr. President, often, a President on
his first day makes some kind of communications with foreign leaders. Have you
spoken or sent notes to any of the allies or
to Mr. Gorbachev, or has he tried to contact
you?
The President. Well, he has contacted me
through a nice, very generous letter, pledging to work for world peace, something of
that nature. And clearly I will respond not
only to that communication from Mr. Gorbachev but to expressions of good will from
all around the world. It's been very heartwarming, and I want to be sure we do get
these responses out.


President Reagan's Farewell Note
Q. What did the President's note say?
The President. Grab it out of the drawer
there, Tim. Tim, could you get the note
from the President there?
Mr. Fitzwater. Wait. Wait. Let's restore
the lights here. The stills are okay.
The President. Am I violating any rules
here, Marlin?
Q. They're your rules, sir. They're your
rules.
The President. Oh, I set the rules. Okay,
but we've established one thing, haven't
we: that this is not a "photo op."
Q. That's right.
Q. Whatever you say, sir.
The President. No, that was-Marlin, help
me.
Mr. Fitzwater. That's right. We've talked
earlier and said you'd have a chance for a
discussion here and questions andQ. We don't care what you call it, just so
you answer the questions.
The President. No, no. I care what I call it
because I don't want to demean your profession further by making you raise your
voice, Helen. I love it when it's tranquil and
peaceful like this.
Q. We do, too.
The President. I know you do.
Q. I know about Presidential power.
The President. Let me see if I can[laughter]. And I know about UPI [United
Press International]-[laughter]-let's see
whether I dare read you this:
"Dear George"-this is from  President
Reagan-"You'll have moments when you
want to use this particular stationery. Well,
go to it. George, I treasure the memories
we share and wish you all the very best.
You'll be in my prayers. God bless you and
Barbara. I'll miss our Thursday lunches.
Ron"
The heading on the paper is "Don't let
the turkeys get you down." So, nobody here
should take personal to this at all. I mean,
this is a broad, ecumenical statement: "Do
not let the turkeys get you down."
Q. That's not written.
The President. Don't know who he's
speaking about there. And it shows a bunch
of turkeys trying to get an elephant down.


6




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 21


And it says "Boynton" on the bottom.
First Day as President
Q. How does it feel, sir, to be in the Oval
Office the first day?
The President. It's wonderful. I can't wait
to get to work-I mean, serious work. And
we're going to do some here today with the
Chief of Staff-go over some. But it really
feels wonderful, and I know how to begin.
And we're going to start right in Monday,
and then we'll have a good, full schedule on
Tuesday. And I couldn't wait to come over
here this morning. I did because we had
some people, you know, come through the
White House just to symbolically open the
door of the people's house. I must say that
was kind of interesting, the expressions. I
was saying to myself, Now, what does it
take for somebody to stay awake all night to
come into the White House? What kind of
people are they? Well, they were all different kinds of people: a lot of kids, a lot of
young people, some older, some with their
children, a couple of families. Three had
been to one of these balls-black ties-and
just pitched-you know, like we used to do
when we were little, maybe-slept out
there. But the common thread was that
they felt they were lucky to be there, which


amazed me, in a sense, because I thought
we were so lucky to have people that would
care that much.
Q. Do you feel the same way, sir?
The President. A lot of people-I do. I do.
All right.
Q. Have you gotten lost?
The President. What?
Q. Have you gotten lost?
The President. I got lost in the White
House yesterday evening when we came in,
trying to find a couple of kids' rooms, yes.
Q. Thank you.
The President. Thank you all.
Q. And there was one for every room?
The President. Ten children. I mean-five
kids and ten spouses and ten grandchildren,
and then Paula, who has lived with us for
29 years.
Q. It's a nice hotel, isn't it?
The President. It's unbelievable, Helen.
It's unbelievable.
Note: The exchange began at 9:09 a.m. in
the Oval Office at the White House. John
H, Sununu was Chief of Staff to the President. In his remarks, the President referred
to Timothy McBride, Assistant to the President, and Marlin Fitzwater, Assistant to the
President and Press Secretary.


Remarks to Campaign Staff Members and Political Supporters
January 21, 1989


Thank you, Governor Sununu. And let
me say at the outset-I'm sure you all know
John Sununu, but I am very grateful that he
has agreed to-having just left the Governorship of his State-to be our Chief of
Staff. And I know he'll do a superb job over
there. In fact, he already put me to work
this morning signing things. The Republic is
still in reasonably good shape, I think, but I
signed a bunch of stuff and-[laughter]looked official in there.
And it is a wonderful feeling. We have a
tremendous-Barbara's not here. And I
called her on the phone a minute ago, and I
said, "Bar, are you coming over to the State
Department-going to the State Depart

ment?" She said, "We have 240 family
members coming here at 12 o'clock, and
you'd better be back." [Laughter] So, she's
not here, but we have one representative:
the singing and dancing star the other day
at Bar's, Noelle Bush from Miami. You get
over there. I don't want to be upstaged.
[Laughter]
But look, I will be very informal because
I look around the room and see just so
many people from here, from Puerto Rico,
from out in the Pacific and all 50 States;
people that have made it possible for me to
take on this new responsibility. And people
say to you-we had a press group over at
the White House. I took my mother over


7




Jan. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


there to the Oval Office, and then we took
some questions from the press. And they
asked a very appropriate question that
seems very obvious: But has it all sunk in
yet? And I guess the answer is: When you
spend the first night in the White House
and then when you go to work in that Oval
Office, it does sink in, but it sinks in in a
wonderful way.
I opened the top drawer of my desk
now-a beautiful, historical Presidential
desk-and here was a really lovely, warm
note from my predecessor, which I think
demonstrates more than the continuity. It
says a lot because it said a lot about our
own personal friendship, and it said a lot to
me-though he, the modest, now former
President, would never say it-but a lot of
how I got the chance to be in this job. And
so, it was emotional, and yet it had a very
nice steady feeling to it: that the Presidency
goes on. I heard, when he got to California,
that President Reagan said he left me a
note over where the underwear goes[laughter]-or wherever that top right hand
drawer, but I haven't found it yet. I'll have
to keep looking. [Laughter]
But I wanted to come over and thank the
movers and shakers of the Team 100 -Larry Bathgate of the National Committee,
and Mel and Joe and Wally Ganzie-Mel
Sembler and Joe Zappala, Wally Ganziewho these three I single out with some
trepidation in this room because there are
various other stages along the way to the
White House. Each and every one of you
came out and did disproportionately more
than his or her share. Bobby Holt is here,
who has blossomed forth from being not
only one of the classic arm-twisters and[laughter]-persistent fundraisers, but now
his new horizons are frightening in that he
was kind of running parades and running
all kinds of marvelous events-[laughter]to save the Republic. And I'm very grateful
to him. I don't know that Penne Korth is
here, but she was our peripatetic-I've just
learned what that means-[laughter]-everywhere, never lets up, always around cochairman. And she did an outstanding job
as well.
But to each and every one of you, really,
I am very, very grateful to you. A serious
note-I said some of it yesterday, perhaps


with less specificity than I will when I address the Joint Session of the Congress in
early February. And what I wanted to say
is: Yes, the problems are big out there.
There's no question of it. And I did single
out the Federal budget deficit yesterday. I
talked about the new relationship with the
Soviet Union. But let me just say a word on
each.
I'm convinced that if we approach it
properly with the Congress, without rancor,
that we can get it done. I know it's not
going to be easy, and I know they're not
going to accept even some of the fundamental premises upon which I was elected.
I'm sure of that. But I also know that with
Governor Sununu at my side coming out of
the political process, and with me in a sense
a creature of Congress as well, that we're
going to try. And I think maybe we can
make the headway that the American
people are really properly demanding in
terms of addressing ourselves to this one
fundamental remaining problem.
I put the trade deficit in a different category because I think if we get demonstrable
progress on the Federal budget deficit that
will send a psychological signal to world
markets that will help us enormously in
terms of the expense of interest, for example, on the Federal debt. So, we're going to
start, and we're going to reach out. And on
Tuesday of next week, we're going to have
our first meeting with the bipartisan leadership-House and Senate, Democrats and
Republicans-to start addressing this. We're
not expecting miracles, but I want them to
know we are going to try. I'm going to try
to do that which I said, in that speech on
the west front of the Capitol, I wanted to
do.
And then the second point-we're standing in this spectacular building which
George Shultz so ably led and that now will
be led by my friend of such long standing,
Jim Baker. And somebody-there was an
editorial in the Times the other day that
said the Vice President-or the Presidentelect has been dealt a good hand on foreign
affairs. I think that's true. We've got some
tough problems in our own hemisphere.
We're got some problems we're watching
very carefully in Africa. We've got prob

8




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 21


lems in the subcontinent in terms of nuclear proliferation.
So, you've plenty of problems to go
around. But because of the reestablished
credibility of the United States, because our
word is seen as good, because our determination is not doubted, I think I have been
dealt a very good hand. And I salute, obviously, President Reagan and men with
whom I worked, women of ability in the
trade areas or in the defense areas or wherever is it, because I think I come in with a
stronger hand now, and I think the horizon
is bright. I'd talk to kids in the campaign,
and I'd tell them, listen, if I were in your
shoes, I'd be optimistic that I might grow
up in a land less afraid of nuclear holocaust,
less worried about regional conflagration,
more optimistic about human rights worldwide.
So, the agenda, though fraught with some
problems, is one that I look forward to tackling. We already had a first meeting-Governor Sununu and Brent Scowcroft and
me-this morning. We met first with the
Director of the Central Intelligence and
one of our regular briefers, and then Bob
Gates, the new Deputy over there, joined
us. And you begin to get the sense where
we should start, what areas we should
tackle first, and again going right back with
the Congress, trying to do a better job in
letting them understand.
The President has a unique responsibility.
I am concerned about the erosion of Presidential power, particularly in the field of
national defense and foreign policy. But I
want to work with Congress. They want in
on the takeoff-fine. I've got to make the
decision. I have constitutional responsibility,
and they have theirs-largely in the purse
strings and whatever-and responsibilities
there. But again, we're going to approach it
with openness, with firmness, but with a
spirit that, look, we really should try to
return to the Vandenberg days of partisanship stopping at the water's edge.
So, this challenge, this one of foreign affairs and working so Noelle back here can
grow up in a world much more peaceful, so
the kids don't have to worry quite as much
about the tensions that perhaps their mom
and dad had to do, is a good one. And we're
ready for it, and we're putting together a


first-class team.
Lastly-again, thank you-but lastly, this
morning Barbara and I, having attended I
think it was 14 events last night-[laughter]-there's somebody behind the scene.
You say, who's responsible for this? [Laughter] I looked around and can't find anybody.
The only body that's come close to taking
credit is Bobby Holt, and he even jumped
sideways on me there a time or two at the
end of the 12th event the other night. But
so, we got home last night-I say "home"we did, climbed into bed. And I-nervous
guy, you know, tension and work-my
system working on the 6 o'clock call. So,
they got the coffee. And I looked out the
window of the White House, and here were
people all over the darn place. [Laughter]
They'd spent the night there, literally, in
the cold, some of them later coming
through the receiving line with their blankets. And some of them had been there for
12 hours, staying out there. Some of them
got there-I know one-I said, "What time
did you get there?" And he said, "4
o'clock." He's near the end of the line, so I
don't know whether that means you had to
be there before 4 o'clock, but a lot of them
literally had spent all night long there. And
they came to the White House, and they
were thanking us for giving them this fantastic opportunity to spend all night[laughter]-outside when it got colder than
the devil. But there is something wonderful
about that. It made a tremendous impression on both Barbara and me. I should have
known it because we see the lines along
here all the time-probably out there right
now if the place is still open for the tours.
But it said something wonderful about the
stability, the continuity, and the greatness
of the United States.
Thank you. Thank you all.
Note: The President spoke at 11:12 a.m. in
the Diplomatic Reception Room at the State
Department. In his remarks, he referred to
John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Laurence E. Bathgate, finance chairman of the Republican National Committee; Wally Ganzie, Mel Sembler, and Joe
Zappala, members of the State Election
Committee; Bobby Holt and Penne Percy


9




Jan. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Korth, cochairmen of the American Bicentennial Inauguration Committee; Brent
Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for Na

tional Security Affairs; and Robert Gates,
Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.


Letter to Congressional Leaders on Deficit Reduction Efforts
January 21, 1989


Dear:
Yesterday, in my Inaugural Address, I
suggested that together we should begin
the process of working to achieve a deficit
reduction plan-and that we should do so
soon. I had previously stated that I would
lead such an effort on behalf of the Executive branch and that I would begin the
process promptly upon taking office.
In accord with that commitment and our
discussions, I extend to you today an invitation to join me in a meeting at the White
House on Tuesday, January 24. At that
meeting, I would hope we could discuss
how best to proceed toward deficit reduction. I would also like to take the opportunity to follow up on suggestions made by you
and your colleagues on ways we can move
towards effective bipartisan support for our
foreign policy.
In addition, I would like to confirm my
request, which you indicated could be hon

ored, for the opportunity to address a joint
session of the Congress on Thursday, February 9.
Again, let me say how much I look forward to our working together on these critical issues. I am sure the American people
expect that concerns of such national
import should be tackled in a spirit of bipartisan cooperation, and am hopeful that we
may prove worthy of the confidence they
have placed in us.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives; George J Mitchell, majority leader of
the Senate; Robert Dole, minority leader of
the Senate; Thomas S. Foley, majority
leader of the House of Representatives; and
Robert H. Michel, minority leader of the
House of Representatives.


Remarks and an Informal Exchange With Reporters During a Walk
With Family Members
January 21, 1989


The President. This is going to be the
scene of a lot of real action. Marlin, do you
think this would be an appropriate time to
mention the first exhibition match?
Q. Yes.
The President. It has nothing to do with
betting. This is a very important announcement: that this spring sometime a match
that was rained out last year is going to be
played here. And the players are Pam
Shriver and Chris Evert versus Marvin Bush
and Neil Bush. These women, confident of
their own ability, have suggested that the


Bush boys will not get over two games a
set. And yesterday Chris Evert renewed the
bet, renewed the challenge.
I am absolutely confident that the Bush
boys will get over two games a set. [Laughter] And reliable tennis authorities, like Jeff
Austin, the brother of Tracy Austin, thinks
that those two Bush boys have a reasonable
chance to beat Chris Evert and Pam Shriver. And there's going to be a tremendous
match right here on this court as soon as
spring is here. And it's going

10




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 23


Q. What's the
The President. Did you get all that down?
It is 6-2, 6-2, and it's Evert and Shriver
versus Bush and Bush. [Laughter] That's
true. They are dead serious.
Q. What's the prize?
The President. Well, we don't bet on the
White House grounds. I don't know what's
going on on the off-the-record kind of a
thing. I'll tell you there's going to be a lot
of hostility on this one, a lot of-building.
The pressure's mounting.


Q. Where are you going to put the horseshoe pit?
The President. We're looking for the
horseshoe place right now.
Note: The President spoke at 11:40 a.m. on
the South Lawn of the White House. In his
opening remarks, he referred to Marlin
Fitzwater, Assistant to the President and
Press Secretary. A tape was not available for
verification of the content of these remarks.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Members of the White
House Staff
January 23, 1989


Well, that official act having been completed, we all now are about to embark on
a really great adventure. And I've often said
that I see responsibilities in life as missions
defined, and so I want to just say a few
words, first welcoming all of you to what I
know will be a superb White House staff.
And we have a tremendous opportunity to
make life better for people in this country,
better in so many ways. And I think we can,
by hard work, make this a safer and a more
secure country.
The long hours and hard work that's associated with the White House staff are wellknown. But these long hours can result in a
country with more opportunity for all. And
we've got to tackle, as you know-some of
you actively involved in this already-the
budget deficit and ensure an economy that
is sound and stable. We can do a lot
through the wonder of the White House to
exhort, to use government resources widely,
to make the educational system second to
none.
As I mentioned in the Inaugural Address,
many of you here will be involved in what I
mentioned, which was the antinarcotics
effort. And I said in the Inaugural Address
we've got to get rid of the scourge, and
some of you will be involved in all of that.
We've got to challenge all elements of government and the private sector in the environment, to do better in protecting our


land and water so these kids back here will
grow up in a happy, sound-I'm glad
they're somebody else's kids, I'll tell you.
[Laughter] You ought to have been around
here the last 48 hours; it's been fantastic.
[Laughter]
But the mission is great. But it really has
to be accomplished in the finest tradition of
our nation: pride, honesty-spirit of idealism when it comes to public service, knowing that our actions must always be of the
highest integrity. It's not really very complicated. It's a question of knowing right from
wrong, avoiding conflicts of interest, bending over backwards to see that there's not
even a perception of conflict of interest.
And so, I know that we'll all set a high
standard in that regard. We've got to try. I
am very proud of all of you. I think we
have a wonderful team, and I'm confident
that when our time is over in this marvelous place, I'll be just as proud of you. I'm
delighted to see the families here today,
and I would simply ask for your understanding because your spouses, husbands and
wives, are embarking on an ordeal that is
known to be a time-consuming killer in a
lot of ways. The lights burn brightly well
after dark around this place. And I just
hope you'll be understanding because the
system works that way. Work is really never
done. And I thank you all for sharing your
spouses with us.


11




Jan. 23 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


I want you to know that all of you are
important also as part of a team. Those who
work in the White House make the personal commitment, and with that comes this
sense of personal sacrifice. And I know that
you all will be struggling at times with the
give-and-take that goes hand in hand with
assignments like this.
Barbara understands this. She set a good
example, it seems to me, in a lot of volunteer action, and I hope that all of us in the
White House and outside will do our part in
terms of encouraging the volunteer sector,
the Thousand Points of Light that I plan to
keep on talking about. Government itself
can't do it all.


So, I really came over with the Vice
President to thank you all, to encourage
your understanding, those here and to all of
you here standing up here with me. I'm
very, very proud to have you on our team.
And now I understand there is going to be
a little chance to browse through the room
and wander down there and have a cup of
coffee. But let's go to work!
Thank you all, and God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 8:20 a.m. in
the East Room at the White House. Prior to
his remarks, Vice President Qua yle swore in
the members of the White House staff.


Remarks to Participants in the March for Life Rally
January 23, 1989


Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.
This is George Bush in the Oval Office. And
before you begin your march today, on this
first Monday of my Presidency, I wanted to
take just a few brief moments to restate my
firm support of our cause and to share with
you my deep personal concern about our
American tragedy of abortion on demand.
We are concerned about abortion because
it deals with the lives of two human beings,
mother and child. I know there are people
of good will who disagree, but after years of
sober and serious reflection on the issue,
this is what I think. I think the Supreme
Court's decision in Roe versus Wade was
wrong and should be overturned. I think
America needs a human life amendment.
And I think when it comes to abortion
there's a better way: the way of adoption,
the way of life.
I know that this morning several of your
leaders had a meeting in the White House


with Vice President Quayle. I know, too,
that you and hundreds of thousands with
you across the country have raised a voice
of moral gravity about abortion, a voice of
principle, a voice of faith, a full voice that
properly asserts and affirms the basic dignity of human life. I'm confident that more
and more Americans every year-every
day-are hearing your message and taking
it to heart.
And, ladies and gentlemen-and, yes,
young people as well-I promise you that
the President hears you now and stands
with you in a cause that must be won. God
bless you all, and God bless life.
Note: The President spoke at 12:05 p.m.
from the Oval Office at the White House
via a loudspeaker hookup with the rally
site. Participants had gathered on the Ellipse for a march to the Supreme Court on
the 16th anniversary of the Court's decision
of "Roe v. Wade, " which legalized abortion.


12




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 25


Interview With Gerald Boyd of the New York Times and Katherine
Lewis of the Houston Post
January 25, 1989


Abortion
Q. We just had a few things we wanted to
get your views on.
Q. What has Sullivan [Secretary of Health
and Human Services-designate] told you
about his views on Roe versus Wade? Can
you straighten that out?
The President. Exactly what you heard
him say when he was announced. He has
supported my position 100 percent.
Q. Even privately on Roe versus Wade?
The President. One hundred percent. The
only thing he said, and that's what he said.
Q. So, you don't envision dropping him
under any circumstances?
The President. None. And I've not heard
anyone suggesting that he will not be confirmed. I haven't heard one single person
suggest that.
Q. If Roe versus Wade is overturned, as
you support, how concerned would you be
about women being allowed to have abortions in cases of rape, incest, and
The President. We'll have to wait and see
what the decision is on Roe versus Wade.
Obviously you have to comply with the law,
and what the law is is defined by the courts.
Savings and Loan Crisis
Q. What about this new Brady [Secretary
of the Treasury-designate] option we're
hearing about on S&L's-the idea of charging for insurance for depositors?
The President. That's one option. It hasn't
come to me as a formal recommendation.
And so, I'm not going to say what I'm going
to do, but that is one option.
Q. Would that not be a tax?
The President. I will answer the question
with a question. Is it a tax when the person
pays the fee to go to Yosemite Park?
Q. Well, on that point
The President. Using the park-there will
be a lively debate on this, but I would
simply leave that rhetorical question out as
one way of answering your question.
Q. Well, Governor Sununu [Chief of Staff
to the President] is


The President. I don't want to signal that
this is what we're going to do. I'm not
trying to suggest that.
Q. But it sounds like you're receptive to
the idea, though?
The President. I'm receptive to any idea
that will solve this problem. I'm not receptive to a tax increase.
Tax Increases
Q. Governor Sununu said over the weekend-he was talking about whether your
no-tax pledge increase is a 1-year increase
or is it throughout your term. Can you sort
of clarify your thinking on that?
The President. I'm not thinking beyond
anything other than to say I will not raise
taxes, and I've got to stay with that approach. And again, we're going to, you
know, just send a proposal up there that
solves this budget problem without raising
taxes. And the fundamental reason for that
is, I want to keep the economy going. I
want to keep the recovery-not recovery,
but the growth going in this economy. I do
not want to kill off investment or employment opportunity. And the higher the
taxes, the more you do that. So, I really feel
strong on that particular point, and I
haven't thought beyond 1 year, Jerry, or
anything of that nature.
Q. So, no timeframe.
War on Drugs
Q. You mentioned in your Inaugural Address that you wanted to eliminate the
scourge of drugs. How can you do that? I
mean, what do you have in mind when
President Reagan was unable to eliminate
drugs?
The President. I think the elimination of
drugs is going to stem from vigorous change
in the society's approach to narcotics. It's
going to be successful only if our education
is successful. The answer to the problem of
drugs lies more on solving the demand side
of the equation than it does on the supply
side, than it does on interdiction or sealing


13




Jan. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the borders or something of that nature.
And so, it is going to have to be a major
educational effort, and the private sector
and the schools are all going to have to be
involved in this.
Q. More money on that?
The President. I don't know what resources are going to be available yet. I
would like to think that we can funnel
more money into it, but I also have this
overriding problem of the deficit to contend with. So, the question is, we cannot
permit the measure of concern on any
issue-drugs or education or environmentto be determined simply by how much Federal money goes after the problem. We
can't do it. We have got to use this office to
encourage all elements in our society to
participate in the fight against drugs, in the
fight to improve education, or working to
make the environment better. Because
we're dealing with scarce resources in
terms of Federal money. And the law has
constraints on all of us in that regard.
Human Rights Summit Meeting
Q. Secretary [of State-designate] Baker
said in the confirmation hearing that he was
concerned about going ahead with the
Moscow summit on human rights in 1991.
Are you concerned about that?
The President. Well, I think that we need
to look for performance. And there will be
time in which to see performance in that
regard. And I think the Soviets know that
we feel this way after the Secretary's testimony. And I think that Mr. Gorbachev
knows of my commitment to human rights
because I had several meetings with him.
And I'd say that there has been definite
improvement in some ways there. But let's
see what develops as we move towards that
conference date.
Interest Rates and Inflation
Q. What are your views on Mr. Greenspan's [Chairman of the Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System] comments
on inflation from yesterday?
The President. I haven't read them yet,
and I want to be sure to read them. I must
say I'm encouraged that the markets, at
least recently, have been saying that things
are reasonably stable and certainly not


there's no signals out there in the markets
that this economy is in real trouble. I
haven't talked to Alan lately, but I don't
want to see us move so strongly against fear
of inflation that we impede growth. We
have to keep expanding opportunities for
the working men and women of this country. I just saw this little summary of what
Greenspan said.
Mr. Fitzwater. I think his comments were
a lot closer to our position than was reported, too.
Q. That's what I was told.
The President. That's why I don't want to
get into commenting on hisVisit to China
Q. Are we going to China?
The President. Stay tuned.
Q. Sounds like yes.
The President. We may have it. We may
have something on that-you know, yea or
nay-before the close of business today. But
I just don't know yet.
President's Agenda
Q. There's talk that you're hitting the
ground walking.
The President. Where'd you get "we"?
Are you going?
Q. Yes, she's going.
The President. Oh, great. Oh, that's right,
you don't go off till
Q. November.
The President. Oh, November.
Q. There's a lot of talk that you're hitting
the ground walking rather than running,
that you're taking-or that you're starting
slow. Are you concerned about that?
The President. In what sense starting
slow? In sense of-talking about
Mr. Fitzwater. You missed the 7 a.m.
starts at the South Ground races.
Q. No, but you're not moving ahead on
the budget. You're not moving ahead on
any agenda.
The President. Moving ahead on the
budget-I mean, we're spending a lot of
time on it. I know we've got some meetings-meeting with budget team, 10 a.m.
Can't do anything about that for 15 minutes. But you mean in terms of sending up
legislation or


14




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 25


Q. Yes, and that there's no sort of an
active agenda that you're pursuing from
day one and that you're putting things off,
you're studying things, you're waiting.
The President. Well, I've been a President
since January 20th, and I think it's a little
early to make conclusions one way or another on all that.
Environmental Issues
Q. The environmentalists say they're
going to be making a litmus test out of
ANWR [Arctic National Wildlife Refuge]. Is
there any chance you're going to reconsider
the Interior seat?
The President. I'm in favor of prudent
development there. I remember the pipeline. I remember the arguments against it.
And I also know the effect it did not have
on the caribou. You may remember that.
Phrases that lived on from campaign history
about caribou bumping up against the pipeline. [Laughter]
Mr. Fitzwater. We've got to stop.
Mr. President. No-so, I mean, I think I'm
determined to be an environmentalist. I am
one, and I'm concerned that we not do irreparable damage to the environment. On
the other hand, I remember some of the


same arguments being made against the
Alaska pipeline. And we have some national
security interests at stake here, and I'm one
who believes we can find the balance between environmental interests and national
security interests that dictate prudent development of our domestic oil and gas resources.
President's Style
Q. A lot's been made about how you're
doing things differently-you have a different way of doing business. Was it important
to you to particularly demonstrate that in
this first week in office?
The President. Not to do it differently,
but it's important to me to do it my way.
And that's what we're trying to do, and
what I will do. I have to do that. Like the
old advice from Jackman-you remember
the guy that came out-character. He says,
"And then I had some advice: Be yourself."
That proved to be the worst advice[laughter]-I could possibly have. And I'm
going to be myself-do it that way.
Note: The interview began at 9:38 a.m. in
the Oval Office at the White House. Marlin
Fitzwater was Assistant to the President
and Press Secretary.


Remarks on Signing the Executive Order Establishing the
President's Commission on Federal Ethics Law Reform
January 25, 1989


Well, I want to-especially at the opening
of these brief remarks-thank Judge Wilkey
and Judge Bell, former Attorney General,
for joining me today and for agreeing to
take on this critical task.
Our National Government depends for its
success on the excellence and the integrity
of those who serve the public. And in
choosing officials from my administration, I
have sought out individuals of unquestioned
competence and the highest integrity. But
along with these high standards of selection,
we need an unambiguous code-a code of
conduct-to ensure that those who serve
the public trust avoid any actual or appar

ent conflict between their personal and
public interests.
As we've seen in the recent debates
about ethics legislation, current Federal
ethics rules do not adequately serve to
eliminate abuse of public office for private
gain. And the current framework is fragmented; it's confusing; and most important,
does not incorporate sufficient safeguards to
protect the public interest in honest and
fair government. It's the difficulty of these
issues that leads me to create the President's Commission on Federal Ethics Law
Reform.
Judge Wilkey, thank you, sir, for taking


15




Jan. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


on the arduous responsibilities of Chairman.
And Judge Bell, thank you for agreeing to
be the Vice Chairman. You both come to
this task with extensive experience in
public service and a deep interest and understanding of these interests in, and understanding of, ethics matters. And I'm asking
you and other members of the Commission
to take a fresh look at the ethical standards
that apply to all three branches of the Federal Government and to give me your recommendations by March 9th, if you can. I
know this does not give you a lot of time,
but I'm eager to move forward with reform,
and I'm confident that you can get this job
done.
Before I issue this Executive order, let
me leave you with four key principles to
guide you as you take up your efforts. One,
ethical standards for public servants must
be exacting enough to ensure that the offi

cials act with the utmost integrity and live
up to the public's confidence in them. Two,
standards must be fair. They must be objective and consistent with common sense.
Three, the standards must be equitable all
across the three branches of the Federal
Government. And the fourth one-we
cannot afford to have unreasonably restrictive requirements that discourage able citizens from entering public service.
The task of reforming and revitalizing
Federal ethical standards is really of the
highest importance to me and to the American people. And I'll await your recommendations with great interest.
And now I'll sign this Executive order.
Note: The President spoke at 2:36 p.m. in
the Roosevelt Room at the White House.
The Executive order is listed in Appendix E
at the end of this volume.


Nomination of Donald J. Atwood To Be Deputy Secretary of
Defense
January 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Donald J. Atwood to be
Deputy Secretary of Defense. He would
succeed William H. Taft IV.
Mr. Atwood has been vice chairman of
the board of General Motors, 1987 to the
present, and a member of the finance committee and the executive and administration committees. He was appointed president of Delco Electronics Corp. in 1988. He
has served as executive vice president of


General Motors and a member of the corporation's board of directors since January
1, 1984, and president of GM Hughes Electronics Corp., since 1985. Mr. Atwood was
vice president and group executive in
charge of the worldwide truck and bus
group, 1981-1984.
Mr. Atwood attended the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology. He served in the
U.S. Army, 1943-1946. He was born May
25, 1924, in Haverhill, MA.


Nomination of W. Henson Moore To Be Deputy Secretary of
Energy
January 25, 1989
The President today announced his inten-  Mr. Moore has served as a Member of the
tion to nominate W. Henson Moore to be  U.S. House of Representatives from  the
Deputy Secretary of Energy. He would suc-  Sixth Congressional District in Louisiana,
ceed Joseph F. Salgado.                  1975-1987. He has served on the Energy


16




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 25


and Commerce Committee, Ways and
Means Committee, and the Budget Committee and has worked extensively in both
energy and tax policy. Mr. Moore has also
been a partner with the law firm of Sutherland, Asbill, and Brennan, an Atlanta/ Washington-based firm since January 1987. He
was also a Republican candidate for U.S.
Senate in 1986. Between 1987 and 1988, he
also served as one of three American commissioners of the Panama Canal Consulta

tive Committee created by the Panama
Canal Treaty.
Mr. Moore graduated from Louisiana
State University (B.A., 1961; M.A., 1973)
and Louisiana State University Law School
(J.D., 1965). He served in the U.S. Army,
1965-1967. He was born October 4, 1939,
in Lake Charles, LA. He is married to the
former Carolyn Ann Cherry of Franklin,
LA, and has three children.


Nomination of Susan S. Engeleiter To Be Administrator of the Small
Business Administration
January 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Susan S. Engeleiter to be
Administrator of the Small Business Administration. She would succeed James Abdnor.
Mrs. Engeleiter has served as the senate
minority leader in the Wisconsin State
Senate since 1984, and served as assistant
minority leader, 1982-1984. She was first
elected to the State senate from the 33d
district of Wisconsin in 1980. She also was a


candidate for the United States Senate,
1987-1988.
Mrs. Engeleiter received a bachelor of
science degree from the University of Wisconsin and a juris doctorate degree from
the University of Wisconsin Law School.
She was born March 18, 1952, in Milwaukee, WI. She is married and has two children.


Nomination of William M. Diefenderfer III To Be Deputy Director
of the Office of Management and Budget
January 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate William M. Diefenderfer
III to be Deputy Director of the Office of
Management and Budget. He would succeed John F. Cogan.
Mr. Diefenderfer is currently a partner in
the law firm of Wunder & Diefenderfer in
Washington, DC. Prior to this he served as
chief of staff and counsel to the chairman of
the Senate Finance Committee, 1985-1986.
From 1983 to 1984, he was a partner with
the law firm of McNair, Glenn, Konduros,
Corley, Singletary, Porter & Dibble in
Washington, DC. He was chief counsel of


the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, 1979-1983, and
administrative assistant/legal counsel for
Congressman Bruce Caputo, 1977-1979. He
was Assistant Director for the Domestic
Council at the White House, 1976-1977.
Mr. Diefenderfer graduated from Dickinson College (B.A., 1967); Duquesne University School of Law (J.D., 1973); and Kings
College, University of London (L.L.M.,
1974). He served in the U.S. Army, 1970 -1972. He was born May 3, 1945. He is married, has two children, and resides in Great
Falls, VA.


17




Jan. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Paul D. Coverdell To Be Director of the Peace Corps
January 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Paul D. Coverdell to be
Director of the Peace Corps. He would succeed Loret M. Ruppe.
Mr. Coverdell is currently president and
chief executive officer of Coverdell & Co.,
Inc., in Atlanta, GA. He has served in the
Georgia State Senate since 1970; as senate
minority leader since 1974; and chairman of
the Fulton County senate delegation, 1974 -

1984. He was chairman of the Georgia Republican Party, 1985-1987, and was president and a member of the board of directors of the Urban Study Institute of Georgia
and the Georgia Health Foundation.
Mr. Coverdell received a bachelor of arts
degree from the University of Missouri. He
served as a captain in the U.S. Army. He is
married to the former Nancy Nally of Atlanta, GA.


Nomination of Constance Berry Newman To Be Director of the
Office of Personnel Management
January 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Constance Berry Newman
to be Director of the Office of Personnel
Management. She would succeed Constance
Horner.
Ms. Newman has been a codirector for
outreach programs in President Bush's transition office. Prior to this she was deputy
director of national voter coalitions for the
Bush-Quayle '88 campaign. She has also


served as Assistant Secretary of Housing
and Urban Development, Director of
VISTA, Commissioner of the Consumer
Product Safety Commission, and president
of the Newman & Hermanson Co., a consulting firm.
Ms. Newman received an A.B. degree
from Bates College and a bachelor of science degree from the University of Minnesota Law School.


Nomination of Bruce S. Gelb To Be Director of the United States
Information Agency
January 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Bruce S. Gelb to be Director of the United States Information
Agency. He would succeed Charles Z. Wick.
Mr. Gelb is currently vice chairman of
the board of directors of Bristol-Myers Co.
Mr. Gelb became president of Bristol-Myers
consumer products group in 1981 and was
named executive vice president in charge


of both Bristol-Myers consumer products
and health care groups in 1984. He is a
member of the Public Sector Committee of
the USIA, and vice president and a board
member of the Proprietary Association.
Mr. Gelb graduated from Yale University
(B.A., 1950) and Harvard University
(M.B.A., 1953). He is married and has four
children.


18




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 26


Nomination of Fred M. Zeder II To Be President of the Overseas
Private Investment Corporation
January 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Fred M. Zeder II to be
President of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, U.S. International Development Cooperation Agency. He would
succeed Craig A. Nalen.
From 1987 to 1988, Mr. Zeder was senior
adviser for President Bush's transition
office. He served on the committee on special projects and surrogate speakers panel
for the Bush-Quayle '88 campaign and on
the finance committee of the George Bush
for President campaign. Prior to this he was
Remarks to Members of the Senior
January 26, 1989
Mr. Vice President, thank you for that
very warm welcome. Mr. Vice President
and members of the Cabinet and designees
and ladies and gentlemen: Let me first recognize especially the recipients of the Presidential Distinguished Rank Award who are
with us here today. And it's great to be
here with all of you, the men and women
whom I regard as certainly among America's finest. You're the first group that I am
addressing as President outside the White
House, and you're one of the most important groups I will ever speak to.
And you know, I wanted to be fully
briefed before I came, so I asked one of my
staff, "When does open season begin?"
[Laughter] And he says, "For you, sir, it
begins as soon as the honeymoon ends."
[Laughter]
We're all wise in the ways of Washington,
especially you who've served this country
with such distinction. And we know there
are ups and downs. But I must say, there is
a nice feeling around today in the country.
I think people, when a new President
comes in, do root for him regardless of partisan politics. That comes up tomorrow. But
for today, why, I think there's a good mood


President Reagan's personal representative
for Micronesian status negotiations serving
with the rank of Ambassador, 1982-1987.
He has also served as Director of Territorial
Affairs at the Department of the Interior,
1975-1977.
Mr. Zeder attended the University of
Michigan and the University of California at
Los Angeles. He served in the U.S. Army
Air Force, 1941-1946, and Air Force Reserve, 1946-1950. He is married, has 5 children and 10 grandchildren.
Executive Service
out there, and I thank you for that welcome
to me and to the members of my Cabinet
and designees and others that are here with
us on this platform. Pundits agree, regardless of party, that of all the candidates I had
the best Form 171. [Laughter] But really,
what we do have in common is that each of
us is here to serve the American people.
Each of us is here because of a belief in
public service as the highest and noblest
calling. And each one of us, on our first day,
took a solemn oath: We pledged to defend
the Constitution of the United States. And
that is exactly what we shall do.
And our mandate comes from the people,
because as Abraham Lincoln said: "No man
is good enough to govern another man
without that other's consent." And so, now
that the people have spoken, I'm coming to
you as President and offering my hand in
partnership. I'm asking you to join me as
full members of our team. I promise to lead
and to listen, and I promise to serve beside
you as we work together to carry out the
will of the American people.
Our principles are clear: that government
service is a noble calling and a public trust.
I learned that from my mom and dad at an


19




Jan. 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


early age, and I expect that that's where
many of you learned it-there or in school.
There is no higher honor than to serve free
men and women, no greater privilege than
to labor in government beneath the Great
Seal of the United States and the American
flag. And that's why this administration is
dedicated to ethics in government and the
need for honorable men and women to
serve in positions of trust.
Yesterday I appointed a bipartisan commission, headed by Judge Wilkey and
former Attorney General Griffin Bell, to develop ethics reform proposals which will include all branches of the Federal Government. The guiding principle will be simply
to know right from wrong, to act in accordance with what is right, and to avoid even
the appearance of what is wrong. Our duty
is to serve, and my strong conviction is that
we must do it only for the right reasons, as
you do: out of a sense of service and love of
country. Government should be an opportunity for public service, not private gain.
And I want to make sure that public service
is valued and respected, because I want to
encourage America's young to pursue careers in government. There is nothing more
fulfilling than to serve your country and
your fellow citizens and to do it well. And
that's what our system of self-government
depends on.
And I've not known a finer group of
people than those that I have worked with
in government. You're men and women of
knowledge, ability, and integrity. And I saw
that in the CIA. I saw that when I was in
China. I saw it at the United Nations. And
for the last 8 years, I saw that in every
department and agency of the United
States Government. And I saw that commitment to excellence in the Federal workers I
came to know and respect in Washington,
all across America, and, indeed, around the
world. You work hard; you sacrifice. You
deserve to be recognized, rewarded, and
certainly appreciated. I pledge to try to
make Federal jobs more challenging, more
satisfying, and more fulfilling. I'm dedicated
to making the system work and making it
work better.
Starting 8 years ago, I led a task force to
remove unnecessary regulation of the private sector, to free up the energies of the


American people. But I think we also need
to continue to remove unnecessary and
counterproductive regulation of Federal
workers and senior executives. I believe
that there is tremendous pent-up energy in
the Federal Government, a powerful force
for good that needs to be released. And I
want to be the President to do that, to release the Federal manager from bureaucratic bondage so that together we can, as I said
on the steps of the Capitol, use power to
serve people.
I think Connie Horner has done an outstanding job at OPM, at the Office of Personnel Management. And I'm delighted
that my new Director of OPM will be
Connie Newman. She is an outstanding executive. I have great confidence in her, and
I think she's learned a few things on her
way up since 1962-that's the year she
began in Federal service as a clerk-typist at
the Department of the Interior. And just as
the award winners here today represent the
best and the brightest, I think in choosing
Connie I found one of the best and brightest, as well.
Now, as the Cabinet Secretaries staff their
agencies-particularly the senior positionsthey'll be looking for ability, for people
committed to fulfilling the mandate we received from the American people and to
doing it with excellence. And if we find that
the best choice for an appointment is a
career government executive, I am for that,
and I hope that my selection of Tom Pickering to be our Ambassador at the United
Nations is underlining that point.
I have a conservative vision of government. I ran and was elected on those terms.
And I see no strain or tension between
those values and the values of a professional
civil service whose highest principle is one
of patriotism, whose foremost commitment
is to excellence, whose experience and expertise is in itself a national resource to be
used and respected. I urge all my appointees to build a spirit of teamwork between
the political and career officials. And each
of you has a special role to play here.
You've reached the top of your profession,
and you're skilled managers, knowledgeable
in your fields, respected by your colleagues.
And I'm asking you to join with our political


20




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 27


appointees not only in setting an example
of cooperation but, again, one of excellence
as well.
To those who work outside Washington, I
would send a special message. At times it
may be frustrating when it seems that the
head office is thousands of miles away and
the message is not getting through. But if I
may, I'm going to issue a verbal Executive
order: We're going to listen, because the
heart of our government is not here in
Washington, it's in every county office,
every town, every city across this land.
Wherever the people of America are, that's
where the heart of our government is. And
since, in any organization, so many of the
best ideas come from the bottom up, I hope
the people in this room will listen, listen
closely, to the people who work for you.
The civil servants on the front lines know
what works because they're right there.
Whether they're working with disadvantaged children, promoting American exports, or managing our public lands, they
are in touch with the American people.
And there's much we need to accomplish
for America. There is a mandate to fulfill,
and there are problems to solve. We have
work to do in promoting education, protecting the environment, and certainly in fighting crime. We have work to do in our cities
and on our farms, and we have a war on
drugs to win. We must provide for the
common defense, strive for a lasting peace,
and we must keep our economy growing so
it can keep producing jobs and opportunity.
Above all, we have a compact with the
American people. They pay for excellent
government, and they deserve to receive it.
The President's News Conference
January 27, 1989
The President. Harmony and peace in
here. [Laughter] First, I sound worse than I
feel. Let me
Q. What's wrong with you?
The President. Slight cold. But it's been a
full week since the inauguration. I just
wanted to stop by under our new policy,


And together we can assure that that is
done.
And there's one more thing we need to
do. The Government is here to serve, but it
cannot replace individual service. And
shouldn't all of us who are public servants
also set an example of service as private
citizens? So,, I want to ask all of you, and all
the appointees in this administration, to do
what so many of you already do: to reach
out and lend a hand. Ours should be a
nation characterized by conspicuous compassion, generosity that is overflowing and
abundant. And you can help make this
happen outside of your workplace, in your
communities and your neighborhoods, in
any of the unlimited opportunities for voluntary service and charity where your help
is so greatly needed.
Well, I'm honored to be with you, to
work with you, you here in Washington,
your colleagues in the Federal service
around the nation. They're some of the
most unsung heroes in America. The United
States is the greatest nation in the world
because we fulfill that mission of greatness
one person at a time, as individuals dedicated to serving our country.
And as we embark on this great new
chapter in our nation's history, I want to
tell you-came over here to tell you-that I
am proud of you and very glad that we will
be working to write this chapter together.
Thank you all, and God bless you in your
important work. Thank you very, very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:10 p.m. at
DAB Constitution HalL.


give you an update.
I've been talking this week about ethics
and the emphasis is not, believe me, a fad
or some passing fancy. We're going to be
hearing more about it-I think a lot more.
In broader terms, I'm trying to set high
standards for government service: duty,


21




Jan. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


honor, personal sacrifice for the common
good. And I want to assemble a government
that the people of this nation can be proud
of. That's our goal; that's our mission. We
did appoint this week, as you know, a new
commission on ethics. We've got two able
Chairmen, Vice Chairmen: Judge Wilkey
and [Attorney] General Griffin Bell. That
commission started a fresh, constructive
dialog with Congress on both sides of the
aisle. I'm pleased with the way those initial
meetings have gone. So, we're ready to roll.
I think it's been officially announced that
we're going to-certainly to Tokyo, then on
to China, and I'm looking forward to it very
much. And then, also, we'll be stopping for
a relatively brief stop in Korea on the way
back from China. We've had other invitations. That's about all we can do. And in a
nostalgic basis, needless to say, Barbara and
I are looking forward in a very personal
way to going back to Beijing.
Now, with no further ado, I'll be glad to
take some questions.
Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated Press]?
Federal Pay Raise
Q. Mr. President, you said before you
became President that you supported
Ronald Reagan's decision on a 50-percent
pay raise for Members of Congress and that
you'd have something more to say about it
once you'd get to the Oval Office. Most of
the polls show that a vast majority of Americans oppose that pay raise.
The President. Yes.
Q. Now you're President, what's your
view on that pay increase?
The President. Well, I did say I supported
it, and I do support it. A raise is overdue.
There's no question about that. There are
some good things in this. The reform of the
honorarium, payments for these speeches, I
think, is very, very good. I think it's good
government. It's a complicated formulation.
There are some elements that bother
people, including me. But the President did
consider all this carefully. He went forward
with the Commission's [Quadrennial Commission on Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Salaries] recommendation, and because
of the way it works on Congress-and the
ball is clearly in their court-it leaves us
with either the Commission recommenda

tion or nothing. And so, seeing the problems as I do, I still feel that I should not go
about undoing the Reagan decision.
Yes, Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press
International]?
Savings and Loan Crisis
Q. Mr. President, your trial balloon on
the S&L's taxing savings and checking accounts has fallen like a lead balloon. Are
you dropping that plan? Do you have any
other plans?
The President. First place, I think it's a
little absurd to be commenting on a facet, a
possible facet, of solving a problem when it
hasn't even come to me. You're talking
about speculating on something that hasn't
even reached the desk of the President
even as an option-say nothing of its being
a proposal.
Q. Well, it certainly has come from your
people.
The President. Well, as an option, not as a
proposal. And I think you're right. There
seems to be some controversy around it.
But that doesn't mean that any thinking
along those lines should cease. But I'm
going to reserve comment until I actually
have it presented to me. And I expect this
is the first of many such things that's going
to happen of this nature. I will say this: that
the savings and loans deposits are backed
by the full faith and credit of the Government. And they are sound; they are gooddollar good. And I just want to assure the
American people of that, and nothing is
going to change in that regard. But in
terms of this one idea, let them float
around. It doesn't bother me for a lot of
ideas to be considered and debated.
Q. The reaction is very negative-the
public reaction, congressional reaction. Will
that enter into your decision?
The President. Anything I do on savings
and loans or when we get into this budget
deficit reduction program-look, I don't
expect it's all going to be sweetness and
harmony and light. The minute we get
those proposals up there on February 9th, I
expect we're going to have other firestorms
swirling around. But I have not made decisions on this one. I'll wait until I get all the
facts, call them as I see them, and hope that


22




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 27


we can convince the American people that
that's the way to go.
Relations With Congress
Q. Mr. President, you've set a tone of
high-mindedness and propriety this week
with your emphasis on ethics, also of bipartisanship in your discussions with Congress.
Beyond those matters of process and tone,
sir, what would you like the country and
the world to say is the message of your first
week in office as to what your administration is about?
The President. Reaching out to the Congress. I really am serious about this trying
to get more of a bipartisan foreign policy,
for example. And though we haven't addressed that specifically in terms of issues, I
have addressed it in broad terms to the
Members of Congress with whom I've met
here and with whom I met over in the
Residence. And so, I'd like to signal an era
of real openness with Congress.
Look, I know we're going to have conflicts, Brit [Brit Hume, ABC News]. And I
know we're going to run up against each
other. But I want to start with that approach. And we're in a broad review-as
you've heard from my various nominees as
they appear before the Senate-on specific
areas of foreign policy. A message would be
taking steps to make clear to the congressional leadership that that's what I want to
do. The other one, as I mentioned, is trying
to set a tone, in terms of conflict of interest,
that I hope will serve us in good stead.
Visit to China
Q. What signal do you think it may send
the world, sir, that you're making your first
visit to China-after, of course, the ceremonial trip to Tokyo-while Soviet leader Gorbachev, having asked for early talks, is still
waiting for a response?
The President. Well, I don't know what
signal it sends in that regard. But let me
just remind you that I'm the one who does
not believe in "playing the Soviet card" or
"playing the China card." We have a strong
bilateral relationship with the People's Republic of China. I have a personal acquaintance with the leaders with whom I will be
meeting there, including Deng Xiaoping
[Chairman of China's Central Military Com

mission], and being that close-it just
seemed like an appropriate visit, but not to
signal a playing of the card to go one up on
Mr. Gorbachev. There's nothing of that
nature in this visit. That is a strong, important strategic and commercial and cultural
relationship that we have with the Chinese-the largest number of people in the
world, in that country. And so, the visit
stands on its own and does not have any
signaling that should be detrimental to anybody else's interest.
Going right across here. How do we get
in the back here, Marlin?
Soviet-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, your national security
adviser, Brent Scowcroft, said last week on
television that the Cold War was not over
and that he felt that Mr. Gorbachev was
trying to make trouble for the Western alliance. What is your view, sir?
The President. Well, I'm not sure that's an
exact I should let the General defend himself. But I've expressed my view not only in
the campaign context but in several times
afterward, and also to Mr. Gorbachev. And
our administration position, in which General Scowcroft is in total agreementindeed, he'll be one of the leaders in this
reassessment is: Let's take our time now.
Let's take a look at where we stand on our
strategic arms talks; on conventional force
talks; on chemical, biological weapons talks;
on some of our bilateral policy problems
with the Soviet Union; formulate the policy
and then get out front-here's the U.S. position.
And I don't think the Soviets see that as
foot-dragging. I'm confident they don't.
Indeed, I made that clear to General Secretary Gorbachev just this week in a rather
long talk with him. So, I want to try to
avoid words like "Cold War" if I can because that has an implication. If someone
says Cold War to me, that doesn't properly
give credit to the advances that have taken
place in this relationship. So, I wouldn't use
that term. But if it's used in the context of
do we still have problems; are there still
uncertainties; are we still unsure in our predictions on Soviet intentions? I'd have to
say, yes, we should be cautious.


23




Jan. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Yes, Lesley [Lesley Stahl, CBS News]?
Tax Increases
Q. Mr. President, there seems to be some
question about just how long your no-tax
pledge applies. Is that a 1-year pledge, a 2 -year pledge, a 4-year pledge?
The President. I'd like it to be a 4-year
pledge.
Q. Is it a 4-year pledge? Are youThe President. I'd like it to be a 4-year
pledge, yes.
US. Contact With the PLO
Q. Mr. President, Yasser Arafat [Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization] has been over in Europe meeting with
Foreign Ministers of Spain, France and
Greece. Marlin has said, and so has Mr.
Scowcroft, that it's too early for Arafat to
meet with Secretary of State-designate Jim
Baker. On what level would it be appropriate for Arafat to meet with an American
official? An Assistant Secretary of State, for
example?
The President. As we changed the policy
on the Middle East on dealing with-I
mean, as the change came about in the
policy on communicating with the PLO, it
was based on their acceptance of three
principles. As long as they stay hooked and
stay committed to those three principles,
we will have, when appropriate, meetings
with the PLO.
I haven't given any thought at all to
when a meeting with the Chairman-Arafat
with an American official-is appropriate.
And I would wait to see how we go forward. The point in talking to them is to try
to facilitate peace in the Middle East. And
it seems to me that if there's some logical
step that requires high-level sign-off by various participants over there, then, and then
only, would it be proper to elevate the
meetings to that level. You crawl before
you walk. We're just starting to talk to them
because they have, dramatically I'd say,
agreed to the principles that are part of our
policy.
U.S. Foreign Policy Initiatives
Q. Let me ask you if I can in that regard:
You said in a wire service interview the
other day that you needed to have some


foreign policy initiative early in your administration. It seems the Soviet relationship is going on the back burner while you
discuss the nuclear force structure, for example. In what area are you going to try to
move forward? Central America? The Mideast? Where?
The President. All of them. But we've got
to have a little time. We're not going to let
this Soviet thing put us in the mode of footdraggers. We're going to be out front.
There's no reason to suggest that all we
have to do is react to a speech by the General Secretary. I want to take the offense in
moving this relationship forward and taking
steps that are in the interest of freedom
around the world, whether it's in Eastern
Europe or in strengthening our alliance.
But there's plenty of troublespots-one of
them, as you mentioned I think, Central
America. But we need to complete the reviews. But I can't tell you, John [John Cochran, NBC News], where you will see the
first major initiative-whether it's going to
be the Middle East, whether it's going to be
Central America. We've got problems, of
course, that afflict the whole continent and
other continents in this Third World debt
problem, and then, of course, the Soviet
Union.
But, no, I don't want to play defense, and
I don't want to look like we're foot-dragging, just waiting around to, you know, let
others set the agenda, but prudence is the
order of the day. And when you're gunning
for something as important as a bilaterally
supported policy in Central America, it
does take a little time. I've only been here
less than a week.
Yes, Owen [Owen Ullmann, KnightRidder]?
Minimum Wage
Q. As you know, the minimum wage has
been frozen for even longer than congressional pay raises. Since you support a large
increase in pay for the most affluent 1 percent of the country, would you favor pushing for an increase in the minimum wage,
which would benefit the lowest income
groups of the country, as part of your promise in your Inaugural Address to reach out
to all the people?


24




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 27


The President. I've always said that my
position on minimum wage is that I would
want it linked to a training wage, to a differential of sorts, so that you don't throw
people out of work by raising the minimum
wage. And I'm not one who has felt that
the minimum wage is the key to economic
prosperity for people on the lowest end of
the economic spectrum. But as I indicated,
a certain flexibility on that question-and
again I'll wait for Elizabeth Dole-takes
office next couple of days-to come in with
her recommendation.
Saul [Saul Friedman, Newsday]?
Followup Questions
Q. If I could just follow: Do youThe President. Now, let me ask you to
stop the proceedings. Don't take it out of
their time. What would be the fair and
noble way to handle followup questions as
we do these things? Would it be good to
have them or not have them?
Q. Handle them. Handle them, yes.
Q. There should be one followup.
Q. One followup.
The President. But then if we do it, everybody else doesn't get a chance to ask a
question, and I'm about to pull the ripcord
on this thing. [Laughter] No, seriously, how
do we-I want some
Q. Stay longer. [Laughter]
Q. If you make the statement and just
leave and not have anyone follow it up, it
just hangs out there.
The President. Yes.
Q. Suppose you don't answer the question?
The President. You mean my first answer
is less than precise? [Laughter]
Q. Yes-[laughter]-on occasion. [Laughter]
The President. On occasion. No, but I'm
asking. I'd like to get-because here we are,
all theseQ. One followup.
Q. Make a deal: one followup.
Q. You'll just have to be more precise.
The President.  women and men who
have a Leubsdorf area there-untested on
the question. [Laughter]
Q. And the standee!
Q. Spread it out.
The President. And the standees have


gotten no time at all, soQ. When, in fact, it's a true followup.
The President. Instead of yet another
question, you mean?
Q. Yes.
Q. Right, right.
Q. A real followup.
Q. Exactly, you decide. If you think somebody's playing games with you, say, I'm
sorry.
The President. Say I've already answered
that? Then what happens? [Laughter]
Saul?
Q. Wait a minute. Where's my followup?
Q. You're finished. [Laughter]
The President. You didn't have a
followQ. The first row gets to follow up? That
wouldn't be fair.
The President. All right. I've already answered that one.
Yes, Saul? [Laughter]
Q. I yield to Owen first.
Federal Pay Raise and the Minimum Wage
Q. Are you concerned from the standpoint of perception you're supporting a pay
raise for a high-income group and not pushing on an equal basis for a lower income
group to give the public the perception that
you're lobbying for a wealthy sector of the
country?
The President. No, I'm not concerned
about that perception, but I am troubled by
certain aspects of the proposal, as I think
I've indicated-the pay raise proposal. But
we're down to the crunch here: recommendations up there on the Hill. It's yea or nay.
I mean it's one way or another. But I don't
think that would be fair at all.
I think the main thing in terms of the
question you raise: Jobs-how do we continue to create jobs, keep it going? And I've
given you one ingredient that I think has to
be a part of any consideration of the minimum wage. But as I've indicated, I'm flexible on how that should be accomplished.
I'm not sure that one can make a connection between the minimum wage and more
employment. If you raise the minimum
wage without this differential, I think you
will reduce employment. So, I think the
main thing in the area you're talking about


25




Jan. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


is: How do we increase economic opportunity? And maybe there is a way to do it, but
I don't think it would be fair to say when
you take a pay raise that affects a tiny fraction-judges and Congressmen-that that
has a broad economic impact on the country. I've expressed some concern about it,
but for other reasons.
Strategic Defense Initiative
Q. Do you agree with Senator Tower's
[Secretary of Defense-designate] testimony
in which he doesn't seem to believe that
the SDI program, as envisioned by President Reagan, is likely? And if you do agree
with it, can you expand on that, please?
The President. No, I think I should wait
and see a little more what John Tower
means. My position has not changed on
SDI.
Q. Which is? I mean, John Tower has said
that he doesn't believe that a large-scale
SDI to protect the population, as envisioned
by Reagan
The President. I'd better
Q.    is likely.
The President. Saul, before I comment on
Tower's testimony, I'd better read it. If he's
talking about a shield so impenetrable that
that eliminates the need for any kind of
other defense, I probably would agree with
that, certainly short-run. But I'd better
cover by waiting until I see what he said.
The standees, two standees?
Afghanistan
Q. Thank you. The first action taken by
your Secretary of State was to order the
boarding up of the Embassy in Kabul. Does
that indicate that this administration, this
country, then, has no influence with the
rebels and you are now fearful of chaos and
massacres there? And to what extent did
you discuss this with Gorbachev the other
day?
The President. Did not discuss it with him
the other day. And what it indicates is a
prudent policy to protect a handful of
American life. And it's a step that other
countries have taken. In Afghanistan, certainly, I think we'd all agree there is uncertainty about what follows. I'm convinced
the Soviets will continue their withdrawal,
and well they should. But it is simply a


prudent way in which to protect life, I
think. We've had meeting after meeting
with Afghan rebels, and there's no question
in their mind how we feel about, say, a
Soviet presence in that country. But I think
there's a lot of uncertainty. And there's
enough uncertainty that a Secretary of
State was taking prudent action in this
regard.
Q. What role do you see for the United
States after the Soviets withdraw in that
country?
The President. Catalytic role for helping
bring about stability hopefully in a government where the people have a lot of say.
And it won't be easy.
Yes, Tom [Tom DeFrank, Newsweek]?
Federal Pay Raise
Q. Mr. President, I'd like to try the pay
raise one last time. As you just said, it's not
just for Members of Congress and not just
for Federal judges. It's for a lot of senior
officials of the Government, political appointees. You also have told some reporters
in recent days that you're concerned about
the long-term pension implications of all
these larger salaries. Wouldn't you be happier with a pay raise that's a little bit less
rich than 50 percent?
The President. I don't have that option to
get into that now. I have, I think, expressed
myself in the past on separating out some of
these categories, but regrettably you're
never dealing with just the way I would like
it to be. And so, I'll just leave it that-my
earlier' statement.
First Days as President
Q. Sir, this is a thematic question. You've
had a week on the job. Has it been easier or
tougher than you expected? Any surprises?
And did you find the note in your underwear drawer? [Laughter]
The President. No note in the underwear,
and it's been a good, easy week. And I
expect it will change dramatically in the
days ahead. But my view is to-if it weren't
for the cold-smile and enjoy it while you
can, because I can already sense, you know,
looking forward to a little more confrontation out there.
Q. Have there been any surprises, sir?


26




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 27


The President. None particularly, no. And
I think one of the reasons is that I've been
around here in a different role for 8 years
and then in and out on other jobs. But
there's still the wonder of it all. I mean, it
still feels different, but not surprises.
Q. A followup, sir?
The President. You already had a followup. Nice try. [Laughter]
Rita [Rita Beamish, Associated Press]?
Drug Control Policy Director Bennett
Q. Mr. President, there seems to be some
brouhaha about the fact that Bill Bennett's
not an actual member of the Cabinet, as are
the USTR [U.S. Trade Representative] and
the OMB [Office of Management and
Budget] Director. In light of the fact that
you emphasized drugs as an overriding consideration in your campaign and also that
public opinion polls show consistently this is
among the top priorities of the public, why
isn't he in the Cabinet? And do you foresee
that you might change your mind on that?
The President. No. The reason he isn't in
the Cabinet is that I tried to reduce down
the numbers of full Cabinet members. And
I think Bill Bennett's time is best spent not
worrying about agricultural subsidies, when
we have a meeting on agriculture, but concentrating on drugs. To the degree there's
symbolism that this means I think it's less
important, I'd like to knock that down hard.
And I have to do that in substantive ways:
sitting at his side as we meet with his peers
at Cabinet level, making clear to them that
I will be insisting on cooperation as he asks
for the support of the Defense Secretary for
military assets on interdiction, as he asks for
the support of the Education Secretary on
certain educational initiatives.
But the Cabinet rank is there, giving him
the standing that I think the job not only
requires but demands. And I think the idea
of not sitting through Cabinet meetings that
have nothing to do with that subject should
be a rationale for having Cabinet level, but
not being in all those meetings.
I'm glad he mentioned this because I
think there's been some feeling, well, that
means I'm less interested in drugs. That's
not right. I'm very interested in the economic statistics, but our chief of economic
advisers [Michael J. Boskin] is not a Cabinet


member, as he's been designated by previous Presidents. Our Chief of Staff, in whom
I have full confidence, is not a Cabinet
member, but I think we have a very strong
Chief of Staff setup.
Over here, way up in the window-innovative standing.
Monetary Policy
Q. You just touched on the issue of Third
World debt. There are many experts who
are saying that if there's any danger for the
U.S. economy it's in how greatly leveraged
it is, both in terms of corporate indebtedness and Third World debt. And they say
that the S&L crisis, for example, is simply a
subsumed feature of this. Do you see this as
a real problem that you're going to address
aggressively, and what kind of steps would
you take to overcome the high proportionality of debt to equity that exists in the U.S.
economy now?
The President. The question of corporate
debt-on that one, the role of the White
House and the role of the Federal Government ought to be to do its level best to
keep a strong economy. And I don't believe
that it's the government role to assign levels
beyond which a corporation can't borrow.
In terms of Third World debt, we do have a
responsibility, and a lot of that's going to be
working with the private banks and others.
And again, we'll have some recommendations; we have to have them pretty soon on
that question.
I'm not sure I got to the substance of
your question-separating out these two
things.
Q. Try another one.
Q. - reported differences that you have
with Alan Greenspan's [Federal Reserve
Chairman] testimony in Congress earlier
this week with regard to interest rates and
monetary policy.
The President. I'll be honest with you. I
don't think I'm far apart from Chairman
Greenspan at all-far apart. There may be
some differences. Because of plant capacity,
utilization, he is more concerned about inflationary pressures than I am right now.
Seems to me, there's an area of difference,
but basically and generally speaking, I think
we're fairly close together.


27




Jan. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Government Ethics
Q. Mr. President, by spending your first
week dwelling as you have on ethics, aren't
you voicing an implicit criticism of the
Reagan administration's ethical record?
The President. No.
Q. Why else was it necessary to declare
National Ethics Week, so to speak?
The President. Because I feel strongly
about it.
Q. Can I follow on that line, sir?
The President. No, she's in first, and then
you. Need to cool off on that one. [Laughter]
Savings and Loan Crisis
Q. Mr. President, given your strong antitax ban in the campaign, why are you allowing Mr. Brady [Secretary of the Treasury-designate] to consider as an option for
the S&L's a tax increase?
The President. I'm not. He has thrown out
a lot of different possibilities in discussions
we've had. We have people that are experts
on what a tax is. I would refer you to Richard Darman, who is the head of the OMB.
And he's the guy that defined that very
well up there with the duck test on the Hill
andQ. So, you're not thinking of a tax?
The President. Well, I'm just saying I'm
not prepared to say what I think on it right
now till I hear from it, because the more I
discuss it, the more you all go out and say
this is something that I'm considering when
I'm not. It hasn't come to me yet. But I've
been around for a long time, and I don't
remember hearing people talk about the
fee that went into covering the FDIC [Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation] or
FSLIC [Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation] as a tax. I don't remember people writing that before. But-not
trying to get into the fight anymore right
now. I'll be back.
Government Ethics
Q. You've mentioned ethics in a number
of ways, and you've talked about the value
of service this year. The last 2 days we've
picked up the headlines in the papers, and
they've read President Reagan has a $5 million book deal. He's got a $50,000 a speech
deal. With all respect for the office and the


former President, do you think it's appropriate to cash in on the Presidency?
The President. I don't know whether I'd
call it cashing in. I expect every President
has written his memoirs and received
money for it. Indeed, I read that a former
President-was it Grant? Grant got half a
million bucks. That's when half a million
really meant something. [Laughter] I mean,
you know, so I think there is plenty of tradition that goes with Presidents' writing
memoirs and being paid for it.
Q. But you've also talked about perceptions. Is there a perception problem here?
The President. No, because I think there
has been a long history of that, and I don't
think it's ever been challenged as inappropriate.
Secretary-Designate Sullivan
Q. Mr. President, would you try to clear
up the continuing controversy over the reported disagreements on abortion between
your nominee for Health and Human Services and yourself? Are you in sync?
The President. Yes.
Q. Is he in sync with you? Does it matter?
Do you have to be absolutely in sync as
long as once in office he would support
your position?
The President. Well, I think that last point
is the important point, but also, we are in
sync. And so, I have a person who has stood
in front of you all when I nominated him
and said that, and I have no reason to think
anything differently.
Tax Increases
Q. Mr. President, a few moments ago you
talked  about-on    your  no-new-taxes
pledge-the idea that you'd like it to be a 4 -year pledge, and that does appear to be a
softening of language from the campaign. I
wonder, has anybody-Mr. Darman or any
of your advisers-told you to change your
mind about the duration of that pledgerevenues needed and so on?
The President. No, that hasn't changed
my mind-anything in the last few days of
talking like that.
Abortion
Q. Mr. President, we've heard a lot about
your position on abortion this week because


28




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 27


of Mr. Sullivan. Are you planning any initiatives from the White House related to abortion? Or are you going to wait and see what
the Supreme Court does, number one? And
number two, as a person who's always, from
what we know, had the financial and emotional resources to know that you could
raise your children comfortably, do you feel
any awkwardness about telling other
people, whose situations you don't know,
how they should run their lives?
The President. Not when it comes to the
question of life. I do feel an awkwardness in
terms of having been able to take care of
my kids when they were sick or raise them
properly or something like that. I feel a
certain privilege. I was very fortunate in
that regard, and I know a lot of people
aren't. But on this issue, I think we're talking here of principle. And I sure would like
to put the emphasis on adoption, and that
means a broader acceptance of that principle.
Q. Are you going to have any White
House initiatives, or are you going to wait
for the Supreme Court?
The President. I think probably wait, but I
have been pledged, as you know, to an
amendment. But I'd like to see the Supreme Court decision as soon as possible.
One, two, three.
Iran-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, a Teheran radio report
this morning seems to indicate that they are
rejecting your statement of a week ago
today that good will would beget good will.
While you didn't specifically mention Iran
by name in your speech, what would your
message to them be on relations, and what
would your message be to them about helping get the hostages out?
The President. Well, I would make a
broad appeal, transcending Iran, to anybody
that can be helpful to get the hostages out.
I haven't seen the wire copy, but if there is
such a story by them, maybe they're saying,
Well look, we're not holding your hostages.
And I'd have to say, Well, from our intelligence, our information, that's probably correct-probably correct. In terms of the
future-there was a period of time when
we had excellent relations with Iran, and I
don't want to think that the status quo has


to go on forever. But I do think that the
renunciation of terror in any form and a
facilitating to the degree they can the release of the hostages would be a couple of
good steps they could take.
Q. A followup, Mr. President-follow up
on that?
The President. No, you don't get to follow
his question. [Laughter] Ann [Ann McFeatters, Scripps-Howard] and then here. We've
got to get these ground rules-sure.
Affirmative Action
Q. Mr. President, you've spoken frequently about reaching out to blacks, that you
want that to be an important goal of your
administration. This week the Supreme
Court issued a decision that may kill many
of the minority set-aside programs that
have been so helpful to blacks across this
country. Does that concern you? Are you
worried about these programs?
The President. It didn't kill all set-asides,
and it didn't kill off affirmative action. I
have been committed to affirmative action.
I want to see a reinvigorated Office of Minority Business in Commerce. I want to see
our SBA [Small Business Administration]
program go forward vigorously. And so, I
would say that decision spoke to one set of
facts-in Richmond, I believe it was-but I
will not read into that a mandate to me to
stop trying on equal employment and on
affirmative action generally.
Capital Gains Taxes
Q. You said during the campaign, Mr.
President, that you would roll back taxes on
capital gains if elected. Now that you've
begun to look at the budget numbers, is
that going to be a promise you can keep
when you make your submission to Congress, or is that no longer affordable?
The President. I hope it's affordable; it
gains you revenue. And we've got a big
argument with some people about that.
They don't want to go back and look at
what happened in 1978. It gains revenue.
Now, I know we've got all kinds of bureaucracies around here that doesn't agree with
that, but that was discussed in the campaign. I'm convinced it will bring in additional revenue and, in the process, create


29




Jan. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


additional jobs for men and women. So, I
would like to see it a fundamental part of
whatever we do.
Now, if your question is: Can I get it
done?-that's something else again. But I
want to see it done. There was an issue in
our campaign where there was a clear difference. That was when there was a clear
difference. The opposition was saying: My
opponent is proposing something that'll cost
the taxpayer $30 billion. And I'm saying:
It'll create jobs. And indeed, I've seen estimates by intelligent people thinking it'll
bring in revenues in excess of $4 billion.
And so, I'm going to keep pushing that,
because I know it's right, and I ran on it.
Federal Pay Raise
Q. Mr. President, once more on the pay
raise. You've portrayed yourself as a latecomer on the issue who has no real power
to affect it. But in point of fact, I believe
that you do have the power, if you want to,
to limit the pay raises that would otherwise
automatically go to your own staff. Will you
do that, number one? And number two, do
you think both Houses of Congress ought to
vote on this?
Q. Sununu already
The President. Well, I think in the best of
all worlds-[laughter]-wait until I get
Mr. Fitzwater. It's a trick question, sir.
[Laughter]
The President. He's a fairminded guy.
[Laughter] No, I think our Chief of Staff has
tried to hold the line in increases in hiring
people. And I think you're all aware of that.
And I think he's done a very good job on it.
I don't know how the law affects the staff in
terms of automatic increases, but there's a
nice little problem that if you do go forward with automatic increases, or any
money that has to be appropriated some
way. So, we'll have to talk about what we'll
do.
What was the other part of it?
Q. Do you think both Houses of Congress
ought to vote on this issue?
The President. In a perfect world, in a
world where you're starting over, yes, I'd
have to say I do. But that isn't the proposal
that's up there, and it's all or nothing. And
in my view, I've told you where I come
down on that.


We've got time for a couple of more, because it's 3857.89, 58.80-this thing is buzzing away up here.
Yes, go backHostages in the Middle East
Q. Mr. President, a few minutes ago on
the answer concerning the hostages, you indicated that Iran was probably not holding
the hostages. Did you mean to say that we
believe that Iran exercises no control over
the people who are holding the hostages?
The President. No, I mean to say they are
not holding the hostages. Do they have any
control? I think you can get varying degrees of intelligence on that, various assessments as to how much control they have
over Hizballah [radical Shi'ite terrorist
group] or these families or whoever it is.
And also, you've got different groups involved in the holding of these hostages. But,
no, I'm glad to get a chance to clarify it
because, unless the information I have is
wrong, Iran itself, the government, is not
actually holding these people. And if they
were, I would just reiterate my view that
the way to improve relations is to let them
go, give these people their freedom. They
didn't do anything wrong.
Q. And a followup, Mr. President. Do we
believe that Iran can exercise influence to
gain the hostages' release?
The President. I think they can have influence.
Defense Spending
Q. You inherited a budget from President
Reagan that calls for something like a 2 -percent real increase in defense spending.
In the campaign, you seemed to think that
maybe zero real growth in defense spending would be adequate. With deficit pressures, do you think there's some room for
reduction in the Reagan defense budget to
fund some of the other programs, like the
S&L problem that you've got to worry
about?
The President. We're wrestling with that
problem right now. I'm committed to a
strong defense. I did say certain things in
the campaign that fit into our flexible
freeze concept. And so, I will have to address that with some detail on February


30




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 27


9th, and I will. We've got time for just a
couple of more.
War on Drugs
Q. Mr. President, just the other day that
education was the main way of dealing with
drugs.
The President. Yes.
Q. Isn't that a backing away from your
commitment on drugs? Certainly there are
other things than education to deal with the
problem.
The President. Absolutely. And I was surprised when I read that some interpreted
what I said as suggesting that interdiction is
not important, or cooperation with foreign
governments in terms of eradication at the
source is not important. They are very important. My point is: We are not going to
solve the problem of drug use in this country through interdiction alone, through cutting off the supply alone. And a larger component of this solution lies in education, and
in that whole demand side of the equation:
law enforcement at home-these things.
Last one here. This is a followup?
Q. It is a followup. But, Mr. President,
how much money are you going to spend
on drugs? If it's a major problem that you
say it is, certainly education is just one very
small part of it, isn't it?
The President. It's not a small part; it's a
tremendous part. And the Federal Government can spend some on it, and the private
sector has got to spend enormous amounts.
The media has done a good job in terms of
pro bono advertising, and that's got to be
enormously stepped up. So, look, it has got
to be a tremendous increase not only on the
money but the emphasis on the educational
side. I do want to find a way to step up the
total funding on antinarcotics.
And I want to go back to what I said on
Bill Bennett, because this question of Cabinet rank and whether that shows less an
interest in narcotics troubles me. You will
see me side by side with Bill Bennett, on
putting the proper emphasis from the Oval
Office on my determination to do everything in the Government's power, Federal
Government's power, to eliminate this
scourge.
Last one.


President's Agenda
Q. Mr. President, you and your aides
have talked about the need for a fast start,
and you've talked all week about ethics and
about bipartisanship. And yet the week has
been marked by unexpected controversies
over Dr. Sullivan's views on abortion and
then the S&L issue, which is sort of a selfinflicted wound. Are you finding it harder
to control the agenda here than you
thought you would?
The President. No, no. I'm just getting a
preview of coming attractions, and it's been
lovely. [Laughter] And it's going to change,
and I know it. But, no, I think it's been a
wonderfully harmonious week, and these
are just little ripples on the surface of an
otherwise calm pond.
Q. You're not concerned that if you just
talk about things that-I mean, everyone
approves of ethics, just about, and everyone
approves of bipartisanship. Isn't there a
danger of people saying that there's not
much meat behind the words?
The President. There's a danger of that,
yes, but people realize that we've been
here 4 days of this week, or 5-this is the
fifth day in office after the weekend. And
they understand that in things like the foreign policy area that it's prudent to have a
review. They understand that we've got to
get our people in place. And so, there's
some danger I guess, Carl [Carl Leubsdorf,
Dallas Morning News], but I wouldn't say
an overwhelming danger. I mean, we just
go forward. If we just sat around and did
nothing except be pleasant to people on the
Hill or something, why I expect that would
grow a little old for you all.
But we're going to-[laughter]-I think
we set a certain tone and certain outreach
and then go forward. As soon as these specific proposals start up there, whether it's
on education or antinarcotics or on foreign
policy or on some bilateral foreign visitor
coming in, there will be plenty of time for
controversy and plenty of time for lively
debate on substance. But I would simply say
that'll follow, and follow pretty soon.
Thank you all very much.


31




Jan. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Note: The President's first news conference  the White House. Marlin Fitzwater was Asbegan at 11:02 a.m. in the Briefing Room at  sistant to the President and Press Secretary.
Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for James A. Baker III as
Secretary of State
January 27, 1989


The President. Well, if I could ask the
Secretary of State and Mrs. Baker and Chief
Justice to come forward, we'll get on with
the program here.
[At this point, Secretary of State Baker was
sworn in.]
Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of the United States Senate and House,
Mr. Speaker-Mr. Chief Justice, thank you,
sir, for doing the honors today.
This is a very special occasion for me because, as you all know, Jim and I have been
friends for a long time, going back perhaps
more years than either of us would care to
admit-long, really, before our public lives
began. And we've served in government together, campaigned together, traveled a
long way through some rough and tumble
times. And it's well known that the new
Secretary of State is my friend. I have great
confidence in him. And judging from how
he sailed through the confirmation process-thank you, gentlemen-the United
States Senate shares that confidence.
And as Secretary of State, he will be my
principal foreign policy adviser. As I
pledged in my Inaugural Address a week
ago, my Presidency will usher in the age of
the offered hand, and that applies certainly
to foreign policy. I've also spoken of a new
engagement. Nowhere is the need for a
new engagement greater than in foreign
policy.
The postwar generation has come of age,
and today we live in a distinctly different
world than that which we were born into: a
world that demands new strategies and new
solutions. And today we see a process of
change in the Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe, in the Middle East. A changing situation creates new possibilities as well as
dangers. In southern Africa and in Indochina, there is diplomatic progress. And in


Central and South America, totalitarian
forces still threaten to undermine the will
of the people. We must keep democracy on
the march. And we're faced with change
and the potential for change all over the
world. And it's up to us to guarantee that
the United States remains an engaged
power for positive change.
In another era, the Secretary of State's
role was largely confined to matters of war
and peace. Today's world is much more
complex than that-more dangerous, too.
Today's Secretary of State must be prepared to work with our allies to solve such
global threats as the international narcotics
trade, terrorism, the degradation of the
world's environment, and the economic distress of developing countries. And that's
why I chose James Baker. He's savvy; he's
sensitive; he's tough-a rare combination,
indeed. And so, Jim, you've got a big job
ahead of you, leading; coming up with bold,
new initiatives; helping all of us fulfill the
President's special role in foreign policy.
We will also try to restore bipartisanship to
foreign policy. It will be a bipartisanship
based on trust, open communication, and
consistency of action.
This is a time for America to reach out
and take the lead, not merely react. And
this is a time for America to move forward
confidently and cautiously, not retreat. As
the freest and the fairest and the most powerful democracy on the face of the Earth,
we must continue to shine as a beacon of
liberty, beacon of justice, for all the people
of the world.
And those of you who are here todayJim Baker's family, closest friends-know
something that many other people will soon
learn for themselves: Jim Baker will be a
great Secretary of State.
Jim, congratulations! The floor is yours.
Secretary Baker. Mr. President, Barbara,


32




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 30


Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief
Justice, distinguished Members of the Congress, my friends-most of whom are relatives-[laughter]-I am truly honored and
privileged to stand before you today. Many
of you have come a long distance to be
here, and as you mentioned, Mr. President,
you and I have come a long distance together. I hope to continue to merit your
confidence. I know I will continue to enjoy
our friendship. One other thing: I hope that
in foreign policy we're going to make a
better team than we oftentimes did on the
tennis courts in Texas. [Laughter]
Ladies and gentlemen, the taking of an
oath is always a solemn moment. Yet I
cannot help but think that there will be
even more solemn moments to follow, because it's been my experience for 8 years
here now in Washington that after the
swearing-in, sooner or later, comes the
swearing at. [Laughter]
Mr. President, through your choice and
the Senate's consent, I will occupy an office
that dates from the infancy of our Republic.
Over the last few weeks, I've learned a lot
about the job. I find the more I learn about
it the more humble I become. Yet mixed
with that humility is a pride-not in myself
but in our great country.
One of his statutory duties of the Secretary of State is to be the custodian of the
Great Seal of the United States. We're all
pretty familiar with the great eagle holding
the olive branches-but also holding the


arrows. There's a reverse side to that seal,
however, that interests me. And on it is an
unfinished pyramid. And on the bottom, a
Latin inscription which means, "A new
order of the ages." It's dated 1776. To me
this expresses our forefathers' conviction
that our country offers something new. Our
Constitution, our democracy is a new order
of human activity. And the unfinished pyramid is a symbol of strength, and it's a
symbol of continuity.
America rests on the broadest possible
base which, of course, is the contribution of
every American. But the work of Americato perfect our society, to strengthen and
extend freedom-is really never finished.
So, as I stand here today, very grateful to
you, Mr. President, I recognize that we are
entering a new era of international relations. One that's filled with more than its
share of promise, but perhaps more than its
share of perils as well. I also recognize that
our country is ever new in our capacity to
meet the challenge and to advance the
cause of freedom.
I enter this office secure in the knowledge that under your leadership, Mr. President, and with the support of the Congress
and the support of the American people we
can continue successfully what we began
two centuries ago.
Thank you very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 5:02 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Elizabeth H. Dole as
Secretary of Labor
January 30, 1989


The President. Well, first, my respects to
the former Secretaries of Labor who are
here. Secretary Usery I know is here and
Secretary McLaughlin, Secretary Brock, and
I hope I'm not missing others-maybe
they're there. So, I bid welcome to all of
you, certainly to our new Secretary Elizabeth Dole and her mother and others that
are here with us today-certainly to her
husband, Bob Dole, who is with us up here.


And, Reverend, thank you, sir, for those
lovely, lovely words of prayer. Actually, I've
been planning to come over to the Labor
Department since last year to play it safe. I
figured if I won the election I want to be
here for Elizabeth's swearing-in, and if I
lost the election I'd come by to fill out an
unemployment form. [Laughter]
But I've come here to introduce the new
Secretary of Labor, something that I did


33




Jan. 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


back in 1985, when Bill Brock took his
office., which he did so well. And then last
year, I was a guest of Ann McLaughlin here
in the building. So, I have some familiarity
with your work. I'd be remiss if I-as I look
around this crowd-if I didn't single out
Lane Kirkland and say how pleased I am
that he's here to welcome our new Secretary, too. You've heard of Elizabeth Dole.
[Laughter] She obviously will be my top
adviser on labor issues per se. And I will
also call upon her advice as counsel, as a
key policy adviser on my economic team,
because, indeed, the economic side of the
labor issue is tremendously important.
To the people of this Department: You do
touch the lives of virtually every American.
And if at times you feel like you're taken
for granted, let me just say whether you're
the newest clerk-typist who just started or
whether, like Jim Taylor-[laughter]. Now,
where is Jim? Is he here? There he is, right
there. You've got to see this guy. He's been
here since the days of Secretary Frances
Perkins-[laughter]-and it looks like he's
still running about 10 miles a day, too.
[Laughter]
Mr. Taylor. It's my second wind.
The President. That's good. But there's
something about Jim's being here and new
people, as well, to show the continuity of
this Department. But let me just say sometimes, I expect, you wonder if people care.
I want you to know that this President does
not take you for granted and never will.
And when people need you, you have been
there. And what you do in the Labor Department is a good example of the many
different ways in which government serves
the American people. From enforcing child
labor laws to protecting retirement pension
rights, from job training to workers compensation, you look out for the working
people of America.
And I want this administration to be
about working people. Part of that will
come from excellence and responsiveness in
government. Part of that will be holding
the line on taxes so working people, like
you and the people you serve, can keep
more of the money that you earn. Part of it
will be a new voluntarism: people helping
people. And I know a great many of you on
your own time do work for your churches


and in your communities and for charities.
And I want to thank you, and I want to
encourage everybody to be involved in this
kind of work. From long talks with Elizabeth Dole, I know of her commitment to
this whole concept of American helping
American.
I believe in government service. I believe
that it plays a vital role. But it must complement individual service. And nothing can
replace personal commitment, both in our
jobs and in our private lives. Many people
look to you, the people in government, to
do all things and solve all problems. Well, I
think as a people we need to renew our
sense of commitment, to take greater responsibility not only for ourselves but for
one another. John Kennedy challenged us
to ask ourselves what we could do for our
country. And let us also each day ask: What
can I do for another person? How can I
make someone else's load a little lighter?
How can I help to go a little farther? How
can I be a friend to someone lonely or a
comfort to someone in pain? Each of us can
make this a kinder and gentler nation just
by the way we treat one another each day.
I believe in government that is excellent
and people who are compassionate. I think
of the mine safety experts from this Department who after the Mexican earthquake
were able, with their special skills to find
people-still alive-who had been trapped
under the rubble. But I also think of the
secretary who after a day at the office takes
that time to volunteer and help a child in
the neighborhood learn how to read.
Now, the position of Secretary of Labor is
a very important one, and our outgoing
Secretary, Ann McLaughlin, certainly left
big shoes to fill. All of you have been doing
an excellent job in so many ways, and
there's a lot to feel good about on the labor
front. The economy is growing, producing
jobs and opportunity. Those of you handling
unemployment claims can see those rolls
going down, and I want to keep it that way
with sound economic policies.
But there are important tasks that lie
ahead, and I don't think that the working
people could hope to have a greater champion than Elizabeth Dole. She is smart. She
is effective. She cares deeply about people.


34




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 30


You know, earlier in her career she worked
as a lawyer. Her first case-not exactly profound, nor did it reach the Supreme
Court-[laughter]-was to defend a fellow
accused of annoying animals in the zoo.
[Laughter] He was charged with, among
other things, patting a lion. [Laughter] Elizabeth won the case-[laughter]-arguing
that "without the lion in court as a witness
there was no way to tell whether or not he
was annoyed by that." [Laughter]
Secretary Dole. How did you find out
about that?
The President. So, you can see that early
on she made a career out of standing up for
the little fellow against the lion. [Laughter]
And at the Federal Trade Commission, and
again at the White House, she showed real
leadership and effectiveness. And in her 41/2
years in the Cabinet, she distinguished herself. She was our longest serving Secretary
in the Department of Transportation and
certainly one of the best. And she took the
lead on transportation safety, and she made
a valuable contribution to her country-to
our country. And I know that she will do a
great job over here working with all of you.
America faces important challenges as we
prepare the work force for tomorrow.
There will be jobs in abundance, but we'll
have to make sure that our workers have
the skills that they need to fill those jobs
with excellence. We have a new generation
of workers, a new generation of families,
who are finding new ways of balancing the
responsibilities of the workplace and the
home. And there are new competitive
forces in the world economy that demand a
commitment to excellence from every
American worker so we can continue to
lead America into the next century.
I can think of no one better qualified to
head the Department of Labor during this
exciting challenge than Elizabeth Dole.
And, Elizabeth, it will be a great pleasure
to have you in my Cabinet. And now, we're
going to watch you take the oath of office
one more time. Congratulations!
[At this point, Secretary Dole was sworn in.]
Secretary Dole. Thank you very much,
ladies and gentlemen. What a joy to see you
all here today. Mr. President, thank you for
your gracious remarks, for your expression


of confidence, and for the opportunity to
serve the most valuable resource this country has: its people-the American work
force.
And as Secretary McLaughlin and Secretary Brock, Secretary Usery-all who made
such enormous and positive contributions to
our nation to Lane Kirkland and other
leaders of labor who are here today; to our
Members of Congress, who have been kind
enough to take time to join us; to my minister, Edward Bauman; my Harvard law classmate, Chief Judge Judith Rogers; and to
each of you-my family; my husband, of
course; my friends; my coworkers and colleagues-I just thank   you-a heartfelt
thanks for joining me in an occasion that, of
course, is very special to me today.
Like you, Mr. President, I have built my
life on the ideal of public service. And this
opportunity represents to me much more
than a job or a career choice; rather, it's a
personal commitment akin to a special calling. The mission of the Department of
Labor is well-known and very clear: to
foster, promote, and to develop the welfare
of working men and women. How we
define and fulfill that mission will help determine America's place in the 21st century. The policies, programs, and regulatory
responsibilities of this Department are front
and center in assuring the continued
growth of the American economy and a
vital increase in our productivity and the
ability of the United States to compete effectively on a global basis.
Demographic projections indicate that
our work force will grow at a much slower
pace than in the past. In a tight labor
market, for American businesses to compete
successfully abroad, they must first compete
successfully for workers at home. This is
good news for U.S. working men and
women. It means that issues once defined
as social problems will be dealt with more
out of economic necessity. In tighter labor
markets, employers cannot afford to discriminate. They can't afford to put workers
at health and safety risk. In tighter labor
markets, they cannot afford to ignore workers' obligations to family. Employers who do
will simply lose out to employers who don't.
Just a week ago, in my confirmation hear

35




Jan. 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ing, I stressed that the goal of the Department of Labor must be to coordinate a
strategy of growth-plus; that's continued
economic growth plus policies to help those
for whom the jobs of the future are now out
of reach because of the skills gap or because
of family pressures or due to a lack of supportive policies.
With the talents of the outstanding civil
servants of this Department, I believe that
we can get the job done in five broad areas:
first, ensuring that American workers are
the world's best trained and most highly
skilled, placing special emphasis on the disadvantaged; second, developing policies
that make work and family complementary;
third, establishing sound and comprehensive pension and retirement policies; fourth,
seeing to it that the American workplace is
as safe, as healthy, and as secure as we can
possibly make it; and fifth, encouraging
management and labor to continue to move
beyond confrontation and conflict, to work
together on behalf of interests held in
common.
Ladies and gentlemen, we have a chance
to fulfill a dream: that every person in
America who wants a good job can have a
good job if they have the proper skills. We
don't have unlimited funds, which means
we must make those funds we do have
work for us. But it won't be enough to be
efficient if we're not effective. If we think
big, if we select the right goals, if we target
our initiative, if we work smart-in short, if
we redouble our efforts without duplicating
our efforts-we can assure that all of our
people get their foot on the first rung of
that economic ladder. And what could be
more effective in the war on drugs, alcoholism, crime, and poverty, than a good job?
The ideal of independence has always
been one of the cornerstones of the American experience. And today we'91re here to
celebrate the independence, the strength,
the self-reliance, and the sense of purpose
that only meaningful work can provide.
What a joy it was for me this morning to
hear a Job Corps graduate and Department
of Labor employee, Lois Best, introduce the
President of the United States. And to lay
my hand and take my oath on a Bible held
by Tony Bond, President of the Potomac
job Corps class. And I just might add, Tony,


that that Bible is one of my most cherished
possessions. It belonged to my grandmother
who lived to within 2 weeks of her 100th
birthday. Imagine that 2 more weeks, she
would have been 1 00 years old. And she
was a beautiful woman of great faith. To
have so many students from Potomac and
Chesapeake job Corps Centers with us
today brings an extra measure of excitement to Job Corps' 25th anniversary. With
over 1 00 centers nationwide, this partnership of business, labor, and government has
touched the lives of well over a million
young men and women and made them
part of a great American success story.
It's time to add new chapters to that success story. Two-thirds of the work force of
the year 2000 is already on the job. Those
trying to balance work and family deserve
our support. Those who are older and who
wish to work, but face barriers to reentry,
we must enlist. Those who've been dislocated as jobs change, we must retrain. Our
challenge will be to reach more of our
people, whether young, old, disadvantaged,
dual-career, or disabled, to give them the
skills and the support they need so they can
seize their share of prosperity and help to
create more of it.
Yes, we have within our reach the fulfillment of a long-awaited dream: that every
American who wants a good job can have a
good job. But this is not a visionary idea; it's
a practical challenge, a challenge for each
of us in this Department. Our government's
strength lies in the quality of those who do
their jobs outside the headlines and without
great fanfare. As John Gardner has said:
"Democracy is measured not by its leaders
doing extraordinary things but by its citizens doing ordinary things extraordinarily
well." I was told, and I'm convinced, that
Department of Labor employees are a
strong team of men and women dedicated
to doing their job extraordinarily well.
With their help, Mr. President, and by
working with a vital new generation of
young people like these Job Corps members, by working with the Congress, with
labor, with schools, private enterprise and
community groups, by coordinating carefully with other Federal departments and
State and local government, by working to

36




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Jan. 31


gether as people of indomitable purpose
and collective will, we can build a culture
of high expectations, and we can surely
help fulfill those expectations. I'm confident
that we can advance from the promise of
full employment to the promise of fulfilling
employment for every working man and
woman in this great nation. And I believe
there can be no higher calling as we approach the 21st century.
Thank you, each of you, for being here
Remarks to the Crew of the U.S.S.
Employees in Norfolk, Virginia
January 31, 1989
Admiral Dunleavy, thank you very much,
sir, for that welcome to America, and thank
all of you for that response. Admiral Trost,
and to our Secretary of the Navy, and all
involved in this wonderful day, I say thank
you. I want to single out to Members of
Congress who are here, many members of
the Armed Services Committee, and others
who've been strong backers-have a strong
military for this country, and I'm delighted
to see them here. I'm pleased to be on one
of the greatest ships in the world, with a
crew that knows the meaning of the words,
"my ship, my country," the crew of the
America.
You know, as an old carrier pilot, today is
a very special day for me-the Admiral
touching on that. I can't help thinking of
the carrier I once sailed on, the U.S.S. San
Jacinto, namesake of which is right next
door here. Carriers weren't as big in those
days. Technology was very different:
narrow deck; slower planes; strictly visual
contact with the LSO, the landing signal
officer; no electronics. But some things
stayed the same. And Admiral Dunleavy
touched on it; and I've, as Vice President,
had a chance to visit the fleet. And you
can't help but sense that same spirit of camaraderie, devotion to duty, patriotism,
service to country. We knew then, in those
days, just as you know now, how much we
owed to the men and women in the bases,
in the shipyards. And from the day of the


today, and God bless you all. Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 10:12 a.m. in
the Great Hall at the Department of Labor.
In his remarks, he referred to Edward
Bauman, pastor of Foundry United Methodist Church; Lane Kirkland, president of the
American Federation of Labor-Congress of
Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO); and
James F. Taylor, who had been an employee
of the Department of Labor since 1941.
America and Naval Shipyard
Revolutionary-era sloops to the most
modern supercarriers, none have written a
prouder chapter in the history of the
United States Navy than the Norfolk Naval
Base. All over the world, those who love the
sea and the ships that sail on it know that
Norfolk, or Hampton Roads, if you will,
stands for excellence a national treasure.
And let me just say to all assembled: We are
going to keep it that way!
My visit today is the final stop on what
you might call an inaugural trip. For the
past several days I've been visiting with the
men and women who are my colleagues in
service to our nation, from senior appointments in the administration to rank-and-file
civil servants. Most are outstanding; most do
a superb job. But still you might say, with
no disrespect to others, that I've saved for
last those whose service demands the most.
And I mean you, the men and women who
keep our ships and guard our shores, the
men and women who serve with the
Armed Forces of the United States.
In the months ahead, I'll be taking a
great deal of time to talk about service, not
service that is compelled but service that is
given freely and openly, the service of the
strong heart and the questing soul. I will
speak about those who give their time and
love to their communities, to help those
who cannot fully help themselves. Long ago
it was written that the quality of mercy is
not strained, and I will speak of those who


37




Jan. 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


dedicate a portion of their lives to mercy
for humanity. And I'll speak about you, in a
way that every American knows and every
man, woman and child in our land salutes.
You stand here today setting an example for
our nation's standard of service.
And let me start right now by recognizing one of your own, your Sailor of the
Year, Aviation Ordinanceman 1st Class
Joseph Robinson. Joseph was awarded this
honor for two reasons. First, for his contributions to the running of this ship, but
Joseph has also been recognized for his contributions to his community, where he
helped establish a Neighborhood Watchcalled it a watch program and devoted over
100 hours to its success. Now, Joseph is
right here, and if you'll come forward, sir,
I'd be proud to shake your hand and
present you with a letter of commendation.
Congratulations!
What a wonderful example for us all. All
of you keep the peace on the frontiers of
freedom around the world. And in every
corner of the globe, millions recognize you,
and the flag you carry is their symbol of
hope. And, yes, wherever you go, you take
America and all it represents with you; and
you do it with a pride and dedication that
few have ever matched. I know some say
that it's just a job. But when a sailor must
put to sea for 6 months or more at a time
and come home to find that a child who
could barely crawl, can walk and say a few
words, that's more than a job-that is service and, more importantly, sacrifice. When
a soldier spends long hours on cold night's
sentry duty at the DMZ or at Checkpoint
Charlie in Berlin, he's not just filling a job,
but he's answering the call of service. And
the mechanic who inspects the plane's
engine or ship's power plant one last time
and makes double and triple sure that
every screw, every hose, every weld is as it
should be, that mechanic is dedicating himself or herself not simply to a job but to a
concept of service to country that is the
highest in the world. Around the world,
others have seen and know what your dedication to service means.
You remember, maybe, last year the
Soviet Union's top military man at the time,
Marshal Akhromeyev, visited the United
States. He spent a day on a carrier, not


unlike yours, as it went through exercises in
these waters. And he visited installations
across our nation. And he saw much of the
amazing weaponry and machinery in our
arsenal, and when he finally came to visit
the White House, he let it be known that
he was impressed. And what most impressed him was not our miraculous technology or incredible firepower but the enlisted men and women that he had met on
these tours. He couldn't believe that we
gave our enlisted men and women jobs that
only officers would be permitted to handle
in his own military. He couldn't believe the
obvious dedication of America's enlisted
men and women to their jobs, their knowledge of the machinery they handled and
their readiness and ability to answer questions. In short, he couldn't believe your
dedication to service.
I know you've heard it from your parents.
Those of you who are married have heard it
from your husbands or wives and from your
children; but it goes from everyone across
the country. Let me just say that we are all
very, very proud of you and of the job
you're doing. In the years ahead, I want to
make sure that those who build our ships,
planes, and weapons live up to the standards of service and dedication and duty that
this crew and this base has set.
I've been inside a submerged submarine
while depth charges were going off all
around it. And I know what it's like to hear
the vessel strain and shake and pray to God
that the people in charge of buying and
building cared as much about the vessel as
you do. And I believe that the overwhelming majority of procurement officers and
defense contractors do care that much. And
I am determined to make sure that every
single one of them does. My message to
them will be just this simple: Don't think
it's just anyone out there. Think it's your
son or daughter and remember that their
lives depend on the things you make. And
if you're not ready to care that much and
work that hard, you are not ready to do
business with the United States Government.
Let me give you an example: cost overruns. Overruns didn't start just yesterday.
The first dry dock ever built for our Navy is


38




still operating, I'm told, not far from here,
in this yard. And it was finished more than
a century and a half ago. And the actual
final cost was three times the original estimate. But even if overruns are not new,
they are still wrong and hurt the national
security, particularly when budgets are
tight. We want tighter controls and higher
standards in weapons procurement, and we
will get tighter controls and higher standards in weapons procurement. You deserve
the very best equipment and weapons. You
are getting them most of the time now, and
we're determined that you will get them all
of the time.
And one other thing: I am determined to
expand the national consensus that is necessary for proper support for our nation's defense. I'll do this because the first bulwark
of our national defense is our national will.
And if our will is ruptured, our ship of state
cannot sail, or at least sail safely. I firmly
believe that the vital first step to broadening our national consensus on defense is to
wring the last drop of waste and mismanagement out of the way we buy our weapons. And that's what we intend to do. It's
what you might call my bond to you. When
a family sends a son or husband to sea or to
boot camp or to flight school to defend our
nation, they are making a sacrifice, and it is
a great and noble sacrifice. Think of all the


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 1
good all those sacrifices added up to together and what they have meant around the
world in the last few years.
When the record of our time is finally
written, I hope it will be the story of the
final triumph of peace and freedom
throughout the globe, the story of the sunrise in the day of mankind's age-old aspirations. And on that day, "Who were the
heroes?"-generations to come will ask.
"Who drove the chariots of fire across the
sky? Who brought the day to the Earth?"
And the answer will be you. During the
next 4 years, I will not be just your Commander in Chief but your friend. And together we will work to spin the gossamer
thread of human dreams into a sturdy
fabric of peace that will last for generations
to come.
Thank you for your incredible service to
this, the greatest, freest, and most wonderful country on the face of the Earth. God
bless you all.
Note: The President spoke at 11:01 a.m. on
the deck of the US.S. "America." He was
introduced by Adm. Richard Dunleavy,
Commander of Naval Air Forces, Atlantic
Fleet. In his opening remarks, the President
referred to Adm. Carlisle A.H. Trost, Chief
of Naval Operations, and Secretary of the
Navy William L. Ball III.


Message on the Observance of National Afro-American (Black)
History Month, February 1989
February 1, 1989


Since 1976, the month of February has
been designated National Black History
Month, a time for all Americans to celebrate the rich heritage of Afro-Americans
and their contributions to our nation.
Despite first slavery and then segregation, Afro-Americans have overcome seemingly insurmountable odds to be at the cutting edge of change and progress in American society. From the winning of Independence-when Crispus Attucks gave his life in
the Boston Massacre and Benjamin Banneker helped draw the plans for our na

tion's capital-to the present day, Black
Americans have played a vital role in the
development of the United States. One
thinks of Dr. Daniel Hale Williams performing the first successful heart surgery and of
George Washington Carver revolutionizing
southern agriculture with his countless innovations.
There have been so many more. This
month gives us all a chance to reflect on
how much Afro-Americans have contributed, a chance to learn from the past in order
to look confidently toward a new century,


39




Feb. 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


with a commitment to lasting harmony between the races and a bright future for
Americans of every background.
Barbara joins me in commending all of
you for your observance of Black History


Month 1989, and in sending you our best
wishes.
GEORGE BUSH


Nomination of Kenneth Winston Starr To Be Solicitor General of
the United States
February 1, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Kenneth Winston Starr to
be Solicitor General of the United States,
Department of Justice. He would succeed
Charles Fried.
Since 1983 Judge Starr has been a judge
of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District
of Columbia. Prior to this he was Counselor
to the Attorney General at the Department
of Justice, 1981-1983. He was an associate
partner with Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher in
Washington, DC, 1977-1981, and a law


clerk to Chief Justice Warren E. Burger of
the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington,
DC, 1975-1977. From 1974 to 1975, Judge
Starr was an associate with Gibson, Dunn &
Crutcher in Los Angeles, CA.
Judge Starr graduated from George
Washington University (B.A., 1968), Brown
University (M.A., 1969), and Duke University (J.D., 1973). He was born July 21, 1946,
in Vernon, TX. He is married and has two
children.


Continuation of John W. Vessey, Jr., as Special Presidential Emissary
to Hanoi for POW/MIA Affairs
February 1, 1989


The President has asked General John W.
Vessey, Jr., USA, Ret., to continue in his
role as Special Presidential Emissary to
Hanoi for POW/MIA Affairs. General
Vessey has served in this capacity since
being named to the position by President
Reagan in February 1987.
Beginning with his initial visit to Hanoi in


August 1987, General Vessey's efforts have
resulted in substantial progress in resolving
this pressing humanitarian issue and ending
the uncertainty for the families of our missing in Southeast Asia. The President is
pleased that General Vessey has agreed to
continue to serve his country in this position of great importance to all of us.


Remarks at the Annual National Prayer Breakfast
February 2, 1989


My special thanks to Bob Stump and
Doug Coe, to our honored guests throughout this country and from our foreign lands,
and it is a pleasure for Barbara and me to
be here once again.


There is no greater peace than that
which comes from prayer and no greater
fellowship than to join in prayer with
others. And coming to the prayer breakfast
is, for us at least, like coming home. The


40




Lord works in mysterious ways. There is
nothing mysterious, however, about His priorities. I'm the one with the laryngitis, and
Sandy Patti is the one that lifted our spirits
with that magnificent voice, clear as the
finest crystal. We're grateful to her. And
the Lord works in very mysterious ways,
but I wonder why it is that under the protocol sense of things I always have to follow
my friend Al Simpson. [Laughter]
Let us all thank the Lord for having
granted us this day, making it possible for
us to spend this time together. Billy
Graham, my dear friend, tells me that when
he was a boy living on a farm in North
Carolina one of his jobs was milking cows.
And one day he was sent out to milk one of
their cows named Brindle, a cow he'd
never milked before. And he was told that
it was a gentle cow, that it would be very
cooperative. When he sat down on the stool
to milk the cow, she switched her tail,
slapped him in the face, nearly put his eye
out, a few minutes later kicked the bucket
all the way across the barn, and then tried
to kick him. And at that point, he began to
wonder if the person who described this
kind and gentle cow had ever sat down
next to her in the barn. [Laughter] And I've
thought of that story in the light of my
request for America to become a kinder
and gentler nation. It's one thing to request
it, and it's another thing to see it actually
happen. And maybe a lot of folks out there,
cynics, are thinking, well, if you people in
Washington will stop trying to milk us, we'll
stop kicking. [Laughter]
But we're facing some serious opportunities and some great opportunities in our
country-tough problems and great opportunities. And I believe that a wonderful resource in dealing with them is prayer-not
just prayer for what we want but prayer for
what is in the heart of God for us individually and as a nation. And shouldn't we also
remember, with all that we have to be
grateful for, to pause each day to offer a
prayer of thanksgiving. All of us should not


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 2
attempt to fulfill the responsibilities we now
have without prayer and a strong faith in
God. Abraham Lincoln said: "I've been
driven many times to my knees by the
overwhelming conviction that I have nowhere else to go." Surely he was not the
first President, certainly not the last, to realize that.
It's not just Presidents. I heard about a
little boy whose elderly grandmother came
to live with them for the winter. And the
first day the little boy played hard inside
the house, and he wanted to turn the heat
down. But grandmother insisted on keeping
it high. And when he opened the windows,
she closed them. And for several days it
went on like this, up and down, back and
forth, with the little boy too hot and the
grandmother too cold. After about a week,
the little boy knelt beside his bed one night
and prayed, "Lord, bless mother and daddy,
and make it hot for grandmother." [Laughter]
Well, I suppose there may be some
people in Washington, around the country,
who have already begun to pray, "Make it
hot for George." [Laughter] Those prayers
will be answered over time. Be patient.
[Laughter] But I can also tell you from my
heart that I freely acknowledge my need to
hear and to heed the voice of Almighty
God. I began my Inaugural Address with a
prayer out of a deep sense of need and
desire of God's wisdom in the decisions we
face. And if we're to walk together toward
a more caring, more generous America, let
us all share in paving the way with prayer.
Thank you all, and God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 9:18 a.m. in
the International Crystal Ballroom at the
Washington Hilton Hotel. In his remarks,
he referred to Representative Bob Stump;
Doug Coe, an associate of the National
Prayer Breakfast Movement; gospel singer
Sandy Patti; Senator Alan K. Simpson; and
evangelist Billy Graham.


41




Feb. 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks Following Discussions With Prime Minister Noboru
Takeshita of Japan
February 2; 1989


The President. Mr. Prime Minister, ladies
and gentlemen, let me begin by expressing
once again on behalf of the American
people the condolences on the passing of
Emperor Showa, a most gentle man of
great learning. And I look forward to calling
on the new Emperor when I visit Japan
later this month.
It has been a pleasure and honor for Barbara and me to welcome you, Mr. Prime
Minister, Mr. Takeshita, to the White
House. You are one of our first official visitors, and this reflects the importance I
place on the relations between our two
countries, the strength of our nations' ties,
and the promise that our relationship holds
for the future of the world.
Two weeks ago, here in Washington, the
United States conducted a ritual that spoke
of both continuity and change. For the 41st
time in 200 years, the United States swore
in a new President. And in the transition
from one President to the next, we Americans reaffirmed the strength of our democracy and our commitment to values on
which it was built. Japan and the world can
count on the United States to continue to
work for peace, democracy, freedom, and
justice around the world. The scope of
America's vision is global, and we will continue to shoulder the obligations that
belong to a global power.
Continuity will also be the mark of relations between the United States and Japan.
On occasion, we may have differences, but
these are the differences of friends. And in
the last 40 years, our two nations have been
truly close friends. The peace and prosperity we both enjoy today are among the fruits
of that friendship. Simply put, we respect
one another. We need one another, and we
will continue to work together for the good
of our peoples and of all humanity.
During this visit, the Prime Minister and
I worked on the continuing business of the
friendship between our countries. We confirmed that the treaty of mutual security
and cooperation is the foundation of our


relationship. I noted the importance of
allies assuming greater responsibilities in
the cause of peace. The Prime Minister and
I agreed that these responsibilities take
many forms. In this regard, I applaud
Japan's pledge to make further significant
increases in Overseas Development Assistance programs.
At the same time, we believe that the
most powerful engine for economic development and growth-in fact, the only
engine that works-is the entrepreneur,
large and small. And entrepreneurship is a
product not of massive aid packages but of
free and open economies that do not carry
crushing burdens of taxation and regulation
and that maintain the rule of law, including
contract and property law.
Along these lines, we agreed on the importance of supporting democracy and sustained growth and reform in the Philippines. Toward this end, we pledge to make
every effort to launch the Multilateral Assistance Initiative for the Philippines this
year.
The Prime Minister and I reviewed the
progress our nations have achieved in
bringing our economies into better balance
and in further opening our markets to each
other's goods and services. We also recognize the need for continued policy efforts in
these areas. The Prime Minister reaffirmed
Japan's determination to promote strong
domestic growth and structural adjustments. And I told him that I am determined to reduce our budget deficit.
In the area of multilateral cooperation,
we agreed that we would continue to coordinate policies through established settings, especially the economic summit. We
will look forward to the next summit meeting, which will be held in Paris. We also
agreed on the importance for continued
global prosperity of a successful Uruguay
round. And we agreed on the importance of
frequent consultation at all levels on economic issues.
All in all, our talks were positive and


42




forthright, befitting close allies. The Prime
Minister and I first met some time ago, and
this week's meetings have helped us
become even better acquainted. We've laid
the groundwork for close cooperation, as
we deal with the issues and the opportunities of the last decade of the 20th century.
We're glad you came our way, sir.
The Prime Minister. Thank you, Mr. President, for your heartwarming remarks. Mr.
President,. I wish to convey on behalf of the
Japanese people my deepest appreciation to
the Government and people of the United
States for their expression of sympathy and
condolences on the demise of Emperor
Showa. The people of Japan are also deeply
touched that you and Mrs. Bush will attend
the funeral ceremony.
Mr. President, looking back upon the 43
years since the end of the war, I am reminded anew of the friendship and cooperation the American people have consistently extended to us through the years. Mr.
President, I am truly grateful that you have
so graciously invited us to Washington at
this busy time, so soon after your inauguration.
I appreciate the remarks you have just
made on the thoughts we shared in our first
meeting. Our first meeting was truly promising in opening the perspective into our
future. I believe it marked a new start for
U.S.-Japan cooperation, which will serve to
help ensure peace and prosperity for the
world, as we move towards the 21st century. Fortunately, the basis of our cooperative
relationship is firm and sound. The JapanU.S. security arrangement upon which this
relationship rests has never been better.
The successful solutions we have been able
to achieve regarding bilateral economic
issues have demonstrated the resilience of
our relationship. Thus, through a dialog,
issues between our two countries can be
resolved.
In sustaining noninflationary growth of
the international economy and in reducing
external imbalances in our economies, the
President and I shared the view that macroeconomic policy coordination is of crucial


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 2
importance. I stated to the President that
the Japanese economy will continue to
grow through strong domestic demand, that
imports are expected to continue to increase, and that structure adjustment efforts
will be further enhanced. The President
stated that he will make determined efforts
to reduce the budget deficit.
The world faces a number of challenges,
but is rich with promises. In your words:
The new breeze is blowing. Mr. President,
you and I share the conviction that now is
the time for Japan and the United States to
further strengthen policy coordination and
to joint endeavors in order to create a
better world. We will consult closely on our
policies toward the Soviet Union, which
offers new challenges and opportunities for
East-West relations. We will work together
to ensure peace and prosperity in Asia, the
Middle East, Central and South America,
and other parts of the world. We will work
together to strengthen the free trading
system and agree to cooperate closely for
the progress of the Uruguay round negotiations.
No nation can substitute the United
States as the leader of the democracies
around the world. I look to you, Mr. President, for wise and firm leadership, and you
will have my full support. For my part, I
will continue to pursue my diplomatic goal
of Japan contributing more to the world.
Japan and the United States have a
number of common tasks ahead. Together
we must take those initiatives to solve the
many problems facing our world. Our
meeting today confirmed that if our two
peoples work together, hand in hand, there
is nothing we cannot achieve.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:30 p.m. at
the South Portico of the White House. The
Prime Minister spoke in Japanese, and his
remarks were translated by an interpreter.
Earlier, the President and the Prime Minister met in the Oval Office and then attended a luncheon in the Residence.


43




Feb. 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Richard R. Burt for the Rank of Ambassador While
Serving as United States Negotiator for Strategic Nuclear Arms
February 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard R. Burt for the
rank of Ambassador during his tenure of
service as United States Negotiator for Strategic Nuclear Arms. He would succeed Stephen R. Hanmer. Since 1985 Mr. Burt has
been Ambassador to the Federal Republic
of Germany. Prior to this he was Assistant
Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs, 1983-1985. He was Director of
the Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs at the


Department of State, 1981-1982. From
1977 to 1980, he served as a correspondent
for the New York Times in Washington,
DC. He was also assistant director at the
International Institute for Strategic Studies
in London, England, 1975-1977.
Mr. Burt graduated from Cornell University (B.A., 1969) and Fletcher School of Law
and Diplomacy (M.A., 1972). He was born
February 3, 1947, in Sewell, Chile. He is
married and has one child.


Nomination of Ivan Selin To Be an Under Secretary of State
February 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Ivan Selin to be Under
Secretary of State for Management. He
would succeed Ronald I. Spiers.
Dr. Selin is the founder and chairman of
the board for American Management Systems, Inc., a computer systems, services,
and consulting firm. From 1986 to 1988,
Dr. Selin was a member of the advisory
board on the U.S.S.R. and Eastern Europe


at the National Academy of Sciences. Prior
to this he was a member of the board on
telecommunications and computer applications at the National Academy of Sciences,
1985-1988.
Dr. Selin graduated from Yale University
(B.E., 1957; M.S., 1958; Ph.D., 1960). In
1962 he also received a degree from the
Universite de Paris.


Nomination of Edith E. Holiday To Be General Counsel of the
Department of the Treasury
February 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Edith E. Holiday to be
General Counsel for the Department of the
Treasury. She would succeed Mark Sullivan
III.
Since 1988 Ms. Holiday has been an Assistant Secretary (Public Affairs and Public
Liaison) of the Department of the Treasury
and Counselor to the Secretary. Prior to this
she was chief counsel and national financial
and operations director for the Bush-Quayle
'88 Presidential campaign and served as di

rector of operations for George Bush for
President. She was also special counsel for
the Fund for America's Future and Executive Director for the Quadrennial Commission on Executive, Legislative, and Judicial
Salaries, 1984-1985. Ms. Holiday practiced
law with the firm of Dow, Lohnes & Albertson, 1983-1984 and with the firm of Reed,
Smith, Shaw & McClay, 1977-1983. She also
served as legislative director for then-U.S.
Senator Nicholas F. Brady.


44




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 2


Ms. Holiday graduated from the University of Florida (B.S., 1974; J.D., 1977). She
was born February 14, 1952, in Middle

town, OH. She is married to Terrence B.
Adamson and currently resides in Atlanta,
GA.


Nomination of Richard Thomas McCormack To Be an Under
Secretary of State
February 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard Thomas McCormack to be Under Secretary of State for
Economic and Agricultural Affairs. He
would succeed Allen Wallis.
Since 1985 Ambassador McCormack has
been the Permanent Representative of the
United States to the Organization of American States. Prior to this he was Assistant
Secretary of State for Economic and Busi

ness Affairs, 1983-1985. He has also served
as a Consultant on International Economics
at the Department of State, 1981-1982.
Ambassador McCormack graduated from
Georgetown University (M.A., 1963) and the
University of Fribourg in Switzerland
(Ph.D., 1971). He was born March 6, 1941,
in Bradford, PA. He is married and has two
children.


Nomination of Robert Michael Kimmitt To Be an Under Secretary
of State
February 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Robert Michael Kimmitt
to be Under Secretary of State for Political
Affairs. He would succeed Michael Hayden
Armacost.
Since October 1987 Mr. Kimmitt has
been a partner with the law firm of Sidley
& Austin in Washington, DC. Prior to this
he was General Counsel for the Department of the Treasury, 1985-1987. He was
Executive Secretary and General Counsel of
the National Security Council at the White
House, 1983-1985, and a member of the
National Security Council, 1978-1983. In


March 1988 Mr. Kimmitt was appointed by
President Reagan to a 6-year term as a
United States member of the Panel of Arbitrators of the International Centre for the
Settlement of Investment Disputes.
Mr. Kimmitt graduated from West Point
in 1969. He served in the 173d Airborne
Brigade in Vietnam, earning three Bronze
Stars, the Purple Heart, the Air Medal, and
the Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry. He is
currently a lieutenant colonel in the Army
Reserve. Mr. Kimmitt was born December
19, 1947. He is married, has five children,
and resides in Arlington, VA.


Nomination of Reginald Bartholomew To Be an Under Secretary of
State
February 2, 1989
The President today announced his inten- be Under Secretary of State for Coordinattion to nominate Reginald Bartholomew to ing Security Assistance Programs. He would


45




Feb. 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


succeed Edward J. Derwinski.
Since 1986 Ambassador Bartholomew has
been the United States Ambassador to
Spain. Prior to this he served as the United
States Ambassador to Lebanon. He was Director of the Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs at the Department of State in 1977
and was detailed to the National Security


Council at the White House, 1977-1979.
From 1974 to 1977, he served as Deputy
Director of Policy Planning Staff at the Department of State.
Ambassador   Bartholomew   graduated
from Dartmouth College (B.A., 1958) and
the University of Chicago (M.A., 1960). He
was born February 17, 1936, in Portland,
ME. He is married and has four children.


Nomination of Morris Berthold Abram To Be United States
Representative to the European Office of the United Nations
February 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Morris Berthold Abram to
be the Representative of the United States
of America to the European Office of the
United Nations, with the rank of Ambassador. He would succeed Joseph Carlton Petrone.
Since 1970 Mr. Abram has been a partner
in the firm of Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton
& Garrison in New York City. Mr. Abram
has been the chairman of the National Conference on Soviet Jewry, 1983 to present.
From 1984 to 1986, he was Vice Chairman
of the Commission on Civil Rights. He
served as a member of the President's ComRemarks on the Savings and Loan
February 3, 1989
The President. While we have the quick
exposure here, let me just thank you all,
Mr. Speaker, Leader Mitchell, Dole, Bob
Michel, for coming down here. This is a
listening session. We've got a big problem
in this savings and loan. There are no easy
answers and no worrying about the blameplenty to go around. I want to see the problem solved. We've had a lot of consultation
up on the Hill, and good consultation. And
Treasury will come, I think, to meet me
tomorrow to present their views, but
they're not being presented here with this


mission for Study of Ethics in Medicine and
Biomedicine and Behavioral Research,
1979-1983, and Chairman of the Moreland
Act Commission on Nursing Homes and
Residential Facilities, 1975-1976. From
1968 to 1970, Mr. Abram was president of
Brandeis University in Waltham, MA.
Mr. Abram graduated from the University
of Georgia (A.B., 1938), the University of
Chicago (J.D., 1940), Oxford University
(Rhodes Scholar) (B.A., 1948; M.A., 1953),
and Davidson College (LL.D., 1972). He
was born June 19, 1918. He is married and
has five children.


stacked deck. We need ideas, and if we're
overlooking something, we want to know
what it is.
But I think we all agree that it's time to
get on with the problem. And so, what I
wanted to do this morning is simply ask
your advice and listen. And whatever we
come up with will not be popular. And I
expect then whatever you come up with
will not be popular, but we've got to get on
and get the problem solved. And I appreciate your coming down here early to discuss
this today, and then I'll be meeting, as I say,


46




some more today. And then tomorrow I
think we have more final recommendations.
I'll go out with it publicly probably early
next week-I think that's the plan-and see
where we go from there.
But, Speaker, if you can talk, you're entitled a rebuttal. [Laughter]
Speaker Wright. I'm not sure, Mr. President, that any rebuttal is necessary. We're
here to listen, and we're here to join with
you in trying to find some creative solution
to a very serious problem.
Majority Leader Mitchell. I think the
Speaker has expressed it for all of us, Mr.
President. We want to work with you. This
is a serious problem for the country; it's not
just for us. We've got to do the best we can
to come up with the fairest, most efficient
way to solve it.
The President. Before we break up here
to start on our consultations, let me sayand I think I speak for everybody here

Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 3
that the safety of those deposits is guaranteed, will continue to be guaranteed, and
that there should be no feeling around the
country that some solution will do anything
to diminish the credit of the United States
being behind the deposits in the FSLIC
[Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation], FDIC [Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation], whatever it is. And I thought
I'd just take this occasion to make that
statement. Thank you all very much, and
now let's all go to work.
Note: The President spoke at 8:04 a.m. in
the Cabinet Room at the White House, prior
to a meeting with congressional leaders. In
his opening remarks, the President referred
to Jim Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives; George J Mitchell and Robert
Dole, majority and minority leaders of the
Senate, respectively; and Robert H. Michel,
ranking minority member of the House of
Representatives.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Robert A. Mosbacher as
Secretary of Commerce
February 3, 1989


The President. Thank you for that warm
welcome. This is a very special occasion for
me because, as most-I'd say please be
seated, but-[laughter]-I don't think that
would go over too well back there. What a
wonderful, wonderful turnout for our new
Secretary. But this is a special occasion, Bob
Mosbacher and I have been friends for a
quarter of a century-more. And I trust his
advice; I respect what he's accomplished in
business. And I know he will be a very
valuable member of our economic team.
It's also an honor for me to participate in
this swearing-in in a hall that's named after
another dear friend of mine: Mac Baldrige.
He was a tremendous Secretary of Commerce, and I know he would have been so
pleased to see that this Department, which
meant so much to him, will be in such capable hands.
When what was then called the Department of Commerce and Labor, established


back in 1903-Congressman Charles Cochran described what he believed were the
ideal qualifications for the Secretary. He
said: "Above everything, he should be a
man of affairs, acquainted with the vast subject with which he must deal, vigilant, enterprising, resourceful, and possessed of the
sagacity which distinguishes the American
man of business from all others."
Well, ladies and gentlemen, those of you
who know anything about Bob Mosbacher
know that he fits that description to a tee.
And he's a savvy international businessman,
an entrepreneur who built his own extraordinarily successful business and kept it on
solid footing even during tough economic
times. He also is known as a world-class
sailor-won international and national
championships. And to use a sailing analogy,
he will now take the helm at Commerce
and help chart America's economic course
into a new era of prosperity.


47




Feb. 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


It's Bob's mission to foster, promote, and
develop the foreign and domestic commerce of the United States, a mission that's
easily stated, but not so easily executed. As
Secretary, he will promote American exports aggressively, continue our support of
R&D, research and development, operate
an export control program balanced between safeguarding security and encouraging exports, responsibly manage our vast
national fisheries resources, and play an important role in this administration's efforts
to clean up the oceans and America's coastlines. I know that preserving and protecting
the environment is a special concern of Secretary Mosbacher's. Bob will work with
business to create innovative programs and
achieve scientific breakthroughs in manufacturing, transportation, communications,
and other areas to guarantee that the
United States maintains its leadership role
in the world marketplace.
Both Bob and I are committed to making
America more competitive than ever
before. Our businesses can compete with
anyone, anywhere in the world, if we're
given a fair chance. Our commitment to
free and fair trade will enable us to ensure
that our trading partners respect our right
to compete in their marketplace, while they
compete fairly in ours.
Bob has a big job ahead of him. But
whether it's trade or tourism or NOAA or
the Bureau of Standards, Minority Business
Development, the Census-any of the important areas of this Department-I know
that he has a great team behind him, willing to give 100 percent. And one of the
reasons I wanted to come here to the Department is to express my confidence in
those of you who have worked as careers
for the Federal Government.
The growth of commerce, both nationally
and internationally, is the key to guaranteeing that America's most productive and
prosperous days are still ahead. As a fellow
Texan said recently: "Bob Mosbacher is the
right man to do the job that has to be
done." So, I came over here to wish him
well-wish all of you well.
Mr. Secretary, congratulations, good luck,
and God bless you!
And now Secretary [of State] Baker will
do the honors.


[At this point, Secretary Mosbacher was
sworn in.]
Secretary Mosbacher. Mr. President, Secretary Baker, if I may digress for a second:
two wonderful, wonderful Americans who
this country is so proud of and so lucky to
have, friends of over 30 years. Thank you,
sir-and, of course, my family and, of
course, all of us who are going to work
together, fellow employees of the Department of Commerce. I look forward with
great enthusiasm to addressing the challenges and opportunities the American
people have in several vital, important
walks of our national life.
Mr. President, on behalf of this Department of Commerce, we accept our mission.
Of course, it's a mission-and a major objective of ours at this Department is to promote our economic growth and competitiveness. We must ensure that trade is a
two-way street for American business by expanding overseas markets for top U.S. goods
and services while ensuring fair competition
through effective enforcement of our trade
laws.
Another vitally important mission is to
improve the beauty and quality of our
oceans, shorelines, and estuaries. Our fine
people in the National Oceanic and Atmospheric  Administration-NOAA,   as  it's
known to all of you and now many of usare already working vigorously at cleaning
up our oceans. But of course, even though
they're working on this, more work can and
must be done because we have been
blessed with an abundance of beautiful natural resources, including our oceans, estuaries, our beaches, our shoreline; and we
must do all in our power to preserve and
protect these precious assets.
Third, as an old sailor, I know how vitally
important it is to keep our weather forecasts accurate and our warnings early. You
know, Mr. President, there are a lot of
people in this country who view Willard
Scott as our weatherman. [Laughter] But
we in this Department know that NOAA is
the bureau that serves as the provider of
the meteorological data to the Nation's
weathermen, and so, we are really your
weathermen.
We must also enforce our national capa

48




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 3


bility to develop the best in modern technology. We must pursue policies that will
speed commercialization of technology. Our
new technology administration will be in
the forefront of this effort. Our colleagues
in economic affairs must continue their diligent efforts to measure efficiently and accurately the successes and failings of our diverse economy. In the same vein, we must
ensure an accurate and fair census in 1990.
A challenge? Sure, and a tough one. But
to do anything less than to strive to succeed
as never before would not be right.
Finally, let me say, Mr. President, you
have given us-and to me and to all of us
here-a special assignment that is near and
dear to your heart. We know this. Specifically, we're going to strengthen the Minori

ty Business Development Agency so that all
Americans will have the fullest opportunity
to participate and enjoy the great American
dream. It's important, and it must happen.
I'm humbled by the challenges that lie
before us and confident that together we
will offer our hands to help achieve our
President's goals. As Reverend Parker said:
"If we work together, all is possible."
Again, my thanks to you, sir, to the family
I love, and to all of you. Together we can
do the job. God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 10:40 a.m. in
the Malcolm Baldrige Great Hall at the Department of Commerce. Reverend Diana
Parker delivered the invocation.


Remarks at a White House Luncheon for Business Leaders
February 3, 1989


The President. Ladies and gentlemen,
thank you very, very much for being with
us today. Before I make some remarks, I
just want to introduce you to some of the
people with whom I'm working here in the
White House, with whom a lot of you will
be interacting one way or another.
I know you know our Secretary of Labor
over here, Liddy Dole. Roger Porter is
going to be doing a lot in our domestic
policy. Over at this table is Bonnie
Newman, who has got a major management
responsibility in the White House. And
Andy Card is the Deputy to the Chief of
Staff. And Boyden Gray many of you have
worked with in regulatory relief. He's the
General Counsel to the President and is
heading a lot of the issues as it relates to
ethics. Steve Studdert over here and Dave
Demarest are in our outreach and our communications end of things. General Scowcroft most of you know-I don't want to
date him, but most of you know him from
previous incarnations-[laughter]-is the
national security adviser. Richard Breeden
over here worked very closely with me in
the past on regulatory matters. He's now
wrestling with the savings and loan prob

lem. So, if he looks discomforted, why, it
wasn't the food. [Laughter] Gregg Petersmeyer at this table, here from Colorado,
back in the White House after quite a few
years absence, but he is handling this concept of voluntarism, national service. I can't
see over here who we-oh, Marlin Fitzwater is our Press Secretary, and with him,
Joe Hagin, fresh from Ohio, who is handling
the scheduling. Michael Boskin is head of
our Council of Economic Advisers. And
Bobbie Kilberg, sitting over here, is part of
our major outreach to the different communities. And Jim Cicconi is the Staff Secretary that keeps everything moving inside
the White House. And of course, on my left
here is John Sununu, our Chief of Staff.
And if I missed somebody, it's the glare.
[Laughter] It's not that I don't know the
names of the people with whom I work.
[Laughter] But listen, I wanted to thank
you all for being here. It's great to see so
many old friends. Having made my living in
the hydrocarbon business-that's a polite
name for what's left of the oil business[laughter]-I do have some appreciation of
what some of you all face in business.
And today we're in the midst of a long


49




Feb. 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


peacetime economic recovery. Productivity
is up; real family income is up. A higher
percentage-you know this litany-percentage of the work force at work than any
time in history and a lot of job creation,
better than Europe and Japan. So, I am
very proud of what the business sector has
accomplished. And we are the most prosperous and most generous and most productive Nation. But I would say that we've
still got a long, long way to go, and we've
got some big problems out there. But if we
need a reminder of who we are, you can
look around this room and see the creativity
of business and see how you have added
tremendously to the GNP of our country.
Lately we've been talking a lot publiclythe last couple of weeks-about ethics. And
I need your help in establishing and then
achieving the highest possible standards and
then performance in the field of ethics. It
isn't just government. I think we need to
set the best possible example in corporate
America, in the workplace itself, and then,
certainly, in government service. We've got
to do better in terms of eliminating conflicts of interest for those who serve. And
we need to assemble a government that the
people can be proud of: a government, to a
large extent, already comprised, I'd say, of
honorable men and women who share conviction that a public office is, indeed, a
public trust.
So, my emphasis on ethical public service
is not some fad or passing fancy. It's something that I would like to see our administration institutionalize as best we can.
Having said that, I am concerned about the
excesses. And I'm talking to some right here
in this room. I don't think we ever want to
make it so it's impossible for men and
women who have accomplished something
to come and serve because of perceptionit might throw a conflict of interest out
there. And so, as we try to achieve our
standards now and as we try to codify these
standards, I hope we can do it without discouraging men and women from coming to
Washington to serve.
Last week, I appointed a bipartisan commission headed by former judge and now
our Ambassador Malcolm Wilkey. Cochairman of that is Griffin Bell, who is favorably
known to everybody in this room, a former


great Attorney General of this country-to
develop ethics reform proposals that are
going to address all the branches of the
Federal Government. And again, we welcome from the business community the
advice and counsel on this effort.
Some of you have sent Boyden Gray, my
General Counsel, your own codes of ethics
and worked with him in this regard, and
that's been very helpful to us. It's because
some businesses are way out front on setting standards that I think will have good
relevance for the Federal Government. We
have to simultaneously assure that our
public servants have the highest possible
ethical standards at the same time we
ensure  that  we   don't  create  this
bureaucratic quagmire that keep honorable
men and women from serving. And this
one, as I just mentioned, is not easy. It is a
delicate balance.
The American people know that we're
facing some very tough choices in the
weeks and months ahead. I still feel that
they want us to hold the line on taxes and
that they want us to keep this economic
engine going. They realize that that's
mainly a function of the private sector. But
we in government have a responsibility to
see that we don't enact things that inadvertently slow down the economic engine
of this country. I've got to have as a prime
goal seeing the creation of more jobs, more
growth. And so, next week we're going to
have to come forward with some tough decisions when I send a budget message up
there to the Congress a week from yesterday.
We want to keep this deficit heading
downward. And I've heard from a lot of you
here the importance of having what we
send up there credible so that world markets will understand that this is for real.
And if the world markets understand that
it's for real-it doesn't have to happen overnight-then I think we're going to see a
very salutary effect on interest rates. So, we
want to keep the deficit heading downward. And I'm pledged, obviously, to that
goal.
There's another thing about the people of
this country. Americans have long been
committed to helping people at home and


50




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 3


abroad in achieving literacy, housing, and
safety-a commitment that stems from our
innate sense of fairplay as a people, innate
sense of justice, if you will. So, there's more
than altruism involved. And when I talk
about a kinder and gentler nation, I realize
that you cannot legislate kindness. The
President can't sign an Executive order and
decree that we have a gentle nation.
But the Presidency does provide an incomparable opportunity to set a tone, to
lead a movement. And so, I wanted to ask
all of you to do that which so many of you
are already doing: Involve yourselves in this
vast cooperative movement, unparalleled in
magnitude, certainly unparalleled in its nobility of purpose. And I'm talking about the
concept of voluntarism, the concept of national service. It's going to be a movement
whose leadership extends from the South
Lawn of the White House to the grassroots
of America. But really, it's the other way
around because it's the communities and it's
neighbors that really have the line action
on this concept-a movement that respects
the dignity of the individual and that is
steeped in the values that have made this
country great for more than 200 years. And
it is this spirit that de Tocqueville found
when he looked at this country of neighbor
helping neighbor that has made us decent
and generous, more so, I'd say, than any
other country. And if we can revitalize the
embers of that spirit, we will be this kinder
and gentler place to live.
And that's where many of you, as I say,
have already starred. As I look around this
room-and I'm not going to start singling
out the examples that are represented here
of your commitment to literacy or fighting
drugs or whatever it is-and you can do it
far better, far more effectively than the
Federal Government in Washington, DC.
The essence of our government, of course, a
democracy of and for and by the people.
To be successful, our movement on national service has got to be exactly the same
thing. And the challenges are great. Government, as I say, cannot do everything,
certainly can't do it alone without the will
of the people. It really can't do anything.
But we've opened here now an Office of
National  Service.  Gregg  Petersmeyer,
under the Chief of Staff, has the lead on


that. It will be in the White House. It will
help lead the community and national service programs. We will not only build on
what was known as the private sector initiatives, which President Reagan began and
which many of you in this room were actively involved in, but, actively, I'll be seeking your leadership and involvement on
specific initiatives; one, the Yes to America
Foundation, Youth Entering Service, which
I talked about last fall and which I'm determined to implement this winter.
I don't want the Federal Government
getting in the way, incidentally, of the tens
of thousands of volunteer programs that
work effectively. I simply want to encourage more voluntarism. You know, each of us
is shaped in life by little events or things
that he or she encountered. And I remember 8 years ago-or maybe 10 now, campaigning in John Sununu's State, and being
told of the Meals on Wheels program in
Salem, New Hampshire-that the volunteer
aspect of that program had been eroded out
by Federal legislation and that the regulations were drawn in such a way that the
neighbors that had been helping older
neighbors no longer were free to participate and volunteer. So, I certainly think we
have to avoid that kind of crowding out on
the part of the regulators, on the part of my
administration, or on the part of the United
States Congress.
During the past several months, you've
heard me speak of a Thousand Points of
Light. That's given the cartoonists a wide
array of new material-[laughter]-the best
one being a Thousand Pints of Lite keg[laughter]. But other people are beginning
to understand what I perhaps very inarticulately talked about. I've been using that
phrase as shorthand for the fact that we're a
nation of communities, thousands of business and professional and religious and
ethnic communities and in this diversity is
our key to success, it's our strength.
The community, next to the family, is the
most important unit of our nation. And I've
got to remember that as we kind of come
up with urban policies-or Liddy and I
work together on child care, or whatever
else it is-a community has got to be more
than just the bricks or mortar. Our commu

51




Feb. 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


nity, our town, our neighborhood: It's
where we live, where we work, where the
kids play, and it's where we invite friends
over. And so, we've got to keep these communities strong by whatever kinds of policies we spell out in our administration.
I'm committed to dramatically increasing,
and a lot of this is simply exhortation, community participation in order to pragmatically address the difficult problems that are
challenging our country. We need to build
this community spirit in every community,
large and small. And we need to tap America for its very best in terms of dedication
and the leadership.
You all have been more active than most,
I know, in community service and so I
again want to say thank you. You have my
heartfelt respect. We need your work. We
need your experience. And to those of you
who are still looking for ways to help, I just
would urge you to come on in, the water's
fine. We need you to help us face this challenge. It's not just your money, individually
and corporate, it's time and, again, it's exhortation on the part of the leaders of the
business community. So, I would welcome
your help on all of that.
Let me just end by a quick update. I
know it's of interest to people here, the
visit yesterday with the Japanese Prime
Minister went well. Prime Minister Takeshita was our first official formal foreign visitor to come here to this country. And
during our discussions yesterday we simply
reaffirmed our responsibilities in the cause
of world peace. We also reviewed the
progress that our nations have achieved in
bringing the economies into better balance
and in further opening our markets to each
other's goods and services. We, in this country, carry a disproportionate responsibility
for the defense requirements of free countries. Japan,. given its economic standing
today, is willing to accept much more in the
way of responsibility for helping in the
whole development aid side of things.
So, we had a good chance to discuss that.
We did not go into every trade problem
that faces our country. Both of us are realistic men, the Japanese Prime Minister and
me, and we realize we're going to have
some confrontation at times or certainly
some differences of opinion. But I'm going


to do my level best, working with our good
new trade team, to be sure that we are
treated fairly, that we have access, that we
are not operating under standards that
favor one side to the detriment of the
other.
But the visit went well, and I think Prime
Minister Takeshita wants very much to
have that cooperative relationship. And we
don't want to take these things for granted.
It's not the reason I'm going to Japan for
the funeral to pay my respects on behalf of
the American people to the Emperor, but it
has something to do with it that's broader. I
should be doing that-looking to the
present and to the future. But I just wanted
to assure you that the visit yesterday had
gone reasonably well.
In the meantime, we still are under study
in terms of our relationship with the Soviets. I know everyone here is very much
interested in that relationship. I am confident that General Secretary Gorbachev
knows that our review is not a foot-dragging operation. I don't want to miss an opportunity, but I don't want to do something
that's imprudent either. And so, with our
Secretary of State, ably backed up and assisted by my National Security Adviser, we
are undertaking a policy review with the
Soviet Union. There will be no great shocks.
There will be no turning our back on the
potential for progress. But there will be
taking the proper amount of time so that
when we do go forward, whether it's on
conventional arms control, or strategic
arms, or whatever else it is-the economic
front, regional problems, human rightswe're going to be marching together in this
administration.
And the Soviets, I think, now understand
that there's no foot-dragging. But I wanted
you to know that I understand the importance of this relationship and that I am determined to see us move forward. I want to
see us get out in front if we possibly can,
but I don't think that we have to be just
restless because General Secretary Gorbachev made a very interesting set of proposals at the United Nations a few monthsnow a month or so ago. So, we're going to
look at the whole array of these issues. In
the meantime, we're taking a look at the


52




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 3


hemisphere.
Some of you have read about trying to
work with the Congress. I'm very serious
about it, and the product of the Congress in
some ways-I realize that maybe we can
wait until February 9th, which is only 6
days away, before we go after each other on
things. But we're realists, and we know
there is going to be differences on what I
send up. But I think most people that understand the Congress certainly would give
them credit, and I do, for a willingness at
this juncture to talk.
We had a very interesting, and I'd say
productive, meeting with the leaders of key
committees-Ways and Means and Finance
and Banking and Banking-and then the
leaders today and this question of facing
this savings and loan problem. And they're
not going to agree with everything I propose next week, but we've had a chance to
consult and to listen to them, and I'm determined to try that, carry that forward.
And I think it will be good for domestic
policy, and I'm absolutely convinced that it
is vital for foreign policy because we've
been sending confusing signals around the
world of two major branches of government
that can't ever quite get together on something important. I'm not naive. I know
Remarks Congratulating the Super
49'ers
February 3, 1989
The President. Welcome. Please be
seated. Jack-that's our Cabinet star, Jack
Kemp. Did you all get a chance to see him?
Good.
Well, Eddie DeBartolo and Coach Walsh
and the staff and all the players here from
the 49'ers, let me just say first congratulations to all of you and welcome to the
White House. This victory last month of the
49'ers as indisputably the world's champion
sets you up as that in every sense of the
word. And with this, your third Super Bowl
title in 8 years, you rewrote the record
books and raised the game of football to a
new level of excellence. In devising your


we're going to have differences, but I just
wanted you to know I think that approach
is certainly worth a try. And so, that's about
where we stand.
I'm delighted you all are here. Again, I
ask for your help, and lest you be unpersuaded by what I've said, I would now like
to be one who has been-invite one to
come in here who has been dubbed by no
less an authority than Time Magazine as the
Silver  Fox    because-[laughter]-she's
worked for so many of you in education
that I want her to come in and say thank
you if she's here. Barbara, enter. I've got all
your education crowd around.
Mrs. Bush. Thank you.
The President. I've been making a pitch
for voluntarism.
Mrs. Bush. I heard you.
The President. And they're going to do it.
Mrs. Bush. I heard you. I heard him. I
heard what he said. And what I really came
in to say was use me. I'm willing to come. If
you'll do what he asks, I'll come and help in
any way I can-literacy, the homeless-anything. You call, and I'll come. Thank you
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:03 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House.
Bowl Champion San Francisco
game plan, Bill Walsh proved once again
why he's considered one of the greatest
coaches ever, and in leading your team 97
yards in the final 3 minutes, Joe, you once
again showed your grace under pressure. I
guess we all wonder why did it take so
long-[laughter]-but  nevertheless  the
country saw it.
And, Jerry Rice, what can I say that
hasn't already been said? I've heard there is
a new TV series coming out based on your
Super Bowl performance-Miami Rice.
[Laughter] Available in every city in the
country  except one-[laughter]-Cincinnati, that is. [Laughter] And Joe and Jerry


53




Feb. 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


handled the aerial attack, but when your
team needed the tough yardage on the
ground you turned to Roger Craig. And in
his years as a 49'er, Roger has given a
whole new meaning to the words "gold
rush," and when he runs the football, the
chances are he is headed for paydirt.
It wouldn't be fair to mention the offensive stars without also giving great credit to
the defense. And during the first half, when
the offense was having a tough time, the
defense kept you in that ballgame with
their cool, smart, hard-hitting football.
And speaking of tough times, in all of the
hoopla surrounding the Super Bowl victory,
most people have forgotten the adversity
that you overcame just to get there. But
you never gave up, you pulled together as a
team, you came back step by step, game by
game, and you eliminated mistakes, never
stopped striving for excellence. And there is
a lesson in that for-I think for all of us, but
maybe particularly for the student body
presidents and athletes that are here in the
audience with us today.
And that's why I wanted you to share in
this ceremony. To the young people here
and across the country, I'd like to remind
you that what you achieve in your life depends a lot on what you achieve in school
during the next few years. And if I could
offer one piece of advice, it would be this:
Strive for excellence in all things and don't
accept mediocrity. Being satisfied with mediocrity might be the easy way, but striving
for excellence is the only way up.
Some of you have already achieved excellence in football and perhaps in other sports
as well. And I can tell you and the 49 players, I'm sure-49'ers-will agree, I am sure,
that being good in sports is not enough to
achieve excellence. You just have to be educated for excellence. The main ingredient
in each person's success is individual initiative. It always has been, and it always will
be. So I would say, if you're willing to work
hard and make sacrifices, you can accomplish just about anything you set your mind
to. And that's what the American dream is
all about.
And, again, to all the 49'ers, and to you,
Coach Walsh, and to all the 49'ers-my congratulations to you! And thanks for setting a
superb example for our country. Thank you


and God bless all of you.
Mr. DeBartolo. Mr. President, it's a great
honor being here. And there's a few presentations that Coach Walsh and the players
want to make. I want to just make one
announcement that we did find out that
your ring size is 11 and a half. And we're
going to give you the first ring that comes
out of production because we want you to
be an honorary member of our team. And
we're with you a thousand percent in everything you do. And God bless you and all
that you do and thank you, sir.
The President. Thank you.
Mr. Montana. Thank you. Mr. President,
first let me congratulate you also on your
victory. And secondly, I also would like, on
behalf of my teammates, say thank you for
your hospitality here this afternoon. It
means a lot to all of us. Not very often do I
get to see many of these guys in ties.
[Laughter] And thirdly, we'd like to present
you with a little token of our appreciation,
little autographed balls from the Super
Bowl, and say best of luck to you. We wish
you the best and thank you.
The President. Thank you, that's great.
Thank you very much.
Mr. Rice. Mr. President, we're glad to be
here. We'd like to thank you for bringing us
out into your wonderful home. [Laughter]
You know, I looked forward to this day and
I just hope that we get an opportunity to
come back next year and stand right here
before you. And on behalf of the San Francisco 49'ers, I'd like to present you with this
ball and
The President. Thank you so much-the
real thing. [Laughter]
Mr. Rice. That's the real thing from the
Super Bowl.
The President. Thank you very much.
Thank you so much. Good luck to you.
Mr. Walsh. Mr. President, we have alsowe know you're a runner, so we have a
running suit. I'm not sure we suggest running the streets of Washington, DC, in this
suit. [Laughter] In fact, we're somewhat
concerned we're sort of-a little bit of overkill here. Remember, the Redskin fans are
all around us. [Laughter] But we do feel so
proud to be part of this, to have won a
world's championship, but also, to be in


54




your presence because we think you're
going to do the greatest job we've seen in
many, many years as President of the
United States. Thank you very much.


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 6
Note: The President spoke at 3:05 p.m. in
L the East Room at the White House. Edward
J DeBartolo was the owner of the San Francisco 49'ers.


White House Statement on Secretary of Health and Human
Services-Designate Louis W. Sullivan
February 4, 1989


Louis W. Sullivan, M.D., Secretary-designate of Health and Human Services, has
requested the executive committee of the
board of the Morehouse School of Medicine
to grant him an unpaid leave of absence as
a professor of medicine. Such an action by
the executive committee would suspend
any salary payments by the school to Dr.
Sullivan while he served as HHS Secretary.
Morehouse School of Medicine, like most
academic institutions, affords its faculty a
paid leave of absence based upon years of
service. After 13 years of uninterrupted
service, Dr. Sullivan had earned, and was
granted, a paid sabbatical leave of absence.
Dr. Sullivan made the following statement in connection with his request to the
Committee to forego the paid leave: "President Bush has called on all of those in his
Cabinet, and indeed throughout the Feder

al Government, to set the very highest ethical standards and to avoid even the appearance of potential conflicts of interest. I
agree emphatically with the President, that
it is crucial to establish the highest ethical
tone, and it will be my intention to uphold
those same high principles at HHS if I am
confirmed as Secretary. Accordingly, I have
requested the executive committee of the
board of the medical school to grant an
unpaid leave of absence during the time I
may serve as HHS Secretary. In this way, I
intend to preclude even the remotest possibility of any appearance that my actions as
Secretary might be influenced due to any
outside income. I look forward to many productive years of service at HHS. And I believe that an unpaid leave of absence from
Morehouse Medical School will help establish a firm groundwork for such service to
begin."


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Carla A. Hills as United
States Trade Representative
February 6, 1989


The President. Well, it is a great pleasure
for me to be here for the swearing-in of our
friend, Carla Hills, as U.S. Trade Representative. This is a position of great importance
to our country. And with the emergence of
a truly global economy, trade issues have
taken on a new prominence. And I think, as
Lord Macaulay so rightly said, that "Free
trade is one of the greatest blessings which
a government can confer on a people."
I have great confidence in the ability, the


wisdom, and the toughness of Carla Hills,
which is why I chose her in the first place
for this critically important post. This is her
second Cabinet position, and she won universal respect for her service as Secretary at
the Department of HUD, Housing and
Urban Development. And I know that she'll
win strong support in this important current role. She's a skilled negotiator with a
strong international background and extensive experience in government. Trade issues


55




Freb. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


involve listening to many voices within our
nation while working with the full breadth
of government and maintaining a clear
sense of mission. As I said when I nominated her, I can think of no one better suited
to be America's trade minister at home and
abroad.
And Carla will have a very committed
and talented group of people at USTR who
work hard and bargain hard for the people
of our country. I greatly respect, incidentally, the dedication and expertise of those
with whom Carla will be working at USTR,
and I'm glad that many of you are here
with us today.
America, as the world's number one trading nation, has the largest stake in the continued expansion of world trade, which has
been one of the key factors in our growing
prosperity. In addition, our trade relationships are a vital factor in America's international alliances that help secure freedom
and stability for so much of the world. We
will apply firmness to help promote what is
fair, but we will always remember that our
major trading partners are not our enemies
but, indeed, they are our allies.
We have a leading role to play in modernizing a trading system that has served
the world well for over four decades.
There's a new and dynamic international
order in the economy that offers the chance
for higher levels of prosperity for all nations
which freely participate in this international
economy. We want to do more to remove
trade barriers; to address the issue of agriculture; and to bring the benefits of free
trade to new areas, including services, investment, and the protection of intellectual
property. The current Uruguay round of
the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade] talks holds many opportunities
for progress in multilateral negotiations.
There's also a new international impetus for
trade expansion created by our U.S.-Canada
free-trade agreement. This agreement can
serve as a model, and it proves that freer
trade between nations is the wave of the
future.
Ladies and gentlemen, the goal of this
administration's trade policy, simply put, is
to open markets, not close them; to fight
protectionism, not to give in to it. We don't
want an America that is closed to the world.


What we want is a world that is open to
America. We're going to work to promote
American exports and to see to it that in
dealing with the United States other nations
play by the rules. As Carla said during her
own confirmation hearings, we will open
foreign markets with a crowbar where necessary, but with a handshake whenever possible.
And, Carla, it is now my pleasure to witness you take the oath of office. And we're
very fortunate that Judge Scalia, one of our
Supreme Court Justices, is here with us
today.
[At this point, Ambassador Hills was sworn
in.]
Ambassador Hills. Mr. President, Justice
Scalia, Members of Congress, distinguished
guests, and dear friends, I thank you one
and all for being here. And I especially
want to thank the members of my wonderful family for their enormous support, and I
confess that I am absolutely thrilled that
they're all with me today.
I am honored, and I look forward to serving as the United States Trade Representative. And to all of you I pledge to devote all
of my energies to carrying out the trade
policy goals that you, Mr. President, have
just outlined. We will seek to open markets,
not close them; and we will fight protectionism, not give in to it. You can be certain-absolutely certain, Mr. Presidentthat those are the goals of the Office of U.S.
Trade Representative. We seek free trade
not just for a more prosperous America, we
seek it as a part of our great quest for a
freer, fairer, and more prosperous world.
Rather we seek to have our foreign markets
opened to the entire community of nations,
rich and poor, and from that unfettered
commercial exchange comes healthy world
growth and increased prosperity for all
people. As a nation, we seek open trade
because that goal is as morally correct as it
is economically beneficial.
During the past week, I have had the
opportunity to meet with and work with
the extraordinarily talented and dedicated
women and men at the U.S. Trade Representative's office; and, Mr. President, with
this group of splendid professionals, we can


56




meet the challenge that you have given us.
Our office will work closely with other Federal agencies and with Congress. And I
know that you, Mr. President, share my
gratitude for the commitments that Members of both the House and the Senate have
made to work alongside of our trade negotiators. And we all have gained immeasurably in drawing upon the experience and
the commitment of the private sector. Together we can build an expanding multilateral trade system based upon equitable,
clear, and enforceable rules. We can
strengthen our bilateral relationships, and
we can uphold our trade laws. In short, we
can do great things together.
Now, last month, Mr. President, you
called your Cabinet together to receive
your very clear marching orders. Your first
commandment was: Think big. Well, the
Office of the United States Trade Representative is small, but its talent and dedication is enormous, and your commandment
is our motto. And in that spirit, Mr. President, we offer you a token of our wholehearted commitment to your goals and our


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 6
great affection. And so, if I could just give
you-[laughter][At this point, Ambassador Hills gave the
President a sweatshirt that read: Think Big]
The President. I have a funny feeling,
having worked with Carla and knowing her
ability, that that handshake, backed up by a
lot of conviction, is going to get the job
done for the most part. But I was thinking
the other day, when we had the Prime Minister of Japan here and he met Carla-perhaps not for the first time, but the first time
officially with her new role about to unfold
as USTR-and maybe I was dreaming something, but I thought I saw him looking her
over very carefully. [Laughter] And I just
have a funny feeling that that combination
of the handshake and the crowbar is going
to be tremendously successful. [Laughter]
Ambassador Hills. Thank you very much.
Thank you all for being here.
Note: The President spoke at 1:45 p.m. in
the Indian Treaty Room of the Old Executive Office Building.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Samuel K. Skinner as
Secretary of Transportation
February 6, 1989


The President. Well, Barbara and I are
delighted to be here. And, Governor
Thompson, delighted to see you, sir. But
I'm here today to welcome into our Cabinet
a man who I believe is destined to go down
in history as one of the truly outstanding
Secretaries of Transportation: Sam Skinner.
He does indeed have big shoes to fill. And I
see one of his predecessors sitting over
here, Jim Burnley, who did an outstanding
job.
And he comes here having made a name
for himself as a miracle worker of sorts in
transportation. Several years ago, Governor
Thompson put him in charge of the Regional Transportation Authority of Northeastern
Illinois. And at that time, the RTA, as it is
known, was plagued with financial troubles
and declining levels of service. And some


said that Sam was inheriting an impossible
job. But he rolled up his sleeves and set to
work, and in short order, he put the RTA
on a sound financial footing for the first
time in years.
His expertise in transportation doesn't
stop there. He's an instrument-rated pilot
who has flown in and out of Chicago's
O'Hare Airport, one of the busiest in the
Nation-[laughter]-more times than he
can count. And here he is. [Laughter] But
when it comes to air travel, he'll bring a
pilot's perspective to the highest levels of
our government, and that means a perspective that puts safety first, above all other
considerations.
You'd think all this would be enough, but
I haven't quite finished his qualifications for
the job. Besides overseeing the Federal


57




Feab. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Government's role in maintaining and improving our nation's transportation system,
the networks, the Secretary of Transportation has another critical duty: He commands the Coast Guard. And the Coast
Guard serves on the front lines of our war
on drugs. And I can't think of anyone in
America who has Sam Skinner's background
in transportation and has been a distinguished U.S. Attorney, prosecuting a
number of major cases-outstanding combination.
And, yes, he is the ideal man for a job
that will, in the years ahead, present extraordinary challenges. I'm sure that I don't
need to remind anyone in this audience of
the high priority my administration places
and intends to place on the war on drugs. I
pledged in my Inaugural Address that this
scourge will stop, and I really mean that.
I'm determined to see that happen. Sam
will be working closely with Bill Bennett
[Director of National Drug Control Policy],
and I know that they're going to make a
great team.
And let me mention another area in
which Sam will face challenges; that's aviation. The U.S. is the safest place in the
world to fly, and it is getting safer. And that
safety record is your record. This Department carries a great deal of the responsibility for the safety of the skies, and carries it
with ability and certainly justifiable pride.
And I know that you join with me in saying
that we won't rest until every possible step
has been taken to make air travel in America as safe as it possibly can be.
By the way, in one area critical to safe
skies, Sam is hitting the ground running.
Next week he will head a delegation to the
ICAO, Montreal, the special session of the
Council of the International Civil Aviation
Organization. He has my mandate to do all
he can at that meeting to hasten the day
when the international community puts an
end to terrorism in the sky.
Aviation is not, of course, the only area in
which Secretary Skinner and you will work
together for a better America. I look forward to his leadership in the other areas:
highways and bridges and urban mass transit, intercity rail, and maritime transportation. And I think once you get to know him
you'll see why I say that I can't think of


anyone I'd rather have in charge than Sam
Skinner.
And having said so much about him, let
me now say a few words to our new Secretary about how I feel about you all. It would
be hard, Sam, to find a more dedicated
group of people in the entire Government
than the men and women in the Department of Transportation. And thanks in part
to their effort, America's transportation is
the best system in the world. And they represent a long and proud tradition of reaching back to the very founding of our Republic, for roads, shipping, and protecting our
coasts from smugglers have been concerns
of our government from the very beginning.
Somebody said of Sam that he's a visionary who thinks big. Well, I expect that
you'll find that your new colleagues are visionaries who think big as well. And I know
you're as proud to serve with them as I am.
And so, as they say in the railroad business, welcome aboard. It's great to have you
on the team. And so, now let's get on with
the swearing-in. Congratulations!
[At this point, Secretary Skinner was sworn
in.]
Governor Thompson. Following the brilliant career in Federal law enforcement of
which the President so eloquently spoke,
Sam Skinner has served the people of Illinois for the past 12 years with rare fidelity,
integrity, and honor. He made things move,
and he got things done. And it is with the
high hopes born of that experience that we
in Illinois now proudly give him to the
Nation. Ladies and gentlemen, the Secretary of Transportation.
Secretary Skinner. Thank you, Mr. President, for your kind words and for making
me part of your team. I want to personally
acknowledge all my friends here, especially
Barbara Bush, my good friend for many
years; my family, my mother and my brother; the Governor; my good friend judge
Flaum; and all of you. I wouldn't be here if
it weren't for your efforts, and I know it.
Mr. President, the Department of Transportation's team is., in fact, made up of
many members. Each one plays an important role. I have asked some of these out

58




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 6


standing members of that team to join us,
from each of our units, and I would like to
introduce them to you now. They're on the
left. And maybe to break a little protocol
here, they can-which I think I'm allowed
to do, at least at my swearing-in ceremony-I'm going to ask them to stand forward
a little bit. Maybe, Mr. President, you could
shake their hands.
Muriel Clarke. Muriel is the financial specialist for the Urban Mass Transportation
Administration's New York regional office.
She has won many awards for her performance in government and has been involved
in voluntary community efforts for over 40
years.
Frank J. Mammano, a 29-year veteran in
the Federal Highway Administration, has
been a leader in the development of Pathfinder, a cooperative effort by the Federal
Highway Administration, the California Department of Transportation, and General
Motors that applies advanced technology to
solve metropolitan area congestion problems.
Romell Cooks of the National Highway
Traffic Safety Administration has energized
a network of health professionals to act as
allies with government in the safety belt
usage and anti-drunk driving campaigns.
Barbara Schroeder, one of the two female
wage-grade employees at the Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Corporationin a nontraditional job as a labor-line handler and as a single parent with three
daughters, she gives freely of her time to
numerous volunteer efforts.
Donald Simonds of the FAA, is a fullperformance-level air traffic controller and
has been actively involved in the recruitment of minority candidates for that critical
job.
Anthony A. Schiavone, Superintendent of
the James River Reserve Fleet at the Maritime Administration, maintains custody of
approximately 125 oceangoing merchanttype vessels that are on ready reserve for
national defense purposes.
Susan Hedgepeth, Chief of the Exemption Branch in the Office of Hazardous Materials Transportation, develops special requirements for the transportation of hazardous materials.
Sondra F. Talbert of the Federal Railroad


Administration, moved into the Department's Upward Mobility Training Program
in 1975 and is the first female inspector at
the Interstate Commerce Commission in
the Federal Railroad Administration.
United States Coast Guard Petty Officer
Kelly M. Mogk, was recently awarded the
Coast Guard Air Medal for heroic achievement in aerial flight while serving as a helicopter rescue swimmer on January 2, 1989.
Let's give these outstanding employees a
round of applause. [Applause]
Mr. President, these individuals' achievements reflect the spirit of this Department.
They are our unsung heroes, the dedicated
public servants who serve the American
traveler, the pilot, the truck driver, the
boater, and the commuter.
The Department's team faces many challenges. We must be in the forefront in the
fight against terrorism. We must do everything we can to stop the flow of drugs into
this country. We must keep our aviation
system both safe and competitive. And we
must maintain our significant and important
presence in the maritime industry. We
must also continue to build and maintain
our infrastructure. And I want to acknowledge-as I look on the next step-are Congressman Martin, are Congressman Mineta,
Congressman Coughlin. We must work with
Congress, and I will work with Congress to
develop a visionary and comprehensive
transportation policy for the 21st century, a
policy that recognizes the transportation
system is the essential lifeblood of our economy and also for our defense.
These goals cannot be achieved without
the energy and commitment of thousands
of team players like those you have met
today. I know already from my brief introduction to this Department that this team is
ready, willing, and able to do this important
job. The American people have selected
you as their President, and you have asked
me to be your wing man. I am humbled by
your offer. I accept, and I am ready to roll
up my sleeves and get the job done.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:42 p.m. in
the Federal Aviation Administration auditorium. Secretary Skinner was sworn in by
U.S. District Judge Joel M. Flaum.


59




Feb. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989
The President's News Conference
February 6, 1989


The President. Well, for the more than
half a century, the U.S. has operated a deposit insurance program that provides
direct government protection to the savings
of our citizens. This program has enabled
tens of millions of Americans to save with
confidence. In all the time since creation of
the deposit insurance, savers have not lost
one dollar of insured deposits, and I am
determined that they never will.
Deposit insurance has always been intended to be self-funded. And this means
that the banks, the savings and loans, and
credit unions that are insured pay a small
amount of their assets each year into a fund
that's used to protect depositors. In every
case, these funds are spent to protect the
depositors, not the institutions that fail.
For the last 20 years, conditions in our
financial markets have grown steadily more
complex, and a portion of the savings and
loan industry has encountered steadily
growing problems. These financial difficulties have led to a continuous erosion of the
strength of the Federal Savings and Loan
Insurance Corporation, FSLIC. Economic
conditions have played a major role in this
situation. However, unconscionable risktaking, fraud, and outright criminality have
also been factors. Because of the accumulation of losses at hundreds of these thrift
institutions, additional resources must be
devoted to cleaning up this problem. We
intend to restore our entire deposit insurance system to complete health.
While the issues are complex and the difficulties manifold, we will make the hard
choices, not run from them. We will see
that the guarantee to depositors is forever
honored. And we will see to it that the
system is reformed comprehensively so that
the situation is not repeated again. To do
this, I am today announcing a comprehensive and wide-ranging set of proposals. The
Secretary of the Treasury, Nicholas Brady,
will describe these proposals to you in detail
in a few minutes. However, I think it's important to summarize some of the major
points. The proposals include four major


elements.
First, currently insolvent savings institutions will be placed under the joint management of the FDIC [Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation] and FSLIC pursuant to
existing law. This will enable us to control
future risktaking and to begin reducing ongoing losses.
Second, the regulatory mechanism will be
substantially overhauled to enable it to
more effectively limit risktaking. The FDIC
would become the insurance agency for
both banks and thrifts under this system,
although there's no commingling of funds.
The insurer will have the authority to set
minimum standards for capital and accounting. Uniform disclosure standards will also
be implemented. The chartering agency for
thrifts would come under the general oversight of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Third, we will create a financing corporation to issue $50 billion in bonds to finance
the cost of resolving failed institutions,
which will supplement approximately $40
billion that has already been spent. All of
the principal of these bonds and a portion
of the interest on them will be paid from
industry sources. However, the balance
would be paid from on-budget outlays of
general revenues. Hopefully, some of these
revenues will be recovered in the future
through sale of assets and recovery of funds
from the wrongdoers.
Fourth, we plan to increase the budget of
the Justice Department by approximately
$50 million to enable it to create a nationwide program to seek out and punish those
that have committed wrongdoing in the
management of these failed institutions.
These funds will result in almost doubling
the personnel devoted to the apprehension
and prosecution of individuals committing
fraud in our financial markets.
As you can see, these proposals are based
upon several overriding principles. First, I
will not support any new fee on depositors.
Second, we should preserve the overall
Federal budget structure and not allow the
misdeeds and the wrongdoings of savings


60




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 6


and loan executives and the inadequacy of
their regulation to significantly alter our
overall budget priorities. And third, I have
concluded that this proposal, if promptly
enacted, will enable our system to prevent
any repetition of this situation. And fourth,
I have decided to attack this problem headon with every available resource of our government because it is a national problem. I
have directed that the combined resources
of our Federal agencies be brought together in a team effort to resolve the problem.
And fifth, I believe that banks and thrifts
should pay the real cost of providing the
deposit insurance protection. The price the
FDIC charges banks for their insurance has
not been increased since 1935. We propose
to increase the bank insurance premium by
less than 7 cents per $100 of insurance protection that they receive. Every penny collected would be used to strengthen the
FDIC so that the taxpayers will not be
called on to rescue it a few years from now.
And I make you a solemn pledge that we
will make every effort to recover assets diverted from these institutions and to place
behind bars those who have caused losses
through criminal behavior. Let those who
would take advantage of the public trust
and put at risk the savings of American
families anticipate that we will seek them
out, pursue them, and demand the most
severe penalties.
In closing, I want to just say a word to the
small savers of America. Across this great
land, families and individuals work and
save, and we hope to encourage even greater rates of savings to promote a brighter
future for our children. Your government
has stood behind the safety of insured deposits before, it does today, and it will do so
at all times in the future. Every insured
deposit will be backed by the full faith and
credit of the United States of America,
which means that it will be absolutely protected.
For the future, we will seek to achieve a
safe, sound, and profitable banking system.
However, integrity and prudence must
share an equal position with competition in
our financial markets. Clean markets are an
absolute prerequisite to a free economy and
to the public confidence that is its most
important ingredient.


I've determined to face this problem
squarely and to ask for your support in putting it behind us. I have ordered that the
resources of the executive branch be
brought to bear on cleaning up this problem. I have personally met with the leadership of Congress on this issue. My administration will work cooperatively with Congress as the legislation that we will submit
in a few days' time is considered. I call on
the Congress to join me in a determined
effort to resolve this threat to the American
financial system permanently, and to do so
without the delay.
I welcome the leaders that are with me
here on this platform. I think their support
says a lot about the efficacy of our proposal.
And now I propose to take just a few questions. On the technical aspects, I will defer
to these people, and then I'll be glad to
turn this over to Secretary Brady. I believe
we start with Helen [Helen Thomas, United
Press International] and then Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated Press], and then get
going
Q. Mr. President, are you guaranteeing
that the extra costs-premiums, increases,
and so forth-will not be passed on to the
depositors and taxpayers? And also, what is
your responsibility in this debacle-I mean,
the Reagan-Bush zeal for deregulation of
business and banking?
The President. On the first place, we're
not guaranteeing that. I would hope that
wouldn't happen, but there is no guarantee
what the institutions will do. Secondly,
there is enough to be said for everybody in
this together trying to solve this problem, so
I can't equate any personal-not inclined to
go into any personal blame, simply to say
that we've got to solve this problem, and
we're on the path to doing that.
Federal Pay Raise
Q. Mr. President, the House votes tomorrow on that controversial pay raise plan,
and the Senate has already voted against it.
Would you sign a bill that vetoes the pay
raise not only for the Members of Congress
but also for Federal judges and other high
officials in the Government?
The President. I've said I support it.


61




Feb. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Savings and Loan Crisis
Q. Mr. President, there is a feeling that
part of this problem is attributable to deregulation of the financial industry. In retrospect, do you think that deregulation
might have gone too far in the last 10 years
or so? And in the future, is your marching
order to your administration to be a little
more careful in regulating this particular
industry?
The President. Jerry [Gerald Boyd, New
York Times], I don't know the answer. I'd
be most interested to know what our experts here feel about how much of the
problem could be attributed to deregulation. I just don't know the answer to your
question, so I can't reply.
Government Ethics
Q. Mr. President, you have placed considerable stress in these early days of your
Presidency on ethics and propriety, yet in
recent days there has been controversy on
Capitol Hill concerning the propriety of
some of Tower's [Secretary of Defense-designate] alleged behavior; questions raised
over the weekend about the financial investments on the private funds of the man
in charge of ethics, your counsel, Boyden
Gray; and other questions involving members of the administration, or members-tobe of the administration. And I wonder, sir,
what's happened here? Is it too harsh behavior on our part, too lax behavior on your
part? What?
The President. I don't think anything has
happened. I learned long ago in public life
not to make judgments based on allegations.
But having said that, I want to have my
administration aspire to the highest possible
ethical standards. And we have appointed a
commission to go out there now and try to
detail what these standards should be. And
we are in a new era on these matters. Matters that might have been approved and
looked at one way may have a different
perception today.
And so, what I want to do is finalize our
standards and then urge everybody in all
branches of government to aspire to those
standards. But I do think, Brit [Brit Hume,
ABC News], that it's fair that we not reach
judgment on Senate hearings before the


Senate hearings are concluded because it's
very hard to filter out fact from fiction, spurious allegations from fact. And I am not
about to make a judgment based on a sensationalized newspaper story. I'm simply not
going to do that. That wouldn't be fair, and
I'm not sure how ethical it would be. So,
let's wait and see this-you're referring to
the Tower matter up there. That matter has
been looked at by the FBI. The committee
now has that. They have the responsibility
to make determinations, and I'll be very
interested to see what they say. But I am
not going to jump to conclusions based on
stories that may or may not have any validity at all.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, even if, as your spokesman says you do, you continue to back Senator Tower for the position, there are those
you've heard who say that the best thing he
could do for you is to step aside because
even if confirmed he then would become
damaged goods, weaker in administering a
very, very tough job on your behalf. How
do you respond to that suggestion?
The President. Well, I think people would
not want a person to step aside-[inaudible]-rumor, particularly if the rumor is
baseless. And the process is taking a little
longer than I would like. And yet I think
the Senate has got to do what they're doing:
looking at these allegations very carefully.
But you know, as I said here at this same
podium a while back, the American people
are basically fair. And if these allegations
prove to be allegations without fact behind
them, I think the people are going to say:
Wait a minute! What went on here? How
come it was all this? We read this one day,
and then kind of a puff of smoke the next.
And so, I don't think-in your substantive
question, though-that if the Senate committee gives its endorsement to the Senator,
particularly after all of these allegations,
that there is any danger at all of damage to
his credibility or his ability to do the job.
Q. Mr. President, there are new and substantive allegations that Senator Tower lost
control over the highly classified security
documents and computer disks that were
used in Geneva under his watch. If those


62




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 6


allegations prove to be founded, would you
then withdraw his nomination?
The President. I would not answer hypothetical questions of that nature. You're telling me something that I haven't heard
before. And we did have access to FBI reports. So, if this matter is now before the
Congress, let them investigate it. But I can't
go into a hypothesis. All I would be doing
would be adding to, I think, speculation
that is not helpful at this juncture.
Q. But, sir, will you pursue these allegations in the executive branch? Are you
going to track what the FBI is looking into?
Are you going to personally surveil these
kinds of allegations yourself?
The President. Every rumor and every innuendo? No, but if there's some substantive
allegation of this nature, of course, it would
concern me.
Savings and Loan Crisis
Q. Mr. President, back to S&L's if we
might. Millions of-[laughter]-millions of
Americans save alternatively. That is they
save in mutual funds, stocks, and that kind
of thing. As I read it, you've now outlined a
plan that places a lot of the S&L bailout on
the backs of the general Treasury. How fair
is that?
The President. We've got a major problem, and something has to be done. And
this is the fairest system that the best minds
in this administration can come up with.
And so, I again would ask you to ask the
specifics of the Treasury burden to the
Chairman of the Federal Reserve [Alan
Greenspan] or the Secretary of the Treasury [Nicholas F. Brady]. Ask how they see
that. But look, as I've said, there is no easy
answer to this. All I want to do is make a
sound proposal, work to put it into effect,
and have that proposal such that the country won't have to face this problem again.
Q. Mr. President, you said you dropped
the deposit fee idea, but this plan you've
given us has an increase in premiums that
may be paid by consumers, as well as a
large amount of taxpayers' funds. Isn't that
the same thing: Consumers and taxpayers
are still going to have to pay the price for
this?
The President. Well, as I indicated earlier
on, there is no guarantee of passing this on


to the consumer, nor is there a guarantee it
won't be passed on. But this arrangement
has been there for 50 years, and you might
argue whether it's been passed on or not. I
just don't know. I haven't seen the flowthrough in the industry, but nothing is without pain when you come to solve a problem
of this magnitude.
Q. Mr. President, you've talked to several
Members of Congress in various receptions
and dinners and personal conversations
over the past couple of weeks, and in many
of them, you have discussed your plan for
this problem. What is your feeling of the
reception that it's going to get on Capitol
Hill and of the selling job that awaits you to
get it passed?
The President. We may have a big selling
job, but I've been encouraged so far with
the spirit epitomized by the Members of
Congress, particularly at the joint leadership meeting the other day. We didn't go
into every detail of this. These plans were
still being formulated, and I wanted to get
their views. I was encouraged by what Bill
Seidman [FDIC Chairman] told me earlier
on about what he felt the receptivity of the
plan will be. But I don't think it's fair to the
Congress to say that they have signaled to
me that they are going to be enthusiastic on
this plan, although I hope they are.
I'm going to take about three more and
then turn this over to these gentlemen
here, who are prepared to go into as much
detail as you want.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, these allegations that
surround Tower now, at least variations on
the theme, surfaced early in the transition-allegations of womanizing and taking
money from defense contractors, that sort
of thing. Have you satisfied yourself that he
is still the nominee you want? Can you give
us at this time a full-hearted endorsement
of Tower?
The President. Yes, I can, and I will right
now because some of the very same allegations that were floated that long ago apparently have been looked at and examined by
the best possible examiners-and I'm talking about the FBI-and found to be
groundless. So, therefore, I'm not about to


63




Feb. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


change my view. If somebody comes up
with facts, I hope I'm not narrowminded
enough that I wouldn't take a look. But I
am not going to deal in the kinds of rumors
that I've seen reported and then knocked
down-and then reported and then
knocked down.
One-two to go.
Central America
Q. There have been hints that Gorbachev
may propose steps to diffuse the situation in
Central America. I wonder if you see the
possibility of superpower deals in Central
America, and, if so, if you could suggest
what would be acceptable for you?
The President. I don't know about a deal,
but I can see a possibility of cooperation in
Central America because I would like the
Soviets to understand that we have very
special interests in this hemisphere, particularly in Central America, and that our commitment to democracy and to freedom and
free elections and these principles is unshakeable. And I don't think they really
have substantive interests in this part of the
world, certainly none that rival ours. So, I
would like to think they would understand
that. And there are so many areas where
we could demonstrate a new spirit of cooperation, and this would clearly be one of
them. So, I'd like to think that is the way
that the matter would be approached by
the Soviets.
Yes, followup?
Q. If I could follow up and ask you
whether you'd be willing to include abandonment of aid to the contras as part of
such an understanding?
The President. I wouldn't make a deal on
that with the Soviets, nor would that come
up. I don't believe we'd ever have a-I
can't see a situation of that nature arising,
knowing as I do what will be negotiated
and discussed with the-so I think that's so
hypothetical as to not even be a possibility
of any kind.
Yes, Charles [Charles Bierbauer, Cable
Network News]? And then I do have to run.
Savings and Loan Crisis
Q. Mr. President, we still don't know
what the taxpayers' burden is in here out of
this $40 billion. It says first from S&L funds


and the shortfall from Treasury funds. How
big is it; and have you, in going through
your budget, had to knock out some things
to pay for this?
The President. We've had to knock out a
lot of things on the overall budget for a lot
of different reasons. But I'd like to leave
this for Dick [Richard G. Darman, Director
of the Office of Management and Budget],
for the questioning, to give the specific
amounts. It is shared, as I've indicated, and
he can give you the amounts that are involved.
Listen, thank you all very much, and now
I'm going to turn this over to Secretary
Brady. And then in order, I guess they'll
refer to each of these others.
Q. Mr. President, one more word for the
small
Q. — seats back here, Mr. President?
The President. What was that substantive
question? [Laughter]
Q. In the back-we didn't see you get
back in this area.
The President. We didn't get that far
back, no. But if there's been an egregious
offense to those in the back benches, I will
take one parting question. And inasmuch as
you raised it, fire away.
Government Ethics
Q. Thank you very much, sir. Back on the
ethics issue, a couple of —
The President. Mindful that the last question always does get you in great trouble[laughter]-go ahead.
Q. One of your perspective nominees and
your Counsel have just recently changed
their minds on matters that would have violated the ethics rules under the Reagan administration. Did you have difficulty in getting the word out that times would be
tougher under your administration?
The President. No. I don't think so. For
example, if you're referring to the Boyden
Gray [Counsel to the President] matter,
which I think you are, that matter was reviewed every single year by the Office of
Government Ethics, and he was deemed in
compliance every single year. But now
we've got a new ballgame here. He's the
General Counsel here in the White House,
and I'm the President. And I've set out,


64




rhetorically, the highest possible standards,
and we're trying to back that up by findings
from this Commission. And so, I do think
that we've got to be very careful about perceptions of impropriety when it comes to
conflict of interest-not rumors or innuendoes of one sort or another. I don't think I
should deal in those things. But when it
comes to perceived conflicts of interest, I'd
like our people to bend over backwards.
And I think that's what has happened in
both the question of Lou Sullivan [Secretary
of Health and Human Services-designate].
All he did was ask: Am I entitled to continue these arrangements with this small university? And all Boyden did, in my view
now, is to try to go a step beyond what the
Government Ethics Office has said to avoid
the perception of impropriety. So, I think it
might be different now. I have to approach
it differently as President. Not that you
have lower standards. But I just think that,
again, this whole question of perceptionwe've got to look at it very, very carefully.
But I want to be fair. I do not want to
have the loudest charge, no matter how irresponsible, be that that sets the standards.
We've got to achieve more objective standards. And that's why I'm putting a lot of
faith in the-hope to put a lot of faith in the
findings of judge Wilkey and former Attorney General Griffin Bell. And they will be
looking at all these matters in terms of reality, and then, to some degree I'm sure, in
terms of perception. So, what might be
legal and might be perfectly sound ethically
might have to be altered, given this new
approach because of perception. It's a delicate one.
I don't want to have the standards set in


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 7
such an irresponsible way that good people
just throw up their hands and say: Look,
who needs that kind of grief, who needs it?
Why should I have to give up all my whatever it is-a health plan from the XYZ company. And yet on the other hand, we're in a
different time now. We're in a time when
we've got to try to set these standards as
high as possible. So, I think Dr. Sullivan did
the right thing in asking what was proper. I
think Boyden Gray did the correct thing
every year in asking what was proper and
reviewing his own personal holdings in a
family company with the Ethics Office, but
now taking another step because of perception in this case. So, we've got to work with
these individuals to find the proper answer,
and we've got to work with the Commission
to try to codify these standards.
Q. Sir, by following, you said during the
campaign very clearly that your staffers
would not take outside income. I wonder
why they need a legal opinion to understand that?
The President. They had a legal opinion
saying it was perfectly proper from this
family company, and so, now we're changing that and saying, Look, there is this different perception problem here in this new
era, so let's bend over as far backwards as
we possibly can, you know, to recognize
that.
Thank you all very much.
Q. What about leveraged buy-outs, Mr.
President?
The President. There's your LBO man
right there.
Note: The President's second news conference began at 4:10 p.m. in Room 450 of the
Old Executive Office Building.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Acquisition of
Monsanto Electronic Materials Company by a West German Firm
February 7, 1989
The President today decided against in- MEMC manufactures silicon wafers for use
tervening in the proposed acquisition of in making semiconductors.
Monsanto Electronic Materials Company      The President based his decision on the
(MEMC) by Huels AG of West Germany. results of the investigation by the Commit

65




Feb. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tee on Foreign Investment in the United
States (CFIUS), chaired by Treasury Secretary Nicholas Brady. The CFIUS conducted
a thorough investigation of various issues
related to silicon wafers, including reliability of supply, technology transfer, and the
relationship of the transaction to the semiconductor industry research consortium
SEMATECH. CFIUS staff and policy-level
officials also met with representatives of
SEMATECH, of Monsanto, and of Huels.
The Huels-MEMC investigation was the
first formal investigation by the CFIUS
under section 5021 of the Omnibus Trade
and Competitiveness Act of 1988. That provision, known as the Exon-Florio provision,


authorizes the President to investigate and,
if necessary, to suspend or prohibit a proposed foreign acquisition of a U.S. business
engaged in U.S. interstate commerce. The
criteria to suspend or prohibit are that the
President must find:
* credible evidence to believe that the
foreign investor might take actions that
threaten to impair the national security, and
* that existing laws, other than the International Emergency Economic Powers
Act and the Exon-Florio provision, are
inadequate and inappropriate to deal
with the national security threat.


Statement on Signing the Bill Rescinding Proposed Increases in
Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Salaries
February 7, 1989


Today I am signing HJ. Res. 129, passed
overwhelmingly by both the Senate and
House of Representatives, which rescinds
the proposed pay increase for Members of
Congress, executive branch officials, and
our Federal judges. I recognize this legislation has been a source of considerable
public controversy with much concern
about the process by which this pay increase was considered. I applaud the Members of Congress in both the House and the
Senate for taking their recorded votes on
this measure. The American people deserve
to have had this issue openly discussed, debated, and voted upon.


I believe that some level of pay increase
is in order, and I will be working with the
House and Senate leadership to develop
proposals to achieve that end. I would also
like to express my special concern about the
level of compensation for members of our
Federal Judiciary.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
February 7, 1989.
Note: H.J. Res. 129, approved February 7,
was assigned Public Law No. 101-1.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Manuel Lujan, Jr., as
Secretary of the Interior
February 8, 1989


The President. It is a pleasure to be here
today. Mr. Justice Scalia and distinguished
Members of the United States Senate and
House of Representatives, and all the distinguished guests here, thank you. I'm proud
to be over here for the swearing-in of my


friend Manuel Lujan as the 46th Secretary
of the Interior. I've known Manuel from the
days when we first came to Washington and
served in the United States House of Representatives together. He's an extremely capable man, a very fair man-you'll find that


66




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 8


out-and a man dedicated to his country.
And I also have to mention what a great
contribution his wife has made over these
many years.
Manuel Lujan has long experience with
the important issues that face this Department. He served with distinction as the
ranking member of the House Committee
on Interior and Insular Affairs, and he's
demonstrated commitment to public service with some 20 years in the United States
Congress. And through his work with his
constituents and with those who came
before his committee, he's been in very
close touch with the people of our country,
the people who are affected by the policies
of the United States Government. And that
quality of receptiveness, being a good listener, is so essential because government
must serve the people. And that's what we
are all here for.
Manuel knows how much I enjoy going
fishing-got his priorities sorted out here[laughter]-no favoritism. If I'm fishing in a
national park, I don't expect special treatment upstream so the 12-pounders come
my way. [Laughter] I want to fight for my
rights like every other American.
But the Department of the Interior is our
nation's principal conservation agency. And
I think you know how deeply I care about
issues of conservation and the wise management of our public land. Secretary Lujan
has my total confidence.
Together we've laid out a 10-point
agenda called Stewardship that speaks to
the broad responsibilities of your Department. From environmental and resource
issues to our commitment to the dignity
and well-being of Native Americans in the
territories, I know that this Department will
continue to demonstrate leadership, sensitivity, and professionalism. I want to recognize the outstanding work done by all of
you at the Department of the Interior, and
certainly the men and women who are
working for this Department all across our
country. There's also a great contribution
being made by volunteers who participate
in the many programs to keep America
beautiful and to make it possible for more
Americans to use and enjoy the outdoors.
I believe, as you do, in clean air and clean
water and the protection of American wild

life. I also want to see our nation's public
lands preserved so that this generation and
future generations can use and enjoy our
natural bounty: the great outdoors. You
know, I have to say, it's only in Washington
that the agency that handles the great outdoors would be called the Department of
the Interior. [Laughter] But whether it's
managing wildlife and fisheries or our national parks or administering the lands that
constitute a third of our nation, I want to be
sure that our grandchildren will be able to
enjoy that same natural abundance that we
enjoy today.
One of my favorite Presidents was Teddy
Roosevelt, and he said that "A grove of
giant redwoods or sequoias should be kept
just as we keep a great and beautiful cathedral." Well, I think we all agree with that,
and I know that Manuel feels the same way.
I think he's going to be a superb Secretary
of the Interior. I know he's going to be a
very valuable member of my Cabinet. So, it
is my pleasure to see him now take the oath
of office as Secretary of the Interior. Justice
Scalia, would you do the honors please, sir?
[At this point, Secretary Lujan was sworn
in.]
Secretary Lujan. Mr. President, Justice
Scalia, Father Haddad, Members of Congress, Jean, my family and friends and
fellow Interior employees, I'm deeply honored and, of course, humbled by the opportunity to serve you, Mr. President, and the
American people as the 46th Secretary of
Interior.
I wasn't going to say anything, but since
you mentioned that you didn't want any
special treatment on your fishing trips, you
should have told us that before you went
down to the Everglades National Park[laughter]-and we made arrangements for
you to catch that 13-pound bonefish.
[Laughter] We won't do it again, I promise.
Mr. President, I grew up in New Mexico,
where love of the land, if not inbred, is one
of the earliest lessons of life. One thing that
a native of any Western State also learns
very early is that the Department of Interior has vast power over much of the land
and its resources. Never did I dream back
then that I would someday have the oppor

67




Feb. 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tunities and the responsibilities for stewardship of such treasures.
And as you have stated, Mr. President,
how well we carry out our stewardship responsibilities today will determine how well
people will live in the future. You have emphasized, Mr. President, our goals for stewardship cannot be accomplished without
teamwork between those of us in your administration and the career professionals. In
meeting with my new Interior family, I
have shared with them the commitment
and the goals that you and I share for this
Department. Each employee received this
brochure which outlines the 10-point Stewardship program you and I agreed upon. As
you can see, it's not chiseled in stone, but
we are referring to it as the "Ten Commandments." [Laughter]
You should feel quite at home here, Mr.


President, as I do, because within this audience are people who have devoted their
careers and their lives to the environmental
ethic represented in these 10 points. All of
us share your love and your reverence for
our great natural heritage. Your words have
touched our hearts. Your vision of America
has inspired our spirits. We will put both
our heart and our spirit into the task before
us. Thank you for this magnificent opportunity to serve you and this country. Thank
you very much, Mr. President.
Note: The President spoke at 10:15 a.m. in
the Department of the Interior auditorium.
In his opening remarks, the Secretary referred to his wife, Jean; and to Reverend
Norman Haddad, who delivered the invocation.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for William K. Reilly as
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency
February 8, 1989


The President. Well, I'm told that this is
the first time that a President has visited
the EPA. Well, not exactly the EPA, but all
the stores underneath the EPA. [Laughter]
And I think I should, at the outset of these
brief remarks, just express my appreciation
to the merchants and to the others who
have this vibrant mall in their custody[laughter]-thanking them for the opportunity to have this ceremony here so we
could meet with as many of the EPA employees as possible.
I'm delighted to be here. And in my
search for a new, first-rate EPA Administrator, one of my top priorities was to find
someone with strong credentials as a leader
in the environmental community, and that
man is our new Administrator, William
Reilly. He's got big shoes to fill, though. I
know that, and I have great respect for
those that have preceded him. Lee Thomas
did an outstanding job here, and I want
those who worked with him to know how
strongly I feel about that. I want to salute
the members of the diplomatic corps who


were nice enough to be with us today. I
think that puts appropriate emphasis on the
fact that many of the problems that we face
in the environment are global problems.
And I'm delighted that they're with us here
today-pleased to see Senator Chafee and
other Members of the United States Senate
and Members of the House with us as well.
I hope it is plain to everyone in this room
and around the country that among my first
items on my personal agenda is the protection of America's environment. I am
pledged to improving the quality of life: for
improving the quality of the air we breathe
and the water we drink and the land that,
as Father O'Reilly said, God has entrusted
to us.
I have just come from the swearing-in of
Manuel Lujan, our new Secretary of the
Interior. EPA and Interior have got to work
as partners, keeping our land and our air
and our water clean-public land secure.
And I'm sure all of you know by now Bill
Reilly's incredible background in environmental protection: president of the Conser

68




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 8


vation Foundation, one of the Nation's outstanding environmental think tanks; president of World Wildlife Fund, U.S. And I'm
pleased that my friend Russell Train is still
talking to me, having moved in on that
cozy arrangement that served the private
sector so well.
Mr. Reilly began his career in this field as
a senior staff member of the President's
Council on Environmental Quality, the
CEQ, in the early seventies and then as
executive director of the Task Force on
Land Use and Urban Growth. A leader in
one of the other major environmental organizations has said of Bill that he has, and
I'm quoting now, "without question the
most personal knowledge of the substance
of issues of any of the CEO's of any of the
conservation organizations." And that gives
you an idea of why we are very lucky to
have him here and why I selected him.
I thought I'd tell you a story that will tell
you something more about why I picked
him. About a year and a half ago, he convened a forum on the wetlands crisis. He
brought together 25 people who, as the
Washington Post put it, would normally
have difficulty agreeing even on a place for
dinner. Environmentalists, developers, industrialists, State and Federal regulators all
were there. And the result: Well, by the
time he was through with them, which took
more than a year, they put aside differences
and called for no net loss of wetlands, and
they agreed on 100 reforms to achieve that
goal.
I spoke the other day about wanting to
broaden the consensus for defense, but
that's not the only consensus that I would
like to broaden. I want to broaden the consensus for a clean environment, and I believe doing that requires finding ways to
clean up the environment without stifling
the economy. During the campaign I noted
that environmental action has too often
been marked by confrontation among competing interests. Well, the fact is that more
often than not there is common ground if
the parties will make an effort to find it.
Our great common desire is a better life for
all Americans. And I believe that economic
growth and a clean environment are both
part of what all Americans understand a
better life to mean. I also believe that the


American people are impatient for results.
They won't accept excuses anymore. And
they won't accept finger pointing. They
want us to get all the sides together and
find a way to achieve both their goals.
By the way, the other day I got a little
lesson in how impatient the American
people are. In the morning mail, this marvelous mail that comes in to the President
of the United States, I found letters from
seventh graders at a church school in California. I thought I'd share one with you. It
was dated Inauguration Day, January 20th;
and it said, and remember this was just on
the day that I was taking office,"Dear Mr.
President, Would you please do something
about pollution. I'm not saying you're doing
a bad job, but could you put a little more
effort into it." [Laughter]
Well, with William Reilly at the helm
here, we're going to put a hell of a lot more
effort into it. And now, Bill, let's do the
honors.
[At this point, Administrator Reilly was
sworn in.]
Administrator Reilly. Mr. President, on
behalf of all 15,000 of my closest and most
valued new colleagues, welcome to EPA.
And great thanks to all of you who worked
so hard to make this event possible this
morning. We had to reschedule the opening
of Black History Month. I'm pleased to say
that that has been rescheduled. We appreciate all the effort that has gone into accommodating this event in these halls. We
chose the place that would accommodate
the very largest number of the EPA staff,
and this is the place. And we put nice blue
bunting in front of the lingerie store[laughter]-and Roy Rogers. And we're
grateful, as the President said, to everybody
who worked to make this come off so well.
Well, it's just great to have you here, Mr.
President. Several Senators asked me
during last week's confirmation hearings
about EPA's access to the White House, and
that, of course, is a very crucial question.
But I would add just one reassurance to my
answer: Mr. President, you will always have
complete access to us here at EPA. [Laughter] So, feel free to drop by any time.
[Laughter] Our door will always be wide


69




Feb. 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


open to you, won't it, my friends? It will
also be wide open to you, my friends in the
Congress-Senator     Burdick,   Senator
Chafee, Senator Wilson, Senator Baucus.
We, as the President said, are beginning,
I think, on a great note. We've had great
cooperation  through  the   confirmation
period, and I appreciate that very much.
Well, it is clearly a very great honor to
serve as Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency. I thank you for your
confidence in me, for nominating me, Mr.
President. I thank you, Chairman Burdick,
Senator Chafee, members of the Environment and Public Works Committee, for the
great many courtesies that were extended
to me over the past weeks in the course of
the confirmation. I feel equally honored to
be able to serve, to look forward to working
with this very fine EPA staff. I wish all of
them could be here today. I have got to say,
I've been enormously impressed with the
capabilities of the dozens or so of people
who have come into contact with me in the
course of the last several weeks. I can honestly say that EPA professionals began shoring me up and bailing me out a full month
before my confirmation, and now is no time
to stop. [Laughter] I will need all the help
that I can get. I should say I owe a special
debt of gratitude to those hard-working
souls who assisted me in handling the written questions that followed our hearing on
the Hill. We were pleased to be able to
move the confirmation very fast. But in the
course of doing that, we were given some
315 written questions, the answers to which
were due 24 hours later, and many of you
stayed up through the night. I was able to
tap off the answers to 305 or so of these, of
course, with no difficulty. [Laughter] But
those last ten-I really did appreciate your
help, and we met that deadline.
Well, for the staff here today, let me reassure you: You are not dreaming. This is the
President of the United States. [Laughter]
He is standing here at the headquarters, or
as close as we could get him to it, of the
Environmental Protection Agency. And he's
not up for reelection for another 4 years.
[Laughter] I think, as a matter of fact, he's
probably smiling for all three of those reasons. [Laughter] The President is here for a
very simple reason: He cares. He cares ur

gently about protecting the environment.
He said so during his campaign, and his
commitment came through to me in my
very first meeting with him. And it has
since been reinforced in countless ways,
only one of which is the fact that he's here
with us today.
This powerful statement, this important
symbol of the President's interest in the environment, may not, in fact, make our jobs
here any easier. If anything, I think our
work will be judged by even higher expectations than ever before. But isn't it encouraging to have an environmentalist in the
White House who comes here to signal his
close and public commitment to the work
of the Environmental Protection Agency?
Mr. President, I know that you appreciateas I do and as Russ Train was saying in his
remarks before you arrived-that life is not
easy on the front line of environmental protection. Probably no other Federal agency
touches so many lives as EPA touches.
Probably no other Federal agency faces so
many complex and fiercely controversial
decisions.
Looking out over this group, you can
almost see the powder burns. I don't think
it's simply that it's Ash Wednesday today.
[Laughter] By the way, I don't know if
there's any symbolism in this, but we are
taking office on the very first day of Lent.
[Laughter] So, to my friends and colleagues
here at EPA, let me say simply this:
Through the end of the century and on into
the next, the quality of human life and of
the environment will be very powerfully
influenced by your energies, your imagination, and your dedication. The public
demand for a safe, clean environment has
probably never been firmer. And so, the
demands that you face, that we face, have
probably never been greater.
In the confirmation hearing, there were
two themes that were sounded again and
again from across the political spector [spectrum]: "The Environmental Protection
Agency should be an advocate for the environment," the Senator said. "EPA should
enforce the laws of the land," we heard.
And so we shall.
I think, as I stand here, about the extraordinary sweep of the responsibilities we here


70




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 8


at EPA exercise. I think of so many places
in America that have touched me and my
family in a very special way, as I was growing up with my parents and my sister, who
I'm proud to say are here today, and later
on with my wife and children and friends,
many of whom are also here today, Lake
Michigan, the Rio Grande and the Gulf of
Mexico, Narragansett Bay, Cape Cod, and
the Chesapeake-these we lived on or near.
And it's personally stirring for me to have
some responsibility for them now, for them
and for other resources of air, water, and
land in a country where the real crown
jewels are the wonders of nature. And now
even the stratosphere is receiving our attention. And we're called upon to offer the
ideas and experiences of the United States
to other nations in a search for environmental policies that may be crucial to keeping
this planet habitable. The cause of the environment is so vital and so personal that


working in this vineyard is its own reward.
One of the hallmarks, I think, of this
agency is that many of the people who
work here are very powerfully motivated:
motivated to help the environment. The
idealism and the commitment to a better
environment makes you EPA's employees
very, very special, and it makes the prospect of working with you here for me a
very, very happy one. So, I could not be
more pleased or more proud to have the
opportunity to work for the environment,
to work for President Bush, and to work
with you, my EPA colleagues. I think that
we are going to do great things together.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:43 a.m. at
Waterside Mall. In his remarks, he referred
to Lee M. Thomas and Russell Train, former
Administrators of the Environmental Protection Agency. Rev. William H. O'Reilly
delivered the invocation.


Statement on the Economic and Domestic Policy Councils
February 8, 1989


Today I am announcing that I will use the
Economic Policy Council and the Domestic
Policy Council to advise me in the formulation, coordination, and implementation of
economic and domestic policy. Along with
the National Security Council, the Economic Policy Council and the Domestic Policy
Council will serve as the primary channels
for advising the President on policy.
The close interrelationship between the
U.S. and international economies illustrates
the need to review economic policy issues
in a comprehensive manner that best serves
the national interest of the United States.
The Economic Policy Council will serve as
the primary channel for advising me on the
formulation, coordination, and implementa

tion of economic policy, both domestic and
international.
The important social issues facing our
nation require thoughtful and creative solutions. The Domestic Policy Council will
serve as the primary channel for advising
me on the formulation, coordination, and
implementation of domestic and social
policy.
My commitment to this Cabinet Council
structure reflects my conviction that effective decisionmaking depends on the President receiving the best information available from his senior advisers. I believe that
these policy councils will effectively coordinate advice from the various departments
and agencies.


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Feb. 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters Prior
to a Meeting With William J. Bennett
February 8, 1989


The President. Let me say this. This is not
what we call a normal photo op. It's somewhere in between a press conference and
what we call a press availability. We'll try to
define that for you later on. But the purpose of this meeting is to visit with our new
czar, the antinarcotic czar who has come in
here, I'm told, with a million ideas, which is
typical of him and what I want him to do as
we start spelling out how this administration is going to do what this country wants;
and that is to fight against and win the fight
against narcotics.
And Bill Bennett has a big assignment-a
big one. And a lot of it is coordinative. The
law is very unclear on how we use his
imagination and ability to bring together all
agencies of this government in this fight.
So, that's what the meeting is about; that's
what we're about to start on.
And I'd like to just take this opportunity
to say that this isn't a question of whether
the law spells out specifically how he does
the job-can't get bothered with those details. He is shoulder-to-shoulder with the
President as the top official charged with
this responsibility. And we're going to
figure out a way to live under the drug czar
law-and to make it work. And so, we've
got a big job ahead. But that's what this
little meeting is all about.
Now I'd be glad to take a couple of questions. Then we've got to get on with that.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Could you comment, Mr. President, on
the controversy surrounding the Tower
nomination?
The President. Which controversy?
Q. The fact that some of the committee
members
The President. Can you qualify that for
me a little, because yesterday when I had a
press conference, or last week when I had a
press conference, they were asking me
about some allegation on national security?
And the question was phrased, "Would you
be concerned if this hypothetical charge


against Tower proved to be true?" And I
said I don't like to deal in hypothesis, but
subsequently, that charge has been looked
into-found to be without validity. And that
has happened to this man over and over
and over again. And I have seen nothing,
not one substantive fact, that makes me
change my mind about John Tower's ability
to be Secretary of Defense, and be a very
good one. And so, I have to ask you, because there's always some other allegation.
And to my knowledge, each one of them
has been reviewed and shot down in flames.
So, what's fair? What is fair in the American
process? That's the question I would rhetorically ask in defense of my nominee.
Now, if somebody has some hard information, if somebody has something other than
rumor and frenzied speculation, please get
it to the FBI, or get it to the White House
staff, or certainly get it to the committee in
the Senate. But let us be fair enough that
we do not deal in rumor after rumor.
Q. What about the questionQ. What about Senator Nunn's comments
today? He said he believes that Senator
Tower may still have an alcohol problem
and he fears it might impair his running the
Department of Defense.
The President. And if he feels that way,
they should do exactly what he is doing:
look into it. But it ought not to be tried in
public by people that don't have any evidence at all to support the fears that Senator Nunn appropriately expressed. If he's
got those fears, I have no problems with his
expressing them. And I know him to be a
fair man, and I know that he will look into
that and satisfy himself or not satisfy himself. But it doesn't help for me to speculate
on something when there's no evidence
that's been presented to me.
Q. What about these new allegations that
surfaced yesterday afternoon that have now
held up the investigation? Could you tell us
anything about these, the seriousness of
them?
The President. No, I think I know what


72




you're talking about. And the problem you
get is that some allegations are laid to rest,
and then in another form, they come back
again, but without any foundation in fact
that I know of. But look, the process has to
be thorough. I'm not agitated about that,
just as long as it's fair. But what I think has
been a little unfair is that people are asked
across the country to make up their minds
without the evidence, without the facts.
And so this, I will confess, troubles me
some. And yet I'm not challenging the integrity of the people that are seized with
properly doing the hearing work for the
United States Senate. They've got to do
their job.
Q. Sir, how do you explain the fact that
Senator Nunn presumably has reviewed the
same information that you have and he and
some of the others have expressed reservations and say that this evidence presents
enough of a question in their mind that
they couldn't support Tower? And you're
saying that having reviewedThe President. But then my appeal would
be: If you've made up your mind, let the
process go forward; let's have the vote.
Each Senator has a vote; there's 100 Senators. On this committee there are fewer,
but they have an obligation to vote their
conscience, to look at the facts and vote
their conscience. Now, if your question is to
me, have I seen any facts or has anything in
the FBI report made me want to change
my mind as one who would be concerned
about insobriety or about failure to be ready
for duty 24 hours a day, the answer is no, I
have not. But if somebody else sees the evidence
Q. But yet you've seen the same facts.
The President. Yes, and if somebody else
has seen some evidence that they want to
interpret differently, that's not only their
right but their obligation. But I don't think
it helps for us to sit here discussing allegations in any detail, where none of the
American people have had access to the
facts. And I have had access to the facts.
Q. Why do we have-there are so many
allegations?
The President. I don't know. I'm troubled
by that, and I just don't know the answer.
So, my plea would be for prompt fulfillment
of the responsibilities of the Senate commit

Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 8
tee, prompt action by the United States
Senate, and then a broad appeal for fairplay. Put yourself in the position, each
person, if you were charged with certain of
these charges out there with no evidence to
substantiate it so the American people
could fairly make up their mind. Then let's
err on the side of fairplay. That's all I'm
saying.
Q. Apparently, you will not get a vote
this week. They've recessed for the week. Is
this going to hurt if it's going to be this
delayed?
The President. It doesn't hurt my confidence.
Q. Do you object to the fact that the
Senators have spoken out in public on this
matter?
The President. I have no objection at all.
Q. Has the investigation gone too far?
Personal standards and morality not appropriate?
The President. Well, what's gone too far is
allegations that the Senators themselves
would agree are totally unfounded to have
been floated around for a long period of
time and damaged the integrity and honor
of a decent man. And that is not good. And
I don't know what you do about it, but it's
not good. And everyone here knows it's not
fair. And so, I don't know what you do
about it. But when there's a new allegation-look, the Senator has an obligation;
the Justice Department has an obligation to
follow up if it has any substance to it. And
so, some of the allegations have been
looked at and found nonsubstantive.
And I would urge you to go back and
look at the transcript of the last press conference I had-that's the full-blown job we
do over on the other side there-and there
you will see that one questioner raised a
question to me about some alleged security
violation. I heard Senator Nunn today say
that he had no evidence of any kind to
substantiate such an allegation. And yet I
think it's fair to say that because that very
question was raised publicly-and maybe it
was my fault in responding to it and everybody else's discussing it-there's been an
allegation floating around Senator Tower
that, in one way or another, he was less
than prudent in terms of national security


73




Feb. 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


matters. And I don't think it's fair. I do not
think that is fair.
So, how you do your business, and to go
the extra mile to get the facts out there,
you've got to sort that out. And how I conduct myself in even discussing this, I've got
to sort it out a little more clearly because I
may have contributed-even though I think
I refused to answer this guy's question-by
even taking it, to this frenzied air of speculation that does not help anybody. It doesn't
help the national security of our country. It
doesn't help Senator Tower. It doesn't help
the standing of the United States Senate. It
might not help the way this President is
viewed because I do not want to be out
there as less than fully supportive of my
nominee. And that's where I stand. And
thank you, and thisQ. Are you mad?
The President. Not mad-I'm calm and
contained. I don't get mad easy anymore.
Hey listen, we've got to get one drug
question, please.
Q. Secretary Bennett, have you given up
smoking?
Mr. Bennett. I won't comment on that
allegation. [Laughter]


Q. Are you thinking about sending U.S.
troops to Latin America?
The President. Is that a drug question?
Nobody's discussed that with me. And
you're talking about one who is very wary
of committing U.S. troops overseas. But I
said in the campaign, that there could be
times, working cooperatively with leaders
in the hemisphere, that American assistance
would be sought and American assistance
would be granted in wiping out insidious
factories that send poison in to poison our
kids. And it has happened in the past. You
recall U.S. choppers were used in cooperation-I think it was either Bolivia or PeruBolivia, I think, and it was effective. So, you
don't rule something out.
But I think in reply to your questionstems from some planning that supposedly
is going on that we make some big strike
somewhere. And I know nothing about that
and would be very reluctant to prove
some-until I've given it a lot of thought.
Thank you all very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:25 p.m. in
the Oval Office at the White House. William J Bennett was National Drug Control
Policy Director-designate.


Address on Administration Goals Before a Joint Session of Congress
February 9, 1989


Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, and distinguished Members of the House and Senate,
honored guests, and fellow citizens: Less
than 3 weeks ago, I joined you on the West
Front of this very building and, looking
over the monuments to our proud past, offered you my hand in filling the next page
of American history with a story of extended prosperity and continued peace.
And tonight I'm back to offer you my plans
as well. The hand remains extended; the
sleeves are rolled up; America is waiting;
and now we must produce. Together, we
can build a better America.
It is comforting to return to this historic
Chamber. Here, 22 years ago, I first raised
my hand to be sworn into public life. So,


tonight I feel as if I'm returning home to
friends. And I intend, in the months and
years to come, to give you what friends
deserve: frankness, respect, and my best
judgment about ways to improve America's
future. In return, I ask for an honest commitment to our common mission of
progress. If we seize the opportunities on
the road before us, there'll be praise
enough for all. The people didn't send us
here to bicker, and it's time to govern.
And many Presidents have come to this
Chamber in times of great crisis: war and
depression, loss of national spirit. And 8
years ago, I sat in that very chair as President Reagan spoke of punishing inflation
and devastatingly high interest rates and


74




people out of work-American confidence
on the wane. And our challenge is different.
We're fortunate-a much changed landscape lies before us tonight. So, I don't propose to reverse direction. We're headed the
right way, but we cannot rest. We're a
people whose energy and drive have fueled
our rise to greatness. And we're a forwardlooking nation-generous, yes, but ambitious, not for ourselves but for the world.
Complacency is not in our character-not
before, not now, not ever.
And so, tonight we must take a strong
America and make it even better. We must
address some very real problems. We must
establish some very clear priorities. And we
must make a very substantial cut in the
Federal budget deficit. Some people find
that agenda impossible, but I'm presenting
to you tonight a realistic plan for tackling it.
My plan has four broad features: attention
to urgent priorities, investment in the
future, an attack on the deficit, and no new
taxes. This budget represents my best judgment of how we can address our priorities.
There are many areas in which we would
all like to spend more than I propose; I
understand that. But we cannot until we
get our fiscal house in order.
Next year alone, thanks to economic
growth, without any change in the law, the
Federal Government will take in over $80
billion more than it does this year. That's
right-over $80 billion in new revenues,
with no increases in taxes. And our job is to
allocate those new resources wisely. We can
afford to increase spending by a modest
amount, but enough to invest in key priorities and still cut the deficit by almost 40
percent in 1 year. And that will allow us to
meet the targets set forth in the GrammRudman-Hollings law. But to do that, we
must recognize that growth above inflation
in Federal programs is not preordained,
that not all spending initiatives were designed to be immortal.
I make this pledge tonight: My team and
I are ready to work with the Congress, to
form a special leadership group, to negotiate in good faith, to work day and night-if
that's what it takes-to meet the budget
targets and to produce a budget on time.
We cannot settle for business as usual.
Government by continuing resolution, or


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 9
government by crisis, will not do. And I ask
the Congress tonight to approve several
measures which will make budgeting more
sensible. We could save time and improve
efficiency by enacting 2-year budgets.
Forty-three Governors have the line-item
veto. Presidents should have it, too. And at
the very least, when a President proposes to
rescind Federal spending, the Congress
should be required to vote on that proposal
instead of killing it by inaction. And I ask
the Congress to honor the public's wishes
by passing a constitutional amendment to
require a balanced budget. Such an amendment, once phased in, will discipline both
the Congress and the executive branch.
Several principles describe the kind of
America I hope to build with your help in
the years ahead. We will not have the
luxury of taking the easy, spendthrift approach to solving problems because higher
spending and higher taxes put economic
growth at risk. Economic growth provides
jobs and hope. Economic growth enables us
to pay for social programs. Economic
growth enhances the security of the Nation,
and low tax rates create economic growth.
I believe in giving Americans greater
freedom and greater choice. And I will
work for choice for American families,
whether in the housing in which they live,
the schools to which they send their children, or the child care they select for their
young. You see, I believe that we have an
obligation to those in need, but that government should not be the provider of first
resort for things that the private sector can
produce better. I believe in a society that is
free from discrimination and bigotry of any
kind. And I will work to knock down the
barriers left by past discrimination and to
build a more tolerant society that will stop
such barriers from ever being built again.
I believe that family and faith represent
the moral compass of the Nation. And I'll
work to make them strong, for as Benjamin
Franklin said: "If a sparrow cannot fall to
the ground without His notice, can a great
nation rise without His aid?" And I believe
in giving people the power to make their
own lives better through growth and opportunity. And together, let's put power in the
hands of people.


75




Feb. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Three weeks ago, we celebrated the bicentennial inaugural, the 200th anniversary
of the first Presidency. And if you look
back, one thing is so striking about the way
the Founding Fathers looked at America.
They didn't talk about themselves. They
talked about posterity. They talked about
the future. And we, too, must think in
terms bigger than ourselves. We must take
actions today that will ensure a better tomorrow. We must extend American leadership in technology, increase long-term investment, improve our educational system,
and boost productivity. These are the keys
to building a better future, and here are
some of my recommendations:
I propose almost $2.2 billion for the National Science Foundation to promote basic
research and keep us on track to double its
budget by 1993.
I propose to make permanent the tax
credit for research and development.
I've asked Vice President Quayle to chair
a new Task Force on Competitiveness.
And I request funding for NASA [National Aeronautics and Space Administration]
and a strong space program, an increase of
almost $2.4 billion over the current fiscal
year. We must have a manned space station; a vigorous, safe space shuttle program;
and more commercial development in
space. The space program should always go
"full throttle up." And that's not just our
ambition; it's our destiny.
I propose that we cut the maximum tax
rate on capital gains to increase long-term
investment. History on this is clear-this
will increase revenues, help savings, and
create new jobs. We won't be competitive if
we leave whole sectors of America behind.
This is the year we should finally enact
urban enterprise zones and bring hope to
the inner cities.
But the most important competitiveness
program of all is one which improves education in America. When some of our students actually have trouble locating America on a map of the world, it is time for us
to map a new approach to education. We
must reward excellence and cut through
bureaucracy. We must help schools that
need help the most. We must give choice to
parents, students, teachers, and principals;
and we must hold all concerned accounta

ble. In education, we cannot tolerate mediocrity. I want to cut that dropout rate and
make America a more literate nation, because what it really comes down to is this:
The longer our graduation lines are today,
the shorter our unemployment lines will be
tomorrow.
So, tonight I'm proposing the following
initiatives: the beginning of a $500 million
program to reward America's best schools,
merit schools; the creation of special Presidential awards for the best teachers in
every State, because excellence should be
rewarded; the establishment of a new program of National Science Scholars, one each
year for every Member of the House and
Senate, to give this generation of students a
special incentive to excel in science and
mathematics; the expanded use of magnet
schools, which give families and students
greater choice; and a new program to encourage alternative certification, which will
let talented people from all fields teach in
our classrooms. I've said I'd like to be the
"Education President." And tonight, I'd ask
you to join me by becoming the "Education
Congress."
Just last week, as I settled into this new
office, I received a letter from a mother in
Pennsylvania who had been struck by my
message in the Inaugural Address. "Not 12
hours before," she wrote, "my husband and
I received word that our son was addicted
to cocaine. He had the world at his feet.
Bright, gifted, personable-he could have
done anything with his life. And now he has
chosen cocaine." "And please," she wrote,
"find a way to curb the supply of cocaine.
Get tough with the pushers. Our son needs
your help."
My friends, that voice crying out for help
could be the voice of your own neighbor,
your own friend, your own son. Over 23
million Americans used illegal drugs last
year, at a staggering cost to our nation's
well-being. Let this be recorded as the time
when America rose up and said no to drugs.
The scourge of drugs must be stopped. And
I am asking tonight for an increase of
almost a billion dollars in budget outlays to
escalate the war against drugs. The war
must be waged on all fronts. Our new drug
czar, Bill Bennett, and I will be shoulder to


76




shoulder in the executive branch leading
the charge.
Some money will be used to expand
treatment to the poor and to young mothers. This will offer the helping hand to the
many innocent victims of drugs, like the
thousands of babies born addicted or with
AIDS because of the mother's addiction.
Some will be used to cut the waiting time
for treatment. Some money will be devoted
to those urban schools where the emergency is now the worst. And much of it will be
used to protect our borders, with help from
the Coast Guard and the Customs Service,
the Departments of State and Justice, and,
yes, the U.S. military.
I mean to get tough on the drug criminals. And let me be clear: This President
will back up those who put their lives on
the line every single day-our local police
officers. My budget asks for beefed-up prosecution, for a new attack on organized
crime, and for enforcement of tough sentences-and for the worst kingpins, that
means the death penalty. I also want to
make sure that when a drug dealer is convicted there's a cell waiting for him. And he
should not go free because prisons are too
full. And so, let the word go out: If you're
caught and convicted, you will do time.
But for all we do in law enforcement, in
interdiction and treatment, we will never
win this war on drugs unless we stop the
demand for drugs. So, some of this increase
will be used to educate the young about the
dangers of drugs. We must involve the parents. We must involve the teachers. We
must involve the communities. And, my
friends, we must involve ourselves, each
and every one of us in this concern.
One problem related to drug use demands our urgent attention and our continuing compassion, and that is the terrible
tragedy of AIDS. I'm asking for $1.6 billion
for education to prevent the disease and for
research to find a cure.
If we're to protect our future, we need a
new attitude about the environment. We
must protect the air we breathe. I will send
to you shortly legislation for a new, more
effective Clean Air Act. It will include a
plan to reduce by date certain the emissions
which cause acid rain, because the time for
study alone has passed, and the time for


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 9
action is now. We must make use of clean
coal. My budget contains full funding, on
schedule, for the clean coal technology
agreement that we've made with Canada.
We've made that agreement with Canada,
and we intend to honor that agreement.
We must not neglect our parks. So, I'm
asking to fund new acquisitions under the
Land and Water Conservation Fund. We
must protect our oceans. And I support new
penalties against those who would dump
medical waste and other trash into our
oceans. The age of the needle on the beaches must end.
And in some cases, the gulfs and oceans
off our shores hold the promise of oil and
gas reserves which can make our nation
more secure and less dependent on foreign
oil. And when those with the most promise
can be tapped safely, as with much of the
Alaska National Wildlife Refuge, we should
proceed. But we must use caution; we must
respect the environment. And so, tonight
I'm calling for the indefinite postponement
of three lease sales which have raised troubling questions, two off the coast of California and one which could threaten the Everglades in Florida. Action on these three
lease sales will await the conclusion of a
special task force set up to measure the
potential for environmental damage.
I'm directing the Attorney General and
the Administrator of the Environmental
Protection Agency to use every tool at their
disposal to speed and toughen the enforcement of our laws against toxic-waste dumpers. I want faster cleanups and tougher enforcement of penalties against polluters.
In addition to caring for our future, we
must care for those around us. A decent
society shows compassion for the young, the
elderly, the vulnerable, and the poor. Our
first obligation is to the most vulnerableinfants, poor mothers, children living in
poverty-and my proposed budget recognizes this. I ask for full funding of Medicaid,
an increase of over $3 billion, and an expansion of the program to include coverage of
pregnant women who are near the poverty
line. I believe we should help working families cope with the burden of child care. Our
help should be aimed at those who need it
most: low-income families with young chil

77




Feb. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


dren. I support a new child care tax credit
that will aim our efforts at exactly those
families, without discriminating against
mothers who choose to stay at home.
Now, I know there are competing proposals. But remember this: The overwhelming
majority of all preschool child care is now
provided by relatives and neighbors and
churches and community groups. Families
who choose these options should remain eligible for help. Parents should have choice.
And for those children who are unwanted
or abused or whose parents are deceased,
we should encourage adoption. I propose to
reenact the tax deduction for adoption expenses and to double it to $3,000. Let's
make it easier for these kids to have parents
who love them.
We have a moral contract with our senior
citizens. And in this budget, Social Security
is fully funded, including a full cost-of-living
adjustment. We must honor our contract.
We must care about those in the shadow
of life, and I, like many Americans, am
deeply troubled by the plight of the homeless. The causes of homelessness are many;
the history is long. But the moral imperative to act is clear. Thanks to the deep well
of generosity in this great land, many organizations already contribute, but we in government cannot stand on the sidelines. In
my budget, I ask for greater support for
emergency food and shelter, for health
services and measures to prevent substance
abuse, and for clinics for the mentally ill.
And I propose a new initiative involving
the full range of government agencies. We
must confront this national shame.
There's another issue that I've decided to
mention here tonight. I've long believed
that the people of Puerto Rico should have
the right to determine their own political
future. Personally, I strongly favor statehood. But I urge the Congress to take the
necessary steps to allow the people to
decide in a referendum.
Certain problems, the result of decades of
unwise practices, threaten the health and
security of our people. Left unattended,
they will only get worse. But we can act
now to put them behind us.
Earlier this week, I announced my support for a plan to restore the financial and
moral integrity of our savings system. I ask


Congress to enact our reform proposals
within 45 days. We must not let this situation fester. We owe it to the savers in this
country to solve this problem. Certainly,
the savings of Americans must remain
secure. Let me be clear: Insured depositors
will continue to be fully protected, but any
plan to refinance the system must be accompanied by major reform. Our proposals
will prevent such a crisis from recurring.
The best answer is to make sure that a mess
like this will never happen again. The majority of thrifts in communities across the
Nation have been honest. They've played a
major role in helping families achieve the
dream of home ownership. But make no
mistake, those who are corrupt, those who
break the law, must be kicked out of the
business; and they should go to jail.
We face a massive task in cleaning up the
waste left from decades of environmental
neglect at America's nuclear weapons
plants. Clearly, we must modernize these
plants and operate them safely. That's not
at issue; our national security depends on it.
But beyond that, we must clean up the old
mess that's been left behind. And I propose
in this budget to more than double our current effort to do so. This will allow us to
identify the exact nature of the various
problems so we can clean them up, and
clean them up we will.
We've been fortunate during these past 8
years. America is a stronger nation than it
was in 1980. Morale in our Armed Forces
has been restored; our resolve has been
shown. Our readiness has been improved,
and we are at peace. There can no longer
be any doubt that peace has been made
more secure through strength. And when
America is stronger, the world is safer.
Most people don't realize that after the
successful restoration of our strength, the
Pentagon budget has actually been reduced
in real terms for each of the last 4 years.
We cannot tolerate continued real reduction in defense. In light of the compelling
need to reduce the deficit, however, I support a 1-year freeze in the military budget,
something I proposed last fall in my flexible
freeze plan. And this freeze will apply for
only 1 year, and after that, increases above
inflation will be required. I will not sacrifice


78




American preparedness, and I will not compromise American strength.
I should be clear on the conditions attached to my recommendation for the
coming year: The savings must be allocated
to those priorities for investing in our future
that I've spoken about tonight. This defense
freeze must be a part of a comprehensive
budget agreement which meets the targets
spelled out in Gramm-Rudman-Hollings law
without raising taxes and which incorporates reforms in the budget process.
I've directed the National Security Council to review our national security and defense policies and report back to me within
90 days to ensure that our capabilities and
resources meet our commitments and strategies. I'm also charging the Department of
Defense with the task of developing a plan
to improve the defense procurement process and management of the Pentagon, one
which will fully implement the Packard
commission report. Many of these changes
can only be made with the participation of
the Congress, and so, I ask for your help.
We need fewer regulations. We need less
bureaucracy. We need multiyear procurement and 2-year budgeting. And franklyand don't take this wrong-we need less
congressional micromanagement of our nation's military policy. I detect a slight division on that question, but nevertheless[laughter].
Securing a more peaceful world is perhaps the most important priority I'd like to
address tonight. You know, we meet at a
time of extraordinary hope. Never before in
this century have our values of freedom,
democracy, and economic opportunity been
such a powerful and intellectual force
around the globe. Never before has our
leadership been so crucial, because while
America has its eyes on the future, the
world has its eyes on America.
And it's a time of great change in the
world, and especially in the Soviet Union.
Prudence and common sense dictate that
we try to understand the full meaning of
the change going on there, review our policies, and then proceed with caution. But
I've personally assured General Secretary
Gorbachev that at the conclusion of such a
review we will be ready to move forward.
We will not miss any opportunity to work


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 9
for peace. The fundamental facts remain
that the Soviets retain a very powerful military machine in the service of objectives
which are still too often in conflict with
ours. So, let us take the new openness seriously, but let's also be realistic. And let's
always be strong.
There are some pressing issues we must
address. I will vigorously pursue the Strategic Defense Initiative. The spread, and
even use, of sophisticated weaponry threatens global security as never before. Chemical weapons must be banned from the face
of the Earth, never to be used again. And
look, this won't be easy. Verification-extraordinarily difficult, but civilization and
human decency demand that we try. And
the spread of nuclear weapons must be
stopped. And I'll work to strengthen the
hand of the International Atomic Energy
Agency. Our diplomacy must work every
day against the proliferation of nuclear
weapons.
And around the globe, we must continue
to be freedom's best friend. And we must
stand firm for self-determination and democracy in Central America, including in
Nicaragua. It is my strongly held conviction
that when people are given the chance
they inevitably will choose a free press,
freedom of worship, and certifiably free and
fair elections.
We must strengthen the alliance of the
industrial democracies, as solid a force for
peace as the world has ever known. And
this is an alliance forged by the power of
our ideals, not the pettiness of our differences. So, let's lift our sights to rise above
fighting about beef hormones, to building a
better future, to move from protectionism
to progress.
I've asked the Secretary of State to visit
Europe next week and to consult with our
allies on the wide range of challenges and
opportunities we face together, including
East-West relations. And I look forward to
meeting with our NATO partners in the
near future.
And I, too, shall begin a trip shortly to
the far reaches of the Pacific Basin, where
the winds of democracy are creating new
hope and the power of free markets is unleashing a new force. When I served as our


79




Feb. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


representative in China 14 or 15 years ago,
few would have predicted the scope of the
changes we've witnessed since then. But in
preparing for this trip, I was struck by
something I came across from a Chinese
writer. He was speaking of his country, decades ago, but his words speak to each of us
in America tonight. "Today," he said,
"we're afraid of the simple words like
'goodness' and 'mercy' and 'kindness.'" My
friends, if we're to succeed as a nation, we
must rediscover those words.
In just 3 days, we mark the birthday of
Abraham Lincoln, the man who saved our
Union and gave new meaning to the word
"opportunity." Lincoln once said: "I hold
that while man exists, it is his duty to improve not only his own condition but to
assist in ameliorating that of mankind." It is
this broader mission to which I call all
Americans, because the definition of a successful life must include serving others.
And to the young people of America, who
sometimes feel left out, I ask you tonight to
give us the benefit of your talent and
energy through a new program called YES,
for Youth Entering Service to America.
To those men and women in business,
remember the ultimate end of your work:
to make a better product, to create better
lives. I ask you to plan for the longer term
and avoid that temptation of quick and easy
paper profits.
To the brave men and women who wear
the uniform of the United States of America, thank you. Your calling is a high one: to
be the defenders of freedom and the guarantors of liberty. And I want you to know
that this nation is grateful for your service.
To the farmers of America, we appreciate
the bounty you provide. We will work with
you to open foreign markets to American
agricultural products.
And to the parents of America, I ask you
to get involved in your child's schooling.
Check on the homework, go to the school,
meet the teachers, care about what is happening there. It's not only your child's
future on the line, it's America's.
To kids in our cities, don't give up hope.
Say no to drugs; stay in school. And, yes,
"Keep hope alive."
To those 37 million Americans with some
form of disability, you belong in the eco

nomic mainstream. We need your talents in
America's work force. Disabled Americans
must become full partners in America's opportunity society.
To the families of America watching tonight in your living rooms, hold fast to your
dreams because ultimately America's future
rests in your hands.
And to my friends in this Chamber, I ask
your cooperation to keep America growing
while cutting the deficit. That's only fair to
those who now have no vote: the generations to come. Let them look back and say
that we had the foresight to understand
that a time of peace and prosperity is not
the time to rest but a time to press forward,
a time to invest in the future.
And let all Americans remember that no
problem of human making is too great to be
overcome by human ingenuity, human
energy, and the untiring hope of the human
spirit. I believe this. I would not have asked
to be your President if I didn't. And tomorrow the debate on the plan I've put forward begins, and I ask the Congress to
come forward with your own proposals.
Let's not question each other's motives.
Let's debate, let's negotiate; but let us solve
the problem.
Recalling anniversaries may not be my
specialty in speeches-[laughter]-but tonight is one of some note. On February 9th,
1941, just 48 years ago tonight, Sir Winston
Churchill took to the airwaves during Britain's hour of peril. He'd received from
President Roosevelt a hand-carried letter
quoting Longfellow's famous poem: "Sail
on, O Ship of State! Sail on, O Union, strong
and great! Humanity with all its fears, With
all the hopes of future years, Is hanging
breathless on thy fate!" And Churchill responded on this night by radio broadcast to
a nation at war, but he directed his words
to Franklin Roosevelt. "We shall not fail or
falter," he said. "We shall not weaken or
tire. Give us the tools, and we will finish
the job."
Tonight, almost half a century later, our
peril may be less immediate, but the need
for perseverance and clear-sighted fortitude
is just as great. Now, as then, there are
those who say it can't be done. There are
voices who say that America's best days


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 10


have passed, that we're bound by constraints, threatened by problems, surrounded by troubles which limit our ability to
hope. Well, tonight I remain full of hope.
We Americans have only begun on our mission of goodness and greatness. And to
those timid souls, I repeat the plea: "Give
us the tools, and we will do the job."


Thank you. God bless you, and God bless
America.
Note: The President spoke at 9:07 p.m. in
the House Chamber of the Capitol. The address was broadcast live on nationwide
radio and television.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Fiscal Year 1990 Budget
February 9, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I hereby transmit a supplement to the
Message I am delivering to the Joint Session
of the Congress tonight. It is titled "Building a Better America," and it contains further description of the plans and proposals
mentioned in the Message. I urge the Congress to give favorable consideration to


these proposals and renew my invitation to
the congressional leadership to work together to assure that America is united, strong,
at peace, and fiscally sound.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
February 9, 1989.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters
Following a Luncheon With Prime Minister Brian Mulroney in
Ottawa, Canada
February 10, 1989


The President. Let me just say on behalf
of Mrs. Bush, our Secretary of State, and
others, this has been a good visit. It is an
important visit because it symbolizes the
importance that we place on the relationship with Canada. We're each other's largest trading partners. We are friends. We
share a long, peaceful border, and we have
many common interests. And today we had
an opportunity to discuss not just the bilateral relationship that is very, very strong
and very good but we had a chance to talk
about the East-West relationship. I had a
chance to talk about the problems on trade;
indeed, our trade ministers are talking right
now, you might say. And so, I felt the visit
was outstanding.
The Prime Minister and I reviewed the
concerns that he has about acid rain; and I
referred him to what I said last night to the
American people: my determination to


move on forward with setting limits, with
legislation, and then moving to discussions
with Canada, leading to an accord that I
think will be beneficial to both countries.
And so, that problem-and it has been a
problem-is one that we are both determined to move forward towards solution. In
terms of the trade agreement, we, of
course, have saluted the courageous position
taken by the Prime Minister of Canada. We
have great respect for that in the United
States; and we want to now do our part,
part of the United States, to follow through
with whatever implementation is required.
So, the mood was upbeat, the spirit good,
and I am very glad that this was my first
visit outside of the continental United States
as President. And we will keep in touch,
and each of us has pledged to see that this
strong relationship becomes even stronger.


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FeUb. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


I think we both agreed we'd take a question or two at what we affectionately call a
scrum. [Laughter] I've been looking for
words to describe what we do at press occasions like this down across the border, and
that's an appropriate word.
Acid Rain
Q. Mr. President, to what degree did you
assure the Prime Minister of your feeling of
confidence that the Congress will go along
with you on your acid rain request last
night?
The President. I think the Prime Minister
is aware of the political divisions and political waves there in our country on this issue.
But I assured him that the time for just
pure study was over and that we've now
approached the time for legislative action.
And I pledged that in the campaign. And
so, to the degree there is disparity, a lack of
uniformity in the Congress, I think the
Prime Minister sees it as my responsibility
to try to move forward to do that which I
said I wanted to do.
Agricultural and Environmental Issues
Q. — concern that the Arctic blast that
just swept across the continent following on
last summer's drought has created some
permanent damage in the agricultural regions on both sides of the border? I wonder
if you discussed that at all and whether
there could be a cooperative way of dealing
with this and maybe at some point making
a proposal to get some of the surplus Canadian water down into the drought-stricken
regions of the U.S.?
The President. We did not discuss water
diversion. We did not discuss the effects of
the Arctic cold air. We did talk about the
need for a global approach to environmental concerns.
Do you want to add something to that,
Mr. Prime Minister?
The Prime Minister. No.
Q. Mr. President, were you
The President. The gentleman right here,
and then I'll be right over.
Acid Rain
Q. Do you have an estimate of how long
it will take, assuming the Congress goes
along with your legislative program, before


you are ready to talk about a bilateral
accord?
The President. No, but we're going to
press forward with this right away. We have
a brand new Administrator of EPA. We've
got a legislative team to propose the legislation I talked about last night. And we've
gotten some reasonable levels of funding.
So, we're on the move. But we did not
discuss an exact timeframe. I would be misrepresenting or understating things if I
didn't say that the Prime Minister once
again impressed on me the urgency of
moving as fast as we can, but we didn't set
a time.
Who had one back in here?
Q. Yes, sir, you were saying, Mr. President, that you weren't in a position yet to
discuss a specific timetable and targets for
reduction of acid rain.
The President. We will be discussing targets, and we will get agreement on that,
I'm sure. But I have an obligation now to
recommend to our Congress the setting of
certain limits, so we will move forward with
that much specific.
Q. Mr. President, what kind of reductions
and what kind of timetable do you have in
mind?
The President. I have in mind as fast as
possible.
Q. Mr. Prime Minister, I wondered, sir, if
you are satisfied with the steps that the
President has outlined to deal with the acid
rain question or whether you have asked
for more here?
The Prime Minister. Well, I think that this
represents quite substantial progress. You
know, it wasn't so long ago that Canada was
sort of going it alone in many ways in this
area. The President's position puts a great
impetus for action domestically in the
United States, which is a condition precedent, and the President is signaling, as well,
subsequent discussions that will lead to an
acid rain accord to benefit both the United
States and Canada. This, I think, is real
progress. And while I suppose I'm like a lot
of people who would like it done tomorrow
in this area, I know it's not going to happen,
but this represents a very measurable
progress. And I view it as evidence of the
commitments that the President gave


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 10


during the campaign and has referred to
since, including his speech to the Congress
last night, which is, for a neighbor and
friend troubled by this problem for some
time, very encouraging.
Q. Presuming you and the President
reach an agreement, could you begin to discuss an accord before the full U.S. program
is in place on acid rain, or will it be necessary to wait until its legislation is through
Congress?
The Prime Minister. The Americans will,
of course, deal with their own problems domestically, free from any comment by me
about what happens internally. But clearly,
what the President is saying is that he has a
two-pronged approach: one that will
summon the legislative authority of the
Congress of the United States to put in
place those mechanisms that are required
there; and secondly, an arrangement which
will be negotiated with Canada to conclude
an accord which will deal, hopefully, in a
definitive manner with this.
Q. How soon can those negotiations
Q. Would you prefer to undertake negotiations immediately with the United States
instead of waiting for them first to pass
laws?
The Prime Minister. First, it is necessary
for the President to talk about this with
legislators and that the Americans are prepared to pass their own laws for the purification of their atmosphere in this domain.
In the second place, as the President has
just indicated, we are on the way to advance, rapidly I hope, towards the conclusion of the negotiations for a bilateral
accord about the international environment. Therefore, we are encouraged by the
developments and the declarations of President Bush today.
U.S. Economy
Q. Back at home today, both consumer
prices and bank prime rates went up. To
the extent that that goes against your assumptions in the budget, how badly do you
see that hurting your budget?
The President. You've got to wait to see
how long interest rates stay different from
that which we've projected. But I would
not make assumptions based on one monthly release of figures on either the CPI [Con

sumer Price Index] or in this instance-I
guess you're talking about the Producer
Price Index-because we've found that they
jump around some. And I am not overly
concerned about inflation, at this point, in
the United States. I don't like the figures;
but I'm not concerned, long-run, about inflation in our country. We still have excess
plant capacity. The economy is growing,
and I think that's good.
I pointed out last night that we expect
revenues in 1 year of $82 billion-I think is
the figure-more just from growth. So, it is
important we keep growing. Any President
should be concerned if there are persistent
signs of inflationary pressures to come. But
I don't see the signs now that had me worried at all. So, I would hope that these figures would prove to be just a blip on an
otherwise rather calm and hopeful radar
screen.
Canadian Steel Exports
Q. Prime Minister, did you discuss the
steel issue, and did you make any mention
of keeping Canada out of the voluntary
export program that the steel lobby in the
United States wants?
The Prime Minister. There is a meeting
going on now between Ms. Hills [U.S. Trade
Representative] and Minister [of International Trade] John Crosbie in regard specifically to that. But as you know, Canada is a
fair trader, and we should not in any way
be impacted by that kind of proposition.
We wouldn't deserve in any way to be included within its purview. And that would
be the position that Mr. Crosbie will be
explaining to Ms. Hills.
Une derniere question, a final question,
Mr. President, and thenThe President. Derniere?
The Prime Minister. Une derniere question pour le President?
The President. Mais oui. [Laughter] C'est
fine pour moi. [Sure, this is fine for me.] It's
colder than hell. Yes, sorry about that.
[Laughter]
Acid Rain
Q. In 1995 or the year 2000-for a 50 -percent cut in acid rain?
The President. Qu'est ce que c'est la ques

83




Feb. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tion? [What is the question?] Je ne comprends pas. [I don't understand.] [Laughter]
Q. Would you like 1995 or the year 2000
for a 50-percent cut in transporter emissions on acid rain?
The President. Too early to answer that.
Q. Will negotiations start this year, Mr.
President?
The President. I hope so.
East-West Relations
Q. Were you on the same wavelengths on
East-West relations in your discussions this
morning?
The President. Certainement! [Laughter]
The Prime Minister. May I introduce my
Quebec-[laughter].
The President. No, we were. And I have
great respect for the Prime Minister's
views. I have great respect for his understanding with his experience of the alliance
and its importance. I value his judgment on
what's happening inside the Soviet Union.


And so, we had a long, I think productive,
discussion about that. And I had an opportunity to explain to him that our review of
our national security policies, our foreign
policy objectives-it's a serious thing. It is
not a foot-dragging operation. It is not
trying to send a signal to Secretary Gorbachev that we want to move backwards. It is
simply prudent. And I am absolutely convinced that the Soviets understand this; and
I'm also convinced that the-I don't want to
put words in his mouth-but the Prime
Minister of Canada, a very important part
of all of this, understands it as well.
The Prime Minister. Thank you very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 3 p.m. in the
Prime Minister's residence. Prior to the
luncheon, the President met with the Prime
Minister and US. and Canadian officials.
Following the exchange, the President and
Mrs. Bush went to Kennebunkport, ME, for
a weekend stay.


Remarks to Members of the Business and Industry Association of
New Hampshire in Manchester
February 13, 1989


Thank you, ladies and gentlemen. Thank
you, Governor. Thank you for that welcome
back. Judd, thank you for that warm introduction, and thank all of you for that welcome. I want to thank Bill Gingrich and
others at BIA for arranging on relatively
short notice this wonderful meeting. I want
to pay my respects to our outstanding congressional delegation-our two Congressmen are here-and our senior Senator
Warren Rudman, here with us today. But
you're well represented in Washington with
these four outstanding individuals. I'm very
sorry if I'm late-a little trouble parking the
18-wheeler. [Laughter]
A few things have happened since I
spoke to you 2 years ago at the BIA. For
one thing, I got a new job. And so did
Bonnie Newman. [Laughter] And I'm very
pleased on both counts. It really is great to
be back and see so many old friends.


Last week I made an address to the joint
session of Congress, spelling out my policies
and my priorities as America moves into a
new decade-a whole new century 11 short
years away. And I offered my hand to the
Congress in a spirit of bipartisan cooperation and said, "Together we can build a
better America."
And this week, I'm traveling to different
parts of the country to talk as directly as
possible to the American people. And it's no
coincidence that this very first stop is here
in New Hampshire. Actually, I thought we
were heading south. But John Sununu, you
know, the new Chief of Staff, had his way,
and here we are. [Laughter] Some said I
just wanted to come back and drink with
the boys at the Alpine Club again right
here. [Laughter] What a great evening that
was, I'll tell you.
A year ago at about this time, I was here


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 13


in New Hampshire under different circumstances-literally a year ago. I had just been
defeated in Iowa. I was up at 6:50 a.m. my
first morning here, outside on a cold day-a
little colder, as I remember, than today
even-holding my coffee in one hand and
shaking hands with some of the guys at the
factory in another. And the columnists had
begun to write my political obituary. Well, I
knew things seemed worse than they actually were. And let me tell you why I say
that. I knew we were strong here. Governor Sununu was at my side, Judd Gregg
and, of course, his dad, Hugh. And I had so
many people, including many in this room,
who helped me assemble a statewide organization, A-1 in every single way. And you
never can forget in American politics the
importance of people being involved.
And I also had a message, a message that
the people of New Hampshire, and then all
America, understood: Sensible ideas work;
we can do the job, and we can do it without
new taxes. And the foundation that we built
held firm; it never cracked or crumbled.
And the steadfast support that I received
gave me the chance to pick myself off of
that canvas, and the rest, as they say, is
history. And so today, now that I've returned to your State for the first time as the
41st President of the United States, let me
repeat those four little words that I said on
election night: "Thank you, New Hampshire."
But as Judd reminded us, the journey
goes back longer than just a year ago today.
It goes back to '79 and '80, when I first ran
for President. In 1980 things were different
in America. Our economy was stagnant. Inflation and interest rates were peaking at
unprecedented highs for our country. Our
workers were out of jobs. And America's
respect around the world was on the decline.
And since then, under the leadership of a
great President, America is once again
proud and prosperous. And our economy is
now in its 75th month of expansion-the
longest period of uninterrupted economic
growth during peacetime in our nation's
history. And our people are back at work.
In fact, the proportion of Americans with
jobs is at a post-World War II high. And
America is once again respected around the


world as a resolute force for peace and freedom. And because we did strengthen this
country, I am optimistic about our chances
to enhance the peace worldwide. We're
headed in the right direction, and I mean
to keep us headed in the right direction.
We've made tremendous progress, and I
mean to build on that progress.
Last Thursday night, I presented to the
Congress a realistic plan for dealing with
the Federal budget. And my plan has four
broad features: attention to urgent priorities, investment in the future, an attack on
the deficit, and no new taxes. And this
budget plan represents a commitment to
meet our national priorities and at the same
time keep faith with our promise to the
American people on the tax front of no new
taxes. There are some areas in which we
would all like to spend more, but we cannot
until we get our fiscal house in order and
bring the Federal budget deficit down.
In the next fiscal year, under current law
with no changes or new taxes, revenues will
grow by over $80 billion-$80 billion more
revenue to the Federal Government in 1
year under existing law. And that's an increase of nearly 81/2 percent. And that
should be enough to finance our priorities
and bring the deficit down without taxes.
The Federal budget will not be balanced
overnight, but our plan is a realistic one.
And right here I'd like to salute Warren
Rudman for his role in disciplining both the
executive branch and the Congress by
being a part of that historic GrammRudman-Hollings bill. It's very important
legislation. Yes, it requires tough choices.
Mine is a budget plan that will work, but
not with business as usual. It will require a
partnership with the Congress. And as I
said on Thursday night, my team and I are
prepared to work with the Congress; to negotiate in good faith with the leadership; to
work day and night, if that's what it takes,
to meet budget targets; and to produce a
budget on time.
I've spoken about priorities; let me just
share with you briefly what those priorities
are. First, let's make sure that America remains the greatest and the most productive
nation on the face of the Earth. We should
begin to invest now in ways that will make


85




Feb. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


America more competitive in the future.
And that means continuing America's leadership in the knowledge business: more
funds for basic research; a permanent tax
credit for R&D, for research and development; a strengthened role for science and
technology in our national policy deliberations.
When I was Vice President, I chaired a
task force on regulatory relief, which was
intended to help survey the wilderness of
government regulation to determine which
rules were hurting private productive activity and which were helping. And we did a
lot of good early on. We got rid of some
needless regulation, and still protecting the
safety in the workplace and things of that
important nature. But the work of this task
force will continue, and its mission expanded, however. The Vice President, Dan
Quayle, will head this new task force on
competitiveness to explore a range of issues,
from regulatory reform to training for the
work force of the future.
I've also asked the Congress for its cooperation in passing what I believe is the most
important competitiveness package of all: a
package of bills to improve education in
America. You know, Louis Pasteur once
said: "Chance favors only the prepared
mind." Our children deserve every break
that we can give them because they do represent our future. And so, for America to be
prepared for the future, our children must
be educated for the future.
And part of our education effort must be
in the area of drugs. Education is still our
best means of prevention. And we will fight
drugs on all fronts, not only education but
treatment, interdiction, and law enforcement. But for those who are already hooked
on drugs, we've got to expand treatment.
For those who are dealing drugs, I want
them to know how serious we are about
stopping them. And I have asked for and
will insist on tougher penalties. And, yes,
that does include the death penalty for
those drug kingpins. I believe it will inhibit
the continued flow of drugs into this country. And I think the dealers who prey on
our kids should know what's coming when
they get caught. The kids of America will
not become the broken debris of a failed
war on drugs-period. We simply can't


have that. And a drug-free America has to
be the foundation of a healthy, stronger
America.
We also must protect our environment:
the air we breathe, the water we drink, the
beautiful land we live on. And we do need
a new attitude, a new commitment to preserving our planet.
We must protect those members of our
society who are the most vulnerable: the
infants; the pregnant women; children
living in poverty; and, yes, the elderly. And
we must protect the homeless. Greater support is needed for emergency food and
shelter, for health service, and for clinics for
the mentally ill. And I've asked for those
funds to confront the problems of the
homeless, recognizing that most of the work
in this field, as in education, will be done at
the local and the State and the neighborhood level. We must never let the Federal
Government preempt and push aside the
activities of our citizens at the family and
neighborhood level. The Government, as I
said the other night, cannot stand on the
sidelines-not in the face of the national
shame of the homeless or the depressed
stage of our education.
What I also want to say is that government is not the only answer, though. Government has a role. Government's got to do
its part, but it can't do everything. And
without the will of the people, it really can't
do anything. The essence of our government is that it is a democracy of, for, and
by the people. To be successful in the years
ahead, our mission must also be of, for, and
by the people. And really, that's why I've
come here today: to look back one final
time and to let you know I know why I'm
here and how I got here. I don't think
there's ever anything wrong in life for
saying, "Thank you very much."
And that's exactly what I wanted to do
when I came here today: say thank you; but
more importantly, now that I am the 41st
President of the United States, to look
ahead, to thank you for what you can do in
the future, and encourage you to give it
your all. Join me with a spirit that I know is
the spirit of not only this BIA but also the
people of New Hampshire, generally, and
together we will keep America moving for

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 13


ward, always forward, on a journey that
leads to a better America of absolutely limitless opportunities. Thank you all, and God
bless you. And it's so nice to be here. Thank
you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 9:31 a.m. in
the Armory at the Center of New Hampshire Holiday Inn. In his remarks, he re

ferred to Gov. Judd Gregg; William Gingrich, chairman of the Business and Industry
Association of New Hampshire; Representatives Charles Douglas and Robert C. Smith;
Bonnie Newman, Assistant to the President
for Management and Administration; and
Hugh Gregg, former Governor of New
Hampshire. Following his remarks, the
President returned to Washington, DC.


Remarks to Representatives of the Boy Scouts of America
February 13, 1989


Well, I'm just delighted to see all of you
here, and to my friend of longstanding,
Harold Hook, delighted he's here. Mr.
Graves-Earl, Mr. Love-Ben, Boy Scouts
and Scouters, and to you three guys who
presented these honors to me in a report to
me, I'm very grateful to you.
First, I want to thank you for having me
now be the honorary president of the Boy
Scouts. And I want to thank you for that
annual report. But even more, I want to
thank you for the good turns-as you call
them-the good turns that you do, as your
own motto says. Boy Scouts are helping, as
Mr. Graves said, the homeless and disabled
and the elderly and, in short, the most vulnerable in our society. And to those that
have been left behind, you guys are saying,
"Hey, we're going to help you catch up."
And to those who have given up on themselves, you say as Scouts and Scouters,
"We've not given up on you." And you
made a difference, helping to combat drug
abuse, child abuse, hunger, illiteracy-working with the homeless, unemployment.
You believe in America's greatest treasure-its ability to care. And for nearly a
century now, the Boy Scouts have cared
about our children. And you've helped


them, enriched them, and helped our children enrich mankind. And so, I want to
come by and say: Keep up the good work! I
think if we do this enough and if I make
the point how strongly I feel about what
you do, I think the country will understand
very clearly what I mean when I talk about
One Thousand Points of Light, because I
think of the Scouts, and I think of what you
all do to help others. And it's clear, bright
light, bright and shining, and you're an inspiration to all of us. And I'm grateful that
you came here, and I'm proud to have my
gold card here that I promise I'll keep right
there in that desk in the Oval Office to
remind me of the good work that the
Scouts do for everybody.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2 p.m. in the
Roosevelt Room at the White House. In his
opening remarks, he referred to Harold S.
Hook, Earl G. Graves, and Ben H. Love,
president, commissioner, and chief executive, respectively, of the Boy Scouts of
America. Boy Scout representatives presented the President with a certificate naming
him the honorary president of the Boy
Scouts, a gold lifetime membership card,
and a copy of the Boy Scout Handbook.


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Feb. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Jack F. Kemp as
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development
February 13, 1989


The President. I'd say be seated, but I
don't want to win the Smart Aleck of the
Year Award. [Laughter] Thank you very
much. I open with a question: Jack, now
that you're going to be in charge of Federal
housing, does that make you my landlord?
[Laughter]
It's a pleasure, it's a real pleasure for me
to be here for the swearing-in of Jack Kemp
as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. I've known Jack a long timeJoanne, too. And I've seen him in action,
and I think he's going to be a great HUD
Secretary. For Joanne, she's an important
part of everything he does. And I think of
the Thousand Points of Light that I'll keep
talking about. No one is more engaged in
helping others than Joanne Kemp-doing a
great job out there. They'll be a wonderful
team.
You know, Jack served nine terms in the
House. He was an all-pro Congressman[laughter]-voted by his colleagues three
terms as chairman of the House Republican
Conference. And Jack's record is an impressive one: more completed passes than any
other Member of Congress. [Laughter] I
count the tax rate reductions of '81 and '86
as being touchdown passes, a couple of his
ideas that got across the goal line, incidentally. And the tax cuts did more than put
points on the board: They helped produce
the longest peacetime expansion ever recorded.
Both Jack and I are dedicated to making
America, to the fullest extent possible, an
opportunity society. And that means an
economy that's thriving and creating jobs;
cities that are filled with enterprise and
offer residents a good life and a good living;
neighborhoods that are vibrant and safe,
with affordable houses going up, old ones
being restored. It means giving peopleworking people, poor people, all our citizens-control over their own lives. And it
means a commitment to civil rights and
economic opportunity for every American.
The chance for a greater America lies


before us, and we're going to seize that
chance.
To all the fine people here at HUD, I
want to say that I greatly respect you and
the work that you do. You face tough problems every day, and you do it with a tremendous sense of commitment. I think
you're a great team, and I think in Jack
Kemp you'll have a great quarterback. I
also want to pay my respects to Sam Pierce,
his predecessor, a faithful, loyal member of
the President's Cabinet, who did an outstanding job here. And, Jack, I know you
can fill those big shoes.
Jack's a man of ideas, and I've made clear
that I want him to apply his creativity and
energy to the area of housing and urban
policy, which are among the most important and challenging issues in America
today. These problems require a compassionate strategy, and that's the reason that I
thought of Jack immediately and asked him
to take this job. While still in Congress, he
developed some innovative ideas, many of
which won support from Members on both
sides of the aisle.
Our plan is to use enterprise zones to
bring jobs, investment, and opportunity to
depressed areas. And I believe that, given a
chance, economic freedom can bring a revival to the inner city; and it can create
jobs and housing and dignity for every citizen. I want to use urban homesteading to
enable public housing residents to gain a
stake in their own communities and in their
own futures. And I want to work toward
giving tenants in Federal housing the right
to manage and buy their own homes and
apartments. Where whole neighborhoods
have been blighted and boarded up, sometimes by misguided policies-I want to
change those policies and empower residents to rebuild their neighborhoods, with
the public and private sectors working together. And I think you know how strongly
I feel, but let me say it again: I am committed to equal housing opportunity for all our
citizens and to the strong enforcement of


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 13


the laws against discrimination.
And I want to see us finally end the tragedy of homelessness. I do favor full funding
for this McKinney Act. We've got to care
for those who for various reasons are unable
to care for themselves, and we must identify and remove the obstacles that prevent
people from being able to acquire housing.
So, these are our goals. And for these
ideas I have clicked off here today-Jack
Kemp has been out front for those very
principles for a long, long time. A lot of the
most innovative thinking on the inner city
has come from him. Throughout his political career, he reached out to work with
talented people of every race and background, and he's made his commitment to
inclusion something visible, something important in everything he has done. And I
want him to continue working to open the
doors wider, with more opportunity for everyone.
And so, before we go to work, there's one
important thing to do, and that is the official swearing-in of the new Secretary of
Housing and Urban Development, Jack
Kemp.
Thank you all very much.
[At this point, Secretary Kemp was sworn
in.]
Secretary Kemp. Thank you for that
standing ovation. [Laughter] Thank you,
Mr. President, not only for being here
today but for the inspiring mission and exciting goals you've laid out for the Department of Housing and Urban Development.
I particularly like the part, Mr. President,
about a kinder, gentler quarterback in Jack
Kemp. That's going to-[laughter].
Thank you, Justice O'Connor. What an
honor it is to have Sandra Day O'Connor
here to do me the high honor of swearing
me in as the new Secretary of HUD. Special
thanks to my good friend, the Reverend
Keith Butler, of Detroit, who's come down
to deliver his moving invocation. To my
friend, the NFL [National Football League]
Hall of Famer, former Oakland Raider,
enemy-[laughter]-and dear friend now,
leader of the NFL Players Union-I was the
former president of the American Football
League Players Union, and he is the executive director of the NFLPA [National Foot

ball League Players Association], Gene
Upshaw-very honored for him to be here,
leading us in the Pledge of Allegiance.
I want to take a moment to introduce
each and every one of you to my precious
family and my inspiration. First, my wife,
Joanne. [Applause] Our daughter-you
don't need to applaud for every one of
them, but I have a-[laughter]. Our daughter, Judith, who worked in the Reagan-Bush
White House-stand up, Judith. Our daughter, Jennifer, who's a public school teacher.
Her fiance, Scott Andrews. They're getting
married in May, which we're all excited
about. Our son, Jimmy, who just recently
signed a football-notice I said a footballscholarship to Wake Forest, and we're very
proud of Jimmy. [Laughter] Our oldest son,
Jeffrey, and his wife, Stacy, could not be
here today. They're in Seattle, and he's preparing for his ninth season as an NFL quarterback. Joanne Kemp is the only wife and
mother of an NFL quarterback in history,
so-[laughter].
President Bush, as I said, it's a particular
honor to have you with us today and to
have other members of your team. I'm very
pleased that Secretary of Treasury [designate] Brady is here, Secretary of Transportation Skinner, Secretary of Labor Elizabeth
Dole, Secretary of Health and Human Services [designate] Lou Sullivan. I'm honored
that Chairman [of the House Committee on
Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs] Gonzalez is with us today to give evidence of
bipartisan support for HUD. I want to
thank each and every one of them for
coming-family and friends from all over
the country.
President Bush spoke eloquently about
HUD's special mission. We operate in a
market that contains the most visible
symbol of the American dream: home ownership. Our mission, I believe, is to inject
oxygen and seed corn and new life and new
hope into those distressed inner cities. Mr.
President, you talked about free enterprise
zones, which include dramatic, some would
say radical, tax incentives for entrepreneurship and the creation of new jobs in those
areas. You talked about the need to empower the poor with home ownership and
equity through initiatives like tenant man

89




Feb. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


agement and urban homesteading, an idea
which Kimi Gray [president of the Kenilworth / Parkside  Resident  Management
Corp.] has helped make work in the District
of Columbia and I believe can be a model
for other cities, and most importantly, for
other people.
You talked, Mr. President, of helping recapture the American dream for first-time
homebuyers, young families just starting
out. And you asked us at HUD to lead an
all-out public and private effort to help end
the appalling tragedy of homelessness,
which really is a reflection of the tragedy of
hopelessness for which housing is just only
part of the solution. And we at HUD will
carry more than our share of the load in
helping end this tragedy.
This is a compassionate society, and we'll
be compassionate at HUD. In a Judeo-Christian society, the ultimate compassion, however, is not measured by how many people
are on welfare or government assistance. As
the philosopher Maimonides said in the
12th century, "the noblest charity is to prevent people from having to take charity in
the first place."
We here at HUD know that there are
other challenges facing us: the need to
build better public and private partnerships
to promote economic development and entrepreneurship; the need to ensure that we
expand the number of eligible families receiving housing assistance and housing opportunities; the need to change the red
lines around distressed areas of our cities
into green lines, where there can be success
and jobs and entrepreneurial opportunity.
We want to work with local officials to
reduce the barriers to growth and that opportunity not only in the days and months
ahead but in the years ahead. And of
course, Mr. President, you have challenged
us here at HUD with the obligationindeed, I consider it an opportunity-to
fully, effectively, and vigorously implement
the civil rights laws with regard to the new
Fair Housing Act; and I pledge my best
efforts in that regard.
I want to, for just a moment, speak about
a more personal challenge facing you and
me-each and every one of us as public
servants and keepers of the public trust.
You said, Mr. President, when you recog

nized the fine people and dedicated public
servants who work here at HUD and the
rest of the Federal Government, that government service is a noble calling and a
public trust. Indeed, it is. You said that you
learned from your parents, your mother
and your father, that there is no higher
honor than to serve free men and free
women, that there is no greater privilege
than to labor in government beneath the
Great Seal of the United States and the
American flag. Well, I agree. Not only do I
agree but I applaud your recognition, Mr.
President, of the dedicated public servants
in the Federal Government of the United
States of America.
With that in mind, let me set out two
touchstones for our work here at HUD.
First, we need to adhere to the very highest
standards of integrity, ethics, and the law.
President Bush, you've made this standard
the watchword of your administration. And
I want to help you and help you at HUD
make this an agency in which it is enthusiastically and vigorously upheld. Second, to
my colleagues at the Housing and Urban
Development agency, we all must keep our
minds, our work, and our hearts focused on
those we are meant to serve: not just the
homebuilder but the homebuyer, not only
public housing authorities but the public
housing resident, not just mayors and city
managers but the poor and those who live
temporarily on the streets or in shelters.
We need to keep them foremost in our
minds and our hearts because our job is to
give them what Dr. King called a stake in
the American dream: a helping hand, the
equality of opportunity to build a better
future for themselves and their children. No
one has to lose in this equation. America is
not a zero-sum game of static conditions on
this Earth in which one gains at another's
expense, or someone's job must come at another's loss, or someone must profit while
others must lose. I don't see America that
way. I don't believe in the perpetuity of
poverty.
So, I'm excited about the challenge
ahead. I'm thrilled and honored to have the
opportunity to help implement George
Bush's agenda for the nineties here at
HUD, an agenda of compassion and oppor

90




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 14


tunity, of hope and the promise of a better
and brighter future for America in housing,
economic development, in home ownership, and in jobs.
Today is special-special for me-and
special not only because President Bush is
here at HUD but also because it's the day
after the 180th anniversary of the birthday
of Abraham Lincoln. So, I want to close
with one of my favorite quotes from Abraham Lincoln. One day in New England, Mr.
Lincoln addressed some shoemakers who
happened to be on strike. He told them he
didn't believe in laws that prevented men
from getting rich. He said it would only do
more harm than good. Mr. Lincoln went on
to say he did not propose any war on capital, but that he wanted to allow the humblest man an equal opportunity to get rich
with everyone else. He went on to say,
when one starts poor, as most people do in
the race of life, in a free society it is such
that that person knows that he can better
his condition, that he knows that there's no
fixed condition of labor for his whole life.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, that's our
mission. That's our mission here at HUD
and in America: to give every American
man, woman, and child, regardless of their
race or creed or their economic or their
social condition, the opportunity to be what
God meant them to be. And I believe we
can make this system work. Indeed, I believe we have the moral and profound obligation to make it work. We can make it
work together. We have the tools. And as


you said, Mr. President, we know what
works. Now we need to put it to work in
our cities. We can't leave people behind.
Mr. Lincoln said: "America cannot exist half
slave, half free." In the 19th century, today,
the next century, we can't have this country half or three-quarters prosperous and
some folks left behind. The Good Shepherd
would not have it be that way.
So, HUD is open for business. Let's get
moving. God bless you here at HUD, and
God bless America. Thank you very, very
much.
[At this point, the band began playing.]
Now, one second, one second. Ladies and
gentlemen, band leader, thank you. [Laughter] Well, that was gentle and kind and[laughter]. It would not be a Kemp eventnot that this is-[laughter]-but it wouldn't
be Kemp at an event if we didn't do something a little bit different and special. And
having Gene Upshaw here is symbolic of
my many years in pro football and my
friendship with him. And I asked a special
guest to come here. I know you're excited
about seeing Gene. But I asked a young
man who is probably one of the great
heroes of this town to bring a football on
your behalf to the President from the Washington Redskins. Join with me in greeting
Joe Gibbs, the coach of the Washington
Redskins. [Applause]
Note: The President spoke at 4:18 p.m. in
the cafeteria at the Department of Housing
and Urban Development.


Letter to Congressional Leaders Transmitting the Report on
International Agreements
February 14, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. Chairman:)
Pursuant to Section 708 of Public Law
95-426 (1 U.S.C. 112b(b)), I transmit herewith a report prepared by the Department
of State concerning international agreements.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH


Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Claiborne Pell, chairman of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee.


91




Feb. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Roy M. Goodman To Be a Member of the Board of
Directors of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation
February 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Roy M. Goodman of New
York to be a member of the Board of Directors of the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation, U.S. International Development Cooperation Agency, for a term expiring December 17, 1991.
Mr. Goodman currently serves as a
member of the New York State Senate, representing the 26th district in Manhattan.
He chairs the New York Senate's committee
on investigations, taxation, and government
operations, and the legislative commission
on public-private cooperation. State Senator


Goodman is also a member of the senate's
standing committees on rules, finance, education, cities, transportation, and crime and
correction. He is vice chairman of the
senate special committee on the culture industry and holds the post of assistant majority leader.
Mr. Goodman graduated from Harvard
College (A.B., 1951) and Harvard Graduate
School of Business Administration (M.A.,
1953). He was born March 5, 1930, in New
York City. He is married, has three children, and resides in Manhattan, NY.


Remarks to the South Carolina State Legislature in Columbia
February 15, 1989


Thank you, members of the legislature,
for that really friendly South Carolina welcome. And thank you, particularly, Governor Campbell, my friend; Lieutenant Governor; Mr. Speaker; Members of the Congress that are with us here today, Senator
Thurmond, Floyd Spence-and maybe I'm
missing some. If so, I apologize. And ladies
and gentlemen, thank all of you. It's a great
honor to be addressing this joint session of
the general assembly, and I really mean
that. This is a chamber rich in history and
tradition, and I'm grateful for the privilege
of joining you in the hall today.
There's something wonderful about how
the United States comes together. And driving in on that great big, long car and
having the school kids and others out there
really demonstrating their respect for the
institution of the Presidency is something
that was special to me. And I think of it as
something that South Carolinians understand very, very well, indeed. I was just
saying this to the Lieutenant Governor.
One very concrete way that I plan to
express my appreciation is by not going on
too long. [Laughter] If I exceed my limit


and we start to press up against lunchtime,
I expect that the spirit of the late Speaker
Blatt will rise up, and in this chamber will
echo with the words: "It's cornbread and
buttermilk time."
Now, I speak to you today with great respect and in accordance with the plan of
our Founding Fathers designed two centuries ago: as a President of the United States
addressing the freely elected government of
a sovereign State. And I speak to you in the
spirit of bipartisanship. I've got to; you've
got us outnumbered. [Laughter] And I realize that some of you people favor the Tigers
and others favor the Gamecocks and, of
course, some favor one or another set of
Bulldogs; but as President, I must remain
neutral. I stand with the people. [Laughter]
And this morning, in that same spirit of
neutrality, Lee Atwater [chairman of the
Republican National Committee], as far as
I'm concerned, will be thought of simply as
one native son of South Carolina who happens to be a rhythm and blues guitarist.
God save the Republic! But I don't have to
be neutral now in recognizing and thanking
for appearing and congratulating the Divi

92




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 15


sion I-AA national football champions, the
Furman Paladines. I just met them downstairs; and we are all, nationwide, very
proud of that team and what it's accomplished.
A President can't stand here without
noting that the great State of South Carolina has one of the oldest histories in our
Republic, spanning nearly five centuries.
But with all of South Carolina's great sense
of tradition, this has also in recent years
been the site of dynamic economic growth
that has so greatly improved the lives of the
people of this State. And I believe that
South Carolina is proof that an abiding respect for traditional American values is not
a hindrance to success in a modern economy but, in fact, it is essential to it. And I
want to keep the economy expanding so
that it reaches every person in South Carolina and in the Nation.
And there are a number of very sound
provisions South Carolina uses in this whole
budget process which I think our nation as
a whole would benefit from now. I think it
is long overdue for the Federal Government to catch up with South Carolina by
giving the Chief Executive a line-item veto
and by adding a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution of the United
States. These are essential elements, disciplining the executive branch as well as the
legislative branch for controlling government spending. You have them; you use
them; they work. And they help protect the
pocketbooks of the working people, men
and women, of South Carolina. I believe
that the rest of the American people deserve the same at the Federal level, and
they deserve a budget process that they can
point to with pride. And I will work for the
budget reforms that we need.
Your Governor, Carroll Campbell, has
been an innovative leader who has set an
example that is being acknowledged around
the country. He and you, working together,
have made South Carolina a model of what
can be accomplished with sound policies
and wise leadership. I particularly want to
recognize and applaud your Governor's
plan for promoting even greater economic
growth by modernizing your tax code and
by cutting the State capital gains tax.
Our experience at the national level is


clear: Reducing the capital gains rate has
resulted in more revenue to the Federal
Government, not less. And it spurs investment; and investment means more jobs.
And jobs mean more opportunity. And opportunity is the foundation of American
progress. And a lower capital gains rate
helps our international competitiveness-all
of our biggest trading partners, including
Japan and West Germany, tax capital gains
modestly if at all. Even as you're taking up
this issue in South Carolina, my proposal at
the Federal level is to cut the capital gains
rate down to 15 percent for investments
held for 3 years or more.
Now, as you know, last week I proposed a
budget plan for the Federal Government.
You may have heard about it. It's getting
some attention. And I'm pleased to say no
one has said that it's DOA. If anyone does,
I'll interpret that as: "Defining Opportunity
for Americans." [Laughter]
But when it comes to the Washington
budget process, so much of the rhetoric is,
as you know, a bit extravagant. Once in the
heat of budget politics, a former member of
this chamber, Goat Leamond, stepped back
from the fray to utter the now-immortal
words: "When in doubt, run in circles,
scream and shout." Washington all over
again. [Laughter]
But in Washington, with all the shouting
that sometimes occurs, the words don't
mean the same things that most people
think that they mean. When they talk about
budget cuts in Washington, that usually
doesn't mean that spending is going down.
And this is the key point. It seems to be the
obvious meaning, but it's not. It usually
means that spending is going up, but at a
slower pace. Senator Rudman of New
Hampshire said this week: "Washington is
the only town where a man making $20,000
can go in and ask his boss for a raise of
$10,000, and then when the boss gives him
instead a $5,000 raise, the story comes out:
'Man's Salary Cut by $5,000."' [Laughter]
On the revenue side, I've taken a pledge
to the American people, and I'm going to
keep it: No new taxes! You see, I believe
that is what the people of this State and the
people of America voted for as a whole.
And the bottom line in the Federal budget


93




Feb. 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


is that it's not my money, it's not the Congress' money, it's the American peoples'
money.
And one group in Washington, Citizens
for a Sound Economy, commissioned the
Roper organization to conduct a poll on
taxes, spending, and the budget deficit. And
three out of four Americans surveyed said
that the way they want us to reduce the
deficit is by holding down spending, controlling the growth of spending. Only 5 percent in this national survey wanted to do it
by raising taxes.
My budget is based on a flexible freeze
with no tax increases. This budget recognizes that there are three ways government
must serve the people: first, by not taking
any more of their hard-earned money than
is absolutely necessary; secondly, by creating the environment that permits economic
growth, new jobs, and greater opportunity;
and finally, by doing the very best to help
people with the money that is spent by government, caring for those in need, protecting what we hold in common, and serving
the people with efficiency and, yes, compassion.
Even in times when reducing the deficit
means tough choices, we must still set priorities. And my budget is a realistic plan that
does more for education, more for the environment, and more for the space program.
And it makes a larger investment in scientific research to help keep America competitive into the next century. It spends
more on the Head Start program to help
make America strong into the next generation. And there is another $1 billion in outlays to fight drugs, because we cannot let
this menace rob our children of their
future. And we propose a new child care
initiative, targeted at low-income families
and designed to give real choice to families.
The family unit is vital to the economic
fabric of our society. And government must
not discourage parental choice and family
involvement. And in this budget, we also
restore and double the tax deduction for
adopting special-needs children. And we
commit a billion dollars to deal with the
problems of the homeless. And we don't
touch Social Security-that's off-limits.
And we keep our defenses strong. Defending America is one task which is an


absolute responsibility for the Federal Government. And this budget enables our national defense to keep up with inflation. It's
gone down, net terms, for 4 out of the last 4
years. When our young men and women
make a commitment to join our Armed
Services, they have the right to know that
we will give them the tools to defend themselves and to defend America.
This budget helps assure a sound economy not by raising taxes but by cutting the
Federal deficit by more than $75 billion.
That will not only meet the GrammRudman-Hollings targets but it does even
better than that. This budget will bring the
deficit as a percentage of gross national
product to its lowest level since the 1970's.
Now, already some people have asked me
how is it possible to do all this without raising taxes. The answer is straightforward,
and it needs to be emphasized again and
again: Because of economic growth-and
you've seen this here in South Carolinabecause of economic growth, tax revenues
are going up with no new taxes. Our projections show that without raising taxes, the
Federal Government will get an additional
$80 billion to spend. The Congressional
Budget Office, using their own set of economic assumptions, predicts-not my estimate, but theirs-that Federal tax revenues
will increase next year by even more, by
$86 billion. I think our number is closer,
but whether you use the Congress' number
or the OMB number, that's enough money
to reduce the deficit down to the levels
required by Gramm-Rudman-Hollings and
to spend more money on priority programs.
But to do this does require that choices
be made, which is what this budget does.
And I'm prepared to work with the Congress to make those hard choices. We
weren't sent to Washington-any of us up
there-to sit on our hands, either to pass
the cost of indecision on to working Americans by raising their taxes or to fail to
reduce the deficit, which will cause the cuts
to be done automatically under the law.
And that's why we must make choices that
keep the economy growing, preserve our
national defense, and allow government
adequately and compassionately to perform
the services which it should do. And if we


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 15


do, we can get the job done-but not with
business as usual.
One of the great United States Senators,
John C. Calhoun, once said: "The very essence of a free government consists in considering offices as public trusts, bestowed
for the good of the country, and not for the
benefit of an individual or a party." And it's
in that spirit that I will seek to work with
the United States Congress, not as members
of competing political parties but as cooperating public servants.
And the members of this legislature, all of
you, have a vital role to play. You're closer
to the people-you really are-than those of
us in Washington. You not only serve your
constituents, you're their neighbors. And
you speak with the authority of people who
know that government firsthand. And as we
form the Federal budget and reduce this
deficit, I want your voices to be heard. We
need your leadership. And working together, we can make a great difference for all
America.
You know, I've visited South Carolina
enough times to learn that the State flower
is the yellow jasmine. And I've been told
that it was selected not just for its fragrance
but for its resilience. And the budget
debate is important, but even more imporNomination of Richard J. Kerr To
Intelligence
February 15, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard J. Kerr to be
Deputy Director of Central Intelligence.
He would succeed Robert M. Gates.
Mr. Kerr joined the Central Intelligence
Agency in 1960 and has served in several
capacities, most recently serving as Deputy
Director of Intelligence. Prior to this he
served as Deputy Director for Administration. In 1982 he was Associate Deputy Di

tant is the knowledge that America is
strong and she is great and, yes, she is resilient. And we're thriving as a nation, thriving in the world-we're the envy of the
world. And we're providing for our
people-got to do better. As Americans, we
don't seek a world without challenges, but
rather a chance to overcome the challenges
that are before us and to leave this nation
that we love a little better for our having
passed this way. I'm glad that you and I are
passing this way together.
Thank you, members of this assembly,
and God bless each and every one of you.
And God bless the United States of America. Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 11:25 a.m. in
the house chamber of the State capitol. He
was introduced by Gov. Carroll A. Campbell. In his opening remarks, the President
referred to Lt. Gov. Nick Theodore, Speaker
of the House of Representatives Robert J.
Sheenen, and Representative Floyd Spence.
Prior to the remarks, he met with the
Furman University football team and was
given a team jacket and football by coach
Jimmy Satterfield. Following his remarks,
the President attended a luncheon at the
Governor's Mansion and then returned to
Washington, DC.
Be Deputy Director of Central
rector for Intelligence. From 1976 to 1982,
Mr. Kerr was Deputy Director, then Director of offices responsible for regional and
political analysis worldwide. He has also
served as the Directorate of Intelligence's
representative in Honolulu.
Mr. Kerr graduated from the University
of Oregon, receiving a bachelor of arts
degree. He is married and has four children.


95




Feb. 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Appointment of Francis S.M. Hodsoll as Executive Associate
Director and Chief Financial Officer of the Office of Management
and Budget
February 15, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Francis S.M. Hodsoll as Executive Associate Director of the Office of
Management and Budget and Chief Financial Officer. Mr. Hodsoll will have responsibility for OMB management functions. His
responsibilities will also include advising the
Director of OMB on procurement policy
and privatization, as well as selected issues
associated with OMB's division of national
security and international affairs. It is the
President and the Director's intention,
working closely with Congress, Federal departments and agencies, to strengthen the
management of Federal agencies, building
on the initiatives of the Reagan administration in this area.


Mr. Hodsoll is currently Chairman of the
National Endowment for the Arts, where he
has served since November 1981. He was
previously Deputy Assistant to President
Reagan and Deputy to White House Chief
of Staff James A. Baker III. Mr. Hodsoll has
held senior positions in a variety of Federal
agencies, including the State Department,
the Department of Commerce, and the Environmental Protection Agency. He is an
attorney and former managing director of a
British trading company in the Philippines.
Mr. Hodsoll has degrees from Yale, Cambridge, and Stanford Law School. He is
married to the former Margaret McEwen,
has two children, and resides in Arlington,
VA. He was born May 1, 1938.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Clayton Yeutter as
Secretary of Agriculture
February 16, 1989


The President. Thank you, Peter, and all
the members of the Cabinet, the Members
of the United States Congress here, distinguished Ambassadors, and others. I've come
over here today for the swearing-in of our
Secretary. Clayton Yeutter is about to make
an enduring commitment to this Department. And I should acknowledge the fact
that I think five of his predecessors are here
today, Democrats and Republicans, which I
think gives him an extraordinarily good
send-off.
There's a difference, you know, between
involvement and commitment. You all
know it. Remember the old farmer making
eggs and bacon. The chicken is involved,
but the pig is committed. [Laughter] And
it's a particular pleasure here today because
yesterday marked the 100th anniversary of
Cabinet status for this Department. As the
distinguished former Secretaries that are


joining us today know, the Agency has met
many difficult challenges over the past century, and this really is just a beginning.
There are many more challenges that this
Department will encounter over the next
hundred years. And who better to lead the
Department at this time than Clayton Yeutter.
Somebody reminded me Yeutter rhymes
with fighter. And that's what he is-tough
as nails, knowledgeable. And that's why I
picked him. And I know he's going to fight
hard for farming, for fair trade, and for all
the other important responsibilities of this
Department. And I know that everyone
here is familiar with his outstanding tenure
as United States Trade Representative. The
list of things he's accomplished just in the
past year is truly, truly impressive: bringing
down barriers to American beef and citrus
in Japan, ushering a comprehensive trade


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 16


bill through Congress, concluding the free
trade agreement with Canada and moving
that through the Congress, and pressing forward on the Uruguay round of multilateral
trade negotiations. And now he's putting
down the trade portfolio and taking up the
agricultural portfolio. But, as all of you
know, that's hardly a change.
Agriculture is one of the most difficult
areas in our trade talks, and agriculture is
an area to which we attach an extraordinarily high priority in international discussions.
I'm confident that our partners in the Uruguay round of talks will see Clayton's appointment as just what it is: a signal that
this administration has an extremely strong
sense of purpose and determination in these
crucial negotiations. He's going to be working closely with our USTR, with our Trade
Representative Carla Hills, who I spotted a
minute ago; but where is she? Maybe I
didn't spot her. Right, here she is-with
Carla to make sure our objectives in agriculture are achieved.
And I said in the campaign and let me
repeat: As President, I want to work to
level the playing field. We've got to knock
down barriers, and we will relentlessly
pursue negotiations to end subsidies that
distort markets and that restrict trade. Fair,
free, and open world markets-that's what
we want; that's what we're working for; and
in the end, that's what we are determined
to get.
Trade may be a hot issue right now; but
the Department, as you all know better
than any, has many other critical responsibilities: our nation's farm and soil conservation programs, forestry, nutrition, rural diversification and rural development, the environment. You're involved in all of these
important questions. And you perform your
work in all these areas with energy and
dedication. The "Ag" Department has a
long, proud history, and each of you helps
to continue that tradition.
And I know you'll find that Clayton Yeutter is your kind of guy: dynamic, always has
been. When he graduated from the University of Nebraska, he was named the Outstanding Animal Husbandry Graduate in
the Nation. And later, he finished first in his
class in law school and then took a Ph.D. in
agricultural economics. And I've heard that


he's said it isn't all that far from the farm
he grew up on to a Ph.D. or trade ambassador. On the farm., he said, he developed
physical stamina and learned self-discipline,
and those have come in handy ever since.
And there's one other thing about Clayton
that I'm very happy about. Many kids want
to grow up to be President; not Clayton.
[Laughter] When he was a boy, he wanted
to be Secretary of Agriculture. And here he
is, and that's a lucky break for America.
Now the oath of office.
[At this point, Secretary Yeutter was sworn
in. ]
Secretary Yeutter. Thank you very much,
ladies and gentlemen. It's really a marvelous privilege and pleasure and opportunity
for me to be here this morning. And as I
look out over this audience, I see a multitude of longtime friends, and I'm so pleased
and gratified that all of you were willing to
take time out of your hectic and demanding
schedules to be here and share this occasion
with us.
I'm not going to make any profound
policy pronouncements this morning. I'm
not sure that I could make them in any
case, but I'm not even going to try. I'd like
to basically concentrate in my very short
time with you on some comments about
people.
First of all, on behalf of everyone here,
Mr. President, we want to thank you for
coming over to participate in this ceremony. We know how much it carves time out
of your schedule to do so, and it's a tremendous personal gesture on your part to do
that. It's an honor not only for those of us in
the Cabinet who are experiencing this
privilege but it's an honor for the folks in all
the Departments, including USDA this
morning, who have an opportunity to see
you up close, first hand, as a part of this
ceremony. So, thank you for coming.
And although you've all heard lots of
great things about President Bush during
the campaign and through the inaugural
period, I want to just embellish those, if I
may, for just a few seconds by saying thatconfirming and ratifying, if I may-that
without question this is one of the best prepared Presidents that we've ever had in the


97




Feb. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


history of the United States, one of the most
substantive Presidents we've ever had in
the history of the United States. Both those
attributes and characteristics are going to
serve us all well, indeed, in the coming
years. But more importantly, George and
Barbara Bush are two of the finest human
beings on the face of this Earth, and that's
why it's a distinct pleasure for all of us to be
a part of this government.
Then I want to say a word about Justice
O'Connor, and if she'll forgive me for telling this anecdote one more time, I'm going
to do so. First of all, it's a great privilege for
me to have her swear me in again for the
second time now. She did the honors 31/2
years ago, when I was sworn in as U.S.
Trade Representative, and she very graciously consented to come here this morning and do them again. Dick Lyng was just
saying in the waiting room that she also did
the honors for him when he became Secretary. So, I think you're an honorary
member of this Department by now, Justice
O'Connor.
But I wanted to share an anecdote with
you which reflects the nature of this fine
and distinguished lady. Back in 1972, I was
involved in the Presidential campaign and
was working on the agricultural campaign
nationwide; and I paid a visit to Phoenix,
Arizona, where the Arizona chairman of the
Presidential campaign was a leading businessman in that city. The cochairman that
year happened to be a lady whose name
was Sandra O'Connor. And I met with
those two folks during the day, as we were
getting organized in the campaign. And at
one particular point during the day, I said
to the gentleman who was campaign chairman, "Where in the world did you get
Sandra O'Connor? She is just fantastic."
And he said, "You're absolutely right. She is
fantastic." This was 1972, remember. And
he went on to say at that time, he said,
"Someday she's going to become the first
woman on the U.S. Supreme Court." That
was a remarkably prescient comment, as
you know, because a decade or so later she
became, deservedly, the first woman on the
U.S. Supreme Court.
Then I want to say a word about my wife,
Jeanne. She doesn't know that this is
coming. [Laughter] But I think everyone


here of my generation would appreciate the
fact that 30 years ago, or thereabouts, when
we were coming out of college ready to go
to work, it was still a man's world. And in
some respects, it's still a man's world today.
But that's changing very rapidly. I think it's
important for all of us as we share and
enjoy all of these fine honors-being named
Cabinet members and doing fascinating
things around the world-a little humility is
sometimes in store. And I think it's important for some of us to recognize that we
have spouses who, but for that generation
gap of 30 years ago, might be standing in
front of this microphone accepting honors
as appointments as members of the Cabinet
just as easily and deservedly as we. And
Jeanne fits that category.
And a word about Kim, since she's up
here, too. You can tell by what she had to
say in the invocation that she has her head
screwed on right, at least we hope so. This
is a little parental pride coming out there.
And I mention this for a particular reason.
Kim has just finished a double masters
degree program, getting a masters in business and a masters in international relations. And although she doesn't speak Japanese as well as Ambassador Matsunaga does
yet, she's working hard at it. That's the way
that we have to educate at least some of
our children if we're going to be competitive, Mr. President, in the world in which
we find ourselves going into the next century. And we hope Kim is prepared for that.
And finally a word to Peter Myers, who is
also sharing the area here with us this
morning, because Peter has so graciously
handled this ceremony and so graciously
handled the transition from one administration to another.
Then moving very rapidly out to the distinguished guests here. We don't have time
to introduce them all or comment on them
all, but I want to say how appreciative I am
of my fellow members of the Cabinet
coming over to join in the ceremony this
morning-a good number of Ambassadors
who are here and a substantial number of
Members of Congress, even though they
probably ought to be out in their home districts right now. I'm glad that they're here
joining in on the ceremony, and I'm hon

98




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 16


ored to have them here.
I'm not going to introduce them all, but I
want to pay special attention to just three
who are here. Congressman Tom FoleyTom, don't stand up. You're comfortable;
stay there. But a particular mention to
Tom, because as all of you know, he's the
distinguished majority leader of the House
and former chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, a longtime great friend.
And I know he postponed a trip back home
for a day just to be here this morning. So,
Congressman Foley, it's especially nice to
have you here.
And I want to say the same for Congressman-sorry-Senator Jesse Helms, who's
been a Senator for a long time, likewise,
distinguished chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee. Our relationships go
back many, many years; and, Senator
Helms, it's great to have you here.
And then, finally, Bob Dole. Senator Dole
has been Mr. Agriculture in the Midwest,
distinguished Senate career, Presidential
candidate, and a great friend for a long
period of time.
And then, finally, mention of the former
Secretaries of Agriculture who are here. I
will not have you all stand up either; but for
those of you who are out here, you'll have a
chance, hopefully, to say hello to them as
we have the reception in a few minutes.
But with us here this morning are Jack
Knebel, Bob Bergland, Jack Block, Dick
Lyng, and Cliff Hardin. I want to make
special note of Dick Lyng, my predecessor,
because I worked for Dick when I first
came back here in 1970. And a special note
of Cliff Hardin, because Cliff was my
mentor, Mr. President, way back in my days
as a young faculty member at the University of Nebraska, when he was chancellor at
that time. And it was Cliff who brought me
here to Washington, DC, in 1970, when he
was Secretary of Agriculture here.
And just one final closing comment, Mr.
President. I first came here almost 20 years
ago in the South Building, which is over
thataway, in my first position as Administrator of what was then the Consumer and
Marketing Service. And I had some of the
same misgivings about the Federal bureaucracy then that most people do when they
come to Washington. And you've heard all


those stories also, Mr. President. They come
up when we discuss things like increases in
salaries back here in Washington, DC, because a lot of folks think those are undeserved. I happen to think they are deserved, and I learned that by experience. I
was a bit wary and skeptical, Mr. President,
about whether you can move the bureaucracy back here in Washington. And when I
came, I took over an agency, Mr. President,
that had about 16,000 employees, and I
think there were about 2 of us in that
16,000 who were political appointees at the
professional level. And I thought, oh, my
God, you know, how are a couple of people
going to change a 16,000-person bureaucracy? And I wasn't sure it could be done. But
as Cliff Hardin and Dick Lyng will remember, it could be done because we made
some major changes in those years in a very
successful way.
What I discovered, Mr. President, was
that folk here at USDA at least-I won't
speak for the rest of the Government-but
folks here at USDA will listen if you have
something worthwhile to say. They listened
to me back in 1970, and they've been listening to a lot of folks who have given
them leadership since then. And I discovered that they'll not only listen, Mr. President, but they'll respond. They are responsive to leadership. That's true of most
human beings in this world, as a matter of
fact, and we have to remember that that's
the way to achieve progress in this country.
So, in closing, Mr. President, my commitment to you, my commitment to the folks
from USDA who are here this morning, and
my commitment to the folks out in farm
country who are watching this program, is a
very simple one: I promise you that we will
put together a team at the top echelon of
USDA that will be strong, competent, and
energetic. And I promise you that we will
provide leadership. You may not always
agree with the leadership that we provide,
but we're going to lead. And I hope that
you'll be with us as we attempt to do that
and as we work with you, Mr. President,
over the next few years.
Thank you all for coming very much, and
please join in the reception in just a few
minutes. Thank you. Godspeed.


99




Feb. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Note: The President spoke at 10:10 a.m. on Agriculture Peter C. Myers. Kim Yeutter dethe patio at the Department of Agriculture.  livered the invocation.
He was introduced by Deputy Secretary of
Remarks on Afghanistan and a Question-and-Answer Session With
Reporters
February 16, 1989


The President. Let me just say, I am going
to hand you all, or Marlin will provide it
later on, a statement on Afghanistan. I'll
just give you a little summary of it at the
outset here.
We support the Afghan efforts to fashion
a stable, broadly based government, responsive to the needs of the Afghan people.
Throughout the long, dark years of Afghanistan's occupation, the international community has been steadfast in its support of the
Afghan cause, and this certainly has been
true for the United States. Our commitment, the commitment of the United States
to the people there, will remain; and it will
remain firm, both through our bilateral humanitarian aid program and through the
United Nations efforts to remove the mines
and resettle the refugees and help reconstruct the war-torn economy.
So, we would call upon the Soviet Union
to refrain from other forms of interference
in Afghan affairs. The Soviet Union has
nothing to fear from the establishment of
an independent, nonaligned Afghanistan.
And they do bear a certain special responsibility for healing the wounds of this war.
And I would hope that the Soviet Union
would generously support international efforts to rebuild Afghanistan.
And there will be a fuller statement on
this later on.
Q. Were you hoping also that the rebels
would not conduct a bloodbath once they
get in the ascendant and really take power?
The President. Yes.
Q. I mean, it's a two-way street, isn't it?
In victory, magnanimity. Is there any sense
that you would like to convey that to the
rebels, or do you think it's just a one-way
street for the Soviets?
The President. Well, I don't think a blood

bath is in anyone's interest. And I think if
we had a catalytic role, I would hope it
would be, along with others, working towards reconciliation and towards a peaceful
resolution now to all the problems. There's
been enough of a bloodbath there. And so, I
think you raise a good point, Helen [Helen
Thomas, United Press International]. And,
yes, I feel strongly that the time for recrimination is over, the time for bloodbaths is
over. And I would like to see the various
factions get together and come up with recommendations that would lead to a peaceful Afghanistan with no more bloodbaths.
Q. Mr. President, the Soviet Union is calling for an immediate cease-fire in Afghanistan and an embargo on arms shipments.
Would you go along with that idea?
The President. Here's one of the complicating factors on that call. There is some
concern about what we call stockpiling; and
it would not be fair to have tremendous
amounts of lethal supplies left behind and
then cut off support for resistance andthus, leaving an unacceptable imbalance.
And so, before one could do anything other
than appeal for peaceful resolution, which
I've done, one needs to know the real facts
on this question, this troublesome question
of stockpiling.
Q. So, does that mean that you will continue to aid the rebels?
The President. That means we will do
what we need to do to see that there is a
peaceful resolution to this question, that
one side does not dominate militarily, and
we will be encouraging reconciliation.
Nicaragua
Q. Mr. President, what is your reaction,
sir, to the action by the Central American
countries yesterday that appears to under

100




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 16


mine the standing of the contras, to say the
least, and leave them in a very vulnerable
position? And was your administration, as
has been reported, caught off-guard on
that?
The President. Let me say, Brit [Brit
Hume, ABC News], on that one, that
there's some positive elements of what's
taking place there. There are also some
troublesome elements. Positive because the
Nicaraguans appear to be taking steps in
accord with the Esquipulas agreements;
they're talking about national reconciliation
and full freedoms, including complete freedom of the press and free and fair elections
and an end to subversion. To the degree
that rhetoric goes forward and is enacted,
that's good. But there's 90 days now in
which to finalize arrangements. And what's
troubling to me is that claims like this have
been made at one time, only to see those
claims repudiated-promises made, promises broken. And so, I think we have to be
wary of supporting any positive elements
like commitments to democracy and yet
say, Wait a minute, let's be sure that we not
leave the resistance standing alone, leave
them twisting out there without fulfillment
of the commitment to democracy on the
part of the Sandinistas.
So, in terms of being caught off-guard, we
are in the midst of a review of our whole
policy there. If you ask me would I have
predicted that the five Presidents would
have worked out agreement in this detail at
this time, I'd have to tell you that, having
talked to President Azcona, having our Secretary of State deal with two foreign ministers just recently, I think within the last 10
days, that I wouldn't have said that they'd
do exactly what they did do. But as I say,
there's some positive elements to it, and
there's some troublesome elements.
Q. How does that note of caution, sir,
translate into policy and action on your
part?
The President. You mean from the future?
Work here in the next 90 days with the
leaders to see that there's not just some
fluffy promises out there but that there's
some teeth in the promise of democratization. And that is what has to be done. And
so, we are going to keep our resolve to have
the people of Nicaragua have what these


other countries have there: democracy. And
we're talking about freedom of the press,
freedom of elections, freedom of worship.
And it's fine to spell these things out in
generalities, but now let's get down to how
we proceed. What does a free and fair election mean? I want to see some certification
of the election process. But we've got time
now, little bit of time now, in which to
make very clear that our resolve, our commitment to democracy is still there.
Q. Mr. President, how do you intend to
stand by your commitment to the resistance? And might that mean a request for
additional nonlethal aid, at the end of
whichThe President. It could mean that. It
could mean that. But again, I think we've
got to work with this process now the best
we can. But I don't think anybody would
want to suggest that we would leave people
with no humanitarian aid. I can't imagine
anyone taking that view.
Q. Will you intend to ask Congress to
approve of that aid?
The President. Well, we have some time
on that, too. But I obviously want to know
what the status quo is at the time. But I
have every intention of seeing that these
people receive humanitarian support, but
how that comes about, we'll just have to
wait and see.
Appointments and Nominations
Q. Mr. President, have you been dismayed at all at the slow pace of filling jobs
in the State Department and, of course, in
the Defense Department, elsewhere in your
government? Has it slowed you down at all?
The President. I worry a little about it,
but not dismayed. The ground rules have
changed. I was talking yesterday to one of
our appointees who I will leave-the way
you like to put it-who asked to remain
anonymous. And he told me that to fill out
the forms required 36 hours, and the forms
are different in different departments. I
hope that this new Ethics Committee that
we've got will take a look at this and try to
see if we can't do better. The ground rules
have changed from 8 years ago.
And there's one other substantive point
here. I don't worry about it as much as I


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Feb. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


would have if I were President 8 years ago,
when we came in on the wake of an administration that I was opposed to and everything. I've come in as President to build on
the record of an administration of which
not only I was a part of but whose objectives I strongly support. And so, the people
that are running the various departments
now are people who generally are good
people and share my objectives for this
country. So, it's not like you're having to
worry that your departments are going to
be coming out with a lot of last-minute
rules and regulations that will be an anathema to everything you believe in.
So, that's a substantive point. The nature
of the clearance process is a substantive
point. But back to your question, I do worry
about it. I am concerned about it. And I'd
like to see if we can't speed the system up
in some way. We're getting good people to
nominate. There used to be a real quick
turnaround on what they call a name check,
but now, under the new procedures, that
takes a lot longer. So, there's some frustrations. I don't want to mislead you, but for
the reasons that I gave you, I don't think
it's hurting the Government. I think our
Cabinet appointments-I want to get them
done as soon as possible, all of them.
Government Ethics
Q. Sir, could we take up a question you
said a couple days ago: Why is it that the
ethics questions get so complex in practice
and yet were so simple in your campaign
language? Why is it that straightforward
questions of accepting outside income now
require a legal opinion?
The President. Well, give me an example
of what you mean "straightforward" about
outside income. Maybe I can answer it by
rhetorical question. Take the case of Lou
Sullivan [Secretary of Health and Human
Services-designate], who had earned a pension from a medical school, working not for
exorbitant sums, as the president of a black
medical college. And it is now suggested
that-if he accepts money from a pension
that he earned-that he is doing something
illegal. We have other questions of that
nature. Some people who are interested in
being in the Government find that they
have to give up medical benefits that they


earned from a major company, lest it be
seen that they are beholden to that major
company. So, I've set the goal to have high
standards, but in doing that, all kinds of
cases of this nature are coming out. And I
don't think that in those two cases I've
given you, if the status quo remained, that
that should disqualify somebody. In Lou
Sullivan's case, though-and he can't afford
it-he bends over backwards to avoid the
perception that some people in politics and
in the media lay on him for accepting benefits from a medical school that he worked
his life for.
Q. But Baker was
The President. So, these are different,
these are different questions.
Q. Could we ask, however-the perception is out there. The perception is apparent. It's why
The President. Apparent to what?
Q. Apparent to anyone looking at the situation that acceptance of money in any
form is acceptance of money. The question
is not whether or not Mr. Sullivan deserved
the money. The question is whether or not
he could accept it when you had said no
members of your Cabinet would accept outside income.
The President. Earned income-I didn't
say outside income. If a person has some
trust fund that pays-blind trust that distributes funds to him, I've never said that.
See, I think there are some perception
problems that maybe I need to help clear
up, and this gives me an opportunity here
today to do it. All I say is: I want high
ethical standards, but I don't want to have
it so it goes so far, bends over so far backwards, that a person that knows something
about a subject matter is disqualified from
serving, or a person that has some means is
disqualified from serving, or a man that
worked his heart out building a black medical college is made to feel that there's some
perception of immorality if he keeps a pension that he's earned. I worry that I may
have created something that's-certainly I
know it needs clarification, and our commission will help do that. And secondly, I hope
I haven't created something that just carries
things too far. For one day a guy gets a
ruling from the Ethics Office that a way of


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 16


treating with one's asset is acceptable. It's
given a stamp of approval. And then because of what you properly call perceptions,
a person has to change the ground rules.
Q. But you're not thinking it was wrong
for Baker to
The President. No, I said I think he made
the right decision. But what I think is
wrong to do is to go back in retrospect and
have him twisting in the wind out there
because we use a 90 /90 hindsight on the
poor guy when he's gone far beyond what
he might have done, and who-everybody
that knows Jim Baker knows that he is
highly ethical. But to suggest there's a perception here that is looked at differently
today, now, than used to be when he asked
for a ruling from the Government Office of
Ethics, that he's done something wrong, I
do reject that, Helen.
Mr. Fitzwater. We're going to take a
couple of more questions, if you have any
other subjects.
Interest Rates and the Budget
Q. Are you concerned that the Fed is
increasing interest rates at this point? And
how much time do you think you have to
cut a deal with Congress on budget negotiations?
The President. The best thing to do-you
coupled them just right because if we can
get a-well, I don't think the American
people see that, so let me expand a little
bit. The best thing to do about interest
rates is to get a budget agreement. And in
my view, once that's there, particularly if
it's along the lines that I have suggested to
the Congress, I can almost guarantee you
the pressure is going to come off on the
interest rates. So, that's the way to solve the
problem of concern about higher interest
rates. The interest rates will be lower if we
can promptly get a budget agreement.
So, do I worry about it? I don't see the
inflationary pressures as so bad or enough
to warrant a substantially higher interest
rate. I don't see that. I've looked at the
economic numbers. And people, I think,
like to try always-whoever's Presidentdrive a wedge between the President and
the Chairman of the Fed. It's one of the
best fights in town. You all love it. All politicians love it. All bankers like it. All edito

rialists for the Wall Street journal love it.
But I want to avoid that because we aren't
far apart. And I will keep in touch in my
own way. Our top people here will with the
Chairman of the Fed, for whom we all have
great respect. And maybe we'll get into a
fight down the road. But I don't think it's at
hand, and I don't think Greenspan and I
are far apart. And I think he would also
confirm that.
NATO Unity
Q. Mr. President,' West Germany wants to
postpone the modernization of the shorter
range missiles. Obviously, this is not the
American position. They want also to open
negotiations with the Soviets on that. How
do you respond to that? If you don't agree
with that, are you concerned by the unity
of NATO?
The President. I would respond to it this
way: The Secretary of State is talking to all
the NATO leaders; he'll be back in town
over this weekend. I will sit down here in
this chair and talk to him about what he has
found. In the meantime, I am inclined to
feel that we are far closer to West Germany
than the public perceptions might be. And I
have been in touch with Helmut Kohl
[Chancellor, Federal Republic of Germany],
and there have been opportunities for him
to express to me inordinate concerns on this
question. And other German leaders have
been here recently, and the Secretary of
State's been there. So, I would use this opportunity to shoot down the concept that
there are major divisions between ourselves
and the Federal Republic on this question.
But I'm not worried about NATO unity.
You always worry that you have your act
totally together, and that's one of the reasons I wanted these early consultations. And
then, I think now, as a result of our Secretary of State's wonderful trip over thereand I say wonderful because he's touched a
lot of bases and the cables are most encouraging along the lines of NATO unity-that
having said that, that the mood is pretty
good. I don't worry too much about divisions in NATO, and I do then feel that we
will be in a position with a united NATO to
move forward in consultation with the
Soviet Union. That's the next step, and we


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Feb. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


have certain leadership responsibilities that
all of us here are prepared to accept in that
regard.
Q. One last question
The President. Ann [Ann McDaniel,
Newsweek], and then Brit. And then I'll
quit.
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. It appears that the Oliver North trial
will go forward next week now. Are you
aware of secrets so damaging to our national security that might come out in that trial
that would be so damaging that you would
ask the Attorney General to halt the prosecution?
The President. I think the Attorney General knows everything I know, and I think
he's handled it very well.
Q. Are you concerned about the trial
going forward? Do you think national security can be
The President. Not under the existing
agreements.
Q. Do you think the trial
The President. I think Dick Thornburgh
took a very difficult question and balanced
interests and has worked out an agreement
that hopefully is workable. But we'll see,
because there are legitimate national security interests that he is obliged to protect.
And he understands this, but he also understands that the judicial system should be
operative and the trial should go forward.
And I think we'll just say that all parties
have worked towards that end, and it looks
like agreement has been reached.
Yes, last one-Brit?
President's Budget Proposal
Q. Some congressional Democrats are
now saying, sir, that you have outlined and
gotten some considerable credit for a lot of
spending increases while leaving open the
question of where cuts would be made, particularly in an area where a kind of net
freeze is being asked for. And they are
saying that you really have been vague and
have left it to them to do the dirty work.
How do you react to that?
The President. Slowly-[laughter]-and
very carefully. I don't think that is the informed opinion of the key leaders in Congress today. And the reason I say that is I


think that Dick Darman [Chairman, Office
of Management and Budget] and Nick
Brady [Secretary of the Treasury] and our
Chief of Staff, John Sununu, have all done a
good job in not only presenting broad parameters to the Congress but have gone
into a considerable amount of detail with
them. And I would readily say, yes, there's
a lot of negotiation that needs to be done to
get all the T's crossed and every I dotted.
But I don't think, Brit, that that's a commonly held view of the leadership. But if I
said it was the commonly held view of the
Democratic leadership-I know it's not of
the Republican-then we will redouble our
efforts to be sure they understand that
there's no validity to that.
But having said that, yes, there's a lot
more detail that has to be hammered out
and ironed out, and we will work with
them to satisfy their interest and to find out
what they want to do. It's a two-way street.
And so, I'm going to start working here,
getting together meetings with the leaders
down the road fairly soon, and we'll have a
chance to explore that. If some feel that
way, it would be a good opportunity to discuss it. So, it's going better than I thought it
would, and I'm pleased generally with the
reception.
I said ahead of time that I didn't expect
everybody would jump up and down and
say this was the greatest thing since sliced
bread. But for the most part, I think it's fair
to point out there has been a responsible
look given this budget. The Republicans
have generally been enthusiastic, some reservations on the part of some. The Democrats, though not endorsing it quite as
much, have seen some positive direction
and some positive objectives in that budget.
And so, I've been pleased with the reception to that, and I've been pleased with the
reception of the savings and loan.
Both of these two were major-I won't
say hurdles-but major things that we had
to accomplish, and I think we have. We've
got a good proposal out there on the savings
and loan, and we've got a sound budget
proposal that is not meeting with everybody's acceptance and-or put it this way,
with anybody saying what we've suggested
is perfect. But there's enough solid food for


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 16


thought there for the executive branch to
be in a very sound position when we go
into an open negotiation that we want.
And it gets right back to the overall economy. It's important that we go forward and
go forward soon. And so much of the economy today is on perception as opposed to
reality. This recovery is real; business is
good. The insured deposits of depositors in
savings and loan and banks are solid-dollar
good, strong. But there are some perceptions out there that can best be turned
around by a quick, or relatively quick, resolution of the budget question. It's the firm
projecting down of the deficit that will
result in lower interest rates which will
guarantee continuation of this, the longest
expansion in our history, and continue expansion at lower rates of interest.
So, I'm not euphorically optimistic. I'm
certainly not pessimistic. And I think we're
off to a pretty good start. And I credit not
just the Republican leaders on the Hill but
the spirit that the Democratic leaders have
demonstrated. And I've been very pleased
with it. And I've had an opportunity to tell
them that.
Gun Control
Q. Mr. President, even though there's
been a cutoff, there is something called
guns that is so rampant in this countryThe President. Helen, it's been a great
pleasure. The last questionQ. Why won't you answer the question,
because this is one of the most clearlyMr. Fitzwater. Thank you.
The President. What was your question?
Q. The question is: Are you going to exert
any leadership in trying to forestall
these
The President. Do you know that there
are laws on the book outlining the import
of AK-47's-automatic
Q. No, I didn't.
The President. Well, see, there's a fact. So,
where does that lead you? You already had
laws that prohibit the import of fully automated AK-47's. That law is on the books.
So, are we talking about law enforcement?
Are we talking aboutQ. We're talking about semiautomatic
AK-47's, sir. We're talking about semiautomatic guns.


The President. What do you mean by
semi?
Q. I mean no cocking, pull the trigger,
the gun fires each time I pull the trigger.
The President. Look, if you're suggesting
that every pistol that can do that or every
rifle should be banned, I would strongly
oppose that. I would strongly go after the
criminals who use these guns. But I'm not
about to suggest that a semi-automated
hunting rifle be banned. Absolutely not. Am
I opposed to AK-47's, fully automated? Am
I in favor of supporting the law that says
they shouldn't come in here? Yes. But
Helen, with all her experience, didn't even
know it was there. Nor did I until I looked
it up. [Laughter]
Q. I don't know how you-when did you
find out? I don't know how you can read
the paper every day-13 deaths on Valentine's Day.
The President. Exactly, which concerns
me enormously.
Q. What will you doThe President. When you let a guy out of
jail to commit a crime like this, it's outrageous. Two of these people were people
that already had-have-help.
Q. So, you think it's okay for people to
have guns?
The President. To have guns? Yes, I do.
Do I think it's all right for people to have
fully automatic AK-47's? No, I think the
law should beQ. Sir, the issue is the-in Stockton, that
was a semiauto. That was not a fully automatic weapon.
The President. Well, but I've answered
your question on that question. I'm not
about to propose a ban on service.45's or
something like that.
Q. On semiautomatics-right?
The President. No, I'm not about to do
that. And I think the answer is the criminal.
Do more with the criminal. Look, the States
have a lot of laws on these things. Let them
enforce them. It's hard, very hard, to do.
But that's my position, and I'm not going to
change it.
Q. Is there nothing you can do about the
murder capital of the United States? As the
number one resident?
The President. Well, we need the help of


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Fe-b. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


all the press to do something about it.
Q. When did you find out that they were
banned? Today? [Laughter]
The President. Slightly before you did,
put it that way-slightly before you did.
Note: The exchange began at 2:24 p.m. in


the Oval Office at the White House. Marlin
Fitzwater was the President's Press Secretary. In his remarks the President referred
to Patrick Purdy who, armed with a semiautomatic AK-47, shot and killed six
schoolchildren on a playground in Stockton, CA, on January 17.


Statement on the Soviet Withdrawal From Afghanistan
February 16, 1989


Today marks the start of a new chapter in
the history of Afghanistan. For the first
time in over 9 years, Soviet forces no longer
occupy that country. This development
marks an extraordinary triumph of spirit
and will by the Afghan people, and we
salute them for it.
Much remains to be done, however. For
the Afghan people, the struggle for self-determination goes on. We support Afghan efforts to fashion a stable, broadly based government, responsive to the needs of the
Afghan people. We call upon Afghan resistance leaders to work together towards this
end. As long as the resistance struggle for
self-determination continues, so too will
America's support.
Throughout the long, dark years of Afghanistan's occupation, the international
community has been steadfast in its support
of the Afghan cause. This is also true for the
United States. U.S. support for the Afghan
people and the subsequent Soviet military
withdrawal from Afghanistan constitute a
powerful example of what we Americans
can accomplish when Executive and Congress, Republican and Democrat, stand together. The Government and people of
Pakistan also can take particular satisfaction
from this event; their courage and solidarity


contributed significantly to the Afghan
struggle.
Now, more than ever, the Afghan people
deserve the continuing help of the international community as they begin the difficult
process of reclaiming their country, resettling their people, and restoring their livelihood. The commitment of the United States
to the Afghan people will remain firm, both
through our bilateral humanitarian aid program and through United Nations efforts to
remove mines, resettle refugees, and reconstruct Afghanistan's war-torn economy. We
call upon other nations to contribute all
they can and hope that the United Nations
and the resistance can come to mutually
acceptable arrangements for the nationwide
distribution of needed food supplies.
The Soviet Union has now fulfilled its obligation to withdraw from Afghanistan. We
welcome that decision. We call upon the
Soviet Union to refrain from other forms of
interference in Afghan affairs. The Soviet
Union has nothing to fear from the establishment of an independent, nonaligned Afghanistan. At the same time, the U.S.S.R.
bears special responsibility for healing the
wounds of this war, and we call upon it to
support generously international efforts to
rebuild Afghanistan.


Nomination of Elaine L. Chao To Be Deputy Secretary of
Transportation
February 1 7 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Elaine L. Chao to be


Deputy Secretary of Transportation. She
would succeed Mary Ann Dawson.


106




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 17


Since 1988 Ms. Chao has been Chairman
of the Federal Maritime Commission in
Washington, DC. Prior to this she was
Deputy Administrator of the Maritime Administration at the Department of Transportation, 1986-1988. She has also served as
vice president of syndications for BankAmerica Capital Markets Group in San
Francisco, CA, 1984-1986. Ms. Chao was a


White House fellow in the Office of Policy
Development at the White House, 1983 -1984. From 1979 to 1983, she was senior
lending officer, European banking division
for Citibank, N.A., in New York City.
Ms. Chao graduated from Mount Holyoke
College (A.B., 1975) and Harvard University
Graduate School of Business Administration
(M.B.A., 1979). Ms. Chao currently resides
in Washington, DC.


Remarks to Students at Washington University in St. Louis, Missouri
February 17, 1989


Thank you, Chancellor Danforth; Chairman Liberman; our distinguished Governor,
John Ashcroft; and Senator Bond; Congressman Buechner here; and to your student
body president, Cynthia Homan; and other
student leaders that have given me this
warm reception. I really am pleased to be
here, and I've looked forward to sharing
this occasion with you.
Mark Twain once wrote: "In Boston, they
ask, How much does he know? In Philadelphia, Who were his parents? In New York,
How much is he worth?" [Laughter] But
Mark Twain was a Missourian. He would
agree with me that you couldn't put a pricetag on this morning. Believe me, I'm delighted to be here, back in St. Louis and
back at this university of excellence; the
home of the State of Missouri; the home of
ragtime and aerospace, agriculture; the
State whose native sons include Omar Bradley and Harry Truman and that master linguist, Yogi Berra-[laughter]-the Stateoh, I love to quote Yogi. Do you remember
when he said: "Let's pair 'em off in
three's"?-[laughter]-and,  nevertheless,
this State whose citizens embody the best of
America and know that the heart of America is good, working, serving others, hoping
and dreaming.
For 136 years your excellent university
has played a part in that effort. Your community has built a pioneering effort in science and math. Your teaching, research,
and soaring admission applications tell a


story summed up best by two words: academic excellence. But there's another side
of it, another side of the story that Washington University has to tell, a story from
which all America can learn. It's a story
about investing in America's future, how as
students and faculty, administrators and
alumni, you have shown that service and
voluntarism can enrich education and
enrich America. You work with the Special
Olympics. Sunday's Special Olympics is but
one chapter in that wonderful story. And
around the Nation, other chapters are being
written every day. And we're writing another chapter-trying to-in Washington,
by opening in the White House the Office
of National Service, which will lead my administration's community and national service programs. And our goal is simple: more
Americans helping others by effectively
serving their communities and the Nation.
And these symbols, these signs around this
room, I think, sum up what I talk about
when I talk about a Thousand Points of
Light: It is neighbor helping neighbor. It is
kid helping kid. It is friends holding out
their hand to other friends.
From now on, in America any definition
of a successful life must include serving
others-in a child care center, the corporate boardroom, in the Rotary or Little
League or a tutoring program or a church
or a synagogue. Our new initiative will reflect that spirit, once called America's
genius for great and generous deeds. And I


107




Feb. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


take special pride in our YES, our YES program, Youth Entering Service, which I proposed last fall to encourage American youth
to give of themselves to help others in
need. And I'm convinced that we can help
alleviate many national problems by substantially increasing the involvement of
young Americans in voluntary service. And
the establishment of the YES Foundation
will help lead that effort. Together, we can
show that what matters in the end are not
possessions. What matters is engaging in
high moral principle of serving one another.
And that's the story of America that we can
write through voluntary service.
Eight days ago, in a joint session of Congress, I proposed a budget to complement
voluntary efforts to help serve the gentler
impulses of mankind. I listed four national
objectives: to bring the deficit down, to
invest in America's future, to find solutions
to an urgent set of national priorities, and
no new taxes. And our budget curbs the
growth of Federal spending while providing
for the most vulnerable among us. It is responsive and responsible, and it will ensure
a strong and stable economy. Our budget
balances social concern with fiscal sanity
and leaves power in the hands of the
people. It shows that we can have a government with a heart as well as a head.
And when it comes to reducing the deficit, some people say it can't be done without neglecting our urgent social needs. It
can be done, but it can't be done with business as usual. Next year alone, thanks to
economic growth-it's essential we keep
the economic growth going in this country-but thanks to economic growth next
year alone, Federal tax revenues under existing law will rise by more than $80 billion-more than $80 billion in new revenues under existing law in 1 year alone.
And our job is to allocate these new resources wisely: to reduce the Federal deficit
by more than 40 percent, with no new
taxes, and yet investing in key priorities.
Budget consultations with the Congress,
as some of you may have read, are already
underway; and we are making progress.
And yesterday I called the five congressional leaders and invited them to come to the
White House for another round of budget
talks next Tuesday morning. I am commit

ted to working closely with my friends on
the Hill to help them meet the target date
set by Gramm-Rudman-Hollings for an
April 15th budget resolution. And together,
we've got to make the process work.
There are certain priorities that demand
attention. And, yes, we can afford to increase spending-modestly, selectively, but
only after tough choices are made. And we
must spend enough to protect our national
security, and that is a chief responsibility of
every President of the United States. And
certainly we must not fall back on the taxand-spend policies of the past. But programs that can work must be protected
and, in some cases, funding increased. Our
budget is fair to recipients, fair to taxpayers,
and fairminded in its strategy. It embodies
two qualities which are always in season:
the common sense that Justice Learned
Hand termed "the eventual supremacy of
reason" and America's capacity to care.
Most Americans believe that in the America of the 1990's our challenges must be
met in several ways-by government, by
thousand upon thousands of other institutions, and by the people themselves working together-or they won't be met at all.
The Government's contribution is critical,
but by itself is insufficient to solve all of our
national problems. And yet most Americans
believe that our efforts must reach beyond
government to care about our communities
and to assist our neighbors. I called it, in a
speech earlier on, a Thousand Points of
Light; and some of the columnists have had
fun with that, interpreting it as a Thousand
Pints of Lite. I'm surprised you didn't get
that one here in Missouri. But I think
people are beginning to understand what I
mean by a Thousand Points of Light. And if
they'd look at these signs and talk to some
of you responsible for them, I think they'd
understand it without contradiction. I believe that government can be an important
catalyst in that process of helping individuals, helping our communities, helping our
nation.
And our budget does more, for instance,
for environment, more for the space program, invests almost $2.2 billion for the National Science Foundation-a lot of that
going to universities to help basic research.


108




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 17


It increases funding for the Head Start Program and allocates $1 billion more in additional outlays to stop the deadly scourge of
drugs. We have got to fight the drug fight
on two fronts-supply and demand-to reclaim the lives of addicts who want help,
educate young people about the dangers of
drugs, and then enforce our laws. All this is
what I mean when I speak of investing in
the future.
To minority Americans, this budget says:
Education means opportunity, and bigotry
will not be tolerated anywhere in the
United States of America. To the homeless,
this budget targets $1 billion, saying: Our
nation must leave no one out. To the elderly, this budget vows: Your dignity and concerns will be respected. And to the Nation's
youth, the budget says: The promise of tomorrow lies in the children of today.
Consider this: We've proposed a new
child care initiative. It's not going to take
care of everybody. It's targeted at lowincome families. We've restored and doubled the tax deduction for adopting specialneeds children. We want those kids in families of love. And even more, we've made
education the Gateway Arch of the Bush
administration. For our pursuit of excellence is central to the future of America;
and if excellence breeds achievement, then
excellence must be rewarded in grade
school, in high school, and in the colleges
and universities of America.
Last Thursday, I asked Congress to begin
a $500 million program to reward America's best schools, merit schools, and to establish a special Presidential award for the best
teachers in every State. I urged expanded
use of what are known as magnet schools,
giving families and students a choice in
education. And I proposed a new program
to encourage what we call alternative certification. It is wrong if one of you guys who
graduate from this school of excellence, one
of you wants to go and give of yourselves to
teach in some urban area in a public
school-it is wrong to have this excellence
go to waste because of some hidebound restrictions having to do with too many certifications that keep idealistic young people
for [from] teaching. I want to change that
and have alternative certification.
We must bring more of our best minds


back to the teaching profession. And
through a new program of National Science
Scholars, we can inspire their students, also
giving America's youth a special incentive
to excel in science and mathematics. In
short, I wish to achieve nationally what this
university has done historically: to make excellence in learning a national way of life.
Education can ennoble the American story.
It's the best way to invest in our future and
to make this better, more selfless, and a
more tolerant world.
And, yes, in some areas, I've got to confess, I wish we did have more money to
spend-key areas like drugs and education.
I will candidly admit that the Federal Government could use more resources to bring
to bear on these problems. But we've had
to set priorities; we've had to make the
tough choices. And I believe we have set
the right priorities in this budget. Ours isn't
the total answer, but in this budget, we've
made a good beginning. And now I've
asked the Congressmen to come-the leaders to come-meet with me and, in a spirit
of bipartisanship, get on with the Nation's
business of getting a quick and early resolution to this budget crisis. And now we have
work to do. There are many problems that
must be solved in America today, and I
remain confident that our nation can solve
them. But America must go far beyond the
Federal budget to achieve its goals. We've
got to forge strong partnerships between all
levels of government and voluntary organizations and business corporations and individuals, to lend a hand and mend a wound
and help the less fortunate.
Next week, Barbara and I are going to
embark on a long journey. We're going to
be trying to pursue peace and friendship, a
journey that's going to take us across the
Pacific to Japan and China and to Korea.
And we go to attend the funeral of the late
Emperor and to consult with the leaders of
many of America's allies and friends there
in Tokyo, who will be attending those ceremonies. And my visit to China is a bit of a
sentimental journey to a country where I
served as America's equivalent then of Ambassador 14 or 15 years ago. And several
days ago, preparing for our trip, I came
across these words of an old Chinese prov

109




Feb. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


erb: "One generation plants the seed; another gets the shade." Think of the investments that we make in our future as America's seeds. And we can lift hearts; we can
change lives. And we can shape the 1990's,
just one decade before a whole new century.
It's a tall order, but it has been the American story for over 200 years. And let's
write it together. And let me say in conclusion, just being here, just seeing these symbols of voluntarism, make me absolutely


convinced that if we take this spirit evident
in this gym here today and then multiply it
by those thousands we can do the job. Let's
write the next chapter together. Thank you
all for this wonderful welcome, and God
bless you all. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:33 a.m. in
the university field house. Following his remarks, the President returned to Washington, DC.


Nomination of Sidney Linn Williams To Be a Deputy United States
Trade Representative
February 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Sidney Linn Williams to
be a Deputy United States Trade Representative, with the rank of Ambassador. He
would succeed Alan F. Holmer.
Since 1985 Mr. Williams has been a partner with the law firm of Gibson Dunn &
Crutcher in Tokyo, Japan, and Washington,
DC. Prior to this he was vice president and
general counsel for Sears World Trade,
1984-1985, and vice president and general


counsel for Overseas Private Investment
Corporation, 1981-1984. Mr. Williams practiced law with a Washington, DC, law firm
from 1975 to 1981.
Mr. Williams graduated from Princeton
College (B.A., 1968), Harvard Law School
(J.D., 1971), and Cambridge University, Fulbright Scholarship (1972-1974). He is married, has two children, and resides in Yokohama, Japan, and McLean, VA.


Letter to Congressional Committee Chairmen Transmitting the
Report on Appropriations for Strategic Weapons
February 17, 1989


Dear Mr. Chairman:
The provisions of the fiscal year 1989 Defense Authorization and Appropriations
Acts require that I submit to the Committees on Armed Services and Appropriations
of the Senate and House of Representatives
a report on the "anticipated obligations for
the remainder of the fiscal year 1989 for
the Small ICBM, the MX Rail Garrison program, and other ICBM Modernization programs; and the purposes those obligations
are intended to accomplish." Until April 3,


1989, I anticipate obligating no more than
$250 million of the $600 million appropriated for the fiscal year 1989 MX Rail Garrison program.
Between now and April 3, we will be
reviewing various ICBM modernization options in the context of my recently announced national security strategy review.
The modernization of our land-based strategic forces has raised a number of issues that
will necessitate consultations with you and
other members of Congress before any final


110




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 18


proposals are made on this critically impor-  Nunn and Les Aspin, chairmen of the
tant matter.                              Senate and House of Representatives Committee on Armed Services, respectively, and
Sincerely,                              Robert C. Byrd and Jamie L. Whitten,
GEORGE BUSH       chairmen of the Senate and House of Representatives Committee on Appropriations, reNote: Identical letters were sent to Sam  spectively.
Nomination of Rufus Hawkins Yerxa To Be a Deputy United States
Trade Representative
February 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Rufus Hawkins Yerxa to
be Deputy United States Trade Representative, with the rank of Ambassador. He
would succeed Michael A. Samuels.
Mr. Yerxa is the assistant chief counsel of
the Committee on Ways and Means, U.S.
House of Representatives, and has been the
staff director of the Subcommittee on
Trade, since 1984. Mr. Yerxa joined the


Committee as a professional staff member
in 1981. From 1977 to 1981, he was a legal
adviser for the U.S. International Trade
Commission.
Mr. Yerxa received his undergraduate
degree from the University of Washington,
his law degree from the University of Puget
Sound, and a master's degree in international law from Cambridge University in
England.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater Concerning Secretary
Baker's Report to the President on Meetings With NATO Allies
February 18, 1989


The President today, at Camp David, received a report by telephone from Secretary of State James A. Baker III on the Secretary's recent trip to NATO capitals. The
President will receive a personal report
from Secretary Baker at Camp David on
Sunday.
President Bush asked Secretary Baker to
undertake this mission in order to emphasize that the North Atlantic alliance is central to our foreign and security interests.
European leaders, in turn, told the Secretary that their countries are firmly committed to the alliance as the key to the continent's past and future security.
The President reviewed at length with
the Secretary a variety of issues that had
been discussed with the allies, including the


generally shared view that East-West relations are now clearly proceeding on the
basis of the West's agenda. The President
expressed his conviction that NATO unity is
strong and his confidence that the allies will
move together in addressing the major
questions of international stability. In particular, the President noted that he looks
forward to meeting with his allied counterparts at an early date to further advance
the Western strategy to promote world
peace and security. At the close of the Secretary's report, the President expressed appreciation to him for undertaking this very
important but arduous trip and complimented him on his effective demonstration
to our allies of the high value we place on a
closer, cooperative relationship.


111




Feb. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989
The President's News Conference
February 21, 1989


Representative Bill Grant of Florida
The President. With me is Congressman
Bill Grant, from the second district of Florida, and his wife; new chairman of the Republican Party in the State of Florida, my
old friend, Van Poole; and our chairman of
the national committee, Lee Atwater. And I
just wanted to bring Congressman Grant in
here to say how pleased I am that he is
switching over to become a Republican.
Florida is on the move. The Nation, I think,
benefits from this. And Bill can answer any
questions. He has a short statement, but this
is good news for our party not only in Florida; not only in the South but nationally.
And I welcome him to the party.
The way it will work is: I've asked him to
say a few words, and then I'm going to step
back in and take a couple of questions and
then turn it over to Bill for follow-on. And
Lee Atwater will be with him.
Congressman Grant, welcome.
Representative Grant. Thank you, Mr.
President.
The President. I'm pleased you're here
under these circumstances, too.
Representative Grant. Thank you very
much. Well, I'm here this morning to announce that I intend to reregister as a Republican in my hometown of Madison, Florida, this afternoon. After a period of prolonged and careful deliberation, I've determined that I can better represent the
values and the priorities of north Floridians
in the State of Florida as a Republican.
Please understand, I've been a Democrat
all of my adult life. And I want the people
who've sent me to the Congress to understand that my actions are not going to
change me as a person. It will not change
my heritage. This action is not going to
change my values nor will it change the
way that I vote. I'm registering as a Republican because I can best serve the people of
Florida's second congressional district in a
working partnership with this President,
with this administration, and with this Republican Party. I've been assured by President Bush that he will work closely and


cooperatively with me to ensure that the
force of his administration is brought to
bear to improve the lives of the people that
I represent.
I'm reregistering as a Republican because
I share this party's commitment for inclusion for all of the American people. I'm
reregistering as a Republican because I
share the values for which the party stands.
Those values include a commitment to a
strong national defense, where we're assured that our friends love us and our enemies fear us; a commitment to fair and
equal opportunity for all of the citizens of
our land; and an unswerving commitment
to fighting the crime and drug abuse that
plague our society. I believe that these
values are shared by the people that I represent, and I am convinced that I can best
serve them as a Republican. And I'm proud
to make this announcement today. Thank
you.
The President. Now, I'll be glad to take a
couple of questions. As you know, we're
leaving on this trip tomorrow, and there
may be some on that, which I doubt.
[Laughter]
Salman Rushdie's "The Satanic Verses"
Q. Mr. President, what's your reaction to
Iran's death threat against the British
author Salman Rushdie? And do you think
that the British allies-or that the Western
allies should impose economic sanctions
against Iran in retaliation?
The President. Well, I strongly support
the EC-12 declaration in response to the
Iranian threats against Rushdie. However
offensive that book may be, inciting murder
and offering rewards for its perpetration
are deeply offensive to the norm of civilized behavior. And our position on terrorism is well known. In the light of Iran's
incitement, should any action be taken
against American interests, the Government
of Iran can expect to be held accountable.
And so, that is my view on it, and I think
the EC-12 did the right thing.
Q. How about the economic sanctions


112




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 21


part of it?
The President. They will be discussing
that, I'm sure, but I don't know where we
go from there. As you know, we have certain economic sanctions. I know I'll be talking to [French] President Mitterrand, and I
expect this subject will come up, and
maybe others. I'm not sure exactly of the
bilaterals we're having, but it'll be a
matterHelen [Helen Thomas, United Press
International], and then we'll start moving
around, trying to get to the back of the
room.
Q. Yes.
US. Foreign Policy
Q. Basically, in a way, a question about
your trip: There is a widespread perception
that you don't have a foreign policy, that
you have permitted the Russians to move
into the vacuum in the Middle East-you
were surprised on Central America-that
your go-slow attitude really says: Let the
Russians grab the ball.
The President. Well, I've never heard
such outrageous hypothesis. [Laughter] The
fact that the Soviets-you fail to point out
that the Soviets moved out of Afghanistan;
some good things happening. I don't worry
about a trip by Mr. Shevardnadze to the
Middle East. I have no worry about that.
Q. That was pre-Bush.
The President. No, it happened just this
week, and they're out of there. I don't
worry about that. And we have a foreign
policy. We are reviewing appropriately
East-West relations, the way we look at
South America. But this doesn't trouble me
one bit. We've established and are following
on with certain principles that are out
there. And I think that [Secretary of State]
Jim Baker, when he came back, made very
clear that the NATO alliance still looks to
the United States. I'll have an opportunity
to discuss a lot of things as we go on this
particular trip. So, I simply don't agree with
that. I really hadn't ever heard such a negative approach to foreign policy.
Q. Well, what is your Middle East policy?
The President. Middle East policy is to
encourage discussions between King Hussein and the Israelis and to build on the
progress that has been made already. I've


already said that I think it was very usefulthe changes that the PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization] advocated. Now we want
to see that there's some follow-on there.
So, the policy is set. I campaigned on
what the policy is, and I think it's quite
clear. The question is what specific steps we
take next. And I don't want to be rushing
out because Mr. Shevardnadze went to the
Middle East. I'd like for the first step we
take of that nature, to be a prudent step.
So, the principles are there, and I think
we're-you know, we've got to now flesh
that out and figure out what we do specifically.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, the FBI's final, or presumably final, report on Senator Tower is
now in. You are reported to have read some
of it. The Senate Committee has it. I would
like to know what you got from it, and also
whether you have any reason to believe
that the Senate will go forward-any reason
from private conversations with members
of the Armed Services Committee-will go
forward with a favorable vote on this nomination?
The President. What I got from it-and I
reviewed some of the parts that related to
some of the allegations against Towerwhat I got from it was that there has been a
very unfair treatment of this man by rumor
and innuendo, over and over again rumors
surfacing with no facts to back them up.
And I saw this as a reaffirmation of what I
felt all along, and that is that John Tower is
qualified to be Secretary of Defense. He
will be a good Secretary of Defense, although the report didn't answer that. But
the allegations against him that have been
hanging over this simply have been gunned
down in terms of fact. And so, that's positive. And I had had a little preview-so,
when I held my thumbs up, I was glad to
get that report, and I hope that the Senate
will move forthrightly on this nomination.
And I don't know, Brit [Brit Hume, ABC
News], where it stands. I had some of the
leaders down this morning, but the only
one I got to talk to on this was Bob Dole.
And I'd like to see it go forward, obviously.
Q. If I might follow up


113




Feb. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


The President. I've never wavered in my
support for John Tower.
Q. If I could follow up, sir: There is a
report in the Wall Street Journal this morning that Senator Tower promoted a Federal
judgeship for the son of a man with whom
he had done business to his own personal
benefit. And I was wondering if that was
news to you, sir, or did it trouble you in any
way?
The President. I never heard such a
report. And you know, one thing after another, and you're telling me something I
don't know anything about.
State Representative David Duke
Q. Mr. President, does this announcement by Congressman Grant this morning
overcome the embarrassment to the party
of the election Saturday of David Duke, a
former member of the Ku Klux Klan? You
came out for his opponent in the election;
so did former President Reagan. What does
the party do next about David Duke?
The President. Well, I'll leave that to Lee;
but I strongly support what our National
Chairman, Lee Atwater, has said in this
matter. And maybe there was some feeling
in Metairie, Louisiana, that the President of
the United States involving himself in a
State legislative election was improper or
overkill. I've read that, and I can't deny
that. But what I can affirm is: I did what I
did because of principle, and Lee has done
what he's done because of principle. And
this man-his record is one of racism and
bigotry-and I'm sorry, I just felt I had to
speak out. But whether it helped or hurt, I
don't know.
Strategic Defense Initiative
Q. Mr. President, you said during your
speech to the Joint Session of Congress that
your support to the Strategic Defense Initiative was unqualified; but the Office of
Management and Budget Director, Richard
Darman, when he briefed on your budget,
said that it was conditional on the outcome
of this 90-day review that's coming up. Is it
or is it not conditional, and would you rule
out curtailing the program to an accidental
launch protection?
The President. I'm not ruling anything in
or out. I have stated my support for the


principle of SDI. I have not favored what
some would call premature deployment,
but, on the other hand, I will be very interested in seeing what this overall review
comes up with. And I'm not going to close
any doors or open any in regards to this or
any other systems. We're going to have to
make some tough choices on defense; I'm
aware of that. And so, let's wait and see
what the review produces.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, back on John Tower, if
we could. You said that the process has
been unfair. And I'd like to ask you specifically about Sam Nunn, who some people
say will now run defense policy because
John Tower has been so weakened and
damaged by this drip, drip, drip of allegations.
The President. I think Sam Nunn would
be the first to deny that. I think he's been
fair and have so stated before.
Q. So, who's been unfair?
The President. The rumors. And he's not
been promulgating a lot of endless rumors
that prove to have no basis in fact-none.
So, but the idea that he will run defense
policy-I think he'd be the first to say that's
not true. He will be a key player in it, and I
hope that he'll be able to support Senator
Tower.
Q. Is Senator Tower damaged in his ability to speak out for the Pentagon now that
he's had such a lengthy process?
The President. No. Anybody that's been
through this ordeal will be stronger, not
weaker.
Q. But Senator Nunn is concerned about
these reports of Senator Tower's drinking
problems. The FBI report acknowledges
that the Senator apparently did have a
drinking problem in the 1970's. Do you
think he's overly concerned? And why are
you so convinced that this won't present a
problem?
The President. Because I know Senator
Tower. I've talked to a lot of people that
have worked with Senator Tower. I've seen
the report on Senator Tower. And I see
nothing in there that would make me, if I
were a Senator, vote against Senator Tower.
Now, Senator Nunn, he's got to reach his


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 21


own conclusions, and I think he's been fair.
And I think he is approaching it in a very
professional manner, but I hope he reaches
the same conclusion that I've reached.
Urban Violence
Q. Mr. President, Washington, DC, and
other big cities have been besieged with
violence lately. Do you see any role at all
that the Federal Government can play to
help in that area?
The President. Well, I hope so. But certainly in Washington we have a responsibility. It's a Federal city, and a lot of the funds
obviously come from the Federal Government. But there isn't any easy answer to
that. And yet I campaigned strongly on enforcing existing law, on being tough on
criminals, on more prison space; and I think
that those things all will be caught up in
our new antidrug effort that I'm looking to
Bill Bennett [National Drug Control Policy
Director] to lead. And so, it's a complicated
problem, where everybody in the country
has a stake in it. Everybody should be
trying to do something about it. And, yes, I
think the Federal Government has a role in
that.
Q. If I may follow: Is there any Federal
money for it? Is this something that you
really do not have the resources to attack
on the Federal level?
The President. Yes, there will be Federal
money, and I wish we had more.
Q. Mr. President
The President. How far do we go to be
democratic here? No, that's too far. Here.
[Laughter]
The Middle East
Q. Mr. President, you've said in answer to
Helen's question that you wanted your first
step in the Middle East to be prudent.
What do you mean by a prudent step?
What do you have in mind?
The President. What I have in mind is: I
don't want to just send somebody charging
off on a mission to counter Mr. Shevardnadze's trip to see Mubarak and others.
Let's do something that's going to hopefully
have results. And I'm not saying we have to
know that a trip by the Secretary or instructions to an ambassador are going to result in
a settled policy. Everything's settled in the


Middle East, but I don't want to be stampeded by the fact that the Soviet Foreign
Minister takes a trip to the Middle East. So,
in my view, that's a good thing.
Q. What role do you think Mr. Shevardnadze and the Soviets could and should be
playing?
The President. I think it should be a limited role, and I think that's what it's going to
be. And that's exactly the way it should be,
and I think the people in the Middle East
feel that way. But the fact that he goes
there really shouldn't be bad.
West Germany and the NATO Alliance
Q. Mr. President, if the West Germans
refuse to modernize short-range weapons,
will that hurt the alliance in the long run
and perhaps result in the denuclearization
of Europe?
The President. Too hypothetical a question, Gerry [Gerry Watson, Chicago SunTimes] for me to answer.
Q. Mr. President, I'll ask you a Japan
question.
The President. Shoot.
Foreign Investment in the US.
Q. With the summit starting tomorrow,
how do you reassure those Americans who
are afraid of Japanese economic power, who
think they are buying and are owning too
much of the United States economy?
The President. I tell them that the Japanese are the third largest holder of investment in the United States, behind the U.K.
and the Netherlands. I tell them that it is
important if we believe in open markets
that people be allowed to invest here, just
as I'd like to see more openness for American investors in other countries. I tell them
that we have to do a better job in knocking
down barriers to American products in the
various markets. I tell them, don't get so
concerned over foreign ownership that you
undermine the securities markets in this
country. We have horrendous deficits, and
foreign capital joins domestic capital in financing those deficits. I also tell them I
have a responsibility as President in terms
of our technology, in terms of our national
security, and I intend to exercise that responsibility.


115




Feb. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Yes, Mr. President, I think what concerns some people about Senator Tower is
the fact that he has admitted that he had a
drinking problem in the seventies, and he
hasn't really had any kind of treatment program or been enrolled in any kind of treatment program. What do you say to people
about the potential of a relapse?
The President. I say that there is no evidence of any kind of the disease alcoholism.
None, none whatsoever. And that would be
something that your question is addressed
to. And I'd say that I looked at the reports
with this in mind, and I didn't listen to
rumors; I didn't listen to mindless allegations. I was fair enough to look at the facts.
And I've known Senator Tower and known
him professionally and known him as a
friend, and I do not think that these
charges-that are tried and then shot down
and then tried again and then shot down
again-have helped the process. And so, I
am not about to make a judgment on some
rumor or some innuendo. And we've looked
at the facts, and I think the report speaks to
the fact that a lot of the charges-mostwell, I'd say all of these charges that we've
read about have been rumor, and a lot of it
vicious rumor. And, so, I am convinced that
he is not only capable of doing this job but
will do it in an outstanding way.
Q. Mr. President
Q. Can I follow up on that?
The President. How many more we got?
Mr. Fitzwater. One more.
Q. Mr. President
Q. Question.
The President. Who is that voice I hear in
the back? [Laughter] Could it be Sarah
McClendon? [Laughter]
Q. In the back
Q. Yes, sir.
The President. Sorry, it's a democracy.
Gun Control
Q. Mr. President, I want to ask you about
gun control. All over the country
The President. Oh. [Laughter]
Q. the parents and the people-now
don't leave me, don't leave me. [Laughter]
The President. Sarah.
Q. All over the country, the parents now
are going to city hall about this. Cleveland


has just had a vote. Polls are being taken.
Mothers are up in arms about this. Something is going to have to be done about
stopping guns. And you say you're for them.
The President. For what?
Q. You said the other day that you were
not going to be for the ban on gun control.
The President. I'd like to find some way
to do something about these automated
weapons. I'd like to see some way to enforce the laws that are already on the books
about automated AK-47's coming into this
country. And I'd like to find a way to be
supportive of the police who are out there
on the line all the time. And maybe there is
some answer to it, but I also want to be the
President that protects the rights of people
to have arms. And that
Q. So, you don't want
The President.  so you don't go so far
that the legitimate rights on some legislation are impinged onQ. Sir, that's what we said last year, but
now
The President. But, Sarah, look at the laws
on gun control and you'll find where some
of the most stringent gun control laws exist,
that weapons are procured there and weapons are used there. So, you're not going to
get me to do anything other than to say,
Look, I'm very concerned about this. I'd
like to find a way to do something about
this; and we're going to take a hard look to
see what we can do about it, if anything,
that would be helpful. But whenever there
is a crime involving a firearm, there are
various groups-some of them quite persuasive in their logic-that think you can ban
certain kinds of guns. And I am not in that
mode; I am in the mode of being deeply
concerned and would like to be a part of
finding a national answer to this problem.
Now we've got time for one more, right
in the middle. You two fight about it.
Salman Rushdie's "The Satanic Verses"
Q. Speaking of rights, I want to ask you if
it disturbs you at all that American booksellers were intimidated into taking Mr. Rushdie's book off the shelves and if you've
given any thought to some sort of Federal
protection to help them defend theThe President. The answer is yes. And


116




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 21


Federal protection would be to enforce the
laws that exist against people doing violence. And of course, I'm concerned about
that. Who wouldn't be?
Owen [Owen Ullman, Knight-Ridder
Newspapers] gets to follow up, and then
I'm leaving.
Q. Follow up on that.
The President. I know there's an overwhelming-Owen has got the last question,
and I got the last word. [Laughter] Just a
second-sorry.
Q. You've been asked about Iran. My followup will be on the budget.
The President. Get out of there. [Laughter] You may ruin it for everybody, because
what we're going to do then is stay with
one question. I'm thinking very hard about
this, and I know that there's-no?
Q. No.
The President. Go ahead. [Laughter]
Q. Do you plan to take any unilateral
action toward Iran because of these death
threats? Since Karen [Karen Hoestler, Baltimore Sun] mentioned American booksellers
have had to already-as a precaution they
claim-to remove books from their shelves,
there is an American connection. And
you've also been slow to speak out about
that.
The President. Our Secretary of State
spoke out on my behalf the other day.
Appointment of G. Philip Hughes
National Security Council
February 21, 1989
The President today announced the appointment of G. Philip Hughes as Executive
Secretary of the National Security Council.
Prior to assuming his current duties, Mr.
Hughes served as the first Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Export Enforcement,
where he was primarily responsible for directing enforcement of the provisions of the
Export Administration Act. Prior to joining
the Commerce Department, Mr. Hughes
served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Political-Military Affairs at the Department of
State from 1986, with responsibility for


We're speaking out here today. My view is
that we are an open society. None of us like
everything that's written, but certainly
people should have protection of the law if
they decide to go ahead and sell a book of
this nature. That's the answer I'd give to it.
And as to the Iran factor, I've just laid
down how I feel in terms of this case: the
Imam [Ayatollah Khomeini] exhorting
people to go out and commit murder.
Q. Where's Sununu?
Q. Mr. President, about the budget
Q. Mr. President, Alan Greenspan [Federal Reserve Board Chairman] has just testified on the Hill that he's going to tighten
credit. President Bush, Alan Greenspan has
just testified on the Hill that he's going to
tighten credit.
The President. I've got to go. Thank you
all.
Chief of Staff to the President
Q. Where's Sununu?
The President. Has an important meeting
with an important element of the Washington press, Jerry [Gerald Boyd, New York
Times].
Note: The President's third news conference
began at 10:31 a.m. in the Briefing Room at
the White House. Marlin Fitzwater was the
President's Press Secretary.
as Executive Secretary of the
policy problems involving strategic trade
and technology transfer. Mr. Hughes began
his tenure in the Reagan administration,
serving as Vice President George Bush's
Deputy Assistant for National Security Affairs from February 1981 to September
1985, when he joined the National Security
Council staff as Director for Latin American
Affairs. Mr. Hughes served previously as Assistant Director for Intelligence Policy in
the Office of the Secretary of Defense from
1979 to 1981, as research fellow in defense
policy studies at the Brookings Institution


117




Feb. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


from 1978 to 1979, and as assistant analyst
in the national security and international
affairs division of the Congressional Budget
Office from 1975 to 1977.
Mr. Hughes received a B.A. in political
science from the University of Dayton in
Ohio; a M.A. in law and diplomacy from the


Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,
Tufts University; and a masters of public
administration degree from the Kennedy
School of Government, Harvard University.
He is married to the former Victoria Knipper, and they reside in Falls Church, VA.


Appointment of William L. Roper as Deputy Assistant to the
President for Domestic Policy and Director of the White House
Office of Policy Development
February 21, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of William L. Roper to be
Deputy Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy and Director of the White
House Office of Policy Development.
Since 1986 Dr. Roper has served as Administrator of the Health Care Financing
Administration, Department of Health and
Human Services (HHS). In this position, he
has directed all Federal health care financing programs under Medicare and Medicaid. Prior to HHS, Dr. Roper served at the
White House, where he was Special Assistant to the President for Health Policy from
1983 to 1986. From 1977 to 1983, Dr.
Roper was health officer of the Jefferson
County Department of Health in Birmingham, AL, serving also from 1981 as assistant
State health officer. Between 1979 and
1983, he served in several positions on the
faculty of the University of Alabama at Birmingham in the school of public health, de

partment of pediatrics, and the graduate
program in hospital and health administration. On leave from his Alabama health position, he was a White House fellow in the
White House Office of Policy Development
from 1982 to 1983, with responsibility for
health policy.
Dr. Roper was born July 6, 1948, in Birmingham, AL. He received an associate of
arts degree from Florida College in 1968; a
bachelor of science degree from the University of Alabama in 1970, where he was
elected to Phi Beta Kappa; a doctor of medicine degree from the University of Alabama School of Medicine in 1974, where he
was president of his class all 4 years; and his
M.P.H. from that institution's school of
public health in 1981. He is board certified
in pediatrics and in preventive medicine
and is licensed to practice medicine in Alabama. Dr. Roper resides in Arlington, VA,
with his wife Maryann Roper, a pediatric
oncologist.


Appointment of Shirley Moore Green as Special Assistant to the
President for Presidential Messages and Correspondence
February 21, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Shirley Moore Green to be
Special Assistant to the President for Presidential Messages and Correspondence.
Since July 1987 Mrs. Green has been


Deputy Associate Administrator for Communications at the National Aeronautics
and Space Administration. Prior to this she
was Director of Public Affairs for NASA.
From 1981 to 1985, Mrs. Green held the


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 21


position of Deputy Press Secretary to Vice
President George Bush. In that capacity,
she was responsible for planning and coordinating media activities for the Vice
President on domestic policy, including the
Task Forces on Regulatory Relief and Drug
Interdiction. She also accompanied Vice
President Bush to 62 foreign countries. Mrs.
Green served previously as a member of
the George Bush for President campaign
staff in 1979-80, as public affairs director
for the Texas Federation of Republican
Women from 1969 to 1973, on the staff of
Congressman Bob Price in 1967, and on the


headquarters staff of the Texas Republican
Party from 1965 to 1967. She was a local
campaign chairman for numerous Republican candidates in Texas, including President
Gerald Ford in 1976 and James A. Baker in
1978.
Mrs. Green received a bachelor of business administration degree from the University of Texas in 1956. She is a member of
the American Newswomen's Association,
Women in Communications, and Executive
Women in Government. Mrs. Green was
born December 21, 1933. She has two
daughters and resides in Washington, DC.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Switzerland-United States
Social Security Agreement
February 21, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
Pursuant to Section 233(eXl) of the Social
Security Act, as amended by the Social Security Amendments of 1977 (P.L. 95-216,
42 U.S.C. 433(eXl)), I transmit herewith the
Supplementary Agreement Amending the
Agreement between the United States of
America and the Swiss Confederation on
Social Security ("Supplementary Agreement"), which consists of two separate instruments-a principal agreement and an
administrative agreement. The Supplementary Agreement was signed at Bern on June
1, 1988.
The U.S.-Switzerland agreement is similar
in objective to the social security agreements in force in Belgium, Canada, France,
the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy,
Norway, Spain, Sweden, and the United
Kingdom. Such bilateral agreements provide for limited coordination between the
United States and foreign social security systems to overcome the problems of gaps in
protection and of dual coverage and taxation for workers who move from one coun

try to the other. The present Supplementary Agreement would amend the original
agreement with Switzerland to update and
simplify several of its provisions in view of
changes in U.S. and Swiss law and to simplify the method of computing U.S. benefit
amounts.
I also transmit for the information of the
Congress a comprehensive report prepared
by the Department of Health and Human
Services, which explains the provisions of
the Supplementary Agreement and the
effect on social security financing as required by the same provision of the Social
Security Act. I note that the Department of
State and the Department of Health and
Human Services have recommended the
Supplementary Agreement and related documents to me.
I commend the U.S.-Switzerland Supplementary Social Security Agreement and related documents.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
February 21, 1989.


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Feb. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of John D. Negroponte To Be United States
Ambassador to Mexico
February 21, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John D. Negroponte to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Mexico. He would succeed Charles J. Pilliod, Jr.
Ambassador Negroponte has most recently served as Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs at the
White House, 1987-1989. Prior to this he
was Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans
and Environmental and Scientific Affairs,
1985-1987. From 1981 to 1985, he was
United States Ambassador to Honduras;
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East
Asian and Pacific Affairs, 1980-1981; and
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for


Oceans and Fisheries Affairs, 1977-1979.
Ambassador Negroponte was consul general
in Thessaloniki, Greece, 1975-1977, and
counselor for political affairs in Quito, Ecuador, 1973-1975. From 1970 to 1973, he was
a staff member for the National Security
Council, and served as a member of the
U.S. delegation to the Paris peace talks on
Vietnam, 1968-1969. In 1960 he entered
the Foreign Service, serving in Hong Kong
and Vietnam.
Ambassador Negroponte graduated from
Yale University (B.A., 1960). He was born
July 21, 1939, in London, England. He is
married, has two children, and resides in
Washington, DC.


Written Responses to Questions Submitted by the Kyodo News
Service of Japan
February 16, 1989


Japan's International Role
Q. What kind of role will the Bush administration expect Japan to play in the global
economic and Western national security
spheres?
The President. First of all, a word about
the global role of the United States during
my administration. Japan and the world can
count on America to continue to work for
peace, democracy, freedom, and justice
around the world. The scope of America's
vision is global, and we will continue to
shoulder the obligations that belong to a
global power.
At the same time, of course, it is important that our allies assume greater responsibility in the cause of global peace and prosperity. It is not for me to prescribe Japan's
role in the world. The decision is up to the
Government and people of Japan. During
Prime Minister Takeshita's recent visit to
Washington, he and I agreed that there are


many ways Japan can contribute to global
peace and prosperity. Our defense cooperation is one of those ways; another is foreign
economic assistance.
I welcome Japan's pledge to make further
significant increases in overseas development assistance programs. Along these
lines, Prime Minister Takeshita and I
agreed on the importance of supporting democracy and sustained economic growth
and reform in the Philippines. Toward this
end, we pledged to make every effort to
launch the Multilateral Assistance Initiative
for the Philippines this year. I also welcome
Japan's decision to take part in peacekeeping operations and your generous offers of
financial support for the relief and resettlement in Afghanistan and southern Africa.
Those are also ways to contribute.
The United States and Japan, the world's
two largest economies, have special responsibilities to sustain free trade. Prime Minis

120




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 22


ter Takeshita reaffirmed in Washington
Japan's determination to promote strong
domestic growth and structural adjustments. In the area of multilateral cooperation and global economic growth, we
agreed that we would continue to coordinate policies through established fora, especially the economic summit. We look forward to the next summit meeting, which
will be held in Paris. We also agreed on the
importance of a successful Uruguay round
[multilateral trade negotiations]. And we
agreed on the importance of frequent consultation at all levels on economic issues.
Japan-US. Relations
Q. How do you envision U.S.-Japan relations under your administration? Some of
your advisers have recommended forming a
"new partnership" with Japan. What are
your feelings about this recommendation?
The President. We have used the word
"partnership" to describe our relationship
for a number of years now, and during the
course of the Reagan administration, we
gave new meaning to that term. Our partnership is bilateral, regional, and global. We
consult frequently and cooperate closely on
virtually every issue of importance. This is
not a "new partnership" but a continuing
one that has developed over 40 years of
cooperation. I am confident it will continue
to develop and acquire new meaning, but
rather than a "new partnership," it will be
a continually "renewed partnership."
Japan's Defense Role
Q. Defense Secretary-designate Tower
said Japan should extend its sealane defense
beyond the present 1,000-mile limit. Do
you support this view? Would you ask Japan
to beef up its defense? If so, how much of
its GNP should Japan allocate for defense
spending?
The President. We are fully satisfied with
the mutually agreed division of defense
roles and missions in our security arrangements, under which Japan has primary responsibility for defending its territory, seas
and skies, and sea lines of communication.
We are also encouraged by Japan's continued and steady progress in improving its
defense capability within the framework of
those roles and missions, recognizing there


is still room for greater improvement, especially in the area of sustainability. Further,
we appreciate Japan's increasing contribution to the cost of maintaining U.S. forces in
Japan. Rather than engage in a sterile exercise of measuring security in arbitrary terms
such as GNP, the United States and Japan
are putting our efforts toward a much more
productive and important purpose: that of
working together to attain defense capabilities which will ensure our mutual security.
Japan-U S. Trade
Q. Would you support a U.S.-Japan free
trade agreement modeled after the U.S.Canada free trade agreement? The U.S. deficit with Japan has been on the rise again in
recent months. Do you favor the yen's further appreciation against the dollar?
The President. The U.S. and Japanese
Governments agree on the need to pursue
multilateral and bilateral efforts to create a
more open international trading system. We
will stress the multilateral approach.
We are always open to new ideas. But in
our view, the key now is to work hard for
the success of the Uruguay round. At the
recent G-7 meeting, the financial authorities of the major countries agreed the global
economic situation and outlook remain positive and that no changes in their commitment to cooperation on exchange rate policies were needed.
During our recent meeting, Prime Minister Takeshita and I noted progress that both
the United States and Japan have made
toward reducing external imbalances, but
we also agreed that further policy efforts
are needed. The Prime Minister assured me
that Japan remained determined to encourage strong domestic growth and structural
reform. And I reaffirmed our strong determination to reduce our budget deficit.
Soviet-US. Relations
Q. A reduction of conventional arms is
said to be the top priority of the Bush administration in the U.S.-Soviet arms negotiations. What is your response to President
Gorbachev's announcement to cut 500,000
Soviet troops? Do you foresee a U.S.-Soviet
summit by next summer?
The President. It is true that a major pri

121




Feb. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ority of my administration is in the area of
conventional arms control. Thus we welcome and look forward to the Negotiations
on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe
(CFE). We, along with our NATO allies, will
seek in CFE to enhance stability and security at a lower level of forces. To that end,
NATO will seek the elimination of the
Warsaw Pact's substantial superiority in
Europe. Accordingly, we welcome the announcement of Soviet force reductions as a
positive step in the right direction and look
forward to the full implementation of the
force cuts described by Chairman Gorbachev. Even with these reductions, however,
the Warsaw Pact has far to go to correct the
conventional forces imbalance in Europe.
Regarding a summit, both sides, of


course, want to be well-prepared before engaging in a summit. We are in the process
of reviewing elements of our policy toward
the Soviet Union and consulting closely
with our allies and friends to ensure that we
have a sound foundation for long-term
progress in East-West relations. Secretary of
State Baker and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze will have several opportunities in the
months ahead to begin addressing the many
issues between our countries. Thus, while I
am confident a summit will take place
sometime in the future, it is too early to
discuss a specific date.
Note: The questions and answers were released by the Office of the Press Secretary
on February 22.


Remarks to Armed Forces Personnel at Elmendorf Air Force Base
in Anchorage, Alaska
February 22, 1989


Thank you very much, Governor Steve
Cowper and Senator Murkowski; my friend,
Congressman Don Young; and Lieutenant
General McInerney; and all the citizens of
Alaska; all the men and women of the
Armed Forces in Alaska. Thank you for this
wonderful turnout.
As I climbed off the airplane, I was thinking of the Inaugural Address of President
William Henry Harrison. I believe it was he
who spoke for 31/2 hours, or close to it,
caught pneumonia, and died some 30 days
later. [Laughter] I will be brief. [Laughter]
But I am pleased to have this opportunity,
however brief, to speak here at Elmendorf
to the members of our Armed Forces, their
families, and to the people of this great
State.
I also want to wish a belated but nevertheless happy birthday to Alaska, this great
land. What you have accomplished in your
30 years of statehood is something all Alaskans can be proud of. I thank all of you
again for this very warm greeting here at
Elmendorf. Elmendorf has long served as
the departure point for Presidents en route
to the Far East. And I want it to serve as an


arrival point for a President to come fishing
in this great State. But as I make my first
journey to Asia as President of the United
States, I'm especially pleased to draw on
this fantastic support and your obvious good
wishes. My only regret is that I will not
have an opportunity, at least on this trip, to
see Alaska in all its glory. After all, there's
nothing quite like the "Fur Rondy."
I know that it's been a bitter winter, even
by Alaskan standards. As one Alaskan put it,
"It's not too bad at 45 below, but 60 below
takes it out of a fellow." [Laughter] I'll take
his word for it. But from what I've heard,
any battle between Alaskans and the elements is no contest. The cold is no match
for the vibrant sense of community that all
Alaskans share. We often think of frontier
values, you know, as being summed up in
the phrase "rugged individualism." Now,
I'm sure Alaskans possess plenty of both.
But the real frontier creed, as all of you
know, is the community, and that is the
key. And whether it's the Alaskan Native or
the families whose forebears came here
generations ago or the last-arriving newcomer from the lower 48, you stand ready


122




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 22


to welcome all into the family of Alaskans.
Adverse conditions bring out the best in
Alaskans. When the temperature drops, you
close ranks, pull together, pitch in; and
that's the American spirit at its very best,
and it's an inspiration to us all.
In the minds of most Americans, Alaska is
our last frontier-vast, untamed, with
plenty of room for opportunity and optimism. And at the same time, Alaska is a
vital source of energy for the Nation as a
whole. Alaska's abundant resources-in all
their diversity-are, indeed, a sacred trust.
But I am convinced that our natural resources can be developed without spoiling
our environment. The plan to open the
coastal plain of the Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge meets these twin objectives. And I
know, as a businessman formerly and now
as President of the United States, that we
can and must develop our energy resources
for the sake of economic development and
particularly for the sake of the national security of the United States. There is too
much dependence on foreign oil as it is.
And as a sportsman, though, with a love
and respect for our country's unparalleled
natural beauty, I could never support development that failed to provide adequate
safeguards for land and wildlife.
And Alaska, so rich in resources, also
serves as the gateway to Asia. Let me speak
for a moment about this trip I'm about to
embark on, our trip to the Far East. I'm
here on my way to Japan for the funeral of
the late Emperor. It was here, as General
McInerney reminded us, here at Elmendorf
in Hangar 5, that he became the first Emperor of Japan's long history to set foot outside his homeland 18 years ago.
Alaskans understand that America is as
much a Pacific nation as it is an Atlantic
one and that the Pacific region is of great
and growing importance in international affairs. The timing of my trip is dictated by
the passing of the Japanese Emperor, to
whom I and other heads of government will
pay our final respects. It is, as well, a measure of our respect for a valued ally and a
fellow democracy that I make this trip.
In China, then, I hope to build on the
friendly and stable and enduring relationship that now exists. This will be my fifth
trip back since Barbara and I left there in


1975 and her sixth trip back to China since
we left, that long ago. And there's something more than symbolism. That relationship is fundamental in any foreign policy
equation of the United States. We don't
want to take our friends for granted-be
they Japan, be they China, be they Koreaas we wrestle with the problems that face
our new Secretary of State [James A. Baker
III] and General Scowcroft [Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs],
who's here with me today, and this President. We wrestle with the troubled areas of
the Middle East, the East-West relationswhat's going to happen in Europe, how do
we handle matters south of the Rio Grande?
These are important policy decisions we'll
be facing, important areas. But we don't
ever want to neglect our friends.
And, yes, things in the Pacific seem to be
going reasonably well. But we are a Pacific
power, and this visit will demonstrate that
we tend to stay a Pacific power. In Korea,
I'll meet leaders of a nation that is rapidly
joining the ranks of the world's first-tier
economies, and one where democratic institutions are gaining strength each day. And
at each stop, I aim to strengthen key relationships with our friends and partners in
the Pacific regions.
And finally, a word to the airmen and
their families who serve here at Elmendorf,
the soldiers and their families who are here
today from Fort Rich. As I look around this
crowd-I'm probably leaving some people
out-but let me put it this way to all the
members of the Armed Services: Your service and sacrifice deserve special notice. And
from this President who proudly served in
the Armed Forces for several years-many,
many years ago, I will admit-I know that
your duty is demanding. But I also know
that the reward is great-the respect and
the gratitude of your country.
And make no mistake about the importance of your task. Alaska's strategic position, at the point where the Far East and
the Western Hemisphere and the Arctic
meet, is proof enough that the missions you
perform here are vital to our national security. You're the forward edge, the cutting
edge, if you will, of our national defense.
And we rely on you to keep the watch and


123




Feb. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


to hold the line. And your dedication and
your vigilance and your sense of duty help
our nation remain safe and secure. As your
Commander in Chief, I salute you. And rest
assured that I will do everything in my
power to see that the United States continues to prosper, continues to remain strong,
continues to remain free and at peace.
Thank you all, each and every one, and


God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 9:47 a.m. in
Hangar 5 at the base. In his remarks, he
referred to Lt. Gen. Thomas G. McInerney,
Commander of the Alaska Air Command.
Following his remarks, the President and
Mrs. Bush traveled to Tokyo, Japan.


Nomination of John E. Robson To Be Deputy Secretary of the
Treasury
February 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John E. Robson to be
Deputy Secretary of the Treasury. He
would succeed M. Peter McPherson.
Since 1986 Mr. Robson has been dean
and professor of management, school of
business administration, at Emory University in Atlanta, GA. Prior to this he was a
member of the U.S. Aviation Safety Commission, 1987-1988. He was president and
chief executive officer for G.D. Searle &
Co., 1984-1985; executive vice president
and chief operating officer, 1983-1984; and


executive vice president, 1977-1982. He
also served as chairman of the U.S. Civil
Aeronautics Board in Washington, DC,
1975-1977. From 1970 to 1975, Mr. Robson
was a partner and member of the executive
committee for the law firm of Sibley and
Austin in Chicago, IL, and Washington, DC.
Mr. Robson received his B.A. degree from
Yale University and his J.D. degree from
Harvard University Law School. He served
in the U.S. Army, 1955-1957. Mr. Robson is
married and has two children.


Nomination of Robert R. Glauber To Be an Under Secretary of the
Treasury
February 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Robert R. Glauber to be
an Under Secretary of the Treasury. He
would succeed George D. Gould.
Dr. Glauber is currently a consultant to
the Department of the Treasury in Washington, DC. Prior to this he was chairman
of the advanced management program and
a member of the finance department at
Harvard Business School. Dr. Glauber
joined the Harvard faculty in 1964 and
became a full professor in 1973. He has also


served as a visiting professor at Stanford
University's Graduate School of Business.
Dr. Glauber also served as Executive Director of President Reagan's Task Force on
Market Mechanisms (1987-1988).
Dr. Glauber received a bachelor of arts
degree from Harvard College and his doctorate in finance from Harvard Business
School. He was born March 22, 1939, in
New York City. He is married, has two children, and resides in Arlington, VA.


124




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 24


The President's News Conference in Tokyo
February 24, 1989


The President. I've got to get a ruling on
whether this is a-this is not a photo op.
This is what we call a press availability, and
I'll be glad to take two or three questionsnot many because we're late. But let me
make a little comment, if I might, Helen
[Helen Thomas, United Press International].
And then I'll be glad to take questions. This
has been a very moving day in a lot of
ways, and I simply want to thank our Japanese hosts, who managed this complicated
logistics and put on a marvelous pageant in
honor of the late Emperor, beautifully
staged and beautifully carried off, on schedule, working against the elements, but nevertheless with a dignity and a ceremony
that was appropriate. And I have great respect for what they did and the way in
which they did it, and I am proud to have
represented the United States of America
here today.
Now, Helen.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Well, on the question of Senator
Tower, it looks like he's going down the
drain. Are you going to continue to back
him, or do you think he ought to pull out?
The President. I'm going to strongly continue to back Senator Tower, and I do not
believe he is going down the drain. Nobody
has challenged his ability and knowledge to
be a good Secretary of Defense, and I'm
hoping that the debate that will follow next
week will clear up any questions that the
Members at large may have. And so, I wish
the committee vote had been different, but
I have not considered any options. I stand
strongly with John Tower. I know of
nobody else whose knowledge in defense
matters can equal his, whose knowledge of
how the Hill works can equal his? So, he is
my choice, my only choice, and I am standing with him.
Q. Do you still think Sam Nunn [chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee] was fair?
Q. Why would the end result in the
Senate be any different than the result in
committee?


The President. Because I think they're
going to have a lively public debate in the
Senate.
Q. What plan do you have, sir, for trying
to bring that debate around to your side?
The President. Well, I think the Republican leaders-Bob Dole is already contemplating what to do on the Senate floor, but
he knows, because I've talked to him, that
when I get back-and I will be back before
the vote-he knows that I will do whatever
I can to talk to individual Members and
have them know how strongly I feel about
it and hopefully persuade some who have
looked at evidence so far and may have a
different opinion. So, there's no animosity;
it's simply a question of fighting for something I believe in.
Q. Is this purely politics in your opinion,
and is Sam Nunn responsible for this personally?
The President. I wouldn't say that.
Q. Do you still think he's been fair?
Q. Is it party line? I mean, is it partisan?
Is it politics?
The President. Well, is it party line when
all Democrats voted one way and all Republicans voted another? I suppose without
acrimony it could be said that that was a
party line vote. But do I suggest that there's
no chance to pick up Democrats next
week? No, I don't. I believe that I can do
that, and I believe that the Senators that
are for it
Q. You haven't got them yet.
Q. Is the honeymoon over, Mr. President?
The President. No,- the honeymoon's still
going fine, and I'm not going to get total
agreement on every issue. I hope I can get
agreement on this question. But I've never
expected-nobody's suggested they were
going to do it just my way. But this one's
important; it's important to our country.
And I want somebody in that Defense Department that has Tower's expertise and
who knows the defense mechanism as well
as he does, and he's the only one that
comes to mind.
Q. Mr. President., why would there be


125




Feb. 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


such  a   difference-interpretation  between
Q. -Senators to break with Sam Nunn?
The President. I don't know. Go ask the
people that voted. I'm halfway around the
world.
Q. Don't you risk an even more damaging defeat by taking it to the SenateThe President. I don't look at it as defeat
or victory. I look at doing what's right, supporting somebody I believe in and looking
at the facts. And that's exactly what I'm
doing.
Q. Do you still think Senator Nunn has
been fair?
The President. I am not going to challenge Senator Nunn's motives at all. I never
have, and I've never expressed anything
other than my strong support on the merits
after reviewing the information for Senator
Tower. And that's the way I'm going to
continue to do this.
Q. Have you talked to Tower at all?
The President. Since I've been over here?
Q. Since the vote.
Q. Well, since all of this has happened
today.
The President. I talked to him the day
before we left, but I haven't talked to him
since then.
Q. Senator Nunn says thatThe President. I've got time for one or
two more, and then I've got to go clean up
and warm up and go to the next reception
and keep working this diplomacy that I
thought you all would be interested in.
Q. How much of a problem
Q. Senator Nunn says that TowerThe President. Wait just one minute, I'll
just be right over there. Can't see, but I'll
be there.
Q. How much of a problem has the delay
in getting Senator Tower or somebody to
run the Defense Department created for
your review of foreign policy and your conduct of foreign policy?
The President. Well, the review is going
forward. I would like to have the Secretary
of Defense in place. There's no question
that the Department needs a new leader.
But it isn't interfering with our challenge to
the Department to participate in these reviews. In fact, we've ordered a certain
number of reviews-they're going to be


started. But I'm not going to mislead you. I
want my Secretary of Defense in place to
further these reviews, to enhance the studies that are going forward, and to have our
input on these studies, to input the person
that I select to be Secretary. In the meantime, I'll have to credit Will Taft, who I told
the other day, I said, "Will, you are doing a
very good job, and it isn't easy." But he is
doing-yes, Lesley [Lesley Stahl, CBS
News], and then please, I must go forward.
Let me get down here so I can hear this.
Q. Thank you. Senator Dole said that this
vote was a real kick in the teeth to you
while you're off representing the United
States abroad. Do you see it that way?
The President. I see it as the Senate expressing themselves. And inasmuch as I
want this man confirmed, I can't say it's a
pat on the back. But on the other hand, I
have no acrimony about it. I'm convinced
that when the Senate gets into full debate
on this that reason and logic are going to
prevail. And so, I can't say I'm happy with
what the committee did because I would
like to have seen the same kind of approval
given John Tower's nomination that was
given to [Secretary of Health and Human
Services] Lou Sullivan. It was widely reported that Dr. Sullivan was in serious troubleI've seen that over and over again. And he
gets universal approval, one abstentionvery good, and I thank the Senate for that.
Now I hope that they give this due deliberation in the full Senate and they do
what's right. In this instance, I think approving my nominee is right. But I have no
acrimony, and I'm not going to be drawn
into name calling or a political accusation
here. I'm not going to do that. I've got to
work with the Senate on a lot of issues. But
I want them to know how strongly I feel.
And I feel it's not a personal win or lose; it's
what's right: who best to run the Defense
Department. And that's what's at stake.
Q. Aren't you whistling in the dark?
The President. And I'm going to win this
battle.
Q. Mr. President, so much of this seems
to depend on different interpretations of
that FBI report.
The President. It does.
Q. Obviously that'll be a factor in the


126




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 25


Senate debate. If you see it as being in your
favor and your side's favor in this, is there
anything you can do to make that public,
sir?
The President. Well, I'd like it to be as
public as possible, the debate, because I
think then there will be plenty of Senators
that will want to defend Senator Tower
against these allegations which I feel have
been-and I'll use the expression again"gunned down." Now, clearly some have
looked at the evidence, and I'm sure in
their opinion they differ with me on that.
But that's what a good, lively debate can do
on the floor. And Senator Tower is entitled
to that kind of debate on the issues-not on
hearsay. Nobody will be able to sustain an
objection based simply on hearsay or on
some rumor. So, that's why I look forward
to a fair, open debate. And let the Senators
who've made up their minds in opposition
to what I'm advocating spell out for their
constituents and for the country why they
feel as they do. And I expect others will
stand up and take a different side. That's
what our process is all about. So, I don't
fear it; I welcome it. I welcome it.


Q. If that report is still secret, though, sir,
how are people to know who is right about
it?
The President. Well, it's not secret from
the Senators, and how much they refer to
it, I don't know. We'll have to look into that
when I get back, Brit [Brit Hume, ABC
News]. I don't know what the ground rules
are on how much people can refer to those
reports. But the more open it is, the better
I like it. Now, whether what precedents are
set, I'd have to think very carefully about
that. But we're not worried about this
debate.
President's Physical Condition
Q. Are you tired?
The President. I thought I'd be more
tired. No, I feel like a spring colt, ready to
charge.
Q. Ask us.
The President. No, now come on! [Laughter]
Note: The President's fourth news conference began at 6:30 p.m. in the US. Ambassador's residence.


Written Responses to Questions Submitted by Xinhua News Agency
of China
February 16, 1989


International Relations
Q. What is the general assessment on the
current world situation? Since there exists a
wide disagreement on whether the process
of detente is irreversible, I would like to
know your views on this question.
The President. I am cautiously optimistic.
The one constant in today's world is
change. For the most part, the direction of
change is positive from the standpoint of
America's values and interests. Around the
globe, I see increased respect for and interest in democratic values of openness,
human dignity, pluralism, democracy, individual initiative, and entrepreneurship. I
see a worldwide trend toward greater recognition of the need for cooperative solutions to worldwide concerns, such as peace

ful resolution of conflicts, environmental
issues, and ensuring global economic
growth. Balance has been restored in the
international system by a Western policy of
strength and realism.
Important differences based on fundamental values and interests continue to
guide the policies of nations, both toward
their own citizens and toward other members of the international community. Being
fundamental, these differences must not be
minimized, nor do they lend themselves to
easy resolution. In addition, our world still
is a tumultuous, dangerous place. Just as we
appear to be making headway in reducing
the threat of nuclear war through the arms
reduction process, we must grapple with
the proliferating dangers to civilized society


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Feb. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


from terrorism, the use and spread of chemical and biological weapons, together with
sophisticated delivery systems, ballistic missiles, and international drug trafficking.
Yet I would argue that the world is significantly less turbulent and less dangerous
today than it would otherwise be, thanks to
the farsighted statesmen in recent decades.
China's leaders were some of the first to
contribute to this effort, and as chief of the
U.S. Liaison Office in Beijing in the 1970's,
I was privileged to have been part of this
historic process. Today we find ever-broader acceptance of the proposition that in our
increasingly interrelated world, national security cannot be achieved through military
means alone. Moreover, through their own
experience, more and more nations are realizing that the freeing of market forces and
human creativity is the true basis for sustained prosperity and national success.
Nothing in this world is irreversible from
a political, military, economic, or social perspective. That is why America's foreign
policy is grounded on values that abide and
a realistic determination to safeguard our
interests and those of our allies and friends.
Finally, I would say that any man with 11
grandchildren is a cautious optimist by definition. He has a big stake in the future.
Arms Control
Q. With regard to disarmament, in which
area do you think breakthrough will be
most feasible, the nuclear, conventional, or
biochemical? And it is widely reported here
that your administration might slow down
the SDI program. If that is the case, doesn't
it mean the U.S.-Soviet talks on concluding
a START agreement will be accelerated?
What is the prospect of an early START
agreement?
The President. The United States is committed to progress in all aspects of arms
control-nuclear, conventional, and chemical. Our goals include a strategic arms
agreement which will enhance strategic stability and security; conventional arms reductions in Europe which will result in stability at lower levels of conventional forces;
and a comprehensive, truly global and effectively verifiable chemical weapons ban.
One cannot predict which arms control negotiations will meet with the earliest suc

cess, but I hope for significant progress in
all fields. My administration is reviewing
the current status of negotiations in each of
these areas even as I visit your country.
Chemical weapons have been much in
the news recently. Unfortunately, over the
past decade, the world has witnessed an accelerated erosion of respect for international norms against the use of chemical weapons. The United States seeks to reverse this
trend. Our first objective is the negotiation
of a comprehensive, truly global, and effectively verifiable CW ban. In this connection, I am proud to have presented to the
Geneva Conference on Disarmament (CD),
in 1984, a U.S. draft treaty to ban chemical
weapons, which remains the basis of the
CD negotiations for such a ban. The United
States is also working to stem the proliferation of CW and to restore respect for and
strengthen the norms against illegal CW
use. The Paris conference on chemical
weapons use, held in January, was a helpful
step in this regard.
In the conventional area, new negotiations on conventional armed forces in
Europe will begin in Vienna in March. At
present, the Warsaw Pact has a more than
2-to-1 advantage in tanks and artillery over
NATO. While I welcome the recently announced Soviet conventional reductions as a
step in the right direction, even with these
cuts, Warsaw Pact forces will still retain
substantial conventional superiority over
NATO. Redressing this military imbalance
in forces will be a prime objective of NATO
at the upcoming talks.
In the START talks, U.S. and Soviet negotiations have made solid progress, including
the development of the outline of an effective verification regime, an absolute necessity for a successful START agreement. While
the strategic arms reduction process will be
a major focus of my administration's review
of U.S. arms control positions, the United
States is committed to working toward a
START agreement which will improve strategic stability and reduce the risk of war.
As to the Strategic Defense Initiative, it is
an important program which is designed to
contribute to stability. We will continue our
research in this area to help us understand
how and when we might move in the direc

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 25


tion of a greater reliance on defenses.
Korean Peninsula
Q. As the two parts of Korea are prepared to hold high-level talks, the protracted tensions on the peninsula seem somewhat relaxed. So, do you think the time is
coming for the United States to respond
positively to the DPRK's demand for the
withdrawal of U.S. troops from South
Korea?
The President. I am encouraged by regional trends affecting Korea, particularly
China's positive role in seeking reduced
tensions on the peninsula. While the atmosphere has improved somewhat, hard realities remain. North Korea has a very large
standing army stationed well forward. It
would be far too optimistic at this time to
suggest that tensions have been reduced to
the point where the deterrence provided
by U.S. forces in Korea is no longer needed.
At the request of the Republic of Korea,
our forces are in Korea to deter aggression
from the North. They will remain as long as
the Government and the people of South
Korea want us to remain and as long as we
believe it is in the interest of peace to keep
them there.
Regional Conflicts
Q. Thanks to the efforts made by the parties concerned, some hot spots in the world
are cooling off. As a result, the world public
opinion is focusing its attention on the
Middle East and Central America, where
the United States has remarkable influence.
Do you intend to make some readjustment
to the U.S. policies toward these two regions and more actively make use of your
influence to help promote early and just
solutions to the problems there?
The President. The United States continues to seek a just solution to conflicts in
Central America, based on democracy, respect for human rights, and security. In El
Salvador, the popularly elected government
of President Duarte has worked, with our
support, to institutionalize democracy, despite an organized military assault by Communist forces. There has been considerable
success in curbing human rights abuses
from the far right and within the military.
We will continue to support the Govern

ment of El Salvador in its efforts.
In Nicaragua, the Sandinistas still seek to
consolidate their totalitarian control and regional hegemony. The press and church
remain harassed. Political opponents are
jailed. And the economy continues in a
downward spiral while the Sandinistas
maintain by far the largest army in Central
America. A just peace can come to Nicaragua only when the Sandinistas negotiate in
good faith with the democratic resistance
and the civic opposition and cease to threaten the neighboring Central America democracies.
In Central America, the United States
Government continues to support the Esquipulas II agreement in all of its provisions, which include provisions calling for
democratic freedom of the press; labor
rights; freedom for opposition groups to organize, hold meetings, demonstrations, etc.
We believe that all the commitments, including those to democracy, must be complied with if there is to be lasting peace in
the region. In verifying compliance with all
the principles of Esquipulas II, there also
needs to be an enforcement mechanism to
promote adherence to its provisions, particularly concerning democracy and cessation of support for subversive groups in the
region. In this regard, economic aid to Nicaragua should be conditioned on actual performance, not just on words but deeds.
The Arab-Israeli conflict is among the
most difficult of regional conflicts. The
United States has long been committed to a
just settlement of this dispute based on the
principles embodied in UNSC Resolutions
242 and 338. Our commitment to a negotiated settlement will not waver; we will continue to work closely with the parties to
forge a common basis that will facilitate negotiations among them and a durable settlement.
There are also a number of difficult and
dangerous problems in the Middle East. We
must find a way to deal with the missile
proliferation, chemical and biological weapons, the conventional arms race, as well as
other conflicts, such as Lebanon and the
Gulf. These are problems in which the
international community can play a leading
role.


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Feb. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Free and Fair Trade
Q. Your country is still playing a leading
role in the fields of economy and technology, but the challenges from Japan and
Western Europe are getting serious. How
do you evaluate the challenges, and what
would you do to handle them during your
tenure?
The President. The Japanese and European economies are indeed growing strongly,
as are the newly industrialized economies
which follow free market practices. We
regard this growth as a highly positive development. It has been a priority of our
foreign policy since World War II to encourage the economic development of
friendly countries. We take some justified
satisfaction, I think, in the current success
of free and open world trading and financial systems. The vigorous competition in
world markets has been, and will continue
to be, a driving force for the improvement
of world living standards. By keeping world
markets open, we will reward those entrepreneurs and managers and workers who
can adapt most quickly to changing markets. I have every confidence in American
business and American labor. They will
handle the challenges, and we expect to
continue to be the world's leading economy.
China-U.S. Relations
Q. What do you think should be and
could be done to make the current SinoU.S. relationship, which is healthy, even
better and more solid?
The President. First let me say that I certainly agree that the current state of our
relationship is healthy. Both countries have
come so far since my stay in China 13 years
ago. We now cooperate in many areaspolitical, economic, scientific, cultural, educational, and military. U.S.-China trade is
booming, and U.S. companies are making a
strong and growing contribution in China.
Thousands of Chinese and American students and professors are involved in educational exchanges with some of the finest institutes and universities in both our countries. American tourists are visiting China
by the hundreds of thousands. And perhaps
most importantly, our two governments


maintain a serious and cooperative dialog
on a wide range of bilateral and international issues, finding that we have many interests in common.
To improve relations further and make
them more solid, I think we should build on
what we have already accomplished. We
need to keep up the dialog between our
two governments on political issues of
mutual concern: global peace, regional conflicts in Asia and elsewhere, arms control,
how to combat the scourges of terrorism
and drugs, and the multiple threats to the
global environment. We see eye-to-eye on
many of these. We also need to encourage
more people-to-people contacts, which have
grown so dramatically in the last decade.
These promote understanding and trust.
We should also seek to expand our economic relationship. The opportunities for
trade and investment between our countries are enormous. We have to find ways of
taking advantage of them. To do this will
require efforts on both sides. Continued
steps by China to make its trade practices
compatible with those of its major trading
partners and remove barriers to trade and
investment are important if China is to
expand commerce and attract capital for its
modernization. For example, improvements
in intellectual property protection, a less
regulated trading system, and more effective legal protections for investors could
have a very favorable effect. The United
States, for its part, must keep its markets
open to Chinese exports and continue to
give China access to advanced technology
needed for modernization.
Science and technology cooperation
should also expand. We have developed a
unique relationship in this field. Cooperation involves some of our best scientists and
most advanced technical facilities and
covers a wide range of important endeavors
in such fields as fusion energy, public
health, and the environment. Both countries have a lot to gain from these joint
activities.
Cultural and educational exchanges in
other fields should grow as well. A good
example of successful bilateral cooperation
in education is the Management Training
Center at Dalian. Since the U.S. and the


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 25


Chinese  Governments   established  the
center in 1980, with the help of U.S. corporations and universities, it has produced
over 2,300 graduates trained in modern
business and management practices. The
Dalian center has become a model for other
management centers in China. It can also
serve as a model for bilateral cooperation in
other fields.
In addition to the positive developments
in our political and economic relations, I
think it is especially noteworthy that friendly cooperation is also taking place between
our defense forces. We are looking forward
to continuing and expanding these activities
in the future.
The United States recognizes that Taiwan
is an important issue for the Chinese Government and people. We are pleased to see
that the growing opportunities for trade


and travel between both sides of the
Taiwan Strait have contributed to a climate
of relaxed tensions, and hope these trends
will continue. The United States is committed to abide by the three communiques of
1972, 1979, and 1982, which provide a firm
basis for the further development of our
relations.
One final point on building relations for
the future: When differences arise between
us, as they inevitably will, we need to continue to approach them in a constructive
spirit. If we do, I think we will build a
strong foundation for bilateral ties and see
expanding cooperation in new fields that
will benefit both our peoples.
Note: The questions and answers were released by the Office of the Press Secretary
on February 25.


Written Responses to Questions Submitted by the Yonhap News
Agency of the Republic of Korea
February 16, 1989


South Korean Foreign Relations
Q. Would you tell me your views on
South Korean efforts to increase economic
cooperation and political relations with Socialist countries?
The President. I support these efforts.
President Roh's opening to the Soviet
Union, Eastern Europe, and China is aimed
at fostering world peace and understanding.
Today almost every country recognizes
South Korea's great economic importance. I
am sure more countries in time will move
from economic ties to full political and diplomatic ties with the Republic of Korea.
Conference on Korean Reunification
Q. In his address before the U.N. General
Assembly in October last year, President
Roh proposed a six-party conference, calling
for South and North Korea, the United
States, Japan, China, and the Soviet Union
to discuss a peaceful reunification of the
divided Korean Peninsula. What is the U.S.
position on the proposal?
The President. President Roh's six-party


conference idea is an imaginative, forwardlooking proposal. It is another example of
the Republic of Korea Government's new
approach of reconciliation and accommodation in dealing with peninsular political and
security problems. Obviously, such a conference would require careful preparation and
a cooperative attitude by all participants.
North Korea-U.S. Relations
Q. While seeking improved relations with
China and the Soviet Union, the South
Korean Government has asked the United
States to open its doors to the isolationist
North Korea, hoping that exchanges between Washington and Pyongyang will contribute to reduction of tension on the
Korean Peninsula. Have you seen any fruits
of progress in U.S. efforts to help North
Korea to get rid of its isolationist policy?
The President. We have long supported
North-South dialog as the key to peace and
reunification of the peninsula. President
Roh's initiatives to that purpose in July 1988
and in his October speech at the United


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Feb. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nations were most welcome. In the spirit of
these measures, the United States announced last October 31 some new steps to
encourage private academic, cultural, and
other nongovernmental exchange with
North Korea. We also authorized the export
of humanitarian goods to North Korea and
again authorized substantive exchanges between our diplomats in neutral settings.
Since then, the United States and North
Korea have had substantive contacts in Beijing on December 6 and January 24. There
has been greater academic exchange between the United States and North Korea as
well. Several American universities plan to
host North Korean scholars this year. I do
not know how far these academic and diplomatic contacts will go, but they are useful
first steps.
US. Forces in South Korea
Q. Radical Korean students with antiAmerican sentiment are demanding the
withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Korea.
At the same time, I know that there are
some American experts on northeast Asian
affairs who speak of a symbolic or gradual
reduction of the troops. Do you envision
any possibility of the troop withdrawal in
the near future in light of the security situation on the Korean Peninsula?
The President. There are no plans to
reduce U.S. forces in Korea. Our soldiers,
sailors, airmen, and marines are there at the
request of the Republic of Korea to deter
aggression from the North, and their presence contributes to the peace and stability
of northeast Asia. They will remain in the
Republic of Korea as long as the Government and the people of South Korea want
us to remain and as long as we believe it is
in the interest of peace to keep them there.
Our two governments periodically review
the appropriate strength and composition of
U.S. forces stationed in Korea under our
mutual defense treaty obligations.
South Korea-US. Trade
Q. The United States has continued to ask


South Korea to open its markets fully for
more U.S. exports. The Korean people have
an understanding of U.S. efforts to reduce
its large trade deficits, but they think that
current U.S. pressure is excessive. I would
like to hear your views on trade friction
existing between the two countries.
The President. Korea has enjoyed very
open access to the American market, especially in cars, consumer electronics, and machinery. This has been crucial to Korea's
achievement of the world's highest economic growth rate during the last 3 years. We
seek access to all world markets. A free
market enhances a country's standard of
living. Consumers benefit from lower prices
and a wider variety of goods and services.
The United States and Korea have prospered together on the strength of a free
world trading system. I believe it is in
Korea's self-interest to work to preserve this
system. Therefore, I do not see U.S. marketopening efforts in Korea or elsewhere as
excessive.
President's Trip to China
Q. Your visit to Beijing will be followed
by the visit by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, which is expected in April or May, for
the first Sino-Soviet summit talks in three
decades. Do you have any special reasons
for your decision to go to China after attending the funeral of the late Japanese
Emperor? Do your discussions with Chinese
leaders include the problem of the Korean
Peninsula?
The President. Having represented my
country in China, I have fond memories
and close ties there. Barbara and I are looking forward in a very personal way to going
back to Beijing. We also have important
matters to discuss with the Chinese leaders.
I am sure our talks will touch on issues
affecting the Korean Peninsula.
Note: The questions and answers were released by the Office of the Press Secretary
on February 25.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 25


The President's News Conference in Tokyo
February 25, 1989


The President. I have had an extremely
useful set of meetings with leaders familiar
with the problems and prospects of the
major geographic areas of the world. And as
all of you are aware, international affairs
have entered an extraordinarily interesting
period, a period of fluidity in which several
regional problems-Afghanistan, Cambodia,
Angola, the Middle East, to name just a
few-have renewed prospect for resolution.
Many of the parameters of these complex
regional problems are in flux. And therefore, it is important to converse with the
men and women who are the most influential leaders on the scene.
I enjoyed meeting with the European
leaders. During my lunch with President
Mitterrand and in discussions with President Cossiga of Italy, with the King of the
Belgians, with President Soares of Portugal,
King Juan Carlos of Spain, the President of
the Federal Republic of Germany, Prime
Minister Ozal of Turkey, I emphasized that
our relationship with Europe and the North
Atlantic alliance remains central to our foreign policy and our security interests. And
they all assured me that their countries
shared this strong commitment to the alliance and considered it the key to their past
and their future security.
The meetings with the Presidents of
Egypt and Israel and with the King of
Jordan form part of a larger effort to bring
peace to the Middle East. And I made clear
the continuing readiness of the United
States to facilitate this effort in a manner
that's consistent with the security of Israel
and the security of our Arab friends in the
region as well. We discussed what new opportunities may exist for our diplomacy, the
importance of moving forward to take advantage of the positive elements in the current situation.
The meeting with Prime Minister Bhutto
of Pakistan, an important new leader, addressed a number of important issues, including our common interest in promoting
Afghan self-determination in the aftermath
now of the Soviet troop withdrawal. The


emergence of democracy in Pakistan is
something that we Americans all salute.
Consistent with this development, we also
discussed what might be done to promote
greater prosperity and security in south
Asia and particularly between Pakistan and
India.
With the President of India we talked
about the good nature of our relationship
and the opportunities for improving the climate of peace in the region. He expressed
to me his interest in the talks that their
Prime Minister has had with the Prime
Minister of Pakistan.
In my discussion with Prime Minister
Chatichai of Thailand, with Lee Kuan Yew
of Singapore, and President Corazon
Aquino of the Philippines, we had a chance
to talk about the latest developments in the
area, with particular emphasis on Kampuchea, on Cambodia. What remains clear
from these discussions is the absolute requirement that we maintain ASEAN [Association of South East Asian Nations] unity
and support for a political settlement in
Cambodia featuring an interim government
led by Prince Sihanouk, with whom I'll be
meeting, I believe, in China-I believe
that's set. The goals as ever are twofold: full
and permanent Vietnamese withdrawal
from Cambodia and the permanent prevention of a return to power by the Khmer
Rouge.
I also met with President Mobutu of
Zaire. We discussed important economic
issues and the new prospects for peace and
self-determination in Angola and Namibia.
I'll shortly be discussing the problems and
opportunities of development with the
President of Brazil, President Sarney, and
the President of Nigeria-I'll be meeting
with him in just a few minutes.
Throughout all of our discussions on a variety of issues, I found a shared sense of
satisfaction that East-West relations-they
all were interested in this-that East-West
relations are now clearly proceeding on the
basis of an agenda favorable to the United
States, its allies, and its friends. And as a


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Feb. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


result of my discussions, I feel more confident than ever that we and our allies will
move together to promote global peace,
prosperity, and security. And in all these
sessions, though highly concentrated, have
been very useful to me overall and have
provided me with an opportunity to exchange views with many of the most important world leaders.
And then, I should add, Barbara and I
and Secretary Baker had an opportunity to
pay our respects just now to the new Emperor and to express to him our pleasure at
being here. It was right and proper that the
United States be represented in this way
and to give, in a personal sense, our condolences to him, to the Empress, and to his
family.
Now I'd be glad to take some questions.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, back home, the burning
issue clearly is the nomination of John
Tower. I understand you're going to be
doing some personal lobbying when you
return. With whom are you going to meet?
What could you possibly tell them that they
haven't heard already? And isn't this too
little, too late?
The President. No, it's not too little, too
late. The matter will be decided on the
Senate floor. I think everybody knows I am
committed to John Tower. There is no fallback; there is no option. And I'll be talking
to whomever has any kind of an open mind
on this question. I'll do it personally, and I'll
do it as forcefully as I can. And I will encourage people to look at the facts. I heard
some comment yesterday about, well, there
were these perceptions out there. That's
not enough. That's not a fair enough or a
high enough standard when it comes to the
confirmation of an important nominee of
this nature. So, I have made some calls. And
I will be talking to whoever, as I say, remains openminded. We'll just work our way
across here.
Q. Mr. President, on the FBI report, did
you think that Mr. Tower does not have a
current drinking problem? Is there any way
of getting that out into the public? Are you
talking about a sanitized version that you
would release to the public, or maybe an
unsanitized version? There's this problem of


confidentiality.
The President. Well, that is the problem.
And people that were asked to give interviews were assured that that testimony or
that witnessing or whatever you want to
call it would be confidential. And so, that
presents a real problem. It doesn't present a
problem for individual Senators to go take a
look at the report. But in terms of your
question, I had hoped there was some way
of sanitizing or something, and maybe there
still will be. But I was reminded that confidentiality is vital here and that the people
who have been interviewed have been
guaranteed such confidentiality. And I think
in the long run the process is best served by
that. But in short run, I would like to see
every Senator personally take a look and
not make up his or her mind on perception,
but to do it on reality. And that, I think, is
only fair.
Q. Mr. President, another subject.
The President. Hooray!
Interest Rates and Inflation
Q. I thought you might enjoy it, but we'll
see. The Federal Reserve has increased the
discount rate again. I'm wondering if you
still feel that you and Mr. Greenspan [Federal Reserve Board Chairman] are not that
far apart on how to solve our economic
problems and if you think this move is
going to begin to hurt your effort to reduce
the deficit.
The President. Well, obviously higher interest rates are not helpful in deficit reduction. But what I would say is, this argues
even more forcefully than I've been able to
argue that we need to get an agreement on
the budget. The sooner we get an agreement with the Senate and have the country
have a budget agreement, you will see an
amelioration or a lightening up on these
interest rates. So, that is the only positive
thing. It sends a strong signal. Let's get on
with solving the problem of how we're
going to bring the deficit down.
I don't think Greenspan and I are far
apart. I talked to him-what was it, just the
day, I think, before we left, we talked about
this. He was more concerned about, I
think-although I haven't talked to him
personally on this part-with the last CPI


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 25


figures. But I don't think you can make a
judgment on one month. I've gone back
and looked over the ups and downs on the
CPI. But look, if he's right on inflation, his
concerns-if they're a little more than
mine, we should be alert to that. But I gave
you my reasons on why I am not overly
concerned about inflation, and I haven't
changed my mind on that.
Q. The markets think we should raise the
rate even more. Would you support that?
The President. I don't know that the markets think that at all.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, back on Tower. It
seems to come down, really, sir, to a contest
between you and your clout on this issue
and that of Senator Nunn [chairman of the
Armed Services Committee]. Obviously,
you can't be happy with Senator Nunn's
vote or his statement yesterday. And I was
wondering if there comes a time, sir, when
you think you might have to come out and
criticize him, indeed, perhaps attacking the
record for which you must feel is an unfair
approach to your nomination.
The President. I don't see any point in
making this personal. I have enough respect
for Senator Nunn to know that he is not
pursuing a frivolous course in this matter at
all. And I know everyone would like to see
a great confrontation and love to hold my
coat and maybe hold his as we get into a
big brawl, but there's no need for that. I
want to talk on the merits here and encourage Senators, all of them, to take a look at
the facts, not at the rumor, not at the innuendo; and therefore, there's no point getting into a fight. We're going to have to
work together on a lot of other issues.
This one is important to me. And there is
no pulling back as far as I'm concerned.
And I have made up my mind firmly, and
I'm going to fight it right through to the
end. But I'm not going to then jump off and
start hurling charges against any Member of
the United States Senate with whom I will
work constructively in the future. But I
would simply ask that everybody review
the evidence, and I expect Senator Nunn
feels he's done that. And now I would
appeal to every other Senator to do just
that.


Q. Doesn't that create the possibility that
Members of the Senate will see that it is not
possible to attack your nominee and,
indeed, you indirectly and pay no price for
it?
The President. No, I don't think it raises
that at all. This is just the beginning.
Q. What do you think the prospects are
of winning this battle, and hasn't it really
thrown a cloud over your Asian trip? They
say this is the second time you've been shot
down over the Pacific. [Laughter]
The President. An interesting analogy.
[Laughter] I think people that are serious
students of foreign policy and are interested
in foreign policy objectives are not going to
view this trip in the context of the flap over
the John Tower nomination. I think there's
much more serious points in foreign policy
to be made, and if it's beclouded by some
political battle back home right now, so be
it. But what we're doing is laying the
groundwork for the security interests of the
United States, for the mutual interests of a
lot of our bilateral relationship. What we've
done is reemphasize the importance we
place on the Japanese relationship. We're
going to have, I'm sure, fruitful discussions
in China. So, I think what we're talking
about here-this turmoil over Tower and
the nominating process there-will give
way, whatever the result, to the importance
of this mission and the talks we've had.
Q. Do you have a head count? Do you
have any possibility of winning?
The President. Well, I wouldn't be in a
fight that I felt we were going to lose.
Interest Rates and Inflation
Q. Mr. President, you've said that what's
happened to the interest rate sends a strong
signal that we need to go down and address
the deficit problem. How much danger is
there, sir, that the tightening of credit will
choke off economic growth and throw the
economy into recession?
The President. Well, I think that Chairman Greenspan would be very wary of an
interest-rate policy that would choke off
growth. He is not antigrowth in order to kill
inflation. That is not the Greenspan position. So, I am not worried about that. But I
can't say I'm happy about the rise in inter

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Feb. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


est rates. But I don't want to overstate his
position, on the other hand.
Human Rights
Q. Yes, Mr. President, the U.S. has been
very firm with the Soviet Union in recent
years on human rights issues. Do you intend
to be equally firm with the Chinese? And
are you taking a list to them of dissidents?
And whose cases are you interested in?
The President. I think our position is so
well known to the Chinese-indeed, they
have had an opening, a glasnost, if you will,
that I wouldn't have thought possible,
and-you know, if you set the clock back to
when I was Ambassador there-whether
there's any specific list, I'm not familiar
with that right now. I'll be briefed on the
approaches we'll take as we fly to China.
But I think both the Soviet Union and
China know of our commitment to human
rights. And it is beholden on any American
President to reiterate our commitment to
human rights.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, you seem quite committed then to Senator Tower in your support. But some other White House staffers
seem a little bit less strong in their support.
Last night, for instance, Secretary Baker
gave an interview, and he said he supposed
that you would go to a full floor fight. Are
some of your aides suggesting to you it's
time to pull the plug, that the political costs
are too great to continue this?
The President. No, and obviously Secretary Baker is not. And he can speak for
himself, which he does very eloquently.
And so, I think you ought to be careful
about interpretations. And if you would put
a name next to some of my staffers who are
feeling this, I would like to kick some serious-[laughter]-hide on this question because I am committed. And I saw some stories out there that staffers are known to feel
this and that. And I'm calmer now, Ann
[Ann Compton, ABC News], than you remember from the campaign, and I'm going
to remain that way. It's a whole new feeling
inside. But I must confess to a certain irritation when I see comments like that that I
think have no validity. Obviously, some that
print them think they have validity, but let


me at them. Let me at the staffers that say
that. They will be history; they will be looking for another line of work. But I can't
ever find them.
Q. Let me just follow up by asking: Do
you have any members of your staff-advise
to you not to continue the fight for John
Tower?
The President. Not one single member of
my staff has said that. And maybe that's
because they know how strongly I feel, but
I don't think so. I think they all agree. I
mean, I know all our top-level people agree
that this is a fight that is important to wage,
and it's one that I perceive it to be on the
merits, on principle, not on rumor, not on
innuendo. We cannot have a matter of this
seriousness decided because, well, there
used to be the perception of this or that.
That isn't good enough now. It isn't fair
enough. And so, I don't know of any staffers
that feel that way. And yet I'm sure you
have your sources, but please tell me who
they are.
Q. Does that mean if Tower said,
Enough, I'm worn out, that you would indulge him on
The President. He's not going to do that.
And I don't go into such far-fetched hypothesis.
Jerry [Gerald Boyd, New York Times]?
Emperor Hirohito's Funeral
Q. Mr. President, I'm just curious whether you, as a World War II veteran who was
shot down not all that far from here, felt
any sense of unease yesterday appearing
before the coffin and bowing before the
Emperor and the new Emperor?
The President. No, I didn't. And I can't
say that in the quiet of the ceremony that
my mind didn't go back to the wonder of it
all, because I vividly remember my wartime experience. And I vividly remember
the personal friends that were in our squadron that are no longer alive as a result of
combat, a result of action. But my mind
didn't dwell on that at all. And what I really
thought, if there was any connection to
that, is isn't it miraculous what's happened
since the war. And I remember the stories,
in reading as preparation for this visit-the
visit of MacArthur and the former Emperor


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 25


here. That was historic, and that set a whole
new direction. And MacArthur's decision at
that time proved to be correct in terms of
Japan's move towards democracy.
And so, I honestly can tell you that I did
not dwell on that and didn't feel any sense
other than my mind thinking of personal
relationships and things of that nature, but
nothing to do about whether it was right to
be here. I was certain from the day that I
committed to come here that this was correct for the United States. And perhaps
having been in combat in World War II,
maybe the decision was more correct;
maybe it was more profound to be here. It
leaves out my experience.
I'm representing the United States of
America. And we're talking about a friend,
and we're talking about an ally. We're talking about a nation with whom we have constructive relationships. Sure, we got some
problems, but that was all overriding-and
respect for the Emperor. And remember
back in World War II, if you'd have predicted that I would be here, because of the
hard feeling and the symbolic nature of the
problem back then of the former Emperor's
standing, I would have said, "No way." But
here we are, and time moves on; and there
is a very good lesson for civilized countries
in all of this.
Middle East
Q. Mr. President, you referred in your
opening statement to your talks with
Middle East leaders and new opportunity as
a positive element in the region. Can you
elaborate on that and perhaps tell us when
you conclude your review when you're
going to take some
The President. In which area are you talking about?
Q. In the Middle East?
The President. In the Middle East? Sure.
You mean, what I see as positive in there?
Well, I think the whole acceptance by
Arafat of the conditions for talks is positive,
and I think that is seen as a very positive
signal in the Arab world. And I think that
there's a recognition in the part of Israel
that with the Intifada and the difficulties on
the West Bank that something needs to be
done. And I think there's a readiness on the
part of other Arab States to get serious


about negotiation and discussion. And I
think Egypt's new standing in the area is a
very important ingredient that could lead
to where they could be more of a catalyst
for peace. So, all of these are ingredients
that I think offer opportunity. And I think
everybody understands that before we just
go rushing out to do something for the sake
of doing something that we take a step that
is prudent.
I've been in this job for 1 month, and this
problem has been there for year after year
after year. But when I talk about the underlying potential for peace, I think that's
widely accepted now. There's still some
very tough elements. You've got some radical elements in what I would say the far left
of the PLO. You have a couple of countries
that have not been overly constructive towards the peace movement. But that's
overridden, it seems to me, by these elements that I've just described.
Interest Rates and Inflation
Q. Mr. President, you keep on saying that
you and Mr. Greenspan aren't that far apart
on inflation, but he keeps on nudging up
interest rates. Do you think it would be
advisable if the two of you got together and
sat down and hashed this out?
The President. Well, we have gotten together; we haven't hashed it out in total
agreement. He hasn't done it exactly my
way, nor am I about to change what I've
said. Ask him; I don't think we're far apart
at all. We've got a little difference of interpretation at this point as to how you read
the indicators on inflation, and that's the
only difference we've got. We share the
common objectives of needing to get the
deficit down. And I still maintain we are
not far apart. And I think where we have
total agreement is-regardless of what the
Fed has done and regardless if I would have
done that or not had I been the independent Chairman of the Fed-we have total
agreement that we need to get the budget
deficit down and that that itself would be
the best way to lighten up on these interest
rates. So, the areas of agreement far outweigh the nuances of difference, in my
view.


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Feb. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


President's Health
Q. How do you feel?
The President. Feel all right. I've done
my exercise every day. I didn't go running,
but they had a bike over there, and I've
been pedaling on that thing, which is very
important. It really makes a difference in
how I feel. I'm looking forward to the next
stop on this trip. And I know that there's
been a preoccupation. You've got editors,
and you've got interest at home. But I'm
telling you we've laid some good groundwork here. I think the Secretary of State
feels that way. I think General Scowcroft,
[Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs] feels that way. And that'll
help us as we move along. It'll help our
country as we move along now and go
down the road. So, I'm encouraged so far,
these talks we've had. And I'll get back and
get into the fray on this other matter that
seems to be overriding.
This better be the last because we have
another meeting in 4 minutes.
China-US. Relations
Q. You said you wouldn't believe the
opening that has occurred in China when
you were the U.S. Envoy there. How does it
feel to be back as President of the United
States?
The President. Well, I don't know. But
I'm looking forward to it. This will be my
fifth visit back since leaving China and Barbara's sixth. And I am told that the Chinese
leaders are looking forward to this return
visit. I'm excited about it, and I think that
the relationship with China is strong. We
obviously have differences with them, and
they'll have something to say about that,
I'm sure. I know I will marvel at the
changes. I did on the last visit, and people
have told me that just in the last 2 years
there's been even more change. There is an
openness in China today that I never would
have predicted 15 years ago, and I can't
wait to have the discussions with these top
leaders because this relationship is very important. And we spend a lot of time when
we're back home properly worrying about
and being concerned about NATO and
East-West relations, in the sense of U.S.
versus Soviet; but we must never neglect


our friends in the Pacific.
And this visit will be a way to talk about
common objectives and hammer out the
difference-working on the differences that
we may have on trade or whatever else it
is. But we've passed the day on the U.S.China relationship where anyone talks
about "playing a card." That was a term
that was highly offensive to the Chinese,
and properly so. And our relationship, the
China-U.S. relationship, stands on its own in
terms of cultural exchange and trade and
on common strategic interests and on the
way we view most of the world-not all of
it, because we have some big differences
with them on some areas. But what I want
to do is to strengthen that and to build on
those common perceptions and to make
them understand that we will never take
for granted this relationship and that we
will never do anything in dealing with the
Soviets that would inure to the detriment of
our Asian friends, be they Chinese, be they
ASEAN, be they Japanese. And that's an
important point to make because we're
going to have some very interesting work to
be done with the Soviet Union. But I think
the Chinese understand that, but I will
make the point that we're not going to
move forward in a way that would denigrate their interests or diminish the bilateral relationship between China and the
United States, that it stands on its own. So,
we've passed the days of "playing a card"
and where only discussion with China had
to do with the strategic equation-Moscow,
the United States, Beijing. And it's past that
now. We want to find ways to build.
So, we talk to Deng Xiaoping about this
and Zhao Ziyang and Li Peng, President
Yang, and then I can talk to you later on
about what we might have accomplished or
what big problems remain out there. The
relationship is strong, and I'd like to
strengthen it.
Soviet-China Relations
Q. Are you pleased to see them drawing
closer to the Soviets themselves?
The President. I have no problem with
this. I said this to Mr. Gorbachev before I
became President. And this visit next spring
is a good thing, and it's nothing detrimental


138




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 25


to the interests of the United States in that  very good thing.
regard. And even if there was-I mean, we  And so, I'm not concerned, John [John
should try to go about it in my view. But  Cochran, NBC News], about their going
there isn't. So, if the question gets into this  back to a relationship that was almost two
equation: Do you worry that the Soviets  against one automatically. It's not that kind
and the Chinese will get back to a Khru-  of a thing anymore. And I don't think that's
shchev era, almost unanimity on every-  a concern we have.
thing? No, I don't. There's a fierce independence in China today, and they've     W
moved out early on in terms of market in-  Note: The President's fifth news conference
centive and in terms of-oh, lots of things: began at 0i:30 a.m. in the US. Ambassaprivatization, no more communes in their      re. In his0remarks, he referred
agriculture, for example. And these are dra-  dors residence In his remarks, he referred
matic changes, and they haven't fully felt to Deng Xiaoping, Chairman of the Central
the effect of these changes. Now, they have  Military Commission; Zhao Ziyang, Genersome economic problems that go with fast  al Secretary of the Chinese Communist
economic change. Inflation is concerning  Party; Li Peng, Premier of the State Counthem, and how you handle rapid growth is cil; and  Yang Shangkun, President of
concerning them, but they're moving in  China. Following his remarks, President
this market-oriented way that we think is a  Bush traveled to Beijing, China.
Toast at the Welcoming Banquet in Beijing
February 25, 1989


Well, President Yang and Premier Li, distinguished guests, Barbara and I are delighted to be returning once again to China. I
first came here in 1974 and departed at the
end of 1975. And since then, including this
visit, I have been back five times, and Barbara six times. And each time we come, we
are fascinated by the dynamic change and
growth, all of which takes place against an
extraordinary, unchanging backdrop of a
great culture several thousand years old.
There's a Chinese proverb that says:
"One generation plants a tree; the next sits
in its shade." And there's a timeless wisdom
in that. But thanks to your courageous reforms-and I don't minimize the difficulties-the Chinese people are planting great
and sturdy trees, some of which are bearing
fruit right now for this generation.
Today the people of China have more
opportunities to express themselves and to
make important decisions in their personal
and professional lives. And your new and
farsighted economic program is already improving the lives of the people, as it will for
generations to come. The expansion of your


international relationships is also creating
new possibilities for peace, prosperity, and
world leadership, and the United States
welcomes the enlarged role that China has
taken in the world.
When I first arrived in Beijing in 1974, it
was a period when our two countries were
just beginning to renew contact after almost
a quarter of a century of estrangement.
And it wasn't easy. There were great differences between us. But in the principles of
the historic Shanghai communique, signed
17 years ago this coming Monday, we found
a common basis for moving beyond those
differences to find our shared interests. So,
together, we helped to plant a tree, and we
should keep planting trees.
We value the new relationship our two
countries have established with each other.
Our friendship is continuing to develop,
and that's good, for a relationship must be
strong enough to tackle the areas of disagreement as well as those of common interest. And it must be based on respect for
the individual as well as the integrity of the
states. We remain firmly committed to the


139




Feb. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


principles set forth in those three joint communiques that form the basis of our relationship. And based on the bedrock principle that there is but one China, we have
found ways to address Taiwan constructively without rancor. We Americans have a
long, historical friendship with Chinese
people everywhere. In the last few years,
we've seen an encouraging expansion of
family contacts and travel and indirect
trade and other forms of peaceful interchange across the Taiwan Strait, reflecting
the interests of the Chinese people themselves. And this trend, this new environment, is consistent with America's present
and longstanding interest in a peaceful resolution of the differences by the Chinese
themselves.
The United States and the People's Republic of China have also found common
interest in a growing economic relationship.
When I came here in 1974, our two-way
trade totaled about $900 million, and now it
is some $14 billion. And for this we must
credit the reforms China embarked upon
10 years ago under Chairman Deng Xiaoping's farsighted leadership.
And we've seen greater exchanges in
education as well, with tens of thousands of
Chinese students now studying in the
United States, just as thousands of U.S.
scholars have studied and taught in the farthest corners of China.
And we've developed an active program
of military cooperation that is forging ties of
friendship between our defense establishments, even as we've found a diplomatic
unity in our shared opposition to policies of
international aggression and domination.
Our two countries, as nuclear powers, as
permanent members of the United Nations
Security Council, have a special responsibility for preserving world peace. We owe it
to mankind to work together for peace and
international stability.
The United States has pressed forward
with the Soviet Union in the arms reduction
process, achieving under the INF treaty an
agreement to eliminate U.S. and Soviet intermediate-range nuclear missiles, on our
insistence, from Asia as well as Europe. We
are mindful of the danger posed to other
countries by the proliferation of deadly
weapon technologies, including chemical


weapons, particularly in the regions of the
world that are marked by conflict.
The prospect of improved relations between China and the Soviet Union inspires
hope for new progress in the search for selfdetermination and peace for the Cambodian people and stability for Korea.
There can be little doubt that even as the
people of our two countries are watching
this meeting, the world as a whole is watching the larger movement of our two great
nations as we build even firmer bonds
across the vast ocean that joins us.
Barbara and I have had the great good
fortune to travel around your vast and
beautiful land as guests of the Chinese
people. We went from the high plateau of
Tibet to the great city of Chengdu, where
we visited the home of your Tang poet
Dufu and where we later personally opened
the first American Consulate in the western
part of the People's Republic of China. And
we then had the unforgettable experience
of traveling by boat through the hauntingly
beautiful and historic Yangtze, the Gorges,
where we relished the history of the Three
Kingdoms and could almost hear the poet
Li Bo's description of "the monkeys who
screamed from the two sides without stopping." And then on to Wuhan and the first
bridge to span the Yangtze, and finally
Guilin and the beautiful Li River, where we
saw the mountains and waters of your
paintings and poetry.
Barbara and I are grateful for the friendship and kindness that we have been shown
over the years by the Chinese people. And
the expanding relationship between your
country and ours has been a source of satisfaction to us as well. Let us continue then
to work together, to plant trees together, so
that the next generation, ours and yours,
can sit together in the shade.
So, please, let me ask all of you to join me
and Barbara in a toast: To the health of
President Yang; to the health of Premier Li;
to the health of Chairman Deng and General Secretary Zhao; to Barbara's and my dear
close friends here tonight; and to SinoAmerican friendship: Ganbei. [Cheers.]
Note: The President spoke at 8:15 p.m. in
the Western Hall of the Great Hall of the
People.


140




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 26


Remarks at Chongmenwen Christian Church in Beijing
February 26, 1989


Pastor Kan and Pastor Shi and Pastor Yin,
thank you, and thank this congregation for
your generosity. You have met Barbara, but
I want you to meet the Secretary of State of
the United States. He and Barbara and I are
members of the same church in Houston,
Texas, in the United States. Jim Baker here,
our Secretary of State.
It is a special pleasure for Barbara and
me to return to this special place of worship. We have so many fond memories of
our time in Beijing and the warmth of its
citizens and the hospitality shown to us; the
enduring friendships we made; and, yes, the
place in history that those days represented.
Perhaps our most quiet and personal
memory is about this church. The building
is different, but the church itself is the
same; the spirit is the same. Our family has
always felt that church is the place to seek
guidance and seek strength and peace. And
when you are away from home, you realize
how much that means. This church, in a
sense, was our home away from home. It's a
little different, though. Today we came up
with 20 motorcars in a motorcade, and I
used to come to church on my bicycle, my
Flying Pigeon. [Laughter] But it doesn't
matter how you come to church; the important thing is that the feeling is the same,
the feeling of being in the spirit of Jesus
Christ. And, yes, our daughter, Dorothy,
now the mother of two children, was baptized in this church; and that gives us a
special feeling of identity and warmth.


Today the relationship between China
and the United States is good. We are
launching satellites together. The students
of both countries study at each other's great
universities. And Chinese and Americans
enjoy the cultural treasures of both nations.
We compete against each other on the athletic field and in the economic arena, but
we compete as friends.
Much is different since Barbara and I
journeyed to Beijing so many years ago, but
some things have not changed, for example,
what this church has represented over the
years: that sense of community, family, and
faith that binds us together as friends and
neighbors. And in this accelerating world,
that bond is a precious bond. Sometimes
our problems can seem bigger than life
itself, intractable and fearsome. But I am
convinced that with each other, with our
faith in God, we can meet any challenge,
and we will.
Thank you for welcoming us back, and
God bless each and every one of you. And
now Barbara and I would like to make a
small presentation to this church that
means so much to us. This is a bigger
Bible-[laughter]-but it comes to you with
our heartfelt thanks and our love.
Note: The President spoke at 8:30 a.m.
during morning prayer services. In his
opening remarks, he referred to the Reverends Kan Xueqing, Shi Zesheng, and Yin
Jiceng.


Remarks to American Embassy Employees in Beijing
February 26, 1989


Well, I want to thank Secretary [of State]
Baker for that warm introduction and, on
his behalf and mine and Barbara's and all
those traveling with us, express our gratitude to each and every one of you in the
Embassy. I'm proud to be greeted by the
marines, proud to have been greeted before


them by several of our Chinese friends, coworkers that worked with Barbara and me
right in this very house.
You know, there's something about seeing
familiar, friendly faces when you walk in a
place that does make you feel at home, and
then to see all of you. I don't know who the


141




Feb. 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


admin officer is here, who runs the administrative end of things, and those of you poor,
suffering souls who work with him or her[laughter]-but I will simply say-it is a her.
I can't see her, but they tell me it is a she.
[Laughter] Please stand up. Oh, she is
standing up. Sorry. [Laughter] But let me
thank you from the bottom of my heart
because I know something about surviving
a visit from a President. We had one when I
was out here, before this was an embassy.
[Laughter] And I was sure glad to see him
go. [Laughter] And if that wasn't enough,
we survived two from Henry Kissinger. Try
that one on for size. [Laughter] You think
we're bad, now, listen! [Laughter]
But to the Chinese employees here and
to the families and to all
[At this point, the President was interrupted
by a crying baby.]
Oh, it's not that bad, kid. Wait a minute;
it's going to get-[laughter]. To all of you
here, really, I did want to say my special
thanks. You serve a long way from home.
This relationship, as I told Chairman Deng
Xiaoping and others, is vital. It is absolutely
essential to the foreign policy interest of the
United States and, I'd say, in our own security interests as well. And so, you're doing a
wonderful job for our country, and we are
extraordinarily grateful to each and every
one of you. And sometimes when you're
halfway around the world, you expect
nobody really gives much of a damn, but I
do. And I care about it because I've been a
part of an Embassy once, and when you've
done that you know how people pull together. I have respect for the Foreign Service. I have respect for those in the military
who serve abroad. And I have respect for


those in the other departments that make
up a great Embassy like this. And I might
say, I have great respect for this Ambassador and for what he's done in building on
this extraordinarily important relationship.
And so, Barbara and I give our thanks to
Betty and to Winston.
We're running behind schedule, and so,
we've got to go off for yet another meeting.
I was looking forward to this one, though,
and I apologize. And part of the reason
we're late is I had to stop at the International Club. I had to see those guys that I
played tennis with because I read in the
paper a terrible thing. Mr. Wong-modest
man that he is, and some of you may know
him-the tennis guy up here at the club,
reported erroneously that he beat me regularly in tennis. [Laughter] And this was in
the New York Times. [Laughter] And I had
to stop off and talk to him about that story,
and so, I apologize for being late.
But let me end by saying Barbara and I
are thrilled to be back here. We've had a
wonderful visit. And it is more than the
symbolism; it is important that we make
clear to our Chinese friends that we value
this relationship, that we're going to work
to strengthen it. And once again, that's
where all of you come in.
So, thank you, and God bless each and
every one of you for what you're doing for
the greatest, the freest, and the best country on the face of the Earth: the United
States of America. Thank you all.
Note: The President spoke at 1:55 p.m. at
the US. Ambassador's residence. In his remarks, he referred to Administrative Officer Dorothy Sampas, Ambassador Winston
Lord, and Mrs. Betty Lord.


Interview With Chinese Television Journalists in Beijing
February 26, 1989


China-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, I'm sure millions of
Chinese people are watching this program
now. I wonder if you would like to say a
few words to them first.


The President. Well, I do have an opening
statement, but first let me thank you for
this unique opportunity. It's a great honor
for me to be the first American President to
speak to the Chinese people in a live broad

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 26


cast. And I feel as if I were talking to old
friends who, while out of sight, have never,
never been out of heart and mind.
Fourteen years ago, Barbara and I came
to your beautiful land when I was, as you
said, Chief of the United States Liaison
Office. And for us, returning to Beijing is a
homecoming. Our work here was a source
of great personal satisfaction, a happy, challenging time in our lives. And we actually
went to church here; indeed, our daughter
was baptized in our faith here. And we
rode bicycles down the hutongs [narrow
streets] of Beijing and came to have a general feeling of affection for the Chinese
people. And we knew then that the relationship that we would establish between
our two nations would be a special one
indeed.
And we were right. Today the bridges
that started with the Shanghai communique
years ago-today that relationship has
joined our peoples together in friendship
and respect. And our two countries continue to weave an increasingly rich fabric of
relations through our expanding trade and
cultural and scientific exchange. American
students study at many of your finest universities, and we welcome thousands of Chinese students and researchers to educational institutions in the United States. The understanding and friendship that these students have developed will only help to improve and deepen relations between our
two countries in the years ahead.
I've spoken to the American people about
a new breeze blowing in the world today.
And there's a worldwide movement toward
greater freedom: freedom of human creativity and freedom of economic opportunity. And we've all begun to feel the winds of
change sweep us toward an exciting and
challenging new century. These windsnew, sometimes gentle, sometimes strong
and powerful. China was one of the first
nations to feel this new breeze, and like a
tree in a winter wind, you've learned to
bend and adapt to new ways and new ideas
and reform.
Many challenges lie before our two nations. And together, we must find political
solutions to regional conflicts. We must
foster global growth. And together, in order
to make life better for future generations,


we must seek solutions to worldwide concerns, such as our planet's environment, the
threat to all people from international
terror, the use and spread of chemical and
biological weapons, and international drug
trafficking. I know your leaders share with
me a determination to solve these and
other problems, and as President of the
United States, I look forward to continuing
to work closely with them as I have done in
the past.
The Americans and Chinese share many
things, but perhaps none is more important
than our strong sense of family. Just a few
weeks ago, Barbara and I were blessed by a
new grandchild. And when I think of her
and I think of the beautiful children of
China, my commitment to peace is renewed and reaffirmed.
I am confident that when future generations of Chinese and Americans look back
upon this time they'll say that the winds of
change blew favorably upon our lands.
Thank you for your friendship, your hospitality, and the many warm memories of this
wonderful country that Barbara and I take
with us as we return tomorrow to the
United States. Thank you all.
Q. Mr. President, you've been in office
for just a month, and many people are
probably surprised that you've decided to
come to China so soon. Why now?
The President. Now because, you see, I
view the relationship between China and
the United States as highly significant, as
one of the very most important relationships that we have. And so, it has a lot to do
with bilateralism, with our trade and our
cultural exchanges and what I said here
about the children. But it's more than that.
It really has, because of China's importance
and ours, a lot to do with world peace. And
so, before much time went by, I wanted to
reaffirm the importance that the United
States places on this bilateral relationship,
and I wanted to pledge to the Chinese leaders-and I've met the top four leaders in
the last day and a half-that this relationship will grow and it will prosper. And we
have economic problems, and China has
some. But together we're going to solve
them, and we're going to move forward.
Q. Well, this is your second day in China.


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Feb. 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


How do you assess your time here? What
specifically have you achieved on this trip?
The President. Well, really it's been a
period to-just in that short period of
time-to visit with the Chinese leadership
and Chairman Deng Xiaoping and othersZhao Ziyang and Li Peng, Chairman
Yang-all of these men giving a lot of their
time to explain the reforms in China, the
new directions that China is taking in world
affairs. We had an interesting exchange on
the forthcoming visit of General Secretary
Gorbachev coming here. And it is important that they understand what I'm thinking in terms of the Middle East or the subcontinent or our relations with the Soviet
Union on arms control, and it's important I
understand theirs. So, it hasn't been a visit
that has three points on an agenda. It's a
visit with a much broader perspective and a
reaffirmation of a relationship that's strong.
Q. Mr. President, you know perhaps as
well as anyone about the development of
relations between your country and China.
How would you say that relationship contributes to world peace and development?
The President. Well, I think it contributes
a lot, because in the first place, we in the
United States have a disproportionate responsibility for discussions on strategic
weapons, for example, and we want to go
forward with the Soviet Union, in this instance, on negotiations. But we don't want
to do that in a way that would jeopardize
the interests of any other country. And so,
in that one area, we can have discussions
with the Chinese, just as our Secretary of
State, Jim Baker, had with the European
leaders.
Another area is the economy. And we
have some economic problems at home,
and I wanted to assure the Chinese leaders
that I am going to do my level best to get
our deficit down. The Chinese people
might say, Well, what in the world does
that have to do with me living in Beijing or
down in Shanghai or out further in the
countryside? Well, the economies of the
world are interlocked in a way. And if I can
do my job properly, that might mean lower
interest rates. And what does that mean to
the average man on the street in China?
That might mean that eventually his goods
come to him at a lower price. So, I just


come back to the fact that the visit is a
chance to explore in depth the complicated
international relationships and to build on
this bilateral relationship.
China-U.S. Trade
Q. Well, it's said there's vast potential in
strengthening both the economic and technological cooperation between China and
the United States. How do we best tap that
potential, and how do we overcome problems such as the restrictions on the transfer
of technology?
The President. Well, in the first place, I
had an opportunity just a minute agoI was almost late for your program because
I was talking to Zhao Ziyang, a very impressive leader, about the economy and about
reforms. We congratulate the Chinese leaders in the steps they've taken towards economic reform.
Now, in terms of something technical like
technological exchange, I made clear to the
Chinese leaders, particularly in a conversation with Li Peng, that we are prepared to
go the extra mile in terms of investment, in
terms of business, exports and imports. You
know, when I was here in China 15 years
ago, total trade was $800 million. And now,
depending on how one accounts for it, we
would say we would use a figure of $14
billion. So, we're going to move forward.
We will advance technology to China as
much as we possibly can under what is
known as the COCOM [Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Security Controls] arrangement. There are some highly
sensitive, highly sophisticated military technologies that I'm not even sure China is
interested in, but that we are prohibited
from exporting under the law. Having said
that, we have exported some highly sophisticated technology to China, and as President, I want to continue to do that. And
that will benefit the life of the average Chinese citizen.
We're in an information society in many
ways in the United States, and clearly that
is going to come to China-computer
knowledge and education techniques that
are coming to the average Chinese kid from
computers. And we've been blessed by advanced technology, and now we want to


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 27


share it as much as we can.
Q. Well, you know there are reforms in
China right now
The President. I know it.
Q.     and the Chinese Government is
trying to attract more foreign investment.
So, does your administration have or plan to
have any specific measures to encourage
American businesses to invest in China?
The President. Well, we had a chance to
talk about that here today with the Chinese
leaders, and I did point out to them that
there are certain things that we'd like to
see China move forward on that would enhance further investment here. I'd like to
see an investment treaty between the two
countries of some sort-an agreement, not a
treaty but a bilateral agreement on trade.
We-like we do not just with China but
many other countries-talk about copyright
and patent protection, and yet I find on this
visit that China is moving forward with a
new patent code and now drafting copyright legislation, which would be very helpful.
So, there are some artificial barriers. And
the good thing about a visit like this is we
can sit and talk to the leaders in a dispassionate way. And where they disagree with
me, they will tell me, and where I disagree
with them, I'm obliged to tell them. And
that's what a good frank relationship can
do.
But I told them that I must work to get
the budget deficit in the United States now,
because that does have an adverse impact
on international interest rates. So, there are
things that we can do, and there were


things that I've asked China to do in terms
of facilitating business. Sometimes I think
your country is as bad as mine is on red
tape. And to get the best flow of investment, China needs to do better on red tape,
and so do we. It's a two-way street.
Q. Well, I've got more questionsThe President. Go ahead.
Q. -but the time is up.
The President. Oh, dear.
Q. And I'm afraid you have another important activity right after this, so we have
to end this interview right now.
Thank you very much, Mr. President. It's
been a pleasure to have you here.
The President. Well, this has been a
unique opportunity. And let me just conclude my part of your broadcast by again
saying as President of the United States, the
growing relationship between China and
the United States is vital to my country. It is
important to my country. And I hope it will
benefit the people in China. I am confident
that it will, and I know it will benefit world
peace as well.
Q. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
The President. Thank you, ma'am.
Note: The interview began at 6:02 p.m. at
the CCTV Studios. In his remarks, the President referred to Zhao Ziyang, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party;
Deng Xiaoping, Chairman of the Central
Military Commission; Li Peng, Premier of
the State Council, and Yang Shangkun,
President of China. Following his remarks,
the President traveled to Seoul, Republic of
Korea.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the President's Trip to
China
February 27, 1989


The President and Mrs. Bush were delighted by the warm reception in China.
The entire range of Chinese leadership met
with the President, showing their respect
for him personally and for the United
States. The luncheon hosted by Chairman
Deng Xiaoping and the President's live ap

pearance on Chinese national television
were both quite unusual and underscored
the Chinese appreciation for the trip.
The President feels the visit was successful in several ways. Both countries underscored their desire to move forward on bilateral issues, noting our bilateral trade


145




Feb. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


level up from $10-14 billion, more Chinese
students in the United States, a developing
military relationship, and a large and growing science and technology relationship.
The President expects both countries to
move forward in all of these areas.
There are problems on both sides, of
course. They are concerned about Taiwan
and what they consider to be excessive
United States export controls. In addition,
we hope for more progress in human rights.
The President felt the talks on international issues went very well, especially the
discussions on Cambodia. Both China and


the United States agreed the liberalization
of China's investment regulations is desirable, and the Chinese are pursuing this approach. The Chinese said they had completed a patent law and are working on a new
copyright law, both of which are necessary
to protect intellectual property rights.
The President and Mrs. Bush also shared
a personal excitement about the private aspects of the trip. They were especially
moved by the Sunday morning church service, the warmth of the Chinese people, and
the many changes that have been made in
Chinese society in recent years.


Remarks Following a Meeting With President Roh Tae Woo in
Seoul
February 27, 1989


Well, President Roh and I had very
useful, wide-ranging discussions. We reviewed the political situation in this part of
the world. I told him about my China visit,
and we had a chance to review our relations with the Soviet Union as well. We are
both pleased by trends toward relaxations of
tension in this part of the world. President
Roh's nordpolitik-reaching out to China,
the Soviets, and Eastern Europe-and his
initiatives toward North Korea contributed
importantly to these trends.
The U.S. fully supports Korea's creative
diplomacy. Despite such positive policies,
some hard realities remain. Among these is
that North Korea maintains the world's fifth
largest military force, a force deployed just
25 miles north of here. And the United
States remains committed to the security
and freedom of the Republic of Korea. And
I had an opportunity to make that point
very clearly to President Roh. Perhaps
some of the confidence-building measures
that we've proposed, measures that have


worked well in Europe, will also be applied
to the Korean Peninsula.
Besides the diplomatic and security issues,
we discussed ways to strengthen the free
world economic system. We had a frank discussion of economic problems-Korea being
a very important trading partner with the
United States. Korea has benefited from
U.S. open markets, and I think we both
agree we need to move as quickly as possible to fully open markets. We must expect
fair access to the markets here. And I believe that President Roh understands that.
But all and all, the trip has been too
short. The hospitality has been wonderful.
And inasmuch as I do not want to make the
Assembly mad-the elected leaders in the
various parties that represent Korea's democracy-we should go.
But thank you, Mr. President, very much
for an unforgettable visit.
Note: President Bush spoke at 2:49 p.m. at
the Blue House, the official residence of
President Roh.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 27


Remarks to the National Assembly in Seoul
February 27, 1989


Thank you, Mr. Speaker. Thank you, and
I hold out my hand to you, to the Government of Korea, and to the people of Korea.
Mr. Speaker and Members of the National
Assembly of the Republic of Korea and distinguished guests, I am honored by your
invitation to address this body today. I stand
in your Assembly as Presidents Eisenhower,
Johnson, and Reagan have stood before me.
And I reaffirm, as they did, America's support, friendship, and respect for the Republic of Korea and its people.
As a former Member of a body like this,
of the House of Representatives of the
United States, I take particular pleasure in
coming back to this legislative chamber,
where the freely elected representatives of
Korea's own democratic success story meet
to debate and implement the will of the
Korean people. I know there must be times
when this body, just like the United States
Congress, is full of noise and contention and
emotion. But that is the sound of democracy at work, and we wouldn't have it any
other way. As the great statesman Winston
Churchill once said: "Democracy is the
worst form of government except for all
others."
This is my first major address on foreign
soil since becoming the 41st President of
the United States of America. And my visit
here today reflects the importance that I
place on the relations between our two
countries, the strength of our nations' ties,
and the promise that our relationship holds
for the future of the world. My inauguration
as President a month ago represented a tradition in the United States that speaks of
both continuity and change. Continuity and
change will also be the guideposts of relations between the United States and Korea
in the years ahead. Where change is needed
or inevitable, let us be a positive force for
change. Where continuity is our mandate,
let us go forward, resolute in our commitment to freedom and democracy. Throughout, let our close economic and strategic
relationship remain as it is: a pillar of peace
in East Asia.


I first came to the Asian Pacific region
during World War II, more than 45 years
ago. I was a teenager, 19 years old. I was
flying torpedo bombers in the United States
Navy. It was then, for the first time in my
life, that I truly appreciated the value of
freedom and the price that we pay to keep
it. Believe me, I have never forgotten.
In the early years following World War II,
the future of Korea and of all Asia was very
much in doubt. It was a time of great struggle between Korea's hope for freedom,
Korea's hope for prosperity, and the twin
menaces of war and invasion. On a June
morning in 1950, the Communist army of
the North smashed into the Republic of
Korea, intent on destroying your nation.
And without hesitation or delay, American
and U.N. forces rushed to your aid. And
together, Americans and Koreans fought
side by side for your right to determine
your own future. And I do remember the
devastation of your country. Your cities lay
in rubble. Your factories were in shambles.
Millions of your people wandered the
streets homeless and hungry. And in 1951,
in the midst of the war, General Douglas
MacArthur addressed a joint session of our
Congress. And he spoke of Korea, saying,
"The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description." And as he spoke those words, our
Congress interrupted him with applause,
sustained applause, for you and your
people.
And after the war, you overcame every
imaginable hardship. History will long
record your story: how in less than a generation you stepped into the light of liberty
and economic opportunity. You can be
proud of the miracle that you've achieved.
And we are proud to be associated with
you.
Today Korea is a rising nation; a vibrant,
dynamic nation; a nation riding the crest of
the wave of the future. And never before
has the pride and the progress of your
nation been more evident than last summer
when this magnificent city played host to


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Feb. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the 24th Olympic games. Nearly 10,000 athletes from 160 nations were here. Another
3 billion people watched on television. And
what they saw from the moment Sohn Kee
Chung carried the torch into your Olympic
Stadium until the last embers of the Olympic flame were extinguished at the closing
ceremonies was an incredibly spectacular
sports festival. You played host to the world,
and what a truly gracious host you were.
Congratulations!
The past several years have witnessed the
emergence of the entire Asian-Pacific
region. My trip-beginning in Japan, stopping in China, and concluding here in
Korea-stands as testimony to the reality
and what it means to the future of the
world. Today Asia is one of the most dynamic areas on Earth-economically, politically, diplomatically. The Republic of Korea
stands at the fore. You're a world-class economic power. Your commitment to democracy is demonstrated daily right here in this
chamber. And your bold diplomacy, your
nordpolitik [South Korean contact with Socialist States], is reshaping relations in and
beyond the Asia-Pacific region.
In my meetings with Prime Minister Takeshita of Japan, China's Deng Xiaoping
and the three other top leaders, and with
you and your leaders, I've discussed challenging bilateral, global, and regional issues.
And our discussions have been marked at
all times by a spirit of friendship and cooperation.
I've come here today as the leader of a
faithful friend and a dependable ally. And
I'm here today to ensure that we continue
to work together in all things. Our most
important mission together is to maintain
the freedom and democracy that you
fought so hard to win. As President, I am
committed to maintaining American forces
in Korea, and I'm committed to support our
Mutual Defense Treaty. There are no plans
to reduce U.S. forces in Korea. Our soldiers
and airmen are there at the request of the
Republic of Korea to deter aggression from
the North, and their presence contributes
to the peace and stability of northeast Asia.
And they will remain in the Republic of
Korea as long as they are needed and as
long as we believe it is in the interest of
peace to keep them there.


In the years ahead, we must work together as equal partners to meet the evolving
security needs of the Korean Peninsula.
Peace through strength is a policy that has
served the security interests of our two nations well. And we must complement deterrence with an active diplomacy in search of
dialog with our adversaries, including North
Korea. The American people share your
goal of peaceful unification on terms acceptable to the Korean people. It's for that
reason that we actively support the peaceful initiatives of President Roh to build
bridges to the North. And I will work closely with the President to coordinate our efforts to draw the North toward practical,
peaceful, and productive dialog to ensure
that our policies are complementary and
mutually reinforcing.
I've spoken of the need for vigilance,
strength, and diplomacy to deter aggression
and preserve peace. There's another source
of strength, and it is well-represented in
this Assembly. The development of democratic political institutions is the surest
means to build the national consensus that
is the foundation of true security.
Just as we must work together to achieve
better security within a democratic framework, we must also work together to
achieve greater economic prosperity within
the system of free and open international
trade. The progress of the Korean economy
is an inspiration for developing countries
throughout the world. By unleashing the
energies and creativity of your talented
people, you've led Korea into an era of unprecedented opportunity and prosperity.
Korea has become an industrial power, a
major trading power, and a first-class competitor. You are fulfilling the prophecy of
the Indian poet Tagore who wrote: "Korea,
once a bright light of the golden age of
Asia, if it is relit, it will be the light of the
East." Korea has achieved great prosperity
through participation in the international
trading system that has made the nations of
free Asia the envy of the world. And all
Koreans can take pride in what you, as a
people, have achieved.
And yet we also cannot overlook that
your economic success has created concern
in the management of our bilateral econom

148




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 27


ic relations. For the American people and
for the Korean people, as well, reducing our
bilateral trade imbalance will be both a
challenge and an opportunity. The challenge will be to resist the calls for protectionism; the opportunity will be to expand
the prosperity of both our countries. And
we both, you and I, have a lot at stake. You
are our seventh largest trading partner,
larger than many of our traditional European trading partners, and our trade is growing. The United States is both Korea's largest market and second largest source of imports. And we're also a leading source of
the investment and technology that you will
need to fuel further economic growth and
development.
Korea's economy has benefited greatly
from the free flow of trade. And yet today,
in many countries, there is a call for greater
protectionism. And I'm asking you to join
the United States in rejecting these shortsighted pleas. Protectionism is fool's gold.
Protectionism may seem to be the easy way
out but is really the quickest way down.
And nothing will stop the engine of Korea's
economic growth faster than new barriers
to international trade.
We've made progress in this area. American exports to Korea are up. Korean tariffs
are down, and its nontariff barriers are
down, too. And the service sector is opening. And let me be candid. I want you to
have this direct from me. If we are to keep
our bilateral relationship growing even
stronger, much more needs to be done. And
I am confident that our two nations working together can accomplish the tasks still
before us.
As one of the world's major trading
powers, the Republic of Korea sets an example for other nations who are watching
what you do. As an emerging economic
leader, you inevitably shoulder important
responsibilities to ensure the continued
strength and stability of the global marketplace. You, the representatives of the
Korean people, will face the challenge to
improve living standards, to continue to
open domestic markets, and to adopt appropriate international financial and exchange
rate policies that reflect your standing as a
prosperous and powerful trading nation.


The United States shares similar responsibilities for the well-being of the world economy. Our two peoples should, at all times,
bear in mind that our trading system is
truly an international joint venture and that
we share a special responsibility for its continued success.
My friends-and we are truly friends-I
began today by talking about my inauguration as the new President of the United
States of America just a few short weeks
ago. The tradition of passing the torch of
leadership from one American President to
another is a time when we celebrate the
strength of our democracy and a time when
we renew our commitment to the values on
which it is built. Today I am renewing my
commitment to you, as the leader of one
sovereign state to the elected legislative
body of another. I am renewing my commitment to you to work together for the
good of our peoples and of all humanity.
And as I reflect over the last 40 years of
Asian history, the trend is remarkably positive. At the end of the Second World War,
Asia lay in ruins. Through the 1950's and
the 1960's, the forces of radical revolution
at times appeared to be the wave of the
future. And now, in the 1980's, human aspirations for basic political and economic freedoms have become almost universal. And as
we gather here in your National Assembly,
these aspirations are no longer a far-off
dream for your great country, for Korea.
Instead, through your devotion and hard
work, they've become a reality, and we celebrate your triumph. In the years ahead,
the United States will stand with you
against the forces of oppression and for the
forces of peace, prosperity, independence,
and democracy.
And so, on behalf of my wife, Barbara; of
our Secretary of State, Jim Baker, who is
with me here today; and others, our leaders
in our government, I came to observe, I
came to reaffirm. And from the bottom of
my heart, I thank you for the warmth and
the hospitality you have bestowed upon all
of us. Thank you, and God bless you all.
Note: The President spoke at 4:01 p.m. in
the National Assembly Hall. In his opening


149




Feb. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


remarks, he referred to Kim Jaison, Speaker marks, the President returned to Washingof the National Assembly. Following his re-  ton, DC.


Remarks Upon Returning From a
February 27, 1989
Let me just say that it's great to be back
home again at the conclusion of a productive and rewarding trip to Japan, China,
and Korea, a trip which underscored that
America is and will remain a Pacific power.
There were important symbols. I'll never
forget that solemn moment when we paid
our nation's respect to the late Emperor of
Japan, and the warm and genuine handshakes between old friends in Beijing's
Great Hall of the People, the opportunity
for the freely elected leader of a 200-yearold nation to address the freely elected legislature of a blossoming democracy, Korea.
But we laid out an important substantive
course: thoughtful and candid conversations
with world leaders, over 20 of them, leaders
from Asia-China, Japan, Korea, Thailand,
Singapore, India, Pakistan, and the Philippines-and our allies from Europe-France,
Belgium, Italy, Portugal, Turkey, Germany,
and Spain-and leaders from the Middle
East-Egypt, Israel, and Jordan-and the
Presidents of Brazil, Nigeria, and Zaire.
And so, I return tonight pleased with the
progress made toward lasting and mutually
beneficial relationships with our allies and
friends. Of course, differences remain.
Work is yet to be done: opening foreign
markets to U.S. competition, continuing to
encourage the growth of democracy and
human rights, and strengthening of our alliances. But common ground was found.
In Japan, we have our most important
Asian ally and one of our largest trading
partners. Our discussions there emphasized
the responsibilities we share in the field of
defense. But we also spoke of ways in which
the world's strongest and most innovative
economies can cooperate more closely to
fuel growth not only at home but also in
the developing world.
In China, I talked with the leaders that
I'd known nearly 15 years ago, when I
served as Chief of the U.S. Liaison Office.


Trip to the Far East
And it is clear from my trip that China
approaches its thaw with the Soviets with
caution and realism. We agreed that the
Soviets must be judged not by their rhetoric but by their actions, such as whether
the Soviet Union actually draws down its
military forces along China's border and
persists in encouraging Vietnam to completely withdraw from Cambodia. We also
agreed that after Cambodia has achieved a
genuine end to Vietnam's occupation, free
elections should be held under a coalition
government led by Prince Sihanouk, with
whom I met in Beijing. The United States
remains committed to a result that precludes a return to power by the Khmer
Rouge. And the Chinese leaders appreciate
our concern and are willing to work toward
a peaceful coalition.
On the final leg of my journey I went to
Korea, where I saw both democracy and
economic liberty work in a country whose
security is assured by our joint efforts in
vigilance. Thirty years ago such progress
was unimaginable, and it stands as a testament to the Korean people and our commitment to them.
From these 4 days of intensive discussions, I return with one especially vivid impression: The world looks to America for
leadership not just because we're militarily
strong, not just because we have the world's
largest economy, but because the ideas we
have championed are now dominant. Freedom and democracy, openness, and the
prosperity that derives from individual initiatives in the free marketplace-these
ideas, once thought to be strictly American,
have now become the goals of mankind all
over Asia.
The success of our nation's foreign policy
is the responsibility of the President, with
the counsel and support of the Congress.
And this important trip has only underscored for me what can be achieved


150




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 27


through a strong and bipartisan working relationship between the White House and
Congress. I'm anxious to sit down with congressional leadership to brief them on details of these critical visits, and together we
must ensure that this initial success is only a
first step down a long path of peace and
understanding with our friends and allies. If
common ground can be found halfway
around the world in the shadow of Mt. Fuji,
the historic Great Hall of the People, or the
garden of Korea's Blue House, surely it can
be found at home among men and women


of common purpose. We must respect each
other and join together as one in pursuing a
foreign policy that ensures the security of
our country, its economic opportunity, and
freedom and individual rights around the
world.
It's great to be home. God bless the
United States of America. Thank you all
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 6:34 p.m. on
the tarmac of Andrews Air Force Base in
Camp Springs, MD.


Statement on the United Nations Human Rights Commission Report
on Cuba
February 27, 1989


I wish to express my support for the U.N.
Human Rights Commission's report on
human rights in Cuba. We find the report
full, balanced, and objective. Consideration
of Cuba marks a watershed in the U.N.
treatment of human rights abuses. For too
long, the U.N. has focused on small countries which lack extensive support within
the organization. Many of those countries
today are either functioning democracies or
have taken significant steps on the road
toward full democracy. Meanwhile, longstanding violators of human rights have enjoyed immunity from scrutiny and have
even fostered human rights investigations
into other countries.
For more than 30 years, the people of
Cuba have languished under a regime
which has distinguished itself as one of the
most repressive in the world. Last year the
international community won an important
victory when the U.N. Human Rights Commission decided to conduct a full investigation into the situation in Cuba. The report


which was released in Geneva is based on
firsthand testimony about persistent violations of human rights in that country and is
the culmination of that investigation.
The United States firmly believes that
this report should begin a long-term effort
to bring about true and lasting changes in
the Cuban Government's performance on
human rights. In the year since the U.N.
Human Rights Commission decided to investigate Cuba, there have been slight -and
superficial improvements. But much more
needs to be done before the Cuban people
can truly be said to enjoy the rights guaranteed them by the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. I call upon other members
of the Commission and all countries that
value freedom to maintain pressure on the
Cuban Government by continuing U.N.
monitoring of the human rights situation in
Cuba. The people of Cuba and oppressed
people everywhere look to the U.N. as their
last best hope. We must not disappoint
them.


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Feb. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters
Following a Cabinet Meeting
February 28, 1989


Bookstore Bombings
The President. I have a brief statement.
But lest there be any confusion about this
occasion, this is what we called a modified
press availability, unlike a photo op in
which I do not take questions and will not
take questions. So, this is a change, and I've
explained this and asked the indulgence of
our Cabinet, with whom we've just had an
opportunity to brief and to talk about the
trip that Secretary Baker and I and others
are just back from. So, we've had a full
meeting. But let me just read a statement
relevant to current events here.
A press building in New York City and
two bookstores in Berkeley have been targets today of bomb attacks. And while the
details surrounding these incidents and the
motives of those who carried them out are
still unclear, I think that it is important to
take this occasion to state where the U.S.
Government and, I'm convinced, the American people stand on violence and on our
rights. This country was founded on the
principles of free speech and religious tolerance. And we fought throughout our history
to protect these principles. And I want to
make unequivocally clear that the United
States will not tolerate any assault on these
rights of American citizens. Should it
appear that any Federal laws have been
violated in these bombing attacks, I've
asked Dick Thornburgh, our able Attorney
General here, to use all of the resources of
the FBI and all other appropriate resources
of this government to identify and bring to
justice those responsible.
We don't yet know if the bombings are
related to the book "The Satanic Verses."
But let me be clear: Anyone undertaking
acts of intimidation or violence aimed at
the author, the publishers, or the distributors of "The Satanic Verses" will be prosecuted to the maximum extent of the law.
And, yes, some of the Muslim faith can interpret that book as highly offensive, and I
can be sensitive to that, but we cannot and
will not condone violence and lawlessness


in this country. And I think our citizens
need to know how strongly I feel about
that.
I'll be glad to take a couple of questions
before we have to go on to otherHuman Rights
Q. Mr. President, the Chinese Foreign
Ministry has been suggesting that the incident involving Mr. Fang could have been
avoided if the guest list for your dinner had
been presented to them in advance. As a
matter of policy, do you believe when you
invite dissidents from countries to a social
event that you should clear in advance with
the host Government?
The President. No, and I think they understand that. They may have a point, that
it might have been avoided; but that's not
the whole question when it comes to the
United States commitment to human rights.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, do you have any reason
to believe that you will get the five votes or
more necessary to get the Tower nomination through?
The President. I'm working hard at it, and
I hope so, and all of us are. I am committed.
I'm committed on two grounds, and I've
just told my Cabinet this. One of them has
to do with who best to run the Pentagon,
and I haven't heard one single voice challenge this man's knowledge and his ability.
And I've known John Tower a long timelonger than many that are criticizing him
out there in various walks of life. And so,
who best to do the job that I want done and
that the country needs done.
And then the second one is America's
innate sense of fairplay. There's a certain
fairness, and I don't believe anybody should
be pilloried on the basis of unfounded
rumor. And so, if somebody has a specific
objection, fine, they have every right in the
world to state it. But I don't think it is fair
to permit perception to be the guideline.
And therefore, I will continue to fight for


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 28


this man that I believe in.
Q. Have you picked up any Democratic
Senators?
The President. Who knows?


Note: The President spoke at 2:40 p.m. in
the Cabinet Room at the White House.


Nomination of Jack Callihan Parnell To Be Deputy Secretary of
Agriculture
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jack Callihan Parnell to be
Deputy Secretary of Agriculture. He would
succeed Peter C. Myers.
Since 1987 Mr. Parnell has been director
of the California Department of Food and
Agriculture. Prior to this he was director of
the California Department of Fish and
Game, 1984-1987. From 1966 to 1983, he
was a pedigree livestock auctioneer. He was
also owner and publisher of the California
Nomination of Constance Horner
and Human Services
February 28, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Constance Horner to be
Under Secretary of Health and Human
Services. She would succeed Donald M.
Newman.
Since 1985 Mrs. Horner has been Director of the Office of Personnel Management
in Washington, DC. Prior to this, she was
Associate Director for Economics and Government in the Office of Management and
Budget, 1983-1985; Director of VISTA and
Acting Associate Director of ACTION,
1982-1983; and Deputy Assistant Director


Cattleman's Magazine, 1966-1972, and field
editor for Pacific Stockman and Stockman
Weekly, 1964-1966. Mr. Parnell has also
managed and operated diversified agricultural operations.
Mr. Parnell attended Healds Business College in San Francisco, CA, and Sacramento
City College. He was born May 7, 1935, in
Leavenworth, WA. He is married, has three
children, and resides in Auburn, CA.
To Be Under Secretary of Health


for Policy, Planning, and Evaluation of
ACTION, 1981-1982. Mrs. Horner was a
member of the Department of Education
transition team in the Office of the President-Elect, 1980-1981. She currently serves
as a Commissioner on White House fellowships and on the President's Commission on
Executive Exchange.
Mrs. Horner graduated from the University of Pennsylvania (B.A., 1964) and the University of Chicago (M.A., 1967). She is married, has two children, and resides in Washington, DC.


153




Feb. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Mary Sheila Gall To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Health and Human Services
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Mary Sheila Gall to be an
Assistant Secretary of Health and Human
Services (Human Development Services).
She would succeed Sydney J. Olson.
Since 1987 Miss Gall has been Chair of
the President's Task Force on Adoption,
and Counselor to the Director of the United
States Office of Personnel Management,
1986-present. Prior to this she was Deputy
Domestic Policy Adviser in the Office of
the Vice President, 1981-1986. She was a
senior legislative analyst at the House Re

publican Study Committee, 1980-1981; a
member of the Reagan-Bush Presidential
campaign and transition team, 1980-1981;
and director of research for the George
Bush for President campaign, 1979-1980.
From 1971 to 1979, Miss Gall served in
various legislative positions on the staffs of
several Members of the Senate and House
of Representatives.
Miss Gall graduated from Rosary Hill College in Buffalo, NY. She has two children
and resides in Arlington, VA.


Appointment of Debra Rae Anderson as Deputy Assistant to the
President and Director of the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to appoint Debra Rae Anderson as
Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of Intergovernmental
Affairs.
Since January 1977 Miss Anderson has
been a State representative in the South
Dakota House of Representatives. In that
capacity, she has served as speaker of the
house, assistant majority whip, and chair

man of the health and welfare committee.
Miss Anderson was also named Legislator of
the Year in 1987 by the National Republican Legislators' Association. She also served
as executive director of the George Bush
for President campaign in South Dakota.
Miss Anderson graduated from Augustana
College (B.A., 1971). She was born June 13,
1949, in Watertown, SD.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Annual Reports on
Highway and Motor Vehicle Safety
February 28, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
The Highway Safety Act and the National
Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act, both
enacted in 1966, initiated a national effort
to reduce traffic deaths and injuries and require annual reports on the administration
of the Acts. This is the 21st year that these
reports have been prepared.


The report on motor vehicle safety includes the annual reporting requirement in
Title I of the Motor Vehicle Information
and Cost Savings Act of 1972 (bumper
standards).
In the Highway Safety Acts of 1973, 1976,
and 1978, the Congress expressed its special
interest in certain aspects of traffic safety


154




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 28


that are addressed in the volume on highway safety.
The national outrage against drunk drivers, combined with growing safety belt use
and voluntary cooperation we have received from all sectors of American life,
have brought about even more improvements in traffic safety.
In addition, despite large increases in the
number of drivers and vehicles, the Federal
standards and programs for motor vehicle
and highway safety instituted since 1966
have contributed to a significant reduction
in the fatality rate per 100 million miles of
travel. The rate decreased from 5.5 in the
mid-60's to the 1987 level of 2.4, the lowest
in our history.
The important progress we have made is,
of course, no consolation to the relatives
and friends of those 46,386 people who, despite the safety advances and greater public


awareness, lost their lives in 1987. But it is
indicative of the positive trend established
toward making our roads safer.
The loss of approximately 127 lives per
day on our Nation's highways is still too
high. Also, with the increasing motor vehicle travel, we are faced with the threat of
an even higher number of traffic fatalities.
Therefore, there is a continuing need for
effective motor vehicle and highway safety
programs.
We will continue to pursue highway and
motor vehicle safety programs that are most
effective in reducing deaths and injuries.
We are convinced that significant progress
in traffic safety can be achieved through
the combined efforts of government, industry, and the public.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
February 28, 1989.


Nomination of Douglas P. Mulholland To Be an Assistant Secretary
of State
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Douglas P. Mulholland to
be an Assistant Secretary of State (Intelligence and Research). He would succeed
Morton I. Abramowitz.
Since 1988 Mr. Mulholland has served as
an analyst for domestic policy and research
for the George Bush for President Committee. Between 1956 and 1979, he was employed by the Central Intelligence Agency


serving in various capacities, including Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury for National Security, 1982-1987; Inspector at the Office of the Inspector General, 1979-1982; and Director of the Office
of Current Operations, 1978-1979.
Mr. Mulholland graduated from Michigan
State University (B.A., 1955; M.A., 1956).
He is married and resides in Rockville, MD.


Nomination of Calvin G. Franklin To Be Director of the Federal
Emergency Management Agency
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Calvin G. Franklin to be
Director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He would succeed Julius
W. Becton, Jr.


Since 1981 General Franklin has served
as Commanding General of the District of
Columbia National Guard. Prior to this appointment, he was the marketing manager,
advanced systems and special programs, of


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Feb. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the electronics division of the General Dynamics Corp. His military career began in
1948, when he enlisted as a private in the
California Army National Guard.
General Franklin received a bachelor of
Nomination of James 0. Mason To
Health and Human Services
February 28, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate James 0. Mason to be an
Assistant Secretary of Health and Human
Services (Health). He would succeed Robert
E. Windom.
Since 1983 Dr. Mason has been the Director of the Centers for Disease Control
(CDC) in Atlanta, GA, and administrator of
the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry, 1983 to present. He was ex

arts degree from National University and
his master's from United States International University. He is married, has three children, and resides in Camp Springs, MD.
Be an Assistant Secretary of
ecutive director of the Utah Department of
Health, 1979-1983, and associate professor
and chairman of the division of community
medicine of the University of Utah, 1978 -1979. He was also deputy director of health
of the Utah Division of Health, 1976-1978.
Dr. Mason received his undergraduate
and medical degrees from the University of
Utah and his master's and doctoral degrees
in public health from Harvard University.


Nomination of Herman Jay Cohen To Be an Assistant Secretary of
State
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Herman Jay Cohen to be
an Assistant Secretary of State (African Affairs). He would succeed Chester A. Crocker.
From 1987 to 1989, Mr. Cohen was the
Senior Director for African Affairs on the
National Security Council at the White
House. Mr. Cohen has also held other senior
management positions at the Department
of State, including Deputy Assistant Secre

tary for Personnel, 1984-1986, and Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Intelligence and Research, 1980-1984. Since 1955 Mr. Cohen
has served as a Foreign Service officer at
the Department of State.
Mr. Cohen graduated from the City College of New York (B.A., 1953). He was born
February 10, 1932, in New York City. Mr.
Cohen is married, has two children, and
resides in Washington, DC.


Nomination of John H. Kelly To Be an Assistant Secretary of State
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John H. Kelly to be an
Assistant Secretary of State (Near East and
South Asian Affairs). He would succeed


Richard W. Murphy.
Since 1988 Ambassador Kelly has been
the principal deputy director of the policy
planning staff at the Department of State.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Feb. 28


Prior to this he was the United States Ambassador to Lebanon, 1986-1988. Ambassador Kelly has held several positions at the
Department of State since 1964, including
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for European and Canadian Affairs,
1983-1985, and Senior Deputy Assistant


Secretary for Public Affairs, 1982-1983.
Ambassador Kelly was born in Atlanta,
GA, in 1939. He graduated in 1961 from
Emory University with a degree in history.
He is married, has one son, and resides in
Washington, DC.


Nomination of Richard L. Armitage To Be an Assistant Secretary of
State
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard L. Armitage to be
an Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian
and Pacific Affairs). He would succeed
Gaston Joseph Sigur, Jr.
Since 1983 Mr. Armitage has been Assistant Secretary of Defense for International
Security Affairs in Washington, DC. Prior to
this he was Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Defense, International Security Affairs for


East Asia and Pacific Affairs, 1981-1983. In
1979 he established a Washington-based
consulting firm specializing in Asian affairs.
He also served as administrative assistant to
Senator Robert Dole, 1978-1979.
Mr. Armitage graduated from the U.S.
Naval Academy in 1967. He served in the
U.S. Navy from 1967 to 1973. He is married, has seven children, and resides in
Vienna, VA.


Nomination of John R. Bolton To Be an Assistant Secretary of State
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John R. Bolton to be an
Assistant Secretary of State (International
Organization Affairs). He would succeed
Richard Salisbury Williamson.
Since 1988 Mr. Bolton has been Assistant
Attorney General of the Civil Division at
the Department of Justice. Prior to this, he
was Assistant Attorney General in the
Office of Legislative Affairs at the Department of Justice, 1985-1988. He was a partner with Covington & Burling, 1983-1985,


and executive director of the Committee on
Resolutions for the Republican National
Committee, 1983-1984. He was Assistant
Administrator for Program and Policy Coordination, 1982-1983, and General Counsel, 1981-1982, at the Agency for International Development.
Mr. Bolton graduated from Yale College
(B.A. 1970) and Yale Law School (J.D.,
1974). He currently resides in Bethesda,
MD.


Nomination of Bernard William       Aronson To Be an Assistant
Secretary of State
February 28, 1989
The President today announced his inten- to be an Assistant Secretary of State (Intertion to nominate Bernard William Aronson American Affairs). He would succeed Elliott


157




Feb. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Abrams.
Mr. Aronson is founder and director of
the Policy Project, a consulting firm headquartered in Washington, DC. Prior to this
he was director of policy for the Democratic National Committee, 1981-1983, and director of the Democratic National Strategy
Council. From 1977 to 1981, he was Special
Assistant and Speechwriter to the Vice


President at the White House. Mr. Aronson
has also been assistant to the president of
the United Mine Workers of America International Union, 1973-1977.
Mr. Aronson graduated from the University of Chicago (B.A., 1967). He has served
in the U.S. Army Reserves. He was born
May 16, 1946. Mr. Aronson is married, and
resides in Takoma Park, MD.


Nomination of Jewel S. Lafontant To Be United States Coordinator
for Refugee Affairs
February 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jewel S. Lafontant to be
United States Coordinator for Refugee Affairs and Ambassador at Large while serving in this position. She would succeed Jonathan Moore.
Mrs. Lafontant has been a senior partner
with the corporate and labor law firm of
Vedder, Price, Kaufman & Kammholz in
Chicago, IL. From 1973 to 1975, she was


Deputy Solicitor General of the United
States. Mrs. Lafontant has also served as
United States Representative to the United
Nations, 1972.
Mrs. Lafontant graduated from Oberlin
College (B.A., 1943) and received a doctor
of law degree from the University of Chicago in 1946. She has one child and resides in
Chicago, IL.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Review of
Management Practices at the Department of Defense
March 1, 1989


The President has directed the Department of Defense to undertake a review of
management practices throughout the Department. Together with this defense management review, the President has requested a plan which will accomplish full implementation of the Packard commission recommendations and realize substantial improvements in the acquisition process and
in defense management overall.
The agenda for the management review
closely parallels that of the original Packard
commission. The focus now is to identify
specific actions to address problems already
clearly identified. These actions include
both those which can be taken internally in
the Department of Defense and subsequent


actions the Congress could take to contribute to the more effective operation and
management of the Department of Defense.
Examples of problems to be addressed include:
* People and Organization: Identifying
ways to improve the capabilities of military
and civilian acquisition personnel, spelling
out the appropriate role for the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, strengthening the notion of individual accountability, and streamlining the acquisition management chain for major programs;
* Improved Planning Processes: Reviewing the role of the Under Secretary of De

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 1


fense for Policy in defense planning and in
policy implementation and developing
means to better link national security strategy and objectives to the overall defense
program;
* Practices and Procedures: Identifying
improvements in the process of defining
military needs and their links to national
strategy, developing options for overseeing
new program starts, identifying ways to
better use commercial-style acquisition
practices, finding means to reduce cost
through improved production efficiency,
and finding means to enhance stability in
Remarks to Members of the Small
March 1, 1989
Thank you all for that welcome, and
thank you all for being here. And to Secretary [of Commerce] Mosbacher and other
dignitaries here and all of you, I am grateful
for this opportunity.
Before beginning to talk a little bit about
the area that brings us together-business
climate, business community, emphasis
small business, entrepreneurship-I want to
comment on an issue of particular currency
in Washington. Three guesses. [Laughter]
No, the debate over John Tower's nomination as Defense Secretary should clearly
be based on principle and on policy, and it
ought not to be based on rumor and innuendo. And no one denies that Senator
Tower is well-qualified, hardnosed, tough,
experienced. No one denies that he knows
the Pentagon well, and he knows the Congress. Those are the facts.
And Americans, whatever their policiesand I'll bet all of you agree with this-and
whatever their politics, are committed to
the concept of fairplay and are committed
to decency. And all I am asking in the
name of fairplay is that the man be judged
on the facts, not on misperceptions. And
this is a tough town-a lot of rumors out
there. Public service is not made easier by
claims that cannot be substantiated. It's
made tougher.
Proceedings are starting in the Senate, as


defense programs;
* Government-Industry Relations: Developing strategies to encourage contractors to
cut costs; improving government oversight
through increased coordination, sharing of
information, and clearer delineation of responsibilities; and identifying opportunities
for improved implementation of standards
of conduct for government acquisition personnel.
The plan resulting from this review is to
be presented to the President by May 10,
1989.
Business Legislative Council
they should, and I've made my call. I've
looked at the record. I've known this man
since 1959, and my support is unequivocal.
And John Tower is, in my view, the best
man for this job. And so, my pitch, my
appeal to the Senators, has been: Look, do
what you've got to do, but remember fairplay; remember decency and honor; and
then remember also historically the concept
of advise and consent where reasonable
doubt is given historically to the President
of the United States who, after all, is responsible for the executive branch of this
government.
So, that matter-I wanted to just speak to
you on it. I know it's a matter that obviously concerns everyone because it's dominating the news.
But now, back here, you've heard from
Gregg Petersmeyer [Deputy Assistant to
the President and the Director of the Office
of National Service], I know, Richard Breeden [Assistant to the President for Issues
Analysis] and Secretary Mosbacher; and
these are three key members of my team
here in Washington-able members. And
now that you have a feeling for their ideas
and their priorities, let me ask and encourage you to work with them. Tell them what
you're thinking. They know how to work
with the private sector, and they're looking
for ways to make this a responsive govern

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Mar. 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ment, a government by and for the people.
And all three of these men have been
highly successful in the private sector.
While I was in Asia, this recent trip, I had
a chance to think seriously about what sets
our trading partners apart from us, and I
realized that we may have erected a barrier
to our own success and deprived ourselves
of vital long-term investment that our competitors have always enjoyed.
In a few minutes, I'm going to have a
suggestion for those who argue in favor of
protectionist intervention. You know, there
are some who say that Asia could become
the economic center of the world. Some
even suggest that America's power is on the
wane. And, well, for them I have news: The
21st century can well be the next American
century if we understand the challenges
before us and move together to meet them.
More than ever, the world is connected,
interdependent, changing rapidly. Barbara
and I lived in China 14 years ago for a year
and a half, and I've been back there-this is
the fifth time since leaving China. And
some of you have been there. But every
time you go, you feel it, you feel the movement, and you feel the change. And that's
just one part of this highly complex, highly
interconnected world. More than any point
in our human history, societies and economies rely upon one another. So, competitiveness, which is on everybody's minds
these days, takes on a challenging new
angle; and it means more than just market
share and earned income. And it's more
than a zero-sum, winner-take-all game.
Since 1980 the world trade volume is up
nearly 40 percent, and almost a fifth of our
industrial production is now in exports.
Goods and services circle the globe overnight. [Secretary of the Treasury] Nick
Brady told me just a while ago over in the
Oval Office that clearing in the world markets every night is a trillion dollars' worth
of securities-a trillion dollars one single
evening. Instant transfers of funds around
the world-capital, as I say, changes hands
in seconds. In a world like that, all nations
stand to benefit from the growth of their
trading partners, and as long as markets are
free and open.
So, I have two key priorities: to promote
economic growth through low tax rates and


to encourage the kind of free trade that
makes all nations better off. General Brent
Scowcroft [Assistant to President for National Security Affairs] is here with me, and he
was on this trip with me. And at every stop,
we made the point to some weary interlocutors, I might add, of the need for keeping
these markets open. The goal of competitiveness is not simply to disadvantage the
competition, it's to better deploy the advantages that we have and to create new ones.
And that's why the work that you all do is
so important. American small business has
always been our most creative source of innovation and economic growth. And you,
we, have created 19 million new jobs in this
country since the recovery began. Relative
to population, that's more than twice the
number of jobs created in Japan. And in the
U.S. private sector, small businesses are responsible for two out of three jobs created-two out of three. Businesses like
yours make America work. By creating jobs,
you create opportunity, and while I'm
President, government won't interfere with
that.
We've got to do more in the field where
Richard Breeden spent several years of his
life trying to simplify the regulatory process. I'm going to try hard. We will assure
you that you have the freedom you need to
do what you do best. And I am still determined-I have not changed my mind on
this next one-to hold the line on taxes,
because if the experience of the last 8 years
has proven anything, that lower taxes do
mean a stronger economy.
Competitiveness demands two things:
flexibility in the marketplace, and the right
kind of investment at home. So, we want to
give the employers and employees the flexibility to work out their own solutions on
issues like parental leave and health insurance. And we intend to promote the kind of
investment that will allow every American
to share in prosperity and help to create
more of it. And that's the idea behind a
new proposal of mine. I believe that with
the proper incentives, small businesses can
help lead America's urban renewal. And so,
to the entrepreneur, I say this: Start your
business in an inner city where the need for
jobs is greatest, and we will cut your Feder

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 1


al tax rates. We will create these enterprise
zones., which I think would be the best antidote to poverty in the inner city. After all,
you'll be saving the Government money by
reducing the need for items like welfare
and subsidized housing. And you'll help us
bring urban enterprise zones to life in cities
all across this country.
You know, decisions made and actions
taken at the local level very often better
serve the interests of those involved. What
I'm talking about here is a fundamental
American freedom: the freedom to choose,
make up your own mind. And that's the
driving principle behind the proposal I've
made on child care. We want to establish a
new, refundable children's tax credit for
low-income parents and make the existing
child care tax credit refundable as well. We
mean to avoid burdensome Federal standards and regulation that would limit family,
limit church, and limit community-based
care. We will examine the liability insurance barriers for businesses interested in
providing child care options. We've got to
do something about this liability menace,
you might say, which has gotten out of
hand. And we need some advice from you
on how to accomplish this. We've got some
good ideas on proposals that can well be
made. We'd like to put solutions and dollars
in the hands of parents. We intend to promote choice. And this one is very important
with me. As I look at urban America and I
look at the complexity of society today, it's
right back to the basics: strengthen the
family,  strengthen   the    community,
strengthen the churches and other groups
that are out there trying to help.
You know, flexibility can also promote
risk-taking. It's always been the basis for
real achievements in business. And so, we
need to find new ways to encourage men
and women to take risks. We need entrepreneurs who will invest their time, talents,
and resources to build the businesses,
unlock new markets, unleash new technologies, create new jobs. People who bring to
the marketplace competitive products and
quality services that are second to none in
the world-they need to be encouraged.
You know what the challenges are.
Last year a large survey of CEO's suggested that while American business leaders


are inherently optimistic, they're aware that
we have new and important work to do.
Ninety percent of them said that American
business is still too short-term oriented.
And, along with many here-I better not
start telling you my war stories about business or you'll tell me yours, and we'll be
here all night. [Laughter] But I have helped
build a business from scratch. I happen to
think that's a good criterion for being President of the United States, as a matter of
fact. And I know that it can be extraordinarily tough. And I understand the pressures, I think., from having been there in a
tiny little business many years ago-the
pressures that you face. So, you don't need
a lecture on the importance of savings and
long-term investment. You need government that enables you to do what's good for
business and good for America. And often,
that means kind of getting out of the way.
Competitiveness demands the right kind
of investment, yes. For a long time now,
I've been saying that we must have a competitive capital gains tax rate. If we're to
retain the American edge, we must give
entrepreneurs and small businesspeople the
incentive to keep dreaming and keep
taking risks and keep creating good jobs for
America. I see a capital gains rate cut as an
important way to free up American businesses without distorting world markets.
The economies of the Pacific rim-the
"Four Dragons" of Hong Kong, Singapore,
Taiwan, and South Korea-all exempt longterm capital gains from tax-total exemption. Japan also had no tax on capital gains
during its meteoric rise to economic power.
And so, I call on anyone who talks about
protectionism to consider this: By taxing
capital gains, we impede our own progress,
and we turn the playing field into an uphill
climb. Restoring the capital gains differential would be a powerful incentive for businesses to invest, to innovate, to grow, and
to create jobs. The Treasury estimates that
the cut that I have proposed will add $4.8
billion a year to the revenue side of the
ledger. So, let those out there charge me of
taxes that are favoring the rich. I know that
in proposing a capital gains differential, I
am favoring innovation and risk-taking, and
in the process, I am favoring jobs. And


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Mar. 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


that's what it's all about. I'm committed to
government policies that will allow business
to invest with an eye toward the long term
to assure our competitive future.
In my budget, I've proposed a 13-percent
increase for science and technology programs in 1990. And we intend to stay on
track in our effort to double the National
Science Foundation budget by 1993; to develop engineering and scientific computing
research centers; and to build the right
links between university, government, and
these industry labs. We're recommending a
permanent extension of that R&E-research and experimentation tax credit, to
keep us at the forefront of technological
innovation, especially when it comes to
basic research. And we want to encourage
more domestic research by multinationals
by stabilizing the R&E expense allocation
rules. The uncertainty brought on by expiring temporary rules has gone on for two
decades-hard to plan when you don't
know what the rules of the ballgame are.
Businesses should be able to make longterm research plans in a stable climate. And
because of the tremendous taxing power of
the Government, creating that climate is
something government can, should and will
do.
We're determined to bring down this
budget deficit with my pledge on no new
taxes. And we've proposed a major budget
reform to put our fiscal policy on a sound
footing once and for all. We need to do
away with this wonderland concept of current services budgeting-a land of expanding baselines, where programs are assumed
immortal, and cuts are actually increases.
Federal policy should not start out with the
presumption that the Government spending should go up and up and up.
Senator Rudman-I was riding with him
the other day, and he described the Washington wonderland very well. He said,
"Washington is the only city where I've
ever seen-for a fellow who's making
$20,000, goes to his boss, asks for a $10,000
raise. The boss says, 'No, you can have a
$5,000 raise.' And the story says, Man Gets
$5,000 Cut." [Laughter] And that's the way
you look at it now in terms of these programs. But the most important investment
that we can make to assure this competitive


future is in training and education. Jobs are
becoming more demanding. You all know
that. The competition is getting tougher.
Labor markets are getting tighter. So, we'll
need to do more to develop a highly skilled,
highly motivated, highly educated work
force.
You know, when I was in the oil business,
we invested heavily-my little company-in
what was then a new technology-offshore
drilling. That was back in the mid-fiftiesbrand new technologies coming out. And
early on-I'll never forget it-we had three
drilling rigs. And a hurricane came up in
the Gulf of Mexico, and it just wiped out a
brand-new-in those days $6 million, today
I think the same thing would cost about $80
million-piece of drilling equipment. It was
gone. I've never looked for something so
hard that my eyeballs actually ached.
[Laughter] And they really did. And we
went out, and this piece of equipment was
totally vanished, not a trace of it, one-third
of our assets. And I knew that whenever
you consider an investment you rightly
tend to focus on the risks that are involved.
But technology moved forward, and now
the risks are much less. Where training and
education are concerned, the biggest risk is
not to get involved.
American public education needs more of
our support. All of us-teachers, parents,
administrators, local officials and, yes, private industry-all of us have a responsibility
to ensure that our educational system is
second to none. We should look to the vitality of our system and work to build strength
through diversity. Successful schools happen
everywhere, from rural communities to
inner city neighborhoods. And they're
shaped by people with high expectations,
from both the public and private sector,
who work within the schools to bring about
the needed improvements. And this way of
looking at it means that we are all accountable for the quality of our schools.
We need to strengthen incentives to do
better, and we have a mandate to do just
exactly that. I want to expand Head Start,
reward schools that improve, recognize outstanding teachers right here in the White
House. We're going to establish a National
Science Scholars Program. We're going to


162




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 1


work to free our schools-we've got to, all
of us-from the pestilence of drugs. And
we're going to be looking to you for help
and guidance because good schools are
good for business. Many of you are already
involved with your own local schools, doing
important work for the future of your communities and your country. But my pitch:
More can be done. More must be done.
And I know you'll be there when your community, your State, your country really
needs you.
To compete successfully abroad, many of
you will find yourselves competing for
workers at home. I know managers who are
seriously starting to worry about shortages
of talented people. And there is a larger,
untapped source of talent in this country.
Such people are to be found and fostered
among the young and the underskilled, who
need training; the older and more experienced, who need retraining; the disadvantaged, whose lives can be turned to advantage; disabled workers, who ask only for a
chance to prove their ability; dual career
families, who need options. Opportunity


doesn't necessarily knock on the door. It
may be leaning against the wall or standing
on the street corner, needing only to be
seen for what it is. And in this, we need
your leadership. The very heart of our ability to compete may depend on how well we
enlist those who have, until now, been on
the outskirts of economic growth. They will
be needed.
Together, we can build businesses that
outwit, outmaneuver, outproduce, and outperform the competition. We can achieve
the kind of competitive advantage that
comes from collective will. And we can
make sure that the words "Made in the
United States of America" simply mean the
best that there is.
So, thank you very much for coming here
today. I hope this will be the first of several
visits that we have right here in the White
House with this group, a group that I deem
very, very important to the future of the
United States of America. Thank you all,
and God bless you, and thanks for coming.
Note: The President spoke at 2:41 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House.


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Reporting on
the Cyprus Conflict
March 1, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. Chairman:)
In accordance with Public Law 95-384, I
am submitting to you this bimonthly report
on progress toward a negotiated settlement
of the Cyprus question.
At this early point in my Administration,
let me first reconfirm that the United States
has a fundamental interest in assisting the
people of Cyprus in the search for a lasting
and just settlement. Over the years, American governments have come to appreciate
that such a settlement can come only
through a process of negotiation that expresses the desires and aspirations of the
Cypriot people.
At the same time, there is a legitimate
role for outside parties to play in supporting


this negotiation process. Under my Administration, we will continue high-level attention to Cyprus. To assure day-to-day senior
officer involvement with the issues and provide a point of contact with the Congress,
the Department of State created the post of
Special Cyprus Coordinator in 1981 and has
assigned this responsibility continuously to a
policy-level officer since that time.
To provide a basic framework for negotiations between the two communities, the
best and most viable approach has been and
continues to be the effort led by the Secretary General of the United Nations, Javier
Perez de Cuellar. The United Nations has
been involved with the Cyprus question for
24 years because the international commu

163




Mar. 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


nity has recognized that the United Nations
is uniquely placed to deal with the issue.
The current Secretary General, Javier
Perez de Cuellar, has considerable personal
experience with the Cyprus question and a
mandate from the U.N. membership to use
his good offices to work for a solution. We
share this high regard for his patience and
abilities, have given him unwavering support, and will continue to do so.
We will take every advantage of opportunities to make constructive contributions to
the Secretary General and to the parties.
We believe it is important that the parties
give full participation to the negotiating
process and that the atmosphere between
them be improved through contacts and
confidence-building measures to help bring
the two communities together. We also support efforts to achieve a workable plan for
reducing military tensions.
We will continue to develop our longstanding relationships of confidence and respect with both parties to the dispute. The
previous Administration also consulted frequently with allies and friends, particularly
such interested parties as Greece, Turkey,
and the United Kingdom. We plan to
pursue such consultations and discussions
vigorously.
With specific reference to the most
recent 60-day period since the last report
on Cyprus, Secretary General Perez de
Cuellar continues his efforts to help the
Cypriot parties reach a solution to the conflict. As agreed at the November 22-23
New York meetings hosted by the Secretary
General, the two sides initiated a second
round of talks in Nicosia on December 19
with the assistance of the Secretary General's Special Representative, Oscar Camilion.
Discussions in Nicosia are continuing and
will be followed by another meeting in
April with the Secretary General to review
progress.
In his latest report to the Security Council on U.N. operations in Cyprus (for the
period June 1 through November 30), a
copy of which is attached, the Secretary
General observed that the talks that began
last August mark "the first time in the past
quarter of a century that the leaders of the
two communities have committed themselves to such a personal and sustained


effort to achieve an overall settlement and
to endeavor to do this by a specific target
date." He continued that a "good working
relationship" had developed between the
two leaders. The Secretary General also
suggested that the two sides should begin
exploring "a wide range of options for each
of the issues that must be resolved."
Both sides responded to the Secretary
General's suggestion with proposals. There
are constructive elements in the ideas presented by both parties, and we hope that
they will continue to examine new and/or
expanded options in a spirit of constructive
compromise.
I note that military deconfrontation is the
subject of one of the papers presented by
the Turkish Cypriot community and that
both sides have indicated agreement in
principle with the concept.
The Secretary General expressed concern
that the "troops of both sides continue to be
in dangerous proximity to each other" in
Nicosia. Such proximity was the immediate
cause of the death of a Turkish Cypriot soldier on December 12, 1988, and a Greek
Cypriot National Guardsman on July 31,
1988, both killed by gunfire from the opposite side of the buffer zone. The United
Nations is now working with the two parties
to achieve some adjustments of military positions in Nicosia to ease this situation. We
strongly support this effort as we have supported past efforts to reduce tensions and
prevent further serious incidents.
The Secretary General's previous report
also commented on the dangers of demonstrations close to the buffer zone. In his
most recent report, he states that, in response to the expression of U.N. concerns
about these events, the Government of
Cyprus has given assurances that "it will in
future do whatever is necessary to ensure
respect for the status quo in the buffer
zone.
As we enter 1989, peoples worldwide are
reaching out for the wisdom to forge new
understanding with old foes. Experience has
given the people of Cyprus an intimate appreciation of the cost of bitterness and
enmity. They are now engaged in a difficult
negotiation that is the only route to reconciliation and peace. They merit America's


164




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 1


continued support and have our most sin- Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
cere wishes of success in their endeavor.  Wright, Speaker of the House of RepresentSincerely,                             atives, and Claiborne Pell, chairman of the
GEORGE BH    Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
GEORGE BUSH
Message to the Congress Transmitting a Report on the
Establishment of the National Space Council
February 1, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I hereby transmit my report outlining the
composition and functions of the National
Space Council to be established by Executive order.
1. Composition. The National Space
Council will be composed of the following
members:
1. The Vice President
2. Secretary of State
3. Secretary of Defense
4. Secretary of Commerce
5. Secretary of Transportation
6. Director of the Office of Management
and Budget
7. Chief of Staff to the President
8. Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs
9. Director of Central Intelligence
10. Administrator of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration
The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
Assistant to the President for Science and
Technology, heads of other Executive Departments and agencies, and other senior
officials in the Executive Office of the President shall participate in meetings of the
Council as appropriate.
The Council will be chaired by the Vice
President. The Council will meet subject to
the call of the Vice President.
The Vice President may authorize the
Executive Secretary of the Council to estab

lish such Council Working Groups, composed of senior designees of the above
members and chaired by the Executive Secretary, or another official, as may be appropriate.
2. Functions. The National Space Council
will oversee the implementation of the objectives of the President's national space
policy and be the principal forum for coordination of U.S. national space policy and
related issues. The Space Council will also
review and recommend modifications of national space policy to the President where
deemed necessary or appropriate. The
Council will address major space and spacerelated policy issues in the two governmental sectors (civil and national security), as
well as those policy issues involving the
third, nongovernmental sector (commercial)
that are affected by Government actions.
The Council will provide a means to
foster close coordination, cooperation, and
technology  and  information  exchange
among the sectors to avoid unnecessary duplication and to advance our national security, scientific, technological, economic, and
foreign policy interests through the exploration and use of space.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
March 1, 1989.


165




Mar. I / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Appointment of Mark Albrecht as Director of the National Space
Council
March 1, 1989


The President today announced his intention to appoint Dr. Mark Albrecht as the
Director of the staff of the National Space
Council, which is to be created by Executive order.
Since 1982 Dr. Albrecht has been national security adviser to United States Senator
Peter Wilson (R-CA), a member of the
Senate Armed Services Committee. Prior to
this he was with Science Applications, Inc.,
serving in various capacities, including
deputy program manager of a major research effort on national command author

ity crisis management, 1981-1982, and
senior policy analyst, 1980-1981. He was a
senior research analyst for the Director of
Central Intelligence in Washington, DC,
1978-1980. Dr. Albrecht was a member of
the Rand Graduate Institute for Public
Policy Analysis at the Rand Corp., 1972 -1978, earning a Ph.D. in public policy analysis, 1978.
Dr. Albrecht graduated from the University of California at Los Angeles (B.A., 1971;
M.A., 1972). He is married, has three children, and resides in Falls Church, VA.


Nomination of William Pelham Barr To Be an Assistant Attorney
General
March 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate William Pelham Barr to be
an Assistant Attorney General (Office of
Legal Counsel). He would succeed Douglas
W. Kmiec.
Since 1985 Mr. Barr has been a partner
with the law firm of Shaw, Pittman, Potts &
Trowbridge in Washington, DC, and an associate, 1983-1985. Prior to this he was
Deputy Assistant Director for Legal Policy
in the Office of Policy Development at the
White House, 1982-1983. He was an associate with Shaw, Pittman, Potts & Trow

bridge, 1978-1982; and a law clerk to the
Honorable Malcolm Richard Wilkey, U.S.
circuit judge, 1977-1978. From 1973 to
1977, Mr. Barr was a member of the Central Intelligence Agency in Washington,
DC.
Mr. Barr graduated from Columbia University (B.A., 1971; M.A., 1973) and George
Washington   University  National  Law
Center J.D., 1977). He was born May 23,
1950, in New York City. He is married and
has three children.


Remarks at a Reception for Participants in the National Endowment
for the Humanities Teacher-Scholar Program
March 2, 1989
Almost everybody here is a teacher. I was  music fan." And I said, "So am I. Guess
coming through the line, and who was it  who's staying with us in the White House?"
from Tennessee spoke to me? Right there.  And I said, "Crystal Gayle." And she said, "I
[Laughter] And   we  started  comparing  don't believe it." So, I'm going to ask Crysnotes, and she says, "Well, I'm a country  tal to stand up, and if any of the rest of


166




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 2


you-[applause].
So, that is the last of our formal introductions. And I just wanted to say that I'm
flattered to be in the company of the most
accomplished members of a most important
profession. And I know Barbara is, too. And
without you, our links to the past and our
vision for the future-all that we are, all
that we've accomplished, all that we would
be-would lay dormant in the minds of our
kids. And I thank you for your dedication.
As you know, I've just come back from a
long trip with Barbara to the Far EastJapan and China and Korea. And let me tell
you, as fascinating as it is to travel, it's nice
to be back in the States. And I think you'll
like Baltimore; it's wonderful here. [Laughter] I'm a little jetlagged still. We're recovering.
But it was a vital trip, and it has laid the
future for our future relations with our
friends and our allies. In Japan, as all of you
know, I saw a nation that has risen in 40
years from a postwar destruction to becoming a leading economic power. And I think
it was right that the President of the United
States pay our respects to the present and
to the future by going there to the funeral
of the late Emperor. In the Republic of
Korea, I saw an industrial power just beginning to explore the measure of its future
greatness. It's exciting what's happening
there. And in China, where Barbara and I
lived 14 years ago for a year and a half or
so-just let me say that there have been
spectacular changes in China since I represented our country there in Beijing, amazing.
In each of these countries, education has
been an important ingredient for economic
success. And our educational system has an
equally critical role to play in ensuring the
intellectual creativity, the economic opportunity, and the basic freedoms of our next
generation. American teachers have a big
job, and, I'd say, even a bigger responsibility. To educate the children of such a vast,
diverse nation as ours requires men and
women of talent and dedication to our children and the teaching profession both.
You in this room exemplify the kind of
teachers that we need nationally, our very
best. And as I read about the many subjects
that you'll be studying next fall, I had two


feelings: one, respect, and the other, delight
that I'd already graduated-[ laughter]Shakespeare, Chinese literature, Hispanic
literature, the Harlem renaissance, American Indian culture. And I realize that together you encompass the diversity of
America. And that diversity gives our
nation and our educational system a vibrance of spirit[At this point, the President was interrupted
by a crying baby.]
That kid's making me feel at home.
[Laughter] You should have seen it when
we had our 10 grandchildren playing
around this place the day we came in here.
But anyway, that vibrance has produced
men and women with inquisitive minds,
dogged determination, and big dreams. And
I'm sure you recall that I made a pledge
during the campaign to become the education President, to try hard in this field. And
I'm pleased to see Larry Cavazos here, our
distinguished Secretary of Education, from
whom I expect to learn a lot, but certainly
who shares our commitment to educational
excellence. And it's a pledge that I made
that I intend to keep by working with you
and thousands like you in classrooms from
Connecticut to California.
You and I know that education is our
most enduring legacy. You and I know that
education is nothing less than the very
heart of our civilization. And that's why I
am bound and determined to use this office
as a bully pulpit for progress in our schools.
I'll make a renewed push for a shift in some
of our priorities to concentrate resources on
those who need help the most.
This nation grew into greatness because
early Americans understood the value of
education. In the one-room schoolhouse and
the land-grant college-these were the
crowning achievements of the pioneers. No
less important were the urban pioneers who
schooled the children of the ghettos. The
challenge that faced our ancestors was not
an easy one: to build a national public educational system from scratch. But they did it
with blood, sweat, tears, and, always, joy.
They were dedicated individuals whose traditions have come full circle in each of you
here today.


167




Mar. 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


With the dawn of a new century only 11
short years away, we're faced with a new
challenge: to revitalize and restore the
system our forebears bequeathed to us, to
ensure that American education is second
to none. And I've made a number of proposals to work toward this goal. Among
them is my request to reward those schools
whose students show measurable progress
in educational achievement while maintaining a safe and drug-free environment. I've
also asked for an annual fund of $100 million in new appropriations to help create
magnet schools to broaden the educational
choice of parents and students. And yet another one of our proposals is to allot a special $60 million fund over 4 years to develop endowments of historically black colleges and universities through a matching
grant program. And during the coming
weeks, I'll transmit comprehensive legislation to the Congress detailing our proposals
and asking for cooperation in strengthening
American education.
Today I want to single out one other
aspect of my educational program, and that
is rewarding the brightest and the most motivated teachers. Teachers don't choose
their professions certainly because of financial reward. That has got to be the classic
understatement of the day. [Laughter] But
you know it, and I know it, and the Nation
knows it. And there are too many other
ways to make a living, and some might say
even a better living. But teachers enjoy the
immense satisfaction of raising the sights of
the next generation. And their work makes
our horizons longer and certainly our futures brighter. I consider one proposal to be
critically important: the President's Award
for Excellence in Education. This award
combines the recognition of your profession
and the respect of your colleagues with financial reward, an idea whose time has
come.
With this in mind, I've proposed $7.6 million to be spent as $5,000 cash awards to
top teachers in every State. Eligible teachers will be selected from all subjects and
every grade level. I hope that this teacher's
award program keeps all levels of our educational system focused on the need to
show good teachers that we appreciate
their dedication. I realize in something as


large as our own national school system
across this country that this may not seem
tremendous. But I do think it's a good beginning to recognize and pay our respects
in this manner to excellence.
Of course-and you know this and I certainly know it-public funds are tight at all
levels of government. And as we develop
new ways to reward and keep good teachers, we must also look to combine the resources of the public and private sectors.
And this is precisely what the NEH-Reader's Digest Teacher-Scholar Program accomplishes. And I salute those people with
vision who have created and are implementing this program.
I'm very grateful to our friend, Lynne
Cheney, who's here, of NEH, and for all
they've done. And I want to thank George
Grune, to ask him to convey my gratitude
and admirations to those who had the foresight to contribute to this effort. In making
this grant, you've planted the seeds of literacy, and the learning curve as well, that
will benefit our country for generations to
come. And if it's of any collateral interest,
you've sure made the First Lady, Barbara
Bush, very, very happy because she is specializing in trying to help everybody in this
room in raising our awareness as to how it
would be very good if we could become a
literate nation, battling against the functional illiteracy that is too widespread today.
But together, these two organizations
have rewarded you with the most precious
gift that can be bestowed on the teachers:
time-time away from the report cards, library fines, hall passes; time to learn, to
master a subject; time to write, hopefully
publish; time to meditate, and just plain
time to think. And so many will benefit.
What you'll learn and accomplish and pass
on to our children will ripple across the
years like a stone across a still pond. And in
perusing the list of your projects, my eye
settled on one in particular, a project proposed by Barbara Whittaker, of Traverse
City, Michigan, entitled, "The Origin of the
American Dream and Its Development in
Literature." I am sure Barbara will reveal
deep insights into the American novel, but
there's a larger point. I believe we can
trace the origin of the American dream to a


168




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 3


very ordinary place: It can be found between the hours of 8 a.m. and 3 p.m. in
every classroom, in every city, and in every
town in America.
And so, for all that you do, you have my
highest respect, my gratitude, and in this
instance, my sincerest congratulations.
Thank you all for coming to the White


House. God bless you all. Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 3:10 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Lynne V. Cheney,
Chairman of the National Endowment for
the Humanities, and George Grune, chief
executive officer of the Reader's Digest.


Remarks on Drug Trafficking Prior to a Luncheon With
Administration Officials
March 3, 1989


Let me just say this: We are gathered
here, and we're going in to lunch in a
minute. Thus, I will refer any questions to
my able Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater.
But the purpose of this luncheon is to
really talk with the top people in our government interested in narcotics-Bill Bennett, who has gone beautifully through the
hearings; Attorney General; Secretary of
State; General Counsel; and national security adviser-about drugs and then give a
proper send-off to Dick Thornburgh, who
will be doing in South America that which
he did in Europe: going, emphasizing the
importance we place on the international
fight against drugs, coming back, and reporting to me. And obviously, at my side
will be our new drug czar-by then, hopefully, in office-Bill Bennett. And we will
be formulating our drug plan, and the findings of the Attorney General will be
cranked into it. And it's Colombia, Bolivia,
and Peru. We go not in anger, but we go to
ask for their total cooperation and support.
And I'm confident that this mission of the
Attorney General will be fruitful. But it will
show dramatically, I think, the feeling of


the American people transcends politicsthe American people's determination to cooperate in a way that will reduce the flow
of drugs into this country, and to help them
with their problems. You know, Dick, that's
a part of this. I mean, these countries that
thought this was the rich consumers in the
north, the only ones that had the problem,
have realized that it is decimating their
own economies and their own stability.
So, it's an important trip, and then when
he gets back-with Bill Bennett-we'll be
talking about not only the international implications but how that will fit into the
overall drug plan. So, bon voyage, and have
a good trip. And my respects to the Presidents you'll be meeting with and the various ministers you'll be seeing.
Note: The President spoke at 12:12 p.m. in
the Oval Office at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to William J. Bennett,
Director-designate of National Drug Control Policy; Attorney General Richard L.
Thornburgh; Secretary of State James A.
Baker III; C. Boyden Gray, Counsel to the
President; and Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to
the President for National Security Affairs.


Remarks to the Winners of the Westinghouse Science Talent Search
March 3, 1989


Thank you, Mr. Marous, and all of what
you at Westinghouse do for this outstanding


concept. Doctor Press-last time I saw
Frank Press-maybe it wasn't the last time,


169




Mar. 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


but he'd just received an honorary degree
at a graduation ceremony where there
were 50,000 people present, at Ohio State
University-well-deserved honor, that he
well deserved, as a matter of fact, for prestige he's given to science in this country.
And when he salutes a group like this, why,
it makes a big impression on me as well.
I want to thank you all, Dr. Seaborg,
whose reputation is well-known to everybody here, and John as well, for explaining
some of the exhibits to me. [Laughter] I had
done a lot in the field of the viability of
MVM Parvo Virus. [Laughter] And then at
night I like to curl up with a book on mapping mutants. [Laughter] And every once in
a while, when I have some spare time, Barbara and I read aloud about the behavior of
the inhibitions of sialidases. [Laughter] So,
we have a lot in common with these researchers here. [Laughter] But I'll tell you,
I'm glad there's no quiz. [Laughter]
And I am so impressed, and I expect everybody here has had a chance to look at
these studies. And I'll tell you, it just reaffirms your basic faith in the young people
of this country and, I'd say also, in the academic process. Yesterday we saluted some
teachers over at the White House, and boy,
I wish I'd seen this before I'd been over
there to pay my respects to the teachers
who help these young minds.
But really, what all of you have accomplished is really something to be proud of.
Not only is it a great achievement but you
really earned these honors. Thomas Edison
said that genius is 1 percent inspiration and
99 percent perspiration. Well, each of you,
with your academic diligence and your intellect and a lot of hard work, have won the
oldest and largest national high school competition in the entire country. And past
winners of the Westinghouse Talent Search
have distinguished themselves in every field
of science and mathematics. And your predecessors have received every major honor
and award in their fields, including the
Nobel Prize and the National Medal of Science. And what you've done is important
for America. Scientific and technological advancement have always been at the very
heart of our nation's pioneer spirit, pushing
the boundaries of our knowledge, creating
economic opportunity, and certainly in

creasing our standard of living and making
this a healthier and safer world in which to
live.
It is scientific advancements that made us
aware of the damage to our Earth's protective ozone layer and the need to reduce
CFC's [chlorofluorocarbons] that deplete
our precious upper atmospheric resources.
As a result of these advances, the United
States and other nations have led the way,
through the Montreal protocol, toward reductions of CFC's. And that protocol will
reduce CFC's to 50 percent of 1986 levels
by the year 1998. But recent studies indicate that this 50-percent reduction may not
be enough. And I thought some of you interested in that field might like to know
that I today asked Bill Reilly, our new EPA
Administrator, to join with other nations
this weekend as he goes abroad in supporting the call for the elimination of CFC's by
the year 2000, provided, you know, that
safe substitutes are available. And of course,
such a phaseout must be guided by the scientific, economic, and technological assessments under the protocol.
As a nation, we have no natural resource
more precious than our intellectual resources. In fact, it's only thanks to human
knowledge and ingenuity that crude oil
became a valuable fuel and that fields of
grain become methanol or that grains of
sand become silicon chips. Scientific knowledge must be renewed and expanded in
each generation. Many of the miracles that
we take for granted in everyday life originated in defense and space research. This
investment in new technologies and new
plant and equipment helps expand our
competitive edge as a nation, and thereby
assuring future opportunities for America's
next generation in science, engineering,
and manufacturing. But for our country to
maintain its technological and scientific excellence, no investment in machines or laboratories, as vital as that may be, will by
itself be sufficient. There have to be the
people who have the knowledge and the
commitment, and that will be men and
women like yourselves who will lead America into the next century.
You know, by one estimate, it takes
10,000 high school students expressing an


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 3


interest in a science or engineering major
to assure us of 20 men and women who will
go on to receive doctorate degrees. And I
hope that each student in this room gets a
doctorate or pursues a career of one kind or
another in science and technology and that
some of you consider returning to the classroom as teachers to inspire a new generation of scientists for the future. The fruits of
investing in science and scientists are evident. Human intelligence has explored the
vastness of outer space and the inner frontiers of the particles of the atom. Diseases
have been cured. Knowledge has been harnessed. And energy-I was going to say that
energy has been created, but then I remembered the laws of thermodynamics. So,
let's just call it a wash-[laughter]-and say
that energy has neither been created nor
destroyed. [Laughter] And please don't
debate me on that, Glenn. [Laughter]
But we truly have seen the scientific
knowledge developed in the United States
vastly improve the lives of our citizens and
of people around the world. And today
international scientists and science students
are coming here to America to do research,
to study, to teach. And this is something
that our country greatly benefits from. Yet,
still, as a nation, let's face it, we've got to do
better. We're not producing enough scientists and mathematicians and engineers.
American universities confer only about
77,000 engineering degrees a year at the
undergraduate level. And that's about the
same number that Japan produces with a
total population of only half our size.
Initiatives from Washington are important, but they're not enough. Students and
parents and teachers will determine the direction our young people take and, ultimately, what direction, therefore, that our
country takes. And there's only one goal
that is worthy of us as Americans, and that
is to be the very best in the world, to be
number one. That's our history, but it is
also, I believe, our destiny. Our national
qualities of intellectual curiosity and innovation, our frontier spirit and our habit of
problemsolving, all uniquely equip America
for the great technological age that is dawning.
To help us move in that direction, the
Federal budget I propose would, as Frank


said, increase funding for-maybe he didn't
cover this point-but for NASA [National
Aeronautics and Space Administration] by
22 percent, would also advance us toward
our goal of doubling the budget for the National Science Foundation by 1993. I also
proposed full funding for the superconducting supercollider-and even though I'm
from Texas, people seem to understand[laughter]-and as an incentive for private
industry, a permanent research and experimentation tax credit.
But one of the most important investments that I want us to make is in science
education. So, I have proposed a National
Science Scholars Program that would provide 570 scholarships a year. And these
would be for up to $10,000 a year, for 4
years. And this program would be based on
merit, and it would draw at least one young
scientist from every congressional district435 across the entire United States-providing local inspiration and national leadership
for the study of science. And I think no one
proves better than all of you just how much
our students are capable of and how important it is to provide the encouragement and
resources that you need. And when you
couple this modest Federal effort with what
Westinghouse and others are doing in this
area across the country, we do have something significant and, I'd say, unique in our
country.
So, I came over here to congratulate the
sponsors, to congratulate the scientists who
have given their blessing to this innovative
program, and especially to congratulate all
of you achievers. I think all of you are destined for great things. And if you've got any
skeptics out in the audience, go next door
and take a look, and you'll see exactly what
I mean. Thank you, and God bless all of
you.
Note: The President spoke at 2:20 p.m. at
the National Academy of Sciences Building.
In his opening remarks, he referred to John
C. Morous, Jr., chairman and chief executive
officer of Westinghouse Corp.; Frank Press,
president of the National Academy of Sciences; and Glenn Theodore Seaborg, chemist and Nobel Prize winner.


171




Mar. 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Statement on the Labor Dispute Between Eastern Airlines and the
International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers
March 3, 1989


The National Mediation Board has recommended that I appoint an emergency board
before March 4, pursuant to section 10 of
the Railway Labor Act, as amended, to investigate the dispute between Eastern Airlines and the International Association of
Machinists and Aerospace Workers. I have
decided not to accept this recommendation.
The National Mediation Board has for
many months attempted unsuccessfully to
bring the parties to an agreement, and I
have no reason to believe that an additional
investigation or the 60-day delay that would
be entailed would produce such an agreement. In light of the well-publicized threats
of a strike and related activities, the Department of Transportation will monitor the
situation and will, in addition, take whatever steps are needed to protect the safety
of the traveling public.


I urge responsible labor officials not to try
to influence resolution of this dispute by
disrupting the Nation's transportation systems through secondary boycotts against
uninvolved parties. Such boycotts would unfairly burden millions of citizens, not only
preventing necessary travel but also affecting shipment of consumer goods and the
ability of many workers to earn a living. For
these reasons, secondary boycotts are not
permitted in any other sector of the economy.
Accordingly, if secondary boycotts threaten to disrupt essential transportation services, I will submit, and urge that Congress
promptly enact, legislation making it unlawful to use secondary picketing and boycotts
against neutral carriers. We cannot allow an
isolated labor-management dispute to disrupt the Nation's entire transportation
system.


Remarks at the Annual Conference of the Veterans of Foreign Wars
March 6, 1989


Well, thank you very much, Larry. I remember when Larry Rivers first took over.
I was Vice President-came in to greet me.
I wasn't sure he knew what he was getting
into. But he's holding up real well-[laughter]-and doing a first-class job, and you're
lucky to have this dynamic young man as
your leader.
You know, it's a pleasure to be here. I
also want to express my best wishes to a
real institution of the VFW; you know who
I'm talking about-Cooper Holt. I can't believe it, I can't believe that he's stepping
down this year, after more than a quarter of
a century of distinguished service as the executive director. But let me tell you something: Members of the VFW-others who
stand for a strong defense, whoever they
may be-Cooper has earned the gratitude
of veterans everywhere for making the


VFW his life-long cause, but also the way he
has conducted himself in Washington and
elsewhere in this high office. He has my
respect and my friendship, and I don't
know what it's going to be like without him
around here, I'll tell you.
I want to pay my respects to General Al
Gray, member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, a
Commandant of the Marine Corps, outstanding soldier-outstanding marine, I
should say. Sorry, Al. [Laughter] Really
know how to hurt a guy, but-[laughter]an outstanding leader. And also, to my
former colleague and dear friend, the veterans' friend, Congressman Sonny Montgomery, over here.
Before I begin-and I want to talk to you
about two or three major issues-but before
I begin, let me just say a word about an
issue that is of particular importance, I'd


172




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 6


say, to the people in this room. You know
John Tower as a fellow veteran, and you
know him as a lifelong public servant. And
you also know him as a fighter. And he's
fought for his country as a 17-year-old enlisted man in the United States Navy. And
now he and I are fighting for what I think
are some very important principles, principles that the American people understand,
like fairness and truth, and principles like
the prerogative of a President of the United
States to assemble the most talented and
qualified team to guide this nation forward.
And I have asked the Senate to vote on
this nomination with those principles in
mind, asked the Senate to put aside partisanship. I've asked them to use their own
experience with John Tower as an expert
on defense issues; as a former colleague;
and as a tough, hardnosed negotiator to
guide them as they move towards a vote on
this nomination. It is very interesting that
not one single United States Senator has
challenged John Tower's knowledge on defense matters or his experience to do this
job-not one single Senator.
And I stand by this man, I stand by him
because he is uniquely qualified as the right
man to take charge of the Pentagon.
Enough of that now. [Laughter] I wanted to
get it off my chest. I'm getting sick and
tired of some of the rumors and the innuendoes that are used against this decent man.
Back to the gentler and kinder message.
[Laughter]
Look, it's always an honor to meet with
fellow members of the VFW. The love of
liberty is the birthright of all men, certainly
all Americans, and that's why our nation
owes a special debt of gratitude to its veterans, who freely and courageously took up
the defense of freedom. I am especially
pleased to welcome the Department of Veterans Affairs to a place in the Cabinet, and
it's a cause, I might add, that you were in
the lead on. And it's a sign of America's
commitment to her veterans, of the importance we place in repaying in some way the
sacrifice that veterans have made in answering their country's call. And in my
view, it is important that the first Secretary
is someone who is close to the President,
who has the President's full confidence on a
personal basis, and Ed Derwinski, my


former colleague in Congress and my friend
of longstanding, fits that description to a
tee. He will be an outstanding Secretary.
Some facts: Today there are six times as
many veterans alive as there were when
the VA was created in 1930. Ed already has
come to see me to discuss some of the challenges facing us in these programs. With
the pressure the country is under-and let's
make no mistake about it, the pressures are
great-to solve our massive Federal deficit,
we may not be able to do everything we'd
like to do in the way of adding resources,
but I can tell you that Ed is your strong
advocate. And like me, he understands the
needs, including the crying need for strong
health care for the veterans. He already is
an advocate for that.
I want to speak this morning about a
matter of the utmost importance to the
VFW-keeping America strong-today and
then, just 11 years from now, into the 21st
century. Opinion is nearly unanimous that
today is a time of transition in world affairs.
That means our powers of observation and
analysis, our ability to sort out change and
continuity, will be put to the test. And
when it comes to predicting the future,
Winston Churchill's rule is the best. It is: "I
always avoid prophesying beforehand because it's much better policy to prophesy
after the event has already taken place."
You've got to think about that one for a
while, and maybe I'm the guy to do that.
Last year I told the American Legion about
Pearl Harbor being on September 7th.
[Laughter] Just think, if Franklin Roosevelt
had listened to me, think what we could
have spared the Nation. [Laughter]
You know, maybe you've read and maybe
you haven't that we are in the midst of a
series of systematic strategic reviews, and
I've asked the members of my national security team to look hard at the international
landscape and to look forward to assess the
combination of security threats, technological change, and political and economic developments that will shape our security horizon well into the next century. And I am
convinced that this important review, this
important exercise, will have lasting benefits to our national security. In my address
to Congress last month, I set a 90-day dead

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Mar. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


line for this important work. And I won't
rush the final results. The insights we will
gain into the problems we will face in the
decades ahead are worth waiting for. And
the other day I went over to the Pentagon
and met with certain members of the Joint
Chiefs and those running that building, and
I must tell you, I'm very pleased these reviews are going forward.
But today I want to speak about the foundations of an adequate national defense program, about the world we live in, and the
challenges and opportunities we'll encounter, and about the approach I'll take on
issues integral to our own national security.
First, the foundations: A month ago, I
presented to the Congress a sound defense
spending plan that makes sense, strategically and fiscally. As a sign that my administration is serious about the deficit, I called for
a freeze in defense spending in 1990, adjusted only for inflation. And I'm well
aware that our national strength rests ultimately on the health and vigor of the
American economy. And we need a strong
defense, and we need a strong economy.
And I mean to preserve both, but our crucial military modernization plans and the
diverse defense commitments that we must
keep cannot be achieved without additional
defense funding. And that's why the budget
plan follows the freeze for 1990 with real
increases-albeit they're small-with real
increases: 1 percent in 1991 and 1992, and
a 2-percent increase for 1993. And my aim
is to put defense spending on a modest,
manageable growth path, one that we can
afford and then one that will allow us to
modernize and maintain forces that are formidable, flexible, and ready.
But in the defense debate, what we can
and can't afford isn't just a matter of economics. It's a matter of vital national security. And I say we can't afford to continue
the downward trend in defense spending.
1989-now listen carefully to this-1989
will be the fourth straight year that budget
authority for defense has declined in real
terms. And we've worked hard to rebuild
America's strength, and it's paid off. Today
America is strong; its voice is heard. Its
forces are ready, and the values we stand
for are more secure.
Secondly, we can't afford to mistake a


more stable international environment as
proof that we can spend less on national
defense. The secret to our success can be
summed up in a single word: strength. And
let's sustain the military strength that
helped turn the world situation around.
And finally, we can afford adequate defenses. The defense budget that I'm calling
for in 1990 represents 5.5 percent of our
annual gross national product. And that's a
far smaller share of our national wealth
than the United States spent on defense at
any point throughout the 1950's or the
1960's-periods of rapid and sustained economic growth though they were. The
bottom line is not a question of cost or a
question of resources: It's simply a question
of will. And you have my word, as long as I
am President: America will stand fast on
the front line in defense of freedom.
Today around the world, a number of
longstanding regional conflicts are closer
now to resolution than ever before. The
stirrings of freedom and the advance of
democratic rule are evident and undeniable. In the economic sphere, the free
market is increasingly seen as an engine of
growth and development unmatched by
any other system. And freedom is on the
march. But there are still forces arrayed
against it, regimes whose interests and systems are at odds with our own and with
those of our allies. And then there's the
spread of chemical and biological weapons,
along with the means to deliver them. It's
likely to make the flashpoints that always
exist more dangerous than ever before.
And the key issue of change within the
Soviet Union-there are still far more questions than answers. There is no doubt that
the changes taking place are significant and
far-reaching, but it is equally true that the
ultimate outcome of the events unfolding in
the U.S.S.R. remains certain [uncertain]. My
view is this: We should press for progress
that contributes to a more stable relationship between the United States and the
Soviet Union, but we must combine our
readiness to build better relations with a
resolve to maintain defenses adequate to
secure our interests.
America and her allies must recognize
that even in light of the military cuts pro

174




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 6


posed by President Gorbachev the Soviet
Union remains the most formidable military
power facing the free world. We must be
ready to cope with change and favorable
opportunities and ready in any event to
defend our interests and ideals. And what
this means in terms of our national security
should be clear. We need to maintain and
modernize our forces, nuclear and conventional. For America and its allies, a survivable nuclear force will remain the ultimate
deterrent of aggression.
We need to make a concerted effort to
turn our technological strengths into a
source of advantage to our national security.
And that includes, in my view, vigorous
pursuit of the Strategic Defense Initiative.
And we need to make an active effort in
arms control, to strive for increased stability
at lower levels of armaments. But I will
strongly oppose legislative attempts to withdraw U.S. troops from Europe unilaterally.
Imprudent unilateral reductions are not the
path to peace and security and freedom.
And I've been listening to General Gray.
We need to keep our forces ready and welltrained. The dedicated men and women
who serve our country deserve no less.
We need to reform our procurement
process to deliver a dollar's worth of defense for every dollar we spend. And the
way to do that is to begin to follow through
on the sensible reforms suggested in the
Packard commission report and the findings
of the defense management review now underway. I'll look carefully at those management review findings and then move to implement them.
And we need to maintain the alliance of
like-minded nations in Europe and Asia that
have helped us keep peace in the postwar
era. As strong as we are-and we are
strong-as strong as we are, the United
States of America in this complex world
cannot go it alone. Keep our alliances
strong.
Before I close, I want to focus for a
moment on a threat no less real than the
adversaries you have battled. And I'm
speaking about not a military threat; I'm
speaking about the insidious threat to our
society and our values: drug abuse. The
notion that America is a nation at peace is
only partly true as long as the violence and


destructive power of drugs assault our communities.
As I talk, our Attorney General is holding
a series of talks with three South American
Presidents and their attorney generals or
their ministers, seeking their full participation in this war and offering our full cooperation. My able drug czar, Bill Bennettsome of you know him, able man-he will
be confirmed as my hard-hitting point man
to be at my side in the White House to
keep the focus on winning this unconditional war; and I mean to mobilize all our resources, wage this war on all fronts. We're
going to combat drug abuse with education,
treatment, enforcement and, yes, interdiction and, yes, with our nation's armed services. When that prudently can be done and
when that's what it takes, we are going to
have to go all-out. We need to break the
deadly grip of drugs and prevent the drug
scourge from taking hold.
And the VFW can help. Many of you
have already started. Many of your posts
are actively involved. You've got 2.3 million
members, 750,000 auxiliary members,
10,000 chapters nationwide. The VFW is,
and always will be, a respected member of
communities across our country; and today
I call on you to form a community of action.
"For America, whatever it takes"-that's
the motto of the VFW. And you've fought
for your nation once, and your nation needs
you again. And today I want to enlist you in
the antidrug campaign. Meet with other
leaders in your community-church, clergy,
law enforcement officers-tell them the
VFW volunteers are ready to help. And go
to the schools and put the full weight of this
magnificent organization behind the antidrug education effort that provides our kids
with the reasons and willpower that they
need to resist drugs. Speak to your State
and local elected officials. Urge them to
make the passage of strong antidrug legislation a priority.
I am reaching out to you, so I want to
extend my help as well. Bill Bennett stands
ready to meet with the VFW leadership to
share ideas that can help you map a strategy. VFW has proven many times over its
dedication to the health and well-being of
our nation, proven it over and over and


175




Mar. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


over again. And the 50 young people that
you've honored here today, with whom I
had a chance to meet very briefly a minute
ago, underscore the VFW's interest in our
nation's youth and in our future. I know
that we can count on the veterans of America all across this country to help us wage
and win the war on drugs. Your country
needs you once again.
Veterans share a special bond. We've
seen the face of war; we know its terrible
costs. Americans never willingly choose
conflict. But we know, as well, that we must
be ready and willing to respond when our
interests and our ideals come under threat.
Let me be very clear. I prefer the diplomatic approach. Nations can and should explore every avenue toward working out
their differences without resorting to force
or military intimidation, but I'm also a realist. I know that there is no substitute for a
nation's ability to defend its ideals and interests. And too often we hear that we face
a stark choice in coping with conflict. We
can pursue a diplomatic situation, or we can
seek a resolution through military means.
One, we're told, is incompatible with the
other.
Well, this doesn't square with real-world
experience. Diplomacy and military capability are complementary; they're not contradictory. Creative diplomacy can help us
avert conflict. Negotiations stand the greatest chance of success when they proceed
Message on the Observance of St.
March 6, 1989
It is a pleasure to send greetings to everyone celebrating this St. Patrick's Day.
The feast of the Apostle of Ireland occupies a special place on our calendar because
it is a fitting time to celebrate the vibrant
heritage of millions of Irish Americans, as
well as the many contributions they have
made to our country. Among the first of
immigrant groups, the Irish overcame poverty and prejudice to become productive
members of the American workforce and


from a position of strength. The fundamental lesson of this decade is simply this:
Strength secures the peace. America will
continue to be a force for peace and stability in the world provided we stay strong.
Let me close with a word to these young
people, who you appropriately are honoring
here today. If I were in your shoes, I'd be
an optimist. I'd be an optimist about world
peace, changes in the Soviet Union. As I
said earlier in this talk, nobody is talking
about the Socialist model or the Communist
model as to a way to solve their problems.
But never forget that, when a President of
the United States goes to the negotiating
table, the way to enhance our values, the
way to enhance the principles that everybody in this room holds dear, is to be dealing from a position of a strong America. We
have the ideals. Keep America strong!
Thank you all, and God bless you. And good
luck to you guys.
Note: The President spoke at 11:08 a.m. in
the Sheraton Ballroom at the Sheraton
Washington Hotel. In his remarks, he referred to Larry W Rivers and Cooper T
Holt, national commander in chief and executive director of the Veterans of Foreign
Wars, respectively; Gen. Alfred M. Gray,
Commandant of the Marine Corps; Representative G.V. (Sonny) Montgomery, chairman of the Veterans' Affairs Committee;
and Edward J Derwinski, Secretary-designate of the Department of Veterans Affairs.
Patrick's Day, 1989
an influential voice in United States politics.
Today, our Nation continues to be inspired by the deep faith, strong family life,
and hard work of Irish Americans. Their
legendary sense of humor and resolve are
an example to us all.
Barbara joins me in commending all of
you on keeping alive the joyous spirit of St.
Patrick's Day. May God bless you.
GEORGE BUSH


176




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 6


Nomination of Anthony Joseph Principi To Be Deputy Secretary of
Veterans Affairs
March 6, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Anthony Joseph Principi
to be Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs
at the Veterans Administration. This is a
new position.
Mr. Principi has been Republican chief
counsel and staff director of the Senate
Committee on Veterans' Affairs, 1984-1988.
He was majority chief counsel and staff director for Senator Alan K. Simpson, 1984 -1986, and Deputy Administrator for Congressional, Intergovernmental, and Public


Affairs for the Veterans Administration,
1983-1984. Mr. Principi entered the United
States Navy in 1967 and has served as
senior staff counsel and professor of military
law for the U.S. Pacific Fleet in San Diego,
CA, 1978-1980, and chief defense attorney
for the Naval Legal Service Office, 1975 -1978.
Mr. Principi graduated from the United
States Naval Academy (B.S., 1967), and
Seton Hall University School of Law (J.D.,
1975). He resides in Rancho Sante Fe, CA.


Nomination of Gerald L. Olson To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Health and Human Services
March 6, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Gerald L. Olson to be an
Assistant Secretary of Health and Human
Services (Legislative Affairs). He would succeed Mary T. Goedde.
Since 1978 Mr. Olson has been vice president for government relations for the Pillsbury Co., in Minneapolis, MN. Prior to this
he was executive director for government
and community relations at the Cummins
Engine Co., 1975-1978. He was vice president and division manager for Irwin Man

agement Company, 1971-1975, and assistant to the chairman of Cummins Engine
Co., 1969-1971. Mr. Olson was special assistant and presidential campaign director
for Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller, 1967 -1969, and campaign manager and legislative liaison for Governor Harold LeVander,
1966-1967.
Mr. Olson graduated from Mankato State
University (B.S., 1958). He was born December 3, 1933, in Sioux Falls, SD, and resides in Deephaven, MN.


Announcement of the Continuation of Roberts T. Jones as an
Assistant Secretary of Labor
March 6, 1989


The President today announced that Roberts T. Jones will continue to serve as an
Assistant Secretary of Labor (Employment
and Training).
Mr. Jones currently serves as Assistant
Secretary of Labor at the Department of
Labor, 1987 to present. He was Deputy As

sistant Secretary of Labor, 1985-1987, and
Senior Administrator for Job Training Programs, 1972-1985. From 1968 to 1972, he
served as administrative assistant for Congressman Marvin L. Esch and Congressman
Charles E. Wiggins.
Mr. Jones graduated from the University


177




Mar. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


of Redlands with a bachelors degree in psy-  He is married, has three children, and rechology, 1962. He was born April 24, 1940. sides in Alexandria, VA.
The President's News Conference
March 7, 1989


The President. Well, as you know, we got
canceled out of Lancaster, Pennsylvania,
and Wilmington today. And so, I thought it
might be an opportune moment to stay indoors, take a few questions. The Lancaster
trip has been rescheduled for the 22d of
March; and I look forward to going there,
talking to the people, and really discussing
that community participation in drugs.
I want to take this opportunity to restate
my belief that free collective bargaining is
the best means of resolving the dispute between Eastern Airlines and its unions. I
continue to feel it would be inappropriate
for the Government to intervene and to
impose a solution. This dispute has gone on
for more than 17 months, and it's time for
the parties involved to get down to serious
business and reach an agreement. The
action-forcing event, in this case, is the
strike. And that is the tool at the disposal of
labor, and they're properly going forward
with that. Management and the labor now
have to find a settlement.
But let me just say that I hope my position on secondary boycotts is well-known.
Thankfully, these boycotts have not yet materialized, and I hope they don't. Temporary restraining orders have been in effect
yesterday and today in the New York and
Philadelphia areas. But even when those restraining orders lapse, I remind all parties
that secondary boycotts are not in the
public interest. And I will send legislation
to Congress to forbid them if that is necessary. It is not fair to say to a commuter on a
train coming in from Long Island that
you're going to be caught up and victimized by a strike affecting an airline-simply
isn't fair, in my view.
Secretary [of Transportation] Skinner has
been monitoring the situation from the
very beginning-my view on top of it. The
Department of Transportation and the FAA


have taken every precaution to ensure airline safety during this period. And I understand that the pilots are talking about a
work slowdown beginning today. Certainly,
I must recognize their special concerns for
safety during this period, but I also would
urge them not to make the innocent traveling public a pawn in this dispute.
So, that's my view on the airline strike.
And I hope that it is settled in the traditional way-management, labor sitting down
and working out an agreement.
Wait a minute! We've got to go to-protocol has-sorry about that.
Administration Accomplishments
Q. Mr. President, your struggle to win the
confirmation of Senator Tower and the
seeming lack of direction has caused a lot of
criticism that your administration is in drift,
there is malaise. What is your response and
what are you going to do about it?
The President. My response is that it's not
adrift, and there isn't malaise. And I talked
to a fellow from Lubbock, Texas, the other
day, which is the best phone call I've made;
and he said, "All the people in Lubbock
think things are going just great." And soand he is a very objective spokesman, a guy
that-[laughter].
Q. Do you really think you're doing fine
when nobody knows where
The President. I think we're on track.
Q. -  and nobody knows where your administration is goingThe President. Well, let me help you with
where I think it's going. First place, in a
very brief period of time, we addressed ourselves to a serious national problem: the
problem of the S&L bailout. That is still
moving forward; it takes a little time. I've
challenged the Congress to act. Secondly,
we came up in a very short period of time
with great amount of detail, far more than


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 7


the two previous administrations, regarding
the budget-sound proposals. The number
one problem facing this country, in my
view, is getting this Federal budget deficit
down. Not only did we address it but we
addressed it in considerable detail, and talks
are going on right now to try to solve that
problem.
I've taken a substantive foreign policy
trip that took me not only to 3 countries,
but where I met with, I think, some 19
representatives of 19 countries and talked
about their objectives and mine for foreign
policy. Our Secretary of State [James A.
Baker III] has not only touched base with
all the NATO leaders but has had a productive meeting with Mr. Shevardnadze [Soviet
Foreign Minister]. The defense reviews and
the other foreign policy reviews are underway. And I will not be stampeded by some
talk that we have not come up with bold
new foreign policy proposals in 45 daysnot going to be.
So, I think plenty of substantive things
are going on. And then I have made clearyou saw my statement on the CFC's [chlorofluorocarbons] on the environment. Our
environmental man is over there, Bill Reilly
[Environmental Protection Agency Administrator], a very able administrator, attending a conference that will then lead, in my
view, to unilateral proposals by the United
States, not in terms just of CFC's but other
global environmental matters. We are confident of the confirmation of Bill Bennett,
and he is charged with a 6-month's mandate to do something-map out the drug
program. And he will be very serious about
going forward on that.
I appointed early on an ethics commission
which has been meeting and will be coming
out with, I think, sound proposals. And so,
we'11 start moving forward legislatively
there. I spelled out in my speech an education agenda, and that will be followed-the
speech-very shortly with legislative initiatives. We're moving forward with our volunteer  approach-the   organization  to
pursue national service-under Gregg Petersmeyer [Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of National
Service] here in the White House. Our Secretary of HUD [Jack F. Kemp] has taken
some fact-finding trips and made some good


comments, speeches, about our objectives
in terms of the homeless.
So, I would have to urge-and everyone
here is familiar with my position on child
care. That's going to take legislation, but I
think the Congress clearly knows where we
want to go there. So, I would simply resist
the clamor that nothing seems to be bubbling around, that nothing is happening. A
lot is happening. Not all of it good, but a lot
is happening.
Human Rights
Q. Mr. President., you mentioned your
Asian trip. Now, one of the issues that arose
there was kind of a disagreement or a dispute with China over a dissident attending
your dinner. And it seemed that you failed
to raise human rights in your meetings with
Chinese leaders. Is this going to be your
preference for conveying harmony rather
than confrontation over human rights?
The President. No, it was raised. When
Marlin spoke to you-the beginning of the
trip there in China-and said it hadn't been
raised, he was right. It hadn't been raised
publicly in the meetings that I'd had up to
that moment. I believe Deng Xiaoping was
the one-where he spoke, but it was raised
by me personally.
But you know, there's two schools of how
you do the human rights agenda. I think
that President Reagan was correct when he
raised the human rights agenda with the
Soviets privately rather than beating his
breasts and doing it publicly. And I think
the results have been rather penetratingstill a long way to go with the Soviets. But I
have not only raised them, but the very
invitation to that dissident, that they thoroughly disapproved of, shows our public
commitment to it. And there was a reference to it in a speech. So, it all depends
how you, how-in our toasts-so it all depends, you know, what approach you take.
But I think quiet discussion is a good approach to try to effect the human rights
objectives that I feel very strongly about.
Q. On that regard, on human rights, will
it always be the first thing you mention
with the Soviets, as it was under President
Reagan?
The President. I don't recall it always


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Mar. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


being the first thing. Because the last meeting I attended with him and Mr. Gorbachev, it was raised, but it wasn't the first
thing. But it will be high on our agenda-I
confidently expect that Jim Baker will continue to raise it. And, yes, it will be an
agenda item.
Eastern Airlines Strike
Q. Mr. President, on the air strike, your
opposition on Capitol Hill, many of the
Democrats up there, wanted you to intervene in the strike. Should you have to go to
Congress for emergency legislation to deal
with secondary boycotts, it is likely they are
going to say, "No, no, we want you to intervene first." If the Eastern pilots succeed
and the machinists succeed in imposing secondary boycotts, you seem to be on a collision course there. Will your policy hold
firm?
The President. It will hold firm. The Secretary [Samuel K. Skinner] is testifying, I
think, at this very moment about the kind
of legislation you're talking about and some
wanting to compel the President to convene this Board. So, there are two schools of
thought. I still feel that the best answer is a
head-on-head, man-to-man negotiation between the union and the airline. And I
think that is better and more lasting, incidentally-the agreement that would stem
from that-more lasting than an imposed
government settlement which could cause
the airline to totally shut down. So, I think
there could be some, you know, confrontation. But I will stick with my view; and if,
indeed, innocent parties are threatened
through the secondary boycott mechanism,
I will move promptly with the Congress.
And I don't want to buy into a lot of hypothesis here, but you would have an
outcry from the American people on the
basis of-that I mentioned about that commuter. It is not fair to, you know, have
innocent people victimized by a struggle
between Eastern Airlines and the machinists' union. So, there may be a closely
fought contest, and I know there are some
widely differing views on this.
Q. If that should happen, sir, you must
recognize that there'd be great pressure on
you to at least stop it for 60 days. Are you
intent on not doing that?


The President. I'm intent on staying with
what I've outlined is our administration's
policy. And it is the correct policy. And I
think it's the best way to have a solution to
this question.
We'll go right across here and then
start-go ahead.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Mr. President, back to Helen's [Helen
Thomas, United Press International] question, this sort of sense that's developing
that-let's say the John Tower fight is sapping you of your ability to get on with other
issues. How long are you willing to fight this
fight, let the debate go on? Are you ready
to now call for them to have a vote, say,
today or tomorrow, just to get this behind
you, one way or the other?
The President. No, no, because Lesley
[Lesley Stahl, CBS News], first place, there's
two major principles: fairplay and, secondly,
the right of the President to have-historical right-to have who he wants in his administration. And I've heard a lot of judgments on Tower based on reports-hearing
people reading the same report and coming
out with different judgments. I want him. I
believe he is the best man for the job.
There are a lot of historical precedents
behind my desire to have him and, you
might say, right to have him, barring any
very clear reason not to; and therefore, I
will stay with it. And secondly, it's the
Senate that controls when they vote or not.
And I will leave that to Bob Dole and
George Mitchell, both of whom I think are
conducting themselves very well.
There's a followup. Yes?
Q. May I ask you a question about the
chain-of-command question? Because the
Senator admits to excessive drinking, which
would disqualify him for a job in the socalled chain of command, does this not disturb you at all that that's the qualification
for a job?
The President. No, I think he'll measure
up to that qualification. Indeed, he has said
he'd never touch another drop of liquor,
and you'll have 25,000 people in the Pentagon making sure that's true. So, what I
mean, here's a, I'd say, a fail-safe guarantee.
Doesn't bother me. And I

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 7


Q. The past?
The President. No, I think when you look
at the record and look at the testimony as I
have-and I haven't had one single Senator,
not one, served with him over the years,
say, I have seen him, my firsthand evidence
is, this man is ineligible because of his consumption of spirits-not one. And isn't that
a little bit unusual? So, I go right back to
the President's right to have his choice.
Let's keep it on a nonpartisan basis. I would
just urge that both Senator Nunn and
George Mitchell have told me, "Wait a
minute, this isn't a partisan fight." And I
would simply ask that they keep reiterating
that to those Senators who may not have
made up their minds with finality and let's
go to a vote. But I'm not going to pull back
on this.
And, Lesley, it isn't iron-willed stubbornness. There's a question of fundamental
principle here. And I've spelled out my call
for fairplay, and I'm going to keep reiterating it. So, let the Senate work its will; it's
not going to hurt. And this concept that you
can never work in the future because
people disagree with you in the Senate-I
simply don't accept that.
Q. Mr. President, you have said that the
FBI report guns down the accusations
against Senator Tower. And yet you have
also said that there can be no release in
practical terms because of the confidentiality of people interviewed. Had you given
consideration, given the problem with the
nomination, to asking those interviewed to
waive the right of confidentiality so that the
public doesn't have to take your word for it
as to the degree to which this report exonerates the Senator or the opponent?
The President. Or the word of the opponents? Yes, we have thought about that.
And I'm not sure where our Counsel's office
stands on it. But I'll tell you that the precedent is troubling. When you take testimony
and then-and certainly you can't go ahead
and release-I mean, I just could not do
that. And I think it's very damaging in the
future. So, I'm saying I have read it; this is
my view. And it's inhibiting because it does
confine the debate on the floor. But I really
worry about the precedent. So, I have not
been pushing for sanitization and then release, or for selective release, or for-I


hadn't thought about this concept of going
to somebody and say, "Would you release
us from confidentiality?" I think that would
chill future proceedings.
Let's go back in the back. We're notright in the middle back there.
Department of Defense Review
Q. Mr. President, you mentioned yesterday in the speech to the VFW that this 90 -day deadline that you had imposed on yourself for the strategic review might slip because you said that the results wouldn't be
rushed. Is there going to be a new deadline? And is the fact that you don't have a
sitting Defense Secretary contributing to
that?
The President. I hope there's not going to
be any slippage. I want that; I want the
budget review. I want the management
review completed by then. And look, not
having a Defense Secretary in place-no
question that it's an inhibiting factor. But I
went over to the bureau the other day, I
mean the Defense Department, in a trip
that was interpreted for one purpose; and
what I went over, really, for was another
purpose. And the purpose I went over
there for was-please, understand we've got
to keep these reviews going forward. And I
am very grateful to those people, some of
whom won't be there in a new administration, all of whom-or most of whom had
served in the past administration, for seriously addressing themselves to these various
reviews. I hope we can make the target.
The minute the target is made and the
review comes, then we have a lot of decisionmaking. But I don't want to be footdragging. And therefore, I'm going to try to
keep the heat on without slippage there.
Eastern Airlines Strike
Q. The head of Eastern Airlines, Frank
Lorenzo, is from Houston, Texas. Is he a
friend of yours? Did he give money to your
campaign? And one of his vice presidents is
on your staff as head of congressional relations. Is he giving you advice?
The President. He has recused himself, as
I understand it, from the Eastern Airlines;
and he's not giving me advice. I know
Frank Lorenzo, and in all probability he


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Mar. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


gave money to the Bush-Quayle campaign.
Now, followup?
Q. Does that influence you in any way?
The President. No, it does not influence
me in any way.
War on Drugs and Gun Control
Q. Mr. President, the theme of the week
is drugs this week, and you mentioned
again this morning your commitment to ridding the country of drugs. But your designate for drug czar, William Bennett, has
said that as part of the way that he would
like to help end drug violence would be to
consider a ban on semiautomatic weapons,
which is opposed to your own viewpoint.
And we're getting more and more evidence
from doctors and police that there's gunfire
in the streets and wounds that they haven't
seen since the Vietnam war because of
these weapons. What do you say to people
whose families have been maimed by these
kind of weapons?
The President. I say the same thing I say
to a person whose family has been maimed
by a pistol or an explosive charge or whatever else it might be-fire. This is bad, and
we have got to stop the scourge of drugs.
And I talked to Bill Bennett about that,
because I said, "Bill, what can be worked
out with finality on AK-47's? What can be
done and still, you know, do what's right by
the legitimate sportsman?" I'd love to find
an answer to that, Rita [Rita Beamish, Associated Press], because I do think that there
has to be some assurance that these automated attack weapons are not used in the
manner they're being used. And I told
Bill-I said, "Look, don't worry about what
you said up there." I said, "I can identify
with what was behind your thinking on that
very, very easily." I'd like to find some accommodation. The problem, as you know, is
that automated AK-47's are banned and
semiautomated are not. So, in they come,
and then they get turned over to automated weapons through some filing down. It
isn't as easy as it seems to those who are
understandably crying out: Do something!
Do something!
But I've tasked Bill. I've said, "Bill, work
the problem. Find out. And I'm not so rigid
that if you come to me with a sensible
answer that takes care of the concerns I've


felt over the years I'll take a hard look at it,
and I'll work with you to that end."
Speaker of the House Jim Wright
Q. Mr. President, do you support the Republican Congressional Committee's decision to make Jim Wright its number-one
target next year? And doesn't that conflict
with yourThe President. Hey, listen, I've got
enough fights on my hands now, Dave
[David Montgomery, Fort Worth Star Telegram]. [Laughter] I'm not looking for any
more. Let the Congress do its thing, and I'll
just stay right where I am, plugging away
on a matter of principle for a battle that's
going on in the-I'll let you know if I want
to take on any more.
Soviet-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, on foreign policy, there
is some confusion about how you feel about
linking Soviet good behavior, particularly in
Central America, to granting them technological transfers and economic credits. If
Gorbachev helps you in Central America,
specifically in Nicaragua, are you willing to
help him economically?
The President. Look, the more cooperation we can get on regional objectives-in
this instance, the democratization of Central America-the more help we can get
towards that end by the Soviets with pulling back their large amount of military support, the better it would be between relations. So, there is linkage, but when it gets
to the specifics of what I'll be willing to
do-that will come under this whole policy
review. But we are not going to back away
from agenda items, including regional tensions. And when something good happens,
give some credit. When Soviets come out of
Afghanistan, which happened here not so
long ago, give them credit for that. When
you get lightening up a little bit on the
question of Soviet Jews or something of that
nature, give some credit. So, don't know
exactly how to help you in terms of how
much linkage there is, but there's clearly
got to be some linkage.
Q. Sir, you've been getting cables back
from Vienna from Secretary of State Baker,
he's been meeting with Foreign Minister


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 7


Shevardnadze. Is Shevardnadze saying anything encouraging along this line?
The President. Well, I haven't seen the
overnight cable from Baker reporting on
that meeting, so I can't comment. I read
some reports of what Shevardnadze said in
terms of conventional forces, and it looks to
me like he's moving towards the oft-stated
public position of NATO in this regard, and
that is good. Where it's not a question of
numbers you take out, it's a question of the
numbers that are left when you finish
taking troops out. So, I think there's been
some encouraging-but I have not yet seen
the Baker report, and I haven't talked to
him since his visit.
Aid to the Contras
Q. Mr. President, nonmilitary aid to the
contras will run out at the end of the
month. Do you plan to propose new aid to
the contras and some package of carrots
and sticks for the Sandinistas?
The President. Well, I hope there is some
understanding on the Hill that these people
must not be left without humanitarian aid.
And we have already-through the Secretary of State before he left-pointed out
that that was my inclination was to strongly
support the appeal for humanitarian aid.
We simply cannot, and I will not, leave the
contras out there with no humanitarian aid
at all-ability to stay alive at this juncture.
Q. But will the package include some
promise of renewed military aid depending
on the Sandinistas' behavior at this point?
The President. We are talking, as I think
the Secretary said the other day, about how
best to move the process of democratization
forward. I had a very interesting talk with
Mr. Cervezo [President of Guatemala] on
that. And I am hopeful that before the 90 -day period is up, you know, on the Presidents coming out, that we can get some
very clear statements. But in terms of humanitarian aid, I don't think there will be
much resistance to that at all.
Terrorist Raids in Israel
Q. Mr. President, on another regional
question, Yasser Arafat [Palestine Liberation
Organization chairman] has refused to criticize any of the raids within Israel that have
been carried out. Is he backing down on his


promise against terrorism?
The President. I hope not, and I'd like to
see him forthrightly condemn any terror
that might be perpetrated by the Palestinians. I stop short of saying he's condoning it
or that he is furthering it. I'm not saying
that. But I'd like to see him speak out. It
would do wonders. It would be very good
for future dialog.
Q. Well, is he jeopardizing the dialog as it
sits now?
The President. To the degree terroristic
acts are condoned, it doesn't help the
dialog.
Administration Accomplishments
Q. There is a school of thought in Washington, Mr. President, that perception is
often reality or becomes reality. The perception is that your administration is floundering, that the White House staff is inept.
How do you deal with that? How do you
turn that around?
The President. I ask for your forbearance
and leadership in this regard, pointing out
all the things that I spelled out in the beginning, comparing that with the terms of appointments. I've spared you the statistics on
appointments, which I had prepared, because one of the hits is, you haven't sent up
any names. You haven't done anything
about names. And so, I would refer to my
notes, Gerry [Gerald Boyd, New York
Times], if that's all right. And I have lost my
notes on this-no, here they are. And in
terms of the Reagan-Bush administration, at
this juncture, 55 names as of March 6th had
been announced. On the Bush-Quayle administration, 67 had been announced. So,
it's not bad. We're a little bit ahead in
terms of announced names. Now, you've
got some different problems here because
one is nomination, the other is intent to
nominate. And intent to nominate means
there's still some more paperwork to be
done. But in terms of who we want in
place, we're moving along all right. I'd like
to see it faster, of course.
But that's one of the allegations-disarray.
First, I have great confidence in my staff.
And every Chief of Staff goes through this
drill, where he gets saluted for his brilliance, and a month later gets attacked for


183




Mar. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


his something else. And I have total confidence in John Sununu; he knows the way
this town works. He has the respect level
that comes from   being-there he is[laughter]-the respect level that comes
from being a Governor. And so, we're all
used to this. Hey, this is light compared to
what is was like about a year ago in my
case. So, that's why I still feel relaxed.
But the point is, if you would just write
down all those wonderful things I told you
that are happening and get it out to that
wide readership, it would be very helpful to
me. And also, I refer you to the phone call
in Lubbock. [Laughter] And that is: Never
get too uptight about stuff that hadn't
reached Lubbock yet. And be sure that
there's some accomplishments going on
Q. Is that your Peoria?
The President.  accomplishments going
on that people can say, "Wait a minute,
there's quite a bit happening here."
Q. If I could follow up: Is there a danger
here, sir? Is there a potential danger if the
perception lingers?
The President. You're in a better position
to answer that than I am. However, you
know, I come back to the Tower-I think
people are fair. They are not making up
their minds on perceptions, make them up
on facts. And I am one who felt that way
coming out of the campaign. That's why I
go back to that. It was a very important
thing to me-what happened out there
about a year ago. And here I stand here.
And so, I don't think the American people
make up their minds on perceptions. I
think they make up their minds on facts.
Now, you can have various waves of approval or disapproval, but I think if we can
just get our message out on the facts the
way I've spelled them out here I think we'll
do fine. But I've
Federal Budget
Q. Mr. President, I'd like to ask you about
one of the facts that you cited in your list.
You said the budget that you sent to the
Hill has more detail than any budgets of the
last two administrations. I'm a little confused about that. What are you referring to,
since yours did not list any of the domestic
The President. More detail has been sent


to the Hill at this time in our administration-let me clarify that-than at any time
for either the Reagan administration in
1981 or the Carter administration in '77.
They hadn't gone up with near this amount
of detail to the Hill. And we have a document that we should pass out to you because it is quite important that this be understood.
One more.
Q. Mr. President, you'veThe President. Make it two. Two moreone, two. Sorry.
Administration Accomplishments
Q. Thank you, sir. You've heard the commentaries and read the articles about theas have been described here-the foundering and the lack of ideas of the administration. I'm wondering what your reading is on
the motivation for all of this at this point in
the administration.
The President. The motivation for these
groundless stories? [Laughter] Let me see
what it would be.
Q. They're coming from Republicans and
Democrats.
The President. Well, who are some of the
sources? Help me, and then I can give you
the motivation. Give me two Democratic
sources and two Republicans that have said
this, and then let me try toQ. Kennedy.
The President. Ted Kennedy? Enough
said.
Q. You have David Gergen's commentary.
The President. And do you have him
down as an objective journalist or a Republican?
Q. Maybe both.
Q. Republican.
The President. Republican? Well, I think
he's wrong. [Laughter]
Q. But what do you think the motivation
is, coming at this particular pointThe President. Look, I told you what I
think. Go back and look at history; it kind
of goes in cycles. But I'm not deterred at
all. And I've seen them, and I've seen some
of the things that are cited in the stories as
evidence of this, and I just disagree with
the facts. So, keep on doing your job; that's


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 7


my answer.
Q. Well, sir, one more crack at the "hitting the ground crawling" concept here.
[Laughter]
The President. I read that-I give-sorry
about that. Go ahead.
Policy Reviews
Q. You made much, sir, during your campaign of how close you were to President
Reagan 8 years, you were very much involved, and so on. What is the need then,
sir, for these 90-day reviews that you keep
referring to? Why do we need 3 months to
review our strategic policy, our foreign
policy?
The President. Because it is a prudent
thing to do. You have new people in the
administration. You have rapid change
inside the Soviet Union; you have certain
things going on inside the Soviet Union
we're not particularly sure about. And it is
prudent at the beginning of any new administration, with new people involved, to
have strategic and management reviews in
the Defense Department. It's prudent to
take a hard, new look at some of the problems that plague us in terms of the Third
World. It is prudent in terms of some of our
domestic objectives, although they're quite
a bit clearer, Ellen [Ellen Warren, KnightRidder Newspapers], it seems to me. And
we just have a question now of getting legislation to match those objectives that I
spelled out in that report to the Congress.
Q. Well, then, to follow up, sir: In terms
of the prudent review, have you come up
with any novel or remarkable new approaches to old problems?
The President. Well, the reviews aren't
completed yet. Stay tuned. We might well
do just that. Really surprise the socks off
you.
US. Economy
Q. Can we have an economics question?
Q. One economic question?
The President. No, those are the ones that
get you in trouble-[laughter]-those eco

nomic questions. I feel pretty good about
the economy, though.
Howard University Student Protest
Q. How about an Atwater question?
The President. An Atwater question?
Q. Yes. You're going tomorrow to speak
to the United Negro College Fund. Right
now the students at Howard are protesting
Atwater on the board of Howard. Do you
think they have a legitimate grievance
about Atwater's conduct during the campaign?
The President. No. No, and I think it's a
good thing he's on the board. I think it's a
good thing he's going to talk to these students. And I think that will work out just
fine. He's doing a first-class job.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. Would you like to see John Tower
defend himself before the actual Senate
board?
The President. I would not presume to
recommend to the Senate what it should
do, but Bob Dole knows that he has my full
confidence in the way he's handling this
matter in the Senate.
Q. Even though it's almost unique, would
you like to see it happen?
The President. I have told you my answer.
I don't think the White House-I think
we've got to be very careful here that we
don't try to dictate procedures to the
Senate. I have full confidence that the
leader, if he decides to propose that with
finality, will be doing what he thinks is best;
and I will strongly support him.
Q. Have you found any other Democrats?
Q. See you in Lubbock.
The President. You didn't even ask for my
source, which I would have traded you for
some of yours.
Note: The President's sixth news conference
began at 11:10 a.m. in the Briefing Room at
the White House. Marlin Fitzwater was the
President's Press Secretary.


185




Mar. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Thomas J. Collamore To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Commerce
March 7, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Thomas J. Collamore to be
an Assistant Secretary of Commerce (Administration). He would succeed Katherine
M. Bulow.
From 1987 to January 1989, Mr. Collamore was Assistant to the Vice President for
Operations in the Office of the Vice President, where he also served as liaison to the
transition offices of the President-elect and
the Vice President-elect. From April 1985
to February 1987, Mr. Collamore was
Deputy Assistant to the Vice President and
Staff Secretary, where he created and managed a staffing system for all action items
from the Vice President. Mr. Collamore
served from December 1982 to April 1985
as Special Assistant to the Secretary of Com

merce, where he served as the Secretary's
adviser on Cabinet affairs and White House
liaison. In 1982 Mr. Collamore was deputy
director for operations for the Rome for
Governor campaign in Connecticut. He
served from 1981 to 1982 as a confidential
assistant to the Secretary of Commerce.
From June 1979 to March 1980, Mr. Collamore was a staff member for George Bush
for President in Connecticut. And in 1978
he served as the personal aide to Lewis
Rome, a candidate for Governor in Connecticut.
Mr. Collamore was born in Hartford, CT,
and graduated magna cum laude with a
bachelor of arts degree from Drew University in Madison, NJ, in 1981. He resides in
Washington, DC.


Nomination of William Douglas Fritts, Jr., To Be an Assistant
Secretary of Commerce
March 7, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate William Douglas Fritts, Jr.,
to be an Assistant Secretary of Commerce
(Congressional Affairs). He would succeed
Marc G. Stanley.
Since 1985 Mr. Fritts has been director of
political affairs for the Health Insurance Association of America in Washington, DC.
He was Senior Assistant to the Commissioner of the Social Security Administration,
1985, and Senior Adviser to the Secretary of
Health and Human Services, 1984-1985.
Mr. Fritts was manager of Federal Government relations for Philip Morris, Inc., 1982 -

1984. From 1981 to 1982, he was Special
Assistant to the Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Legislation at the Department of Health
and Human Services. He was executive assistant and legislative director to Senator
Robert Dole, 1979-1981, and assistant director of the Joint Republican Leadership
Office and special assistant to House Minority Leader John Rhodes, 1977-1979.
Mr. Fritts graduated from the University
of Vermont (B.A., 1974). He was born November 13, 1950, and resides in Arlington,
VA.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 7


Nomination of Deborah Wince-Smith To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Commerce
March 7, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Deborah Wince-Smith to
be Assistant Secretary of Commerce (Technology Policy). She would succeed D. Bruce
Merrifield.
Since 1984 Mrs. Wince-Smith has served
as the Assistant Director for International
Affairs and Global Competitiveness in the


White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. Prior to this she served as
program manager for international programs at the National Science Foundation.
Mrs. Wince-Smith graduated from Vassar
College and received her master's degree
from Cambridge University.


Nomination of J. Michael Farren To Be an Under Secretary of
Commerce
March 7, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate J. Michael Farren to be
Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade. He would succeed W. Allen
Moore.
Mr. Farren served as deputy director of
President Bush's transition team from November 1988 to January 1989. He was
counsel at the law firm of Wiggin & Dana
in New Haven, CT, since September 1988.
Mr. Farren previously served as Deputy
Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade from September 1985 to July
1988 and was responsible for management
and policy development for the International Trade Administration. Prior to that Mr.
Farren served as Counselor to the Secretary
of Commerce from March 1985 to September 1985, advising the Secretary on policy
development and Cabinet matters. From
June 1983 to March 1985, he served as Director of the Office of Business Liaison at
the Commerce Department, where he


served as the Secretary's primary contact
with the business community. He was director of White House liaison and executive
assistant to the deputy chairman of the Republican National Committee from August
1981 to June 1983. Mr. Farren also served
as vice president of the Greater Waterbury,
Connecticut, Chamber of Commerce from
December 1978 to August 1981. From
March 1974 to November 1978, Mr. Farren
was district representative and campaign
director for U.S. Representative Ronald A.
Sarasin.
Mr. Farren was born in Waterbury, CT,
holds a juris doctor degree from the University of Connecticut School of Law, and is
admitted to the practice of law in Connecticut and the District of Columbia. He holds
a master's degree in public policy analysis
from Trinity College and a bachelor of arts
degree in political science from Fairfield
University. Mr. Farren resides in Washington, DC.


187




Mar. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Susan Carol Schwab To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Commerce
March 7, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Susan Carol Schwab to be
Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Director General of the United States and
Foreign Commercial Service. She would
succeed Lew W. Cramer.
Since 1986 Miss Schwab has been legislative director for Senator John C. Danforth
in Washington, DC, and chief economist
and legislative assistant, 1981-1986. She was
a trade policy officer and international


economist for the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo,
Japan, 1980-1981, and an international
economist and trade negotiator for the
Office of the U.S. Trade Representative,
1977-1979.
Miss Schwab graduated from Williams
College (B.A., 1976) and Stanford University
(M.A., 1977). She was born March 23, 1955,
in Washington, DC, and resides in Maryland.


Nomination of Thomas J. Duesterberg To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Commerce
March 7, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Thomas J. Duesterberg to
be an Assistant Secretary of Commerce
(International Economic Policy). He would
succeed Louis F. Laun.
Mr. Duesterberg was director of operations of the transition for Vice President
Dan Quayle. Prior to this he was administrative assistant for U.S. Senator Dan
Quayle, 1983-1988, and legislative assistant,
1981-1983. He was senior research analyst


for International Business Services, Inc.,
1979-1981; associate instructor in the department of history at Stanford University,
1978-1979; and teaching assistant in the department of history at Indiana University,
1974-1978.
Mr. Duesterberg graduated from Princeton University (B.A., 1972) and Indiana University (M.A., 1974; Ph.D., 1979). He is married, has one child, and resides in Washington, DC.


Nomination of Richard Thomas Crowder To Be an Under Secretary
of Agriculture
March 7, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard Thomas Crowder
to be Under Secretary of Agriculture for
International Affairs and Commodity Programs. He would succeed Daniel G. Amstutz.
Since 1975 Dr. Crowder has been with
the Pillsbury Co., serving in several capacities, including president of the Distron di

vision for the Burger King Corp., 1987 -1988; executive vice president and chief financial officer of the restaurant group,
1987-1988; senior vice president and corporate risk officer, 1987-1988; senior vice
president for strategic planning, 1983-1987;
and vice president and corporate economist, 1975-1983. Dr. Crowder was manager
for economic analysis and operations re

188




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 7


search for Wilson & Co., 1971-1975, and
manager for economic analysis, 1968-1971.
Dr. Crowder graduated from Virginia


Tech (B.A., 1960; M.S., 1962) and Oklahoma
State University (Ph.D., 1967). He served in
the U.S. Army in Germany, 1962-1964.


Remarks to Members of the Woodrow Wilson International Center
for Scholars
March 7, 1989


Well, thank you all very, very much; and
Barbara and I are pleased, indeed, very
pleased, to be here this evening. Yogi
Berra, philosopher, said: "You can observe a
lot by just watching." [Laughter] And I'm
watching the Secretary of State [James A.
Baker III] to see how in heaven's name he
can  stay  awake-[laughter]-because  it
wasn't but a handful of days ago that he was
covering 14 countries, or something of that
nature, in Europe. A few days less than
that, he and I embarked on a trip to Japan
and China and then Korea. He's only back
3 days, and off he goes to Vienna. And so, I
will be watching him, observing to see how
he survives. But I am delighted to be introduced by him in this building. He'll be a
great Secretary of State. And you watch, I
made a good choice, a real good choice.
I want to thank Mr. Blitzer and Mr. Baroody, Dwayne Andreas, and all responsible
for this lovely evening. Ever since I said I
want to become the "Education President,"
I've had more than a few things to say
about accountability in education. Well,
Woodrow Wilson did once serve as president of Princeton University. And legend
has it that one day a worried mother approached him and questioned him closely
about what Princeton could do for her son.
And he's said to have answered-historians
may dispute this, but nevertheless, he's said
to have answered-and here's the quote:
"Madam, we guarantee satisfaction, or you
will get your son back." [Laughter]
Well, I'm very glad to be back amongst
the Wilson scholars, an honor to be here,
celebrating the anniversary of this wonderful institution. The law establishing this national memorial to Woodrow Wilson called
for a "living institution" to express his ideals
and his concerns. And this one certainly


does. In this alliance of scholars, now worldrenowned for exploring some of the most
vital issues that confront mankind, Woodrow Wilson's ideals find their highest and
most effective expression.
The pursuit of knowledge and understanding that the center is committed to
will be all the more crucial in coming years.
We're going to depend more than ever on
the counsel of learned men and women in a
world that is changing rapidly, a world
interconnected as never before in history.
New ideas, new technologies, and the diplomatic and trading relationships that they
spawn, are developing at literally an outstanding pace.
Barbara and I went back to China-my
fifth visit and her sixth since we left there
in the midseventies, 1975-astounding the
change and the excitement in that place.
And Jim-just filling me in briefly on a chat
that he has had with the Foreign Minister
of the Soviet Union, Mr. Shevardnadze. This
is an exciting era in which we are living:
new ideas, new technologies-very important to what's going on. And we weave a
tapestry of shared concerns and relations
worldwide. Threads are many-social, economic, environmental. Now world conscience-what the world conscience-has
environmental questions out there, geopolitical, and really grows broader every day.
And much of what is occurring in the
world presents us, I think, with remarkable
opportunities. I said China is one. China
really continues to experiment with free
market capitalism-dramatic change. We're
carefully, but optimistically, watching these
internal changes in the Soviet Union that
many in this room are interested in and,
indeed, an area where many in this room
have pioneered. And all over the world, op

189




Mar. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


portunities are rising for new directions in
foreign policy and trading arrangements,
and new challenges are being issued to our
competitive status in world markets.
During this recent trip to the Far East, I
had many opportunities to observe and
think about competitiveness. And there are
many theories about the reasons for the industrial success that some of our Asian
friends are enjoying today. But no one questions the importance of one factor: the
highly skilled, highly motivated, and educated work forces in those countries. And
out of the devastation of war, they had the
courage to recognize how their future was
tied to the quality of educations that their
nations provided. And as this country prepares to-what are we, 11 years short of a
new century?-to enter that century, we,
too, must recognize how essential the education of the next generations has become
to our economic future. Perhaps the highest
praise that coming generations might
bestow upon us is that we understood the
changes that are occurring in the world and
that we prepared them for the challenges
we knew they would face.
And so, you who comprise the Wilson
Center are devoted to the life of the mind.
And I imagine you'll agree with me if I say
that young minds will make or break the
future of this and every other country. And
I have two concerns about those young
minds that I want to just share briefly this
evening. The young people will have to be
better educated than the previous generation. And to be so, they've got to be free of
the scourge of drug abuse. You know, no
matter what the problems we face, as I look
at our country today, and really, indeed,
internationally look around, this terrible
scourge of drug abuse has got to be in the
forefront. And it's fundamental, these things
affect us all. Their solution is not a question
of "whether," it's a question of "when."
And so, I want to think-education, drug
abuse-think of tonight as a celebration, but
also a challenge. Consider what we've got
to do.
Where the state of the schools is concerned, you've all heard the surveys. Last
month's report from the National Science
Foundation and the Department of Education over here put American seventh-grad

ers-American    seventh-graders-at  the
bottom of an international comparison of
math and science skills. And who's to
blame? Too late; that's not the issue. We all
must be accountable for the quality of education in America. And to assure the competitive future of this nation and the overall
standard of living enjoyed by its people will
demand the best kind of collective effort.
All of us must get involved.
I want to launch a crusade for excellence
in American education. And, yes, we are
living in a time of cramped resources; but
we've got to do it. The crusade has to be
driven largely by local energy and initiative, drawing on people from both the
public and the private sectors, and determined to establish a culture of high expectations in our schools.
At the Federal level, I've made some proposals. I want to reward excellence and success by rewarding superior teachers, recognizing these Presidential merit scholars that
make real progress in these merit schools.
We will establish benchmarks for achievement and both commend and reward
teachers and schools that succeed. I want to
establish a National Science Scholars Program, to encourage students to succeed in
science. It is incumbent upon us to restore
the honor, indeed, the nobility, of good
teaching in this country. And it won't
escape the eyes of the young if we can
show them how much we value learning in
the way we value teachers.
And secondly, I want to put resources
where they count, targeting Federal dollars
to help those most in need, to places where
support can really make a difference. We
will also use funds in ways that build the
right links between the university and government and industry, research labs to promote scientific education and basic research. And I intend to hold firm in our
effort to double the National Science Foundation's budget by 1993.
And third, I want to promote choice and
flexibility by devoting $100 million in new
funding for magnet schools. These are the
schools that increase choice, who expand
opportunities for children, and generate
healthy competition among the schools.
And lastly, I'm going to push for greater


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 7


accountability at all levels-among students,
among teachers, administrators, and principals-to assure that students are actually receiving the highest quality education. For
this is what excellence demands. It means
setting high standards, standards that the
rest of the world are going to look to. And
it means constantly measuring yourself
against those standards and not resting until
you meet the standards. It means discipline-says, if we don't get it right the first
time, we're going to try again and again
until we do get it right.
But excellence in education will not be
fully realized until we free our young
people from that second problem I mentioned: the scourge of drugs, drugs that kill
hopes and ambitions and kill kids. And to
rid our schools and our streets of this
scourge, I've proposed nearly a billion dollars in new outlays for antidrug programs.
I've got to confess, I wish it were more.
That's what we've proposed; it's a lot of
money.
With the help of our new drug czar, Bill
Bennett, I'm going to be implementing a
comprehensive national drug control strategy. He has 6 months from the day he's confirmed to come up with a whole new plan.
And our strategy will deal with both supply
and demand, by educating and inspiring in
our young an attitude of zero tolerance, reclaiming lives through more effective treatment, stopping drugs at their source, and
enforcing tougher penalties.
You know, last week we did get some
news on the drug front. In 1988, use of
cocaine declined among high school seniors.
In fact, student usage of almost every illegal
drug, as well as alcohol, appears to be on
the decline. So, in our schools the message
is beginning to get out, but we have no
reason to be complacent. The drug problem
is much worse among high school dropouts.
And international cultivation of the opium
poppy and coca leaf increased sharply last
year.
So, when I talk about a war on drugs, I
mean more than a rhetorical war. I seek
engagement on all fronts. And the Wilson
Center is known as a vital point of contact
between the thinkers and the doers of this
country, and a number of scholars have
shed new light on this drug problem. And


I've heard great things about the conference that you all held on drug trafficking in
the Americas last fall. And the proceedings
of that conference provoked a great deal of
thought. And for my part, the thoughts are
haunting.
Sadly, the cores of many societies have
been permeated by drug gangs and cartels
and organized crime. Consider it economic;
call it social; call it cultural; but consider it
an international peril. And if we're to stop
it, we've got to stop it together. And I encourage you in this great institution to continue searching for long-term solutions. In a
city that's preoccupied by short-term policy
issues, the Wilson Center encourages the
longer view. And in a city preoccupied by
politics, you draw support from all parties
and all quarters, with funding from both
the public and the private sectors.
And in this nation's efforts to educate its
young and see them clear of the threat of
drugs, you're in a position to help us make
our battles winning ones. We need our
young people to succeed. Our ability to empower them will reflect our character and
our ideals as a nation. Woodrow Wilson put
it this way: "The beauty of a democracy,"
he said, "is that you never can tell when a
youngster is born what he's going to do,
and that no matter how humbly he's born
he has got a chance to master the minds
and lead the imaginations of the whole
country."
Well, I guess our challenge will be to give
all young people the chance to fulfill their
highest ambitions and their God-given potential. And I think it falls to us-and
maybe more heavily on you all, interested
in this marvelous center-to prove that
Woodrow Wilson is right.
Thank you all. God bless you. Now the
souffle, and then Senator Pat Moynihan.
You've got it made. Thank you all very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 9:10 p.m. in
the Dining Room at the Department of
State. In his opening remarks, he referred to
Charles Blitzer, William J. Baroody, and
Dwayne Andreas, Director, Chairman of
the Board of Trustees, and Vice Chairman
of the Board of Trustees, respectively.


191




Mar. 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of John Chatfield Tuck To Be Under Secretary of
Energy
March 8, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John Chatfield Tuck to be
Under Secretary of Energy. He would succeed Donna R. Fitzpatrick.
Mr. Tuck has served in several capacities
at the White House in Washington, DC,
from 1986 to January 1989. He was Assistant to the President and Director of the
Office of the Chief of Staff, July 1988 to
January 1989. Prior to this he served as
Deputy Assistant to the President and Executive Assistant to the Chief of Staff, April
1987 to July 1988. Mr. Tuck has also served
as Deputy Assistant to the President for
Legislative Affairs from October 1986 to
April 1987 and Special Assistant to the
President for Legislative Affairs, 1986. Mr.
Tuck has also served as Assistant Secretary
for the Majority of the United States Senate,


1981-1986. From 1977 to 1981, he served
as the chief of Republican floor operations.
Mr. Tuck has also assisted the Republican
leadership of the House of Representatives
in various positions from 1974 to 1977.
Mr. Tuck graduated from Georgetown
University School of Foreign Service (B.S.,
1967). From 1968 to 1973, he was on active
duty in the U.S. Navy, serving on destroyers
for 3 years and then at the Bureau of Naval
Personnel for 2 years. He is currently a captain in the Naval Reserve and is assigned to
the Deputy Chief of Naval Operations for
Service Warfare. He was born May 28,
1945, in Dayton, OH. Mr. Tuck is married
to the former Jane McDounogh of Garden
City, NY. They have three children and
reside in Arlington, VA.


Nomination of Donna R. Fitzpatrick To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Energy
March 8, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Donna R. Fitzpatrick to be
an Assistant Secretary of Energy (Management and Administration). She would succeed Lawrence F. Davenport.
Since 1988 Miss Fitzpatrick has been
Under Secretary of Energy in Washington,
DC. Prior to this she was Assistant Secretary for Conservation and Renewable
Energy, 1985-1988, and Principal Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Conservation and
Renewable Energy, 1984-1985. She was
sole practitioner of law and consultant to


the Secretary and Under Secretary of the
Department of Energy, 1983-1984. She was
also an associate attorney with O'Connor &
Hannan, 1980-1983. In 1980 she served the
office of the President-elect as a member of
the transition team for the National Science
Foundation. From 1976 to 1980, she was a
legal assistant with O'Connor & Hannan.
Miss Fitzpatrick graduated from American University (B.A., 1972) and George
Washington University (J.D., 1980). She is a
native of Washington, DC, where she currently resides.


192




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 9


Nomination of David W. Mullins, Jr., To Be an Assistant Secretary of
the Treasury
March 8, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate David W. Mullins, Jr., to
be an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury.
He would succeed Charles 0. Sethness.
Dr. Mullins has been a professor of business administration at the Harvard University Graduate School of Business Administration. He has been faculty chairman of
Harvard's corporate financial management
program, an executive program for senior
financial officers of major corporations. Dr.


Mullins has also served as a consultant to a
wide variety of firms and governmental
agencies.
Dr. Mullins received a B.S. degree in administrative sciences from Yale University
and a S.M. degree in finance from the Sloan
School of Management at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology (MIT). He received
his Ph.D. in finance and economics at MIT.
Dr. Mullins was born April 28, 1946, in
Memphis, TN.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for James D. Watkins as
Secretary of Energy
March 9, 1989


The President. Thank you very, very
much. Of course, my thanks to the marines.
I didn't get your name, but you're sure
good on the "Star-Spangled Banner."
[Laughter] And thank you for that wonderful rendition.
Chief Justice, and to the distinguished
Members of the House and the Senate that
are here today, to the members of my Cabinet who are here, and I think most of all
today to the Watkins family, and to you
who will be working with one of the outstanding Americans, the new Secretary, Jim
Watkins, my greetings to all of you.
It is a pleasure to come over here for this
swearing-in. And as I see it, the responsibilities before this Department have never
been greater than today, and I have total
confidence that Jim Watkins is the best man
to meet the challenges ahead. For over four
decades, he's demonstrated an unswerving
commitment to our country and to the call
of service. A graduate of Annapolis, he
went on in his distinguished naval career to
serve in such key posts as Commander of
the Sixth Fleet, Commander in Chief of the
Pacific Fleet, Vice Chief, and then later as
Chief of Naval Operations. And most recently, the Admiral took on a difficult and


important assignment as Chairman of the
Nation's AIDS commission, performing brilliantly in that capacity, taking a piece of
work that some were saying couldn't possibly succeed; but succeed he did. And
throughout his long career, Jim has shown a
mastery of complex organizations and
issues, and he's demonstrated an outstanding concern for the people who have served
under him. And you here at this Department are about to find that out.
To the 16,000 men and women of the
Department, from Juneau to Georgia, and
your 130,000 contract workers, I want to
tell you how much I admire you. And I told
Jim, who has already told me about his respect for you, that one of the reasons I
wanted to come over here was to make that
very clear to the men and women of this
Department. I admire your professionalism,
your loyalty, your tremendous technical expertise. And there's been talk in the past
that perhaps this Department was not necessary, was redundant, or its responsibilities
could be taken over by others. Let me say,
you have important work to do; you're on
the cutting edge now; and this Department
is here to stay and will have the full support


193




Mar. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


of this President.
You have broad responsibilities. The most
pressing challenge that you face-I guess
you might feel they're all pressing, and I
think maybe I do, too-but the most pressing challenge is to manage the modernization of America's nuclear weapons production plants. This task is critical to maintaining in every way, perfecting our deterrent
force which ensures our security and, thus,
a safe and stable world. But we also have a
major environmental challenge: We need to
clean up the pollution that's been created
at these plants. These problems developed
over time, and they'll be fully solved only
over time, but we'll waste no time in getting started on fixing these problems.
Admiral Watkins is well-qualified to take
on these complex issues. He's an extremely
capable manager, highly respected in this
city and around the country, knowledgeable
about nuclear energy, with considerable experience in the Navy's nuclear-powered
submarine program, from bringing a new
reactor plant on line to commanding a nuclear-powered submarine to managing nuclear programs right here in Washington,
DC.
Jim and I have also spoken about our
commitment to protecting the environment
while assuring that our energy requirements and national security requirements
are fully met. We need nuclear power, hydropower, oil, gas, coal to meet the total
energy requirements of the United States.
And we need to improve energy efficiency
as well as develop competitive renewable
technologies. No one or two sources would
be sufficient alone, nor would they provide
us with the flexibility that is necessary. For
reasons of national security, we need to
have domestic production in each area. And
we will institute policies to promote that by
restoring incentives and also through deregulation.
I want to see a recovery in the domestic
oil and gas production. Our great economic
expansion will not be complete until every
area of our country is reaping its benefits.
And I also want to see continued development of this clean-coal technology; a generation of safe nuclear energy; and also
R&D, research and development, of alternative fuels and new technologies. And


again, let me emphasize conservation methods as well. Energy is the most important
basic ingredient in everything we produce,
everything we consume, everything we
import or export. For America's economy to
be competitive, we need sound energy policies and competitive energy industries. And
for our national security to be guaranteed,
we need the strongest possible national
energy policy.
The Energy Department has big challenges ahead. Issues of national security and
competitiveness, environmental qualitythey're all on the agenda. And so, I selected
a big man to do a big job. So, Jim, we'd
better get going-better swear you in and
let you get to work. [Laughter] And thank
all of you for the support I know you will
give the newest Secretary of Energy.
Now on to the formalities here.
[At this point, Secretary Watkins was sworn
in. ]
Secretary Watkins. Mr. President; Mr.
Chief Justice; Members of the Congress; my
colleagues in the Cabinet; distinguished
guests; my wife, Sheila; and family and
friends. It's a great honor for me to appear
before you today as your new Secretary of
Energy. It's also a great personal honor to
have been asked to serve in this capacity by
a President who, by witness in the remarks
we have just heard, has such an in-depth
personal knowledge of this nation's energy
needs and resources.
Mr. President, in your "Building A Better
America," which was your budget message
to the Congress only a few days ago, you
affirmed the importance of energy security,
safety, and environmental protection as coequal national priority. As your Secretary of
Energy, I pledge to support and promote
those policies. And Mr. President, we are
particularly edified today by your commitment to the Department of Energy as the
viable Federal entity to do the energy job
for the long haul.
Now,, to all of you in the Department of
Energy, I recently transmitted a memorandum to all hands outlining key policy areas
that we will pursue in the very near term,
giving you therein my philosophy of the
importance of personal excellence and con

194




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 9


tribution to the Nation.
My Senate confirmation hearing statement and related followup questions and
answers to the Congress have also been
made available to you. These documents,
along with my forthcoming 90-day message,
will set policy direction for the Department, ones that I intend to take as Secretary. I want each of you to know what I'm
doing so that you, in turn, can be important
participants in the solution-finding process.
There will be demands on you. But I, in
turn, also will take personal interest in the
well-being of our employees. For example,
one of the first things that I will do here in
headquarters is accelerate the opening of
our child day-care center to help working
parents. And Sheila has asked to join our
parents committee as an added guiding
force behind that project.
In addition, my long history of interest in
education for America's youth will be put to
work to bring our many and diverse activities across the Nation into a more visible
and effective partnership with the private
sector in order to inspire the very young to
seek careers in mathematics, in science and
engineering, so important to the Department of Energy and so many other facets of
our society today, and giving particular emphasis in this regard to inspiring minorities
to come into these fields. We simply have
too few of them serving in these areas
today, and we can do a lot more and inspire
the Nation.
By so doing, we will do our part in helping to assure the President and the Nation
that we can have a topnotch technical work
force well into the 21st century. And as you
can glean from my own biography and the
program today, my training and experience
began in the early days of the peaceful use
of nuclear energy, where I learned the important principles of safe and reliable application of nuclear technology. But I also
learned the importance of the human component, that is, individual responsibility for
strict application of standards. Nuclear


power demands no less than the best from
all who control it.
This, then, is exactly what I ask of my
Department: a commitment to excellence.
So, I ask you to help me forge a workplace
culture that rejects the mediocre and the
substandard and create one that excites excellence in each employee. Our mission is
an important one, but we'll only find success when each of us feels a personal ownership in mission control.
Among our special guests today, Mr.
President, are people from all parts of this
Department, from mailroom workers to our
adopted Woodrow Wilson High School principal and students to security guards and
secretaries, all of whom strive to excel in
their daily work. Some of their contributions in the past may have gone unnoticed,
but I can assure you that on my watch they
will not.
The Department of Energy is one Department clearly involved in America's
future, as the President so beautifully
stated. We've been given a great and important job to do, and we are at a unique
time in history to do it. And with your guidance, Mr. President, in full partnership with
the Congress and industry, we will succeed.
In closing these brief remarks today, I
first want to thank all of those responsible
for preparing our cafeteria so beautifully for
this very special ceremony. Second, I'd like
to thank each one of you for coming today
and taking the time to spend a few moments with us. And finally, I would like you
to all rise and join me in paying tribute to
our President, thanking him as he departs
today for sharing a few of his precious moments with us on this very special occasion.
[Applause]
Note: The President spoke at 10:13 a.m. in
the cafeteria at the Department of Energy.
In his opening remarks, he referred to the
Marine Corps Band. Cynthia Gains, an employee of the Department, sang the national anthem at the ceremony.


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Mar. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Statement on the Negotiations on Arms Reduction and Security in
Europe
March 9, 1989


Today marks the beginning of a process
of great importance for the people of
Europe, the United States, and Canada, and
for all who share the hope of a safer and
more secure Europe. In Vienna, the Nations
who are members of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the
members of the North Atlantic alliance and
Warsaw Pact will begin two negotiations
whose goal is to reduce the threat of conventional weapons in Europe: one on conventional armed forces in Europe and another separate negotiation on further confidence-and-security building measures.
The negotiations on conventional forces
in Europe offer a new opportunity to redress the imbalance in military forces which
strongly favors the Warsaw Pact and which
has been a source of tension since the end
of World War II. The NATO allies aim to
eliminate the capability for launching surprise attack and for initiating large-scale offensive actions.
The negotiations on confidence and security building measures will address the
problem of mistrust in the military and security spheres and the risk of confrontation
arising through miscalculation. Our aim is
to lift the veil of secrecy from certain military activities and forces and thus contribute to a more stable Europe.
Although these two negotiations have different participants and aim at different
kinds of accords, they share a common pur

pose. That purpose is to make Europe safer,
to reduce the risk of war, and strengthen
stability on the continent that has seen
more bloodshed in this century than any
other part of the world.
We and our NATO allies share a common
commitment to democratic values, respect
for each others' sovereignty, and support
for a strong defense. NATO's approach to
these negotiations, therefore, rests on two
important principles: that maintaining
strong and modern defenses is essential to
our security and freedom, and that negotiated and effectively verifiable agreements
can enhance our security and the prospects
for lasting peace.
Of course these negotiations are part of a
larger process, one which must address the
causes as well as the symptoms of the current divisions in Europe. Progress in the
military field alone is not enough to bring
enduring peace. What is needed is genuine
reconciliation and an end to the division of
Europe. True security cannot exist without
guarantee of human rights and basic freedoms for all people.
The negotiations on security in Europe
offer new promise for the future. We
embark on them with the hope that we can
build a lasting framework for a more stable
and secure future, but we are realistic about
the difficulties ahead. With a renewed dedication to a constructive dialog, we can
make progress. The commitment of the
United States to this effort is unswerving.


Nomination of Michael Philip Skarzynski To Be an Assistant
Secretary of Commerce
March 9, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Michael Philip Skarzynski
to be an Assistant Secretary of Commerce
(Trade Development). He would succeed
James P. Moore, Jr.


Since 1986 Mr. Skarzynski has been with
Motorola, Inc., in Schaumburg, IL, serving
as director of business development, 1988
to present, and director of marketing in the
communications sector of the international


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 9


group, 1986-1988. Prior to this, he was with
G.D. Searle and Co., serving as director of
finance of the consumer products group,
1985-1986; director of financial planning
and analysis, 1984-1985; manager of corporate planning and development, 1982-1984;
and corporate planner, 1980-1982. He was
an associate with the Center for Strategic
and International Studies, 1979-1980. He


has also served as an economic consultant
for economic consulting services of Clark,
Gardner and Wolf International, 1978 -1979.
Mr. Skarzynski received a bachelor of science of foreign service from Georgetown
University and a master of management
degree from Northwestern University.


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
President of the Senate on Nuclear Cooperation With EURATOM
March 9, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
The United States has been engaged in
nuclear cooperation with the European
Community for many years. This cooperation was initiated under agreements concluded over 2 decades ago between the
United States and the European Atomic
Energy Community (EURATOM), which
extend until December 31, 1995. Since the
inception of this cooperation, the Community has adhered to all its obligations under
those agreements.
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Act of
1978 amended the Atomic Energy Act of
1954 to establish new nuclear export criteria, including a requirement that the
United States has a right to consent to the
reprocessing of fuel exported from the
United States. Our present agreements for
cooperation with EURATOM do not contain such a right. To avoid disrupting cooperation with EURATOM, a proviso was included in the law to enable continued cooperation until March 10, 1980, if EURATOM
agreed to negotiations concerning our cooperation agreements, which it did.
The law also provides that nuclear cooperation with EURATOM can be extended
on an annual basis after March 10, 1980,
upon determination by the President that
failure to cooperate would be seriously prejudicial to the achievement of U.S. non-proliferation objectives or otherwise jeopardize
the common defense and security and after
notification to the Congress. President
Carter made such a determination 9 years


ago and signed Executive Order No. 12193,
permitting nuclear cooperation with EURATOM to continue until March 10, 1981.
President Reagan made such determinations in 1981, 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985, 1986,
1987, and 1988, and signed Executive
Orders Nos. 12295, 12351, 12409, 12463,
12506, 12554, 12587, and 12629 permitting
nuclear cooperation to continue through
March 10, 1989.
In addition to numerous informal contacts, the United States has engaged in 14
rounds of talks with EURATOM regarding
the renegotiation of the U.S.-EURATOM
agreements for cooperation. These were
conducted in November 1978, September
1979, April 1980, January 1982, November
1983, March 1984, May, September, and
November 1985, April and July 1986, September 1987, and September and November 1988. Further talks are anticipated this
year.
I believe that it is essential that cooperation between the United States and the
Community continue, and likewise, that we
work closely with our allies to counter the
threat of nuclear explosives proliferation. A
disruption of nuclear cooperation would not
only eliminate any chance of progress in
our talks with EURATOM related to our
agreements, it would also cause serious
problems in our overall relationships. Accordingly, I have determined that failure to
continue peaceful nuclear cooperation with
EURATOM would be seriously prejudicial
to the achievement of U.S. non-proliferation


197




Mar. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


objectives and would jeopardize the
common defense and security of the United
States. I intend to sign an Executive order
to extend the waiver of the application of
the relevant export criterion of the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Act for an additional 12
months from March 10, 1989.
Sincerely,


Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Dan Quayle, President of the
Senate.


GEORGE BUSH
Remarks to Drug Enforcement Administration Officers in New
York, New York
March 9, 1989


Thank you, Bob Stutman, and to Commissioner and, I guess, all our distinguished
guests. Secretary Bennett-this is my man
here on the left, the man that I have selected, and that the country, I think, overwhelmingly approves, to be the first drug
czar in the history of this country. I'm glad
he came up here with me today. And to all
of the prosecutors, and especially each one
of you out there on the cutting edge, on the
front line, thank you for being here. And
you have important work to do, and Bob
gave you the time frame: short, but to me,
very important. I have a chance to say hello
to Ms. Hatcher-I wish the circumstances
were different-but also to listen and learn
when we finish here, listen to some of those
who are out there every single day risking
their lives.
In the empty streets of an island borough,
the life of Everett Hatcher was ended with
some four cowardly shots. And the echoes
of those four shots were heard in Washington and, I'd say even more important, all
across this country, where decent men and
women share your sense of loss and share
your sense of outrage. Here in New York, as
in other cities across the country, the war is
no metaphor. Before we could-I say "we,"
as a country-bury Everett Hatcher last
week, another officer was gunned down,
felled by a single shot fired pointblank beneath his bulletproof vest. And as we speak,
those accused of ambushing Eddie Byrne,
one of New York's finest, are standing trial
in this city. And this week, the DEA group


that helped handle security for Everett's funeral is in yet another New York courtroom, testifying about the attempted
murder of Special Agent Bruce Traverse.
You know that my personal interest and
the interest of the Nation goes beyond
today's visit. As Vice President, I wrote to
Bruce Traverse while he was in the hospital, and now, Bruce-all of us are glad that
he's recovering so well. Last week, Matthew
Byrne, the dad to Eddie Byrne, came down
to the White House for dinner with Barbara
and me, joining us for a private dinner
there. He couldn't believe he was in the
White House, and I couldn't believe I was,
either. [Laughter] So, we had a nice private
dinner. But it was important to me that he
come. Earlier today, as I said, I had the
pleasure to-privilege, put it that way, of
visiting with Mary Jane, a woman of enormous dignity and strength-she and her
two kids and husband's mother and sisters.
And so, it's been quite an education. And
I understand, I think, the special and dangerous challenges that all New York drug
enforcement officers face. This area leads
the Nation in overall consumption, distribution, the importation of narcotics, run by a
well-armed cross-section of drug traffickers
as diverse as this city itself. Your role in this
battle is very special. You put your life on
the line every day. And if the legions of
State and local patrolmen represent the infantrymen in this effort-and I salute them
at every occasion-then you are something


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 9


like the Special Forces, the Green Berets, if
you will, of narcotics enforcement.
Like Everett Hatcher, many of you have
worked undercover, in effect, operating, if
you want to use the conventional war analogy, behind enemy lines. And I admire your
courage. When I was a kid in World War II,
I was behind enemy lines only briefly, sick
and paddling in a little raft to get away
from a Japanese-held island. But it was
enough to know what it feels like-and I'll
confess it-to be scared. And each of you
probably has been there. You know the dry
mouth and the moist palms and the ball of
ice that grips your stomach.
And you know, it used to be unthinkable
to shoot a cop. And no longer-Bob was
telling me this upstairs-no longer. Today
narcotics agents are sometimes the first
ones shot, targeted by criminals armed with
a staggering array of battlefield weaponry.
The explosive, expensive lesson of the past
year in New York is that the rules of the
game have dramatically changed.
Well, we've got to deliver some news to
the bad guys. The hunting season is over.
The rules on our side have changed, too.
And we still need more change in those
rules. But they're changing fast, and it's
about time.
The scales of justice are becoming more
balanced because of the newly enacted
Federal drug laws. New York policemen
and all of you in this room deserve all the
protection that tough laws can offer. I've
asked Bill Bennett to look into what can be
done to prevent these fully automatic assault weapons from falling into the hands of
the criminals that you face. Drug dealers
need to understand a simple fact: You shoot
a cop, and you're going to be severely punished-fast. And if I had my way, I'd say
with your life.
Drug traffickers used to know that. But
it's been over 25 years since anyone has
faced the death penalty in this State, and
they may have gotten a little forgetful. But
I want you to know that I have not changed
my view. I strongly support the death penalty for the crimes we're talking about here
today. And I want to have it as Federal law,
and I want to see it swiftly and firmly, fairly
enacted. The killing's got to stop.
I wish Senator D'Amato had come up


with me today. He couldn't leave the
Senate, and it was legitimate Senate business. He's been in the forefront, though,
down there, of the drug question-a strong
leader, a tough, no-nonsense fighter against
drugs. And he has been very helpful to me
in having me understand the problems that
you face. I understand that this State is the
home to an estimated 260,000 heroin addicts-half of all those in the United States.
And in the city alone, another 600,000
people are believed dependent on crack or
cocaine.
And not surprisingly, the seizures that
you've made are correspondingly huge.
DEA New York is responsible for 30 to 50
percent of all heroin seized by the DEA
nationwide each year. And last year, you
seized more than 10,000 kilograms of cocaine in or destined for New York, almost
20 percent of the entire DEA nationwide
total. In January, you recovered nearly $20
million from a furniture store delivery van,
said to be the largest cash seizure in the
world. And these impressive figures are a
credit to your talent and dedication and to
the effective working relations you've
forged with your Federal, State, and local
counterparts.
And still, we in Washington understand
that the importance of a case cannot be
measured merely by the size of the seizures
or the numbers of arrests. Statistics in the
drug war become mind-numbing as well as
mind-boggling. And wars aren't won by statistics. We know wars are won by winning
battles, and in this war, battles are won by
putting particular drug organizations out of
business. It's done the old-fashioned way,
one group at a time.
And you in New York have done just
that. And the names are as familiar to you
here as the battlefields of World War II are
to my generation: United States versus
Torres, Monsanto, LIDO, Based Balls-Bob
was explaining this to me just a minute
ago-the Flying Dragons, Lai King Man,
Reiter-Jackson. These are more than buybusts, more than just another news conference with powder on the table, no matter
how impressive those conferences are. Each
of these cases represents an entire organization put behind bars, out of business. And


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Mar. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


most importantly, each of these cases involved sophisticated, long-term investigations. And several were among the first
cases in the entire country to make use of
the new drug kingpin statutes. Nearly all
involved task force cooperation and the pioneering use of forfeiture laws, in some cases
to spectacular effect. The forfeitures from
the Torres brothers, I'm told, may ultimately total $30 to $50 million.
And just as the death penalty for cop killers helps even the odds, stripping the
enemy of their ill-gotten gains turns the
tables in a dramatic and highly effective
way. Perhaps you heard Woody Allen's wry
observation: "Organized crime in America
takes in over $40 billion a year and spends
very little on office supplies." Philosopher,
that he is.
Experts have estimated that today drugs
alone count for $110 billion-an industry
right here in our own country. We're hurting the drug kingpins where they live when
we take their money, and we're going to
get even better at taking it. We've got to
be. Ladies and gentlemen, we do intend to
prevail. The scourge will end. I will lead
the fight. Bill Bennett, our nation's first
drug czar-tenacious, unafraid-is going to
be right there at my side.
And although we meet on a crucial battlefield of this war, you might say, it is a
war that is being waged on many fronts.
Last month I spoke to Congress about four
areas: rehabilitation, education, interdiction,
and enforcement. And in a time of budget
constraints-and regrettably, we are living
in such a time-I asked for an increase of
$1 billion in budget outlays to fund these
new efforts. And for you in Federal law
enforcement, our proposal budgets a record
$4.1 billion, fully 70 percent of the total. By
1995, we also intend to reduce present
prison overcrowding by 50 percent.
And beyond enforcement, other monies
will go to expanded treatment for the innocent and the poor, like the over 5,000
babies born in New York last year already
addicted to drugs. Other new funds will go
to cut the waiting time for the treatment
programs, perhaps along the lines of the
innovative oral methadone program at New
York's Beth Israel Hospital, designed to get
the addicts off the needles as well as heroin.


Mary Jane Hatcher spoke with eloquence
last week about the responsibility mainstream America and so-called casual cocaine
users must bear for the death of her husband. Well, $1.1 billion of our request will
go for prevention and education, to let the
casual users know the risk they take and the
price they may have to pay and to tell our
children that drugs are wrong.
While there may not be light at the end
of the tunnel, there does seem to be some
light coming in under the door. At the
Apollo Theatre in Harlem one Wednesday
last month, the amateur night performances
were interrupted by spontaneous antidrug
messages from the stage and then supportive chants from the crowd. And things like
this don't happen because of government
programs: They happen because attitudes
are beginning to change, and they are
changing because the American people are
behind your efforts all the way.
Attitudes are beginning to change overseas as well. Your boss, the Attorney General [Richard L. Thornburgh], returns today
from meetings with officials in Colombia,
Bolivia, and Peru. And Bill and I will meet
with him as soon as he gets back. I think
we're having lunch tomorrow at the White
House to be briefed on this trip. And I
know that some of you have also served or
will serve your own tours in South America,
a tribute to our increased cooperation
there.
When I first became Vice President 8
years ago, several South American Presidents told me: "It's your problem. You're
the consumer. If it weren't for the rich
gringos to the north, we wouldn't have the
problem." But now they see that the narcotics have affected their own kids, their
own society. Look at Colombia, where the
Supreme Court Justices were mowed down
like tenpins.
Obviously, the race is far from won. But
there is power in us yet. And we in Washington will continue to understand, to
learn-but certainly to support your work
here. The Adamita trial, the Johnny Kon
and Brooks Davis cases, the new seizure
program in which whole apartment buildings are wrested back from the crack lords
who control them-they're all important to


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 9


this fight. But first and foremost, the killing
must stop. And we must repeat it until
we're hoarse, repeat it until we're heard,
from the Apollo Theatre to the halls of Congress to anyone who doesn't seem to understand what it is you are up against out there
on the street. The killing must stop!
And what happened on the streets of
Staten Island last week was a horrible tragedy which means-you knew it all alongthat you have an important task ahead. The
cowards who murdered Everett Hatcher
should be given no rest. But be careful out
there. Remember the tearful salute of 9 -year-old Zachary, and find these criminals.


Bring them to justice. Nobody-nobody but
nobody is going to beat the DEA.
May God bless you all, and thanks for
what you're doing for the United States.
Note: The President spoke at 4:19 p.m. in
the auditorium at the Drug Enforcement
Administration. He was introduced by
Robert Stutman, Special Agent in charge of
the New York City field office. In his opening remarks, the President referred to New
York City Police Commissioner Benjamin
Ward and William J. Bennett, Director-designate of National Drug Control Policy.


Remarks at the United Negro College Fund Dinner in New York,
New York
March 9, 1989


Thank you, Michael Jordan, for that introduction. Barbara and I are delighted to be
with you, speaking before the olives, the
celery, the raw carrots. [Laughter] But
we've got to get back to Washington fast[laughter]-the Senate is still in session, and
our dog is pregnant. [Laughter]
I want to just add my voice of congratulations to Gus Hawkins and Larry Rawl and
Paul Simon. You honor three good people.
And I want to thank Hugh Cullman, who
gives so much of himself to the United
Negro College Fund, and, of course, salute
Chris Edley, a friend of longstanding. You
know, Paul Simon once wrote a song called
simply, "Old Friends." And I'm delighted to
see my old friends Bill and Vi Trent here
with us tonight.
You know, as Michael said, my association
with the UNCF got started there at Yale
University in '48. And Bill Trent came up
to New Haven and talked to a lot of young
idealistic people about his vision for higher
education, and he did a superb job. And so
today, when he and Vi flew up with me on
Air Force One, I had this great feeling of
nostalgia. And his 79th birthday I think is
tomorrow, but in any event, it's great to be
with this old friend way down on the end of
the line. Also with us on Air Force One was


another executive director of the UNCF,
Art Fletcher, who's here somewhere. But
we had good representation. And you talk
about the hard sell, they're still doing it.
[Laughter]
Tonight, flanked by old friends and, in a
real sense, family-because my brother,
John, is active in this crusade, and I consider many of you here family-I am grateful
for your company. During my student days
at Yale, I first saw the fund invest in higher
education and in America. And then, as
now, it insisted that excellence become a
way of life and a higher learning a bequest.
And as an undergraduate, I came to grasp
what Churchill talked about when he said,
"Personally, I am always ready to learn,
though I do not always enjoy being taught."
[Laughter]
Well, for nearly half a century, this fund
has taught so that America could learn, and
the gentler impulses of mankind was high
on the teaching agenda. And you have
helped society's disadvantaged cast off despair and poverty. And through such friends
as Bill Trent and now Chris and then Frederick D. Patterson-and, yes, he is still
sorely missed-you have endorsed liberty,
opportunity, and the dignity of work.
But most of all, you really have shown


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Mar. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


how the conscience and education can fulfill the promise of America: to right wrong,
to love freedom, to demand equality for all.
And for that, I congratulate you. And yet I
challenge you, too. Black and white, together-we know that America will not be a
good place for any of us to live until it is a
good place for all of us to live.
Most Americans, I'm convinced, believe
that government can be an instrument of
healing. There are times when government
must step in where others fear to tread. My
friends, I share those beliefs, and as President, I will act on them.
I'm delighted that my Secretary of Education, our distinguished Secretary of Education Larry Cavazos, is with us here tonight, sitting over here. For America, it
seems to me, means pride-individually,
culturally, racially. And America means, in
the words of Dr. King, that "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere."
And it does mean opportunity for those
who need jobs and who dream of owning
homes. And it means the hope that tomorrow will be brighter than today. How can
we best inspire that hope and secure the
promise of America? I do believe that the
answer is in education. Education knows no
barriers, accepts no limits. Education is a
ladder; it embodies self-respect, not dependency. Education can give minorities a
greater voice and then make sure that that
voice is heard.
Since 1944, when Dr. Patterson founded
the UNCF, your voice has resounded from
colleges like Tuskegee and Morehouse and
Spellman and Fisk. And I'm going to hurt a
lot of feelings here tonight, because I was in
a receiving line, and I was so impressed
with the names that came flowing back as I
met the presidents of these distinguished
universities. Black colleges have ennobled
such Americans as Leontyne Price, Frank
Yerby, Azie Taylor Morton, and our next
Secretary of Health and Human Services,
my dear friend, Dr. Lou Sullivan, who is
here with us tonight.
It is said that the woman who Time calls
the Silver Fox-[laughter]-was responsible
for Lou Sullivan's being appointed to this
Cabinet, and I'll give her some credit.
[Laughter] I want to gun down the rumor,
though, that I appointed Lou Sullivan to be


Secretary because when as president of
Morehouse Medical School he was working
my wife to death as a board member. And
it's rumored I just wanted him to get out of
there to let up on her-not true. [Laughter]
As you know, in September 1981, President Reagan signed that Executive Order
12320, committing the Federal Government to increase its support of historical
black colleges and universities. And our
goal was to identify and eliminate unfair
barriers to participation in federally sponsored programs. And our means was to involve the private sector and to motivate the
27 Federal agencies which provide nearly
all the Federal funding.
And did it work? Did it ever-in fiscal
'81, historical black colleges received $545
million; fiscal year '87, $684. And moreover,
research and development, which includes
funds for nonscientific institutional development, comprised nearly half of all funding
for historically black colleges. Our White
House Science and Technology Advisory
Committee fostered science, math, and engineering programs and curricula. And this
comprehensive HBCU effort has attacked
the four horsemen of the American night:
illiteracy and inequality, indigence and fear.
Great beginnings-crawling before we walk
and then run. Great beginnings, and now
let's build on them. And we have done
much, but there remains so much more left
to do.
My friends, 8 weeks ago I think it was,
there in the White House complex, I met
with the presidents of many of the colleges
represented here tonight to probe exactly
where we are going and how. And we discussed faculty development and merit
scholarships, community college grants and
institutional planning. And from that meeting, and others like it, came six new initiatives which will help do nationally what you
have done historically: enrich education so
that education can enrich our lives. And
after listening to your presidents, I proposed that Congress fund $60 million over
4 years in endowment-matching grants. We
put our money on the table. And now I
want to challenge the private sector. It's a
beginning. We need the help of the private
sector; the time has come.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 9


And secondly, if excellence breeds
achievement, that excellence should be rewarded in grade schools, in high school, and
at our colleges and university. And so, I
want Congress to create a $500 million program to reward America's merit schools,
the schools which improve the most.
And thirdly, I want it to create special
Presidential awards for the best teachers in
every State.
And next, I want to see the expanded use
of magnet schools to give parents and students the freedom of choice.
And I've also proposed a new program to
encourage alternative certification: to allow
talented Americans from every field to
teach in America's school classrooms. Consider that today, in many areas, a John
Updike or an Alex Haley could not qualify
to teach high school creative writing. There
is something wrong, and we've got to
change that system. My point is that when
rules are so inflexible that creativity and
talent and imagination aren't welcome in
our schools it's time to change those rules.
And finally, through a new program of
National Science Scholars, I seek to give
America's youth a special incentive to excel
in science and math. The National Science
Foundation predicts a shortage of 400,000
scientists by the year 2000. Through excellence in education, we must and will reverse that trend. And I see the historical
black colleges as an enormous resource to
do just exactly that.
And yet I recognize that these propos

als-all of this isn't enough; it never is. As
Americans, we never are satisfied. We know
that when a dream comes true it gives rise
to even bigger and better dreams. And so,
my appeal tonight is that we work to build
a better America. I feel deeply in my heart
about the United Negro College Fund. And
I came up to tell you, at this highly successful dinner that Hugh and Chris and Michael
and others here at this dais and all of you
out there worked so hard on to make so
successful, I want to help. I want the United
States Government to help. And Barbara
and I as individuals want to join you in this
enormous power of the private sector to do
all we can to help you achieve your goals
and your ideals.
And thank you all, and God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 7:51 p.m. in
the Imperial Ballroom at the Sheraton
Center Hotel. In his remarks, he referred to
Michael H. Jordan, Hugh Cullman, Christopher S. Edley, William Trent, and Frederick
D. Patterson, member of the board of directors, chairman of the board of directors,
president and chief executive officer, first
executive director, and founder of the
United Negro College Fund, respectively.
Representative Augustus F. Hawkins of
California; Lawrence G. Rawl, chairman of
Exxon Corp.; and entertainer Paul Simon
were given the Frederick D. Patterson Distinguished Leadership Award. Following
his remarks, the President returned to
Washington, DC.


Statement on the Failure of the Senate To Approve the Nomination
of John Tower as Secretary of Defense
March 9, 1989


John Tower has devoted his life to service
of country. Whether in the U.S. Senate, at
the arms control negotiating table, or in the
privacy of his counsel to Presidents, he has
always held the interests of this nation
above all else. John Tower has been steadfast in his advocacy of a strong defense and
consistent in support of the many principles
for which he fought throughout his career.


He is and will remain my friend.
I have read Senator Tower's statement
regarding the decision of the Senate and
find its dignity and lack of rancor to be
typical of the man whose leadership, knowledge, and experience would have benefited
the Department of Defense and the Nation.
Instead of the recompense of a grateful
nation, John Tower's lot in the past weeks


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Mar. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


has been a cruel ordeal. For this, I am truly
sorry for both him and his family.
The Senate has made its determination. I
respect its role in doing so, but I disagree
with the outcome. I am also concerned by
the way in which perceptions based on


groundless rumor seemed to be the basis on
which at least some made up their minds in
judging a man well-qualified to be my Secretary of Defense. Now, however, we owe it
to the American people to come together
and move forward.


Nomination of Wendell Lewis Willkie II To Be General Counsel of
the Department of Commerce
March 9, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Wendell Lewis Willkie II
to be General Counsel of the Department
of Commerce. He would succeed Robert H.
Brumley II.
Mr. Willkie was counsel in the office of
the President-elect, 1988-1989, and has
served as special counsel to Bush-Quayle
'88. He was General Counsel at the Department of Education, 1985-1988, and Chief of
Staff and Counselor to the Secretary of the
Department of Education, 1985. Mr. Willkie was Associate Counsel to the President


at the White House, 1984-1985, and General Counsel for the National Endowment for
the Humanities, 1982-1984. He was also an
associate with the law firm of Simpson,
Thacher & Bartlett in New York City,
1978-1982.
Mr. Willkie graduated from Harvard College (B.A., 1973); Oxford University, Rhodes
Scholarship (B.A., 1975; M.A., 1983); and
the University of Chicago (J.D., 1978). He
was born October 29, 1951, in Indianapolis,
IN. He is married and resides in Washington, DC.


Nomination of Michael Rucker Darby To Be an Under Secretary of
Commerce
March 9, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Michael Rucker Darby to
be Under Secretary of Commerce for Economic Affairs. He would succeed Robert
Ortner.
Since 1986 Mr. Darby has been Assistant
Secretary for Economic Policy at the Department of the Treasury in Washington,
DC. He was also a member of the National
Commission on Superconductivity, 1988 -1989. Prior to this he was at the University


of California at Los Angeles, serving as professor, John E. Anderson Graduate School of
Management, 1987 to present; professor of
the department of economics, 1978-1987;
associate professor, 1973-1978; and visiting
assistant professor, 1972-1973. Mr. Darby
has been vice president and director of Paragon Industries, Inc., 1964-1982.
Mr. Darby graduated from the Dartmouth College (A.B., 1967) and the University of Chicago (M.A., 1968; Ph.D., 1970).


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 9


Nomination of Dennis Edward Kloske To Be an Under Secretary of
Commerce
March 9, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Dennis Edward Kloske to
be Under Secretary of Commerce for
Export Administration. He would succeed
Paul Freedenberg.
Since 1987 Mr. Kloske has been Deputy
Under Secretary of Defense for Planning
and Resources in Washington, DC, and
serves concurrently as Special Adviser for
Armaments to the Deputy Secretary of Defense. Prior to this he was detailed to the
White House as Adviser to the Special
Counselor to the President, 1987. From
1985 to 1987, Mr. Kloske served as Special
Adviser for Armaments to the United States
Ambassador to NATO and concurrently


served as Special Adviser for NATO Armaments to the Deputy Secretary of Defense,
1986. From 1983 to 1985, he served as Special Assistant to the U.S. NATO Ambassador. Mr. Kloske has also served as director
of strategic planning at the Georgetown
Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Mr. Kloske graduated from Harvard College (B.A., 1976). From 1977 to 1979, he
attended Oxford University as a Rhodes
Scholar. In January 1989, he received the
Medal for Distinguished Public Service, the
highest civilian award in the Department of
Defense. Mr. Kloske was born September
11, 1954, in Rome, Italy.


Nomination of Eric I. Garfinkel To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Commerce
March 9, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Eric I. Garfinkel to be an
Assistant Secretary of Commerce (Import
Administration). He would succeed Jan W.
Mares.
Since 1988 Mr. Garfinkel has been a
member of the transition team for the
office of the President-elect. Prior to this he
was Vice President and General Counsel of
the Overseas Private Investment Corporation in Washington, DC, 1987-1988. He was
a partner with the law firm of Anderson,
Hibey, Nauheim, and Blair in Washington,


DC, 1983-1987. Mr. Garfinkel has served as
Deputy Assistant Director for Commerce
and Trade in the Office of Policy Development at the White House, 1982-1983, and
attorney-adviser in the Office of the U.S.
Trade Representative, 1981-1982. He has
also served as an associate with the law firm
of deKieffer, Berg, Creskoff, 1980-1981.
Mr. Garfinkel graduated from the University of Maryland at College Park (B.A.,
1976) and Emory University (J.D., 1979). He
is married, has two children, and resides in
Chevy Chase, MD.


Nomination of Michael Paul Galvin To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Commerce
March 9, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Michael Paul Galvin to be


an Assistant Secretary of Commerce (Export
Administration). He would succeed Michael


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Mar. 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


E. Zacharia.
Since 1978 Mr. Galvin has been a partner
with the law firm of Winston & Strawn in
Chicago, IL. He has served as president of
the National Strategy Forum and has been
involved in various civic and political activities.
Nomination of Robert P. Davis To
Labor
March 9, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Robert P. Davis to be Solicitor of the Department of Labor. He
would succeed George R. Salem.
Since 1985 he has been a partner with
the law firm of Anderson, Hibey, Nauheim,
and Blair. Mr. Davis served as Chief of Staff
to Secretary of Transportation Elizabeth
Hanford Dole, 1983-1985. He also served as


Mr. Galvin graduated from Boston College (B.S., 1974) and Illinois Institute of
Technology/ Chicago-Kent College of Law
(J.D., 1978). He was born July 8, 1952. He is
married, has two children, and resides in
Chicago, IL.
Be Solicitor of the Department of


a Special Assistant to the Deputy Attorney
General at the Department of Justice,
1974-1980.
Mr. Davis graduated from Brown University (A.B., 1971), Boston University (M.A.,
1972), and Georgetown University (J.D.,
1980). He is married, has two children, and
resides in Alexandria, VA.


Nomination of Dale Triber Tate To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Labor
March 9, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Dale Triber Tate to be an
Assistant Secretary of Labor (Public and
Intergovernmental Affairs). She would succeed Jerry D. Blakemore.
Since 1985 Mrs. Tate has served as
deputy press secretary to Senate Majority/
Minority Leader Robert Dole and has
served as spokesperson for Senator Dole's


Presidential campaign. Prior to this she was
the chief economics reporter for Congressional Quarterly, 1979-1985, and was the
congressional editor for the Oil & Gas Journal, 1975-1979.
Mrs. Tate received a bachelor of journalism degree from the University of Missouri
(1969).


Nomination of Jennifer Lynn Dorn To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Labor
March 9, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jennifer Lynn Dorn to be
an Assistant Secretary of Labor (Policy). She


would succeed Michael E. Baroody.
Since 1987 Mrs. Dorn has served as the
director of strategic planning for the Martin


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 10


Marietta Corp. Prior to this she was an Associate Deputy Secretary at the Department of Transportation and served as Chief
of Staff, 1985-1987. Mrs. Dorn was the Director at the Office of Commercial Space
Transportation at the Department of Trans

portation, 1984-1985.
Mrs. Dorn received a B.A. from Oregon
State University and an M.P.A. from the
University of Connecticut. She is married
and resides in Bethesda, MD.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Louis W. Sullivan as
Secretary of Health and Human Services
March 10, 1989


The President. To Members of the United
States Congress here, Senate and House;
members of the President's Cabinet; to
Judge Higginbotham, who'll be doing the
honors here in a little bit; and old friend,
Senator Ed Brooke, whom I'm so glad to
see; distinguished dais guests; and of course,
the Sullivan family, just let me say that Barbara and I are very pleased to be over here.
I know the Sullivans, but I didn't know that
Halstead Sullivan, outstanding student,
president of his school, I believe, the University of Virginia, could sing. But you
heard him not miss a note-unbelievable.
But, Lou, before beginning, I do want to
make an announcement today. I think it's
one that concerns people and everyone in
this room. It's about a public health issue
that I know this audience particularly can
appreciate. Then a few words about our
new Secretary. But this one relates to the
health and well-being of our environment. I
want to announce an important step that
we're taking to address an environmental
issue of great concern, and that is the transboundary movement of hazardous wastes.
During the past year, there have been
many accounts of the risks to human health
and the environment, too, posed by certain
exports of hazardous waste, particularly to
developing countries. And the U.S. has been
a world leader in requiring the informed
consent of receiving countries before allowing such exports of hazardous waste. And I
intend to continue and to extend this leadership role by seeking new legislation that
will give the United States Government authority to ban all exports of hazardous waste
except where we have an agreement with


the receiving country providing for the safe
handling and management of those wastes.
We're determined to work with other concerned governments to exercise wise stewardship over our environment, particularly
where matters of health are concerned.
Now, on to the business at hand. The
swearing-in of Dr. Louis Sullivan is a proud
day for all involved: for this Department,
whose dedicated workers are welcoming as
their new leader a man of energy, enthusiasm, and intellect; for Dr. Sullivan's
family-Ginger, Paul, Shanta, and Halstead-whose share in Lou's success has
been beyond measure; and for all of us who
know Lou, admire him, and consider him
our friend. Dr. Sullivan has enjoyed a distinguished career as physician, scientist, scholar, teacher, administrator. But what sets
Lou Sullivan apart is that something extra
he brings to his work-a sense of mission.
As the first president of Morehouse-in
this instance, Morehouse School of Medicine-Lou made it his goal not only to train
a new generation of minority physicians but
to instill in them this sense of service, a
commitment to minister to communities in
our inner cities and in rural America, where
health care facilities are stretched thin and
doctors are in short supply. In the past 7
years, Barbara and I have taken a special
interest in the work being done by Dr. Sullivan at Morehouse. I knew that a man of
his vision could contribute to our national
well-being in much the same way he contributed to the health and well-being of so
many people throughout his career in medicine.
Lou, the assignment that you are about to


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Mar. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


undertake is among the most diverse and
difficult public service has to offer. The Department of HHS is involved in a vast enterprise. You command a $400 billion
budget and 114,000 employees. And in all,
your responsibilities range from regulating
food and drugs and conducting major medical research to providing support and care
for the elderly, the disabled, and the disadvantaged. What this Department does affects the life of each and every American,
and especially the lives of the least advantaged among us.
I know, Lou, that we spoke about the
scope of the administrative challenges that
you face here at HHS, but I'm not sure I
mentioned to you that your budget ranks
fourth in the world-behind the U.S., the
Soviet Union, and Japan. Then comes
HHS-[laughter]-do not declare your independence. [Laughter]
We look to you and the HHS team to
meet a number of major challenges in the
years ahead. We ask you to work to get
better value for health care dollars, targeting effective services, finding ways to contain the escalating costs of medical care
without compromising the quality of health
service. Work to sustain programs like
AFDC-Aid to Families with Dependent
Children-and Head Start that help build
the foundation for families and children to
overcome disadvantages and difficult circumstances, to succeed and grow strong.
Advance our understanding of the AIDS
virus, and move us towards a cure. And to
that end, I've directed HHS to pull together
23 separate AIDS projects now in progress
into a more focused effort under the direction of the Public Health Service. I've
called on Congress to provide $1.6 billion
for the Public Health Service efforts in
1990. That's an increase of 24 percent over
1989. And finally, Lou, I know you'll take a
position right on the front line, joining, I'd
say, everybody in our Cabinet and certainly
all here in the war on drugs. Too many
lives have been imperiled or lost to drugs,
too much human potential is being ground
up and wasted. I've said it before, but this
scourge must stop.
And I'll need you to train scientists, to
conduct the right kind of research. I'll look
to you to assess the data on drugs and tell


us where and how to respond. And I'm
counting on you to see that State organizations and hospitals, volunteer groups get the
kind of technical assistance they need to
help us win this battle. I'm asking you to
work with me, with Bill Bennett, to find
solid strategies for the prevention of drug
abuse and effective treatment for those already caught in the trap.
And so, Mr. Secretary, I hope these and
the many challenges that I have not named
will be enough to keep you busy. Rest assured you'll have help. The staff over here
is among the most talented and dedicated
in the Federal service. And they understand the importance of the work that they
do and the differences that HHS makes in
the lives of the many millions of Americans
served by this Department.
HHS is the Department that, more than
any other at the Federal level, gives shape
and form to the promise that America
makes its people, the promise I've made to
you: to fashion for ourselves, yes, a kinder
and gentler nation and to take care of those
in need, especially our children and the elderly, to steady those who seek only an opportunity to better themselves and their
families.
So, it is noble work that you all are engaged in. And, Mr. Secretary, as you make
this responsibility your own, you have our
sincere best wishes, my complete confidence, and my full support.
And now on to the brief, but important,
formal ceremony of swearing in Lou Sullivan as the next Secretary.
[At this point, Secretary Sullivan was sworn
in.]
Secretary Sullivan. Mr. President, Mrs.
Bush, friends and colleagues, let me thank
all of you for being here. As you might
imagine, this is a special moment for the
Sullivan family. Mr. President, thank you
for your friendship, your trust, and your
confidence. Mrs. Bush, as a friend, for your
work as a trustee of the Morehouse School
of Medicine, for your efforts to advance literacy, for your help to those in need, thank
you for reminding all of us of the importance of love, compassion, and care for our
fellow man. I'm also grateful to Senators


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Ad ministration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 10


Dole, Simpson, Mitchell, Bentsen, Packwood, Kennedy, and Hatch, Thurmond, and
many others for their assistance in the Congress. Congressman Newt Gingrich and the
entire Georgia delegation, I'm grateful for
your support.
God has been good to Lou Sullivan for
the past 55 years. And things have been
particularly bright since I had the good
sense to marry Ginger some 34 years ago.
I've been blessed with a fine family. And
for 21 years, I learned, practiced, and
taught medicine and conducted research in
some of the Nation's finest medical institutions. Then in July of 1975 I accepted the
opportunity of a lifetime: to develop a medical school that would concentrate its energies on the education of those minorities
who had been overlooked. It was a chance
to see that young blacks, Hispanics, Native
Americans, who might otherwise not have
an opportunity, were given the same opportunities that I had received as a young man.
There's a special place for the Morehouse
School of Medicine in the hearts of Lou and
Ginger Sullivan. There's a special place in
the hearts of the Sullivans for the people
who worked so hard and unselfishly to
make that school a reality, many of whom
are here today and we count among our
friends. When I was installed on July 1,
1981, as the first president of the medical
school upon its gaining independence from
Morehouse College, it never entered my
mind that I would ever consider doing anything else. But one day a friend called. So,
here I am, Mr. President. [Laughter]
There is no title, no award, no recognition which can compare to the trust of a
friend. The honor of that call, Mr. President, will never be forgotten. You have
given me the opportunity to serve-to
serve you and our nation. You've given a
challenge to me and to this Department,
and I want you to know we will meet that
challenge.
We will work to assure the ongoing solvency of programs like Social Security and
Medicare. We will work hard to find ways
to contain escalating medical costs without
sacrificing our goal of quality health care
for all. We will continue to look for ways to
better serve our nation's poor and help
them work their way out of poverty. Those


programs like Aid to Families with Dependent Children and Head Start, which have
been so beneficial to our disadvantaged citizens, will be sustained.
Mr. President, we are challenged to continue a strong biomedical research effort in
our quest for a cure for AIDS, this disease
which destroys our youth and saps our nation's vitality. We will continue our assault
against cancer, heart disease, diabetes, arthritis, and the many other disorders afflicting our citizens.
The issue of drugs in our society is a
problem that affects us all. It eats at the
fiber of our families and at our very social
structure. President Bush, today this Department joins with me in a commitment to
work with you and with our drug adviser in
doing all that we can to halt this terrible
epidemic.
With your challenge, Mr. President,
you've given us the opportunity to shape
the future-to shape the future through the
development of health promotion and preventive medicine strategies, to shape the
future through the implementation of last
year's welfare reform legislation. We will
seek ways to strengthen family life in our
country and to restore our sense of community, our shared sense of responsibility and
commitment to each other.
We have been given the opportunity to
stress the value of every life through the
promotion of adoption and by focusing our
efforts on the poor, the disadvantaged, and
the neglected in our society. We have the
opportunity to see that rural and inner-city
health needs are not forgotten, that the
poor of our nation are cared for properly
and with dignity. The health of our minority citizens-black, Hispanic, Native American-and those others who have yet to fully
realize the American dream is the concern
of us all.
Mr. President, you've called for a kinder
and gentler nation, a goal which I support
with enthusiasm. As you have noted, there's
no other department or agency of our government where that call can be more directly implemented than here in Health
and Human Services. Health and Human
Services is the hub of a vast wheel whose
spokes radiate out to touch all Americans,


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Mar. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


from the onset of life through health and
sickness, from the foods we eat to the medicines we take. Our children, our parents,
our youth, our seniors-all are affected by
the activities of this vast agency.
During my tenure, the offices of the Department will have a human face. The regulations promulgated will carry a gentle
touch. Health and Human Services employees will be bound by the hallmark of service and take their pride in the health and


assistance offered their fellow Americans.
Mr. President, you have delivered today a
challenge; you have granted an opportunity. I'm grateful to you, sir. I accept your
challenge. I cherish the opportunity. I will
keep your trust. Thank you, Mr. President.
Note: The President spoke at 10:18 a.m. in
the Great Hall at the Department of Health
and Human Services. Halstead Sullivan
sang the national anthem at the ceremony.


Remarks to Members of the National Conference of State
Legislators
March 10, 1989


It's good to see all of you. Listen, nice
welcome, thank you. To our Secretary, Secretary Dole, my greetings-delighted to see
you here. And Andy Card and our-ripped
off right out of the ranks of one of your
States, the former speaker, Deb Anderson
here, who I'm delighted to see in her official duties. And I'm pleased to be here. And
I would like to thank the president and past
officers for your gracious invitationSammy Nunez, Lee Daniels, Ted Strickland.
I thank all of you.
The last time I spoke, we were in the
middle of America, in the middle of
summer, and in the midst of a tough campaign year. Fate has smiled since that July
day in Indianapolis. Then we were all candidates, probably everybody in this roommaybe an overstatement. Today everyone
in this room is a winner. And for those of
you who are Republicans, you discerning
devils-[laughter]-I've got to admit, there
was a time when I thought I'd drag all of
you down, but here we are. [Laughter] And
for those of you who are Democrats, I'd like
to claim credit, but I can't figure out how at
all. But anyway, well done! And in all sincerity, I do want to congratulate every legislative leader in this room, Democrat and
Republican alike, because you did win more
than a political victory. The highest honor
of all you won-opportunity to serve. And I
feel that way, have always felt that way
about public service. And certainly you do,


or you wouldn't be here today.
The problems that confront our country
as we near the end of this century often
seem bigger than our individual ability to
solve them-and they are big. And if we
face these problems as only partisansDemocrats or Republicans-or parochial
members of a region, or a faction, or an
interest group, we've got real problems. But
by working together as Americans, we can,
I believe, lick any problem, no matter how
big, how complex, or how deeply rooted it
may be.
There are always naysayers who believe
we're going to never clean up the environment or never shelter the homeless, never
end that age-old affliction of mankind, poverty-poverty of knowledge and skills, of
opportunity, and the poverty of hope. But
the cynics never take into account one of
the great success stories of our times. And I
am talking about State government. In this
decade, power flowed from Washington to
Austin, to Atlanta, to Sacramento, and to
every other State capital. And with it came
new responsibilities. I'm talking, of course,
of the concept of federalism. And history
will remember that you met these broadened responsibilities with distinction.
I know that funds at all levels of State
government are tight-all levels of Federal
Government are tight. And I know that
you're called on every day to make the
hard choices, as I am. But by and large, you


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 10


are meeting the challenge of a frugal age
by devising creative new solutions to these
age-old problems of care and concern for
the very young, the very elderly, the disadvantaged, the dispossessed. So, whenever I
see a problem that some say is insurmountable, I draw inspiration from what you are
already doing in the States.
The resilience of the State governments
in the eighties vindicates, in my view, the
wisdom of the Founding Fathers and forever discredits those who would have Washington do it all. And let me assure you, I
will preserve and protect a healthy balance,
a sharing of power, between the States and
Washington, because I fervently believe
that federalism works.
And I remember meetings that I had
with Governors at the time of the campaign, discussing the social issues. And I
learned more from the briefings-this happened to be in a partisan context of a campaign-but I learned more from the briefing by the Governors than any of the
people here in Washington to whom I had
access because I was Vice President. And I
thought about why it made such a difference and why I learned so much from
them. And it was because they're on the
cutting edge; they are out there working
with you all to solve the problems, to figure
out what works, to make the changes. And
so, that may sound elementary to some, but
I think you must know what I mean. Governors have to deal in what works, and they
get that from you all, with the representation you give in your districts.
As you know, one policy area clearly designated to us here is national defense. And
so, perhaps the appeal I'm going to make to
you today will be all the more unprecedented. The time has come for me to enlist your
energy and expertise in another national security crisis. And you know what it is, and I
know what it is and the American people
know what it is. And I'm talking, of course,
about the threat of drug abuse to the health
and the very future of our nation.
I wish that each and every one of you
could have been with me yesterday in New
York when I went to the DEA headquarters
and I talked-with the widow of the latest
victim of the drug criminals at my sidetalked to the agents there. But the best part


was the meeting afterward, talking in a
very private setting to those agents who are
undercover, couldn't be out there in public,
but who told me, case by case, of the problems they face. And I don't want to get
away from the text here too far, but the
thing that really impressed me-and I
expect some of you who have had leadership roles in your States could talk to thisis that the culture has changed. They say it
used to be if you came in and identified
yourself as a Fed or a police officer of any
sort and drew a weapon on these people,
they'd give up. And now they automatically
shoot; they go to the barricades. And there's
some reasons for that. They get the same
penalty for killing a police officer as they
get for being caught with a certain amount
of narcotics.
We've got to do something about that.
Crack, heroin, PCP-these drugs are a
plague that leaves an aftermath of shattered
minds and, you know, totally wasted potential. No State in the Union is immune to this
plague. And drug crimes have claimed
thousands of lives, and having seen some of
the barricaded crack houses that have been
knocked down by the battering rams of the
police, it's everywhere. Los Angeles-I
went out there one evening and took a look
with Daryl Gates at what his officers face
every day, and I'll tell you, it really drives it
home.
As with every battle this country's ever
fought, we are in it together as Americans.
And as with a war, we've got to have a
strategy, and ours is education, rehabilitation, law enforcement, and then doing
better in interdiction. I'm encouraged to
see so many State governments forming
these intrastate drug task forces and interstate panels to share resources and intelligence. And I would appeal to every State to
join these efforts. Every State should look
for ways to toughen its drug laws.
The Federal Government, just like the
States, is animated by a new get-tough attitude on drugs. And we've stiffened the
Federal sentence for drug trafficking to a
maximum of life. We've toughened penalties for dealers who use children to deal
drugs or sell drugs to the kids. And if you
commit a drug-related murder or kill a cop,


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Mar. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the toughest sentence you can receive is
now the toughest sentence there is, and
that is the death penalty. And we've also
increased our resources as we've stiffened
the sentences.
Since 1981 the Federal antidrug budget
has grown by nearly 370 percent. But more
was needed, so I'm asking the Congress for
$6 billion for our antidrug program in 1990.
More than $4 billion will be spent to provide grants to the State and local law enforcement agencies to beef up the Federal
enforcement, to enhance our prosecution,
detention, and intelligence capabilities. And
this includes sustaining the 150 million drug
grant programs so that the Department of
Justice can help State and local law enforcement agencies catch criminals and warn
kids away from drugs.
Another shining example of Federal and
State cooperation: the seizure and forfeiture
of assets from drug dealers. State agencies
that cooperate in drug cases will share the
benefits from the sale of yachts, planes, and
cars used in drug deals. Again, my experience yesterday-the head of the DEA
showed me a table-$20 million of cash that
they had gotten in-a part of it. I don't
think all $20 million was on that table, but a
lot of it was, in small bills, incidentally,
twenties, tens, that kind of thing. They had
taken this money in one-caught one truck
loaded with $20 million, and nobody
claimed it. Nobody even inquired about it.
Obviously, they didn't want to get in too
much trouble. [Laughter] But there was no
undercover inquiry; that's just the cost of
doing business. So, $20 million is down the
tube, and go on about our business. Same as
they dump their airplanes in the water off
the Bahamas-the cost of business. Three
Cessnas, and that's the cost of getting the
stuff in here.
But even with these programs, the campaign against drug abuse will be hardfought. It's a war, and it's going to last for
years. And perhaps we should take inspiration from a nation at war almost 50 years
ago. As Britain faced an adversary that
tested the courage and character of its
people, Winston Churchill vowed never to
surrender. And in today's wars against the
pushers, we must draw from these same
deep wells of national purpose to summon


the spirit of defiance.
Our single most important task is to keep
the kids off of drugs and out of trouble, and
toward this end I am proposing a $1.1 billion allocation for drug education and prevention-a 16 percent increase over 1989.
Some $367 million of this is going to go to
the drug-free schools and communities program to help keep the drugs out of our
schools, campuses, and neighborhoods-an
increase of $12 million here. The programs
are many. You're going to be able to take
the lead in this effort since more than 80
percent of the funds of the drug-free
schools and communities will be allocated
to the States and territories.
As you may have heard, we can already
take heart from some good news from the
classrooms. According to the 1988 national
high school senior survey, the proportion of
seniors using illicit drugs during the prior
year fell from 42 percent in '87 to 39 percent-a modest drop, but at least a decrease. This compares with the peak year of
'79, incidentally, when an astounding 54
percent of all American high school seniors
used drugs.
Still, 39 percent is horrible. And we're
going to spend money to get the job done,
but we need to change something. We've
got to have a national attitude of intolerance. Let me tell you, Presidents don't normally speak out in favor of intolerance, but
the day must soon come when the Nation is
utterly intolerant of this casual drug abuse.
Back to yesterday, one of the undercover
agents telling me about the white collar
use-this guy was down somewhere on Wall
Street, and it was just considered normal in
the firm in which he was operating to-at
the end of the day-to offer to the people
doing the clerical work there some kind of
line of cocaine if they would stay for an
extra few hours. I mean we've got to
change that whole toleration, that whole
cultural identity that suggests that this is
the fast lane or the easy way or that it's
okay.
Over the next 4 years we're going to face
a lot of common challenges. The environment-I do want to do something on that.
With the help of the States, I'm convinced
we can here. To our prosperity-we're


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 10


going to ask your forbearance as we call for
some tough measures to face down this
Federal budget deficit. To our compassion-for those who have yet to participate
fully in the American dream.
And the challenge of drug abuse is going
to test our resolve and our mettle as a
people. So, I just wanted to tell you and
pledge to you, leader to leader, that I want
to work with you in the State Governments
in this struggle. Bill Bennett, our new drug
czar, is charged with coming up with a national strategy, a national direction, in 6
months after he takes office. He'll be good.
He'll be tough. He's got a difficult assignment because of the way government
works-picture in your own State governments. It's not a very neat and easy way to
draw the organization chart, because he has
to not only get the attention of the Defense
Department or the Attorney Generals without the protocol standing over them, he's
got to get their attention and have us all
marching in the same direction. So, what
that means is the President is going to have
to be shoulder-to-shoulder with Bill Bennett. And I'm prepared to spend the time
and devote the energy necessary to give it
that stature because it won't happen if it
just bogs down in some kind of bureaucratic
turf fights over who's going to do what on
interdiction or education or crime-fighting
or whatever it is.
So, I wanted to tell you we do want to
work with the States. War tested America
and her allies in the forties, and so our
people are undergoing a test of national will
today. To paraphrase Churchill again, we


shall not flag or fail. We're going to keep
going to win the fight against the scourge of
drugs. And I'm confident; I believe it can
be done because I sense a change in the
country. I sense people; it's more than rhetoric now. I think it's into every community,
every State, and certainly all through the
Federal Government.
So, we're not going to give up on this
one. We need your help; we need your
leadership; we need your ideals. I wish that
we had more funds to put in a program
here or support of an initiative there. But I
don't want to mislead you. We're dealing in
a time of very constrained Federal resources. So, we've got to do a lot, working
with you and working with the programs
that I refer to as the Thousand Points of
Light: the willingness of one citizen out
there willing to help another.
And so, thank you for what you're doing.
Thank you for coming here to the White
House. I'm delighted to see each and every
one of you. God bless you all. Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 11:11 a.m. at a
briefing in Room 450 of the Old Executive
Office Building. In his opening remarks, he
referred to Secretary of Labor Elizabeth H.
Dole; Andrew Card, Assistant to the President and Deputy Chief of Staff; Debra Anderson, Assistant to the President and Director of Intergovernmental Affairs; Sammy
Nunez, president of the Louisiana State
Senate; Lee Daniels, minority leader of the
Illinois State House of Representatives; and
Theodore Strickland, president of the Colorado State Senate.


Nomination of Michael Hayden Armacost To Be United States
Ambassador to Japan
March 10, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Michael Hayden Armacost
to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to Japan. He would succeed Michael Mansfield.
Since 1984 Ambassador Armacost has


been Under Secretary for Political Affairs at
the Department of State in Washington,
DC. Prior to this he was Ambassador to the
Philippines, 1982-1984. He has served as
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs,
1980-1981, and Deputy Assistant Secretary


213




Mar. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


for Defense for International Security Affairs, 1978-1980. He has served as senior
staff member for East Asia for the National
Security Council at the White House, 1977 -1978; a member of the policy planning staff
at the Department of State, 1974-1976;
Special Assistant to Ambassador Robert Stephen Ingersoll in Tokyo, Japan, 1972-1974;


and a member of the policy planning staff
at the Department of State, 1969-1972.
Ambassador Armacost graduated from
Carleton College (B.A., 1958) and Columbia
University (M.A., 1961; Ph.D., 1965). He
was born April 15, 1937, in Cleveland, OH.
He is married, has three children, and resides in Bethesda, MD.


Nomination of John Theodore Sanders To Be Under Secretary of
Education
March 10, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John Theodore Sanders to
be Under Secretary of Education. He would
succeed Linus D. Wright.
Since 1985 Mr. Sanders has been State
superintendent of education in Springfield,
IL. Prior to this he was State superintendent of public instruction in Carson City,
NV, 1979-1985, and an adjunct professor in
the College of Education of the University
of Nevada at Reno, 1984-1985. He has also
held several positions at the New Mexico
Department of Education in Santa Fe, in

cluding assistant State superintendent for
instruction, 1976-1979, assistant State superintendent for administration, 1975-1976,
director of the Mutual Action Project,
1973-1975, and mathematics specialist,
1971-1973.
Mr. Sanders graduated from Wayland
University (B.S., 1964), Washington State
University (M.A., 1970), and the University
of Nevada (Ph.D., 1987). He was born September 19, 1941, in Littlefield, TX. He is
married, has four children, and resides in
Springfield, IL.


Nomination of Nancy Mohr Kennedy To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Education
March 10, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Nancy Mohr Kennedy to
be Assistant Secretary for Legislation at the
Department of Education. She would succeed Frances M. Norris.
Since 1983 Ms. Kennedy was Special Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs (Senate) at the White House in Washington, DC. Prior to this she was Administrative Assistant for the White House Office
of Legislative Affairs, 1981-1983. She has
also served in the congressional relations
office for the transition of the Presidentelect, 1980-1981. Ms. Kennedy was Admin

istrative Assistant to the Chairman of the
Federal Elections Commission, 1979-1980,
and Administrative Assistant for the Senate
Republican Policy Committee, 1977-1979.
She was Executive Assistant to the Assistant
to the President for Legislative Affairs,
1969-1977, and deputy caseworker for the
Republican leader of the Senate, Everett
McKinley Dirksen.
Ms. Kennedy attended the University of
Maryland at College Park. She is a native of
Illinois and currently resides in Bethesda,
MD.


214




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 10


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Transmitting
a Report on Arms Control Agreements Compliance
March 10, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. Chairman:)
I am pleased to transmit the enclosed
report on the adherence of the United
States to obligations undertaken in arms
control agreements and on problems related to compliance by other nations with the
provisions of bilateral and multilateral arms
control agreements to which the United
States is a party.
This report, updating last year's report,
meets the requirements of Section 52 of the
Arms Control and Disarmament Act, as
amended by the Arms Control and Disarmament Amendments Act of 1987. It was
prepared by the Director of the U.S. Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency in coordination with the Secretary of State, the
Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of
Energy, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, and the Director of Central Intelligence.
In previous reports to the Congress, the
The President's News Conference
March 10, 1989
The President. Well, good afternoon. I am
happy to be here this afternoon to present
my nominee to be Secretary of Defense,
Congressman Dick Cheney of Wyoming.
Dick is a widely respected man of principle, served his country with distinction for
many years. I've known him as a Chief of
Staff, government manager-all under
President Ford, '75 and '76. I worked with
him closely since he's been a part of the
Republican leadership. In both the executive branch and in Congress, he's dealt with
the problems of national defense. He struggled with the budget-some things every
President has to do. And he's weighed the
difficult national defense priorities that
have come before the Congress. He's been


United States has made clear its concerns
about Soviet noncompliance. These concerns remain. The United States Government takes equally seriously its own commitments to arms control agreements and
sets rigid standards and procedures for assuring that it meets its obligations. The
United States has been and remains in compliance with all current treaty obligations
and political commitments.
This report is unclassified and suitable for
general release. However, a classified attachment, providing additional information
not available in unclassified form, is being
provided under separate cover.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Claiborne Pell, chairman of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee.


a member of the Intelligence Committee
for, I think, 5 years and-a leader in that
area. I've heard his thinking on arms control, Central American policy, strategic defense posture, and on the difficult challenges that he knows he faces of reforming
procurement process in the Pentagon.
He's a thoughtful man, a quiet man, a
strong man-approaches public policy with
vigor, determination, and diligence. And
this afternoon, we discussed the defense
needs of this nation and the heavy responsibilities that go with being Secretary of Defense. And Dick Cheney is a trusted friend
and adviser, and I'm convinced that he's
going to be a great leader of our nation's
military forces.


215




Mar. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


And now I'd like to ask him to say a few
words, and then he and I will be around to
respond to a few questions. So, Dick, welcome aboard, and thank you for undertaking this very complicated and difficult assignment. You'll do great.
Representative Cheney. Well, thank you
very much, Mr. President. Obviously, things
have moved rather rapidly in the last 24
hours. I'm honored to be asked by the
President to join his administration. I look
forward very much to working with him;
and especially also with Brent Scowcroft
[Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs], who's an old friend of many
years standing; and Jim Baker [Secretary of
State], who's an old friend of many years
standing, in the difficult assignment ahead.
And I think the next 4 years hold significant
challenge in terms of U.S. defense policy
and foreign policy, and I am glad to be a
part of the team and eager to get to work
in terms of helping the President address
some of those very important issues.
Q. Congressman, two questions. First,
could you give us an update on your health,
and also what can you tell us about the
depth of the expertise you feel you have on
defense?
Representative Cheney. Well, first of all,
with respect to my health, I have, in the
past, been a heart patient. Many of you
know I underwent bypass surgery in August
of last year. I was, after that surgery, back
at work in about 3 weeks. I skied at Christmastime at Vail, if anybody's curious. Skiing
was very good at Vail at Christmastime.
And I talked just this afternoon with my
cardiologist, who's followed my case for several years, to make certain he was aware of
this and so that he would be in a position to
say, as he has, as he did tell me just today,
that there's absolutely no medical reason
why I cannot undertake this assignment. I
have no restrictions at this point in terms of
my own activities.
With respect to my background in the
defense area, it's a set of issues that I've
been interested in for a long time-obviously had some exposure to them during the
Ford years when I served as White House
Chief of Staff and sat in on all the National
Security Council meetings. I've had an
active interest in it in the Congress and


currently serve as the senior Republican on
the Budget Subcommittee of the Intelligence Committee, which authorizes all of
our intelligence programs and the activities
of many defense agencies, such as the National Security Agency, Defense Intelligence Agency-all of the tactical intelligence programs across all the services in
the Pentagon. So, obviously, there are areas
that I need to know and I'll have to work
hard on to master, but I feel that I do have
a depth of understanding now in very specific areas that come within the general jurisdiction of the Defense Department and
the national security in general.
Q. You said that Senator Tower was the
best qualified for this job. Where does Congressman Cheney stand in this priority assessment?
The President. I said that on December
whatever it was. And now we're in March
whatever it is, and as of today, Dick Cheney
is the best and the proper choice.
Senate Vote on the Tower Nomination
Q. Now, do you agree with the Vice
President in his harsh indictment of the
vote on Tower?
The President. I haven't read the harsh
indictment. I expect he felt as strongly as
many of the Senators, having served in the
Senate. But look, that's history. We're
moving forward with a new nominee. I told
the Senators yesterday when they calledboth Senator Mitchell and Senator Nunn-I
think Marlin had the release on that that I
was going to work with the Congress. Dick
Cheney and I have discussed that. He's confident he can work with the Congress, both
Senate and House. And so, there's no point
in my dwelling on what happened yesterday. I've got my own views about it. But
we've got a big problem out here, and we
need to work cooperatively in defense with
the Senate and with the House. And we're
going to do just that, as Dick Cheney has
confirmed.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Cheney
Q. Mr. President, you said when you
originally picked your Cabinet that you
didn't want to pick anybody from the
House or Senate because you didn't want to


216




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 10


deplete the ranks of Republicans in Congress. Now you've picked Mr. Cheney.
What happened to that rule?
The President. This is the exception that
proves that rule. [Laughter]
Q. For Mr. Cheney. You've said many
times that you've enjoyed your work in
Congress. Why would you give up a post on
the leadership ladder in the House? Are
you frustrated because you think that the
Republicans are going to be in a minority
position ad infinitum, or why have you suddenly decided now to go into the executive
branch?
Representative Cheney. Well, first of all,
John [John Mashek, Boston Globe], I'm optimistic about the future of the Republican
Party in Congress. I think we will become a
majority within the next few years. Obviously, I've loved the House of Representatives. I've enjoyed it immensely. I thought
that that's where I would spend the bulk of
my political career. But when the President
asks you to consider a proposition such as
this one, you have to take it seriously. And
when you look at the challenge that's involved, the importance that he assigns to
the problems that have to be addressed in
this area, and the basic attraction of taking
on a difficult task after I agonized over itand I did agonize; it was not an easy decision-I decided that I would, in fact, accept
the post as Secretary of Defense.
Q. Mr. President, can you give us the
timetable of how you reached the decision?
When did you first start assembling a short
list? How long was the short list? And
you've taken so many people from the Ford
administration, do you have any role for
former President Ford? [Laughter]
The President. In inverse order, no. I talk
to President Ford-get good advice from
him. In terms of how long, I moved fast on
this one. I was telling you the truth when I
said I have not considered anybody else
during the last days of the Senate debate. I
wasn't about to shift gears or send a signal
that wasn't true, that I was interested in
anything other than the confirmation of
John Tower. That's history; that's done. So,
when it became clear yesterday that the
votes weren't there yesterday, I began to
think and talk to my top advisers here, get
opinions from them. They reached out a


little bit. And then I called Dick today, and
he came over and visited with me about 1
p.m., I think it was. And I said I want to
make a decision fast on this, because I know
him well and have known him over the
years well. And so, that's about the way it
evolved.
He wants a followup. [Laughter]
Representative Cheney. If I may, John
John Cochran, NBC News], I was first contacted late yesterday afternoon by General
Scowcroft and Governor Sununu. We had a
discussion at that point that initiated my
consideration of it, and I just discussed it
with the President today.
Q. Mr. President, have you talked about
this selection yet with Senator Nunn and
Senator Mitchell? If so, can you describe
their reaction a little bit? Did you get into
kind of a commitment about the timing of
confirmation hearings?
The President. Jerry [Gerald Boyd, New
York Times], what we did on that was
divide up here just recently the names to
talk to, and I believe General Scowcroft
talked to Senator Mitchell and to Senator
Nunn. And I would let them characterize
their reaction to it. And I've talked to the
Speaker. The only one of the kind of hierarchy that we haven't reached is Bob Michel.
And it's very important that he be notified,
but I expect he will be by all of this.
[Laughter] But nevertheless, we divided it
up, and the reaction from the people that
we've   contacted-the   understandable
ones-has been very, very positive.
Q. Mr. President, about the hearing
schedule
The President. Oh, I don't know. John,
did you talk about timing?
Mr. Sununu. I asked Senator Mitchell to
evaluate how quickly it could be done, and
we will talk again in the next day or two
about what kind of schedule they can
produce.
The President. Yes, and we've started the
clearances. The name check has been completed-rapid-fire time-and Dick has undergone two thorough, full field checks.
And he's had-has there been another one
since those?
Representative Cheney. In '69 and '74.
Mr. Sununu. Preliminary check today.


217




Mar. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


The President. Yes, and the preliminary
check today. So, I think that will go very
well.
Senate Vote on the Tower Nomination
Q. Mr. President, can I ask more about
the Quayle speech? He is out in Indianapolis this afternoon accusing Senate Democrats of using McCarthy-like tactics in the
defeat of John Tower. With respect to your
comments about putting the Tower nomination behind you, would you tell us if Mr.
Quayle speaks for you?
The President. I haven't seen what he
said, so I can't tell you whether he speaks
for me. I speak for myself. He speaks for
himself. But I explained why-that he feels
strongly about it. I feel strongly about it,
and I'm determined to move forward. And
I think that this nomination will set that
tone, and we'll see how we go from here.
Defense Budget
Q. Mr. President, one of the things that
Senator Tower did in this period was work
up a strategy which, apparently, you approved of, which was you would squeeze
the defense budget down into the limits set
by the Congress if the Congress would let
you make some of the-or all of the choices.
Is this strategy going to be passed along to
Dick Cheney, and do you plan to pursue a
similar strategy?
The President. I'm going to have to defer
answering that because, though we talked
about budget generally and making tough
choices generally, we didn't go into that
much detail yet. And I think he's entitled to
giving me his views on it before we do.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Cheney
Q. Mr. President, have you asked the
Congressman the obvious questions: Is
there anything in his background that
would be prohibitive or embarrassing or
anything like that? How much detail have
you gone into?
The President. Yes, and I'm satisfied on
that.
Q. Mr. President
Q. Mr. President, can youThe President. Can't hear you, Sarah
[Sarah McClendon, McClendon News Service]. Go ahead, please.


Q. Sorry. You've got me so flustered, I
forgot my question. [Laughter]
The President. I'll come back. That's not
fair.
Senate Vote on the Tower Nomination
Q. Mr. President, if we could go back to
Mr. Quayle just for a second, I'm not sure
that the American public really understands
the difference between speaking for himself
and speaking for you, since he is your Vice
President. And he is out in Indianapolis, has
used the words, "McCarthy-type tactics,"
and yet you're here wanting to have things
go smoothly for the Congressman. I'm just
wondering how you can square your desire
to have peace with Congress and what your
Vice President is saying in Indianapolis.
The President. Please don't ask me to
comment on something I haven't read.
That's what I'd say to that one.
Defense Policy
Q. A question for Congressman Cheney
about defense policy: Does he have a view
on the Strategic Defense Initiative? Does he
believe America can erect a perfect defense
or something more modest?
Representative Cheney. I have extensive
views on defense policy, but I don't believe
I'll share those today. It seems to me it's
appropriate for me to discuss those matters
before the Senate committee during the
confirmation process and not in this forum.
Q. Star Wars? You support Star Wars?
You always have, haven't you?
Senate Vote on the Tower Nomination
Q. Sir, there's been an incredible amount
of analysis about what happened in the
Tower nomination, as you're aware, and I
think we've all heard your views about the
Senate. But what I'm particularly interested
in is whether you feel that your administration bears any responsibility whatsoever in
the fact that Tower did not get confirmed?
The President. I have read that we made
mistakes. I don't, I think. And if so, I would
be glad to say so, but I don't know exactly. I
can't think of a specific that we might have
done differently in this circumstance. You
have to remember, one of the allegations
was I took too long to send it up. But what
we were trying to do was the same thing


218




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 10


that overtook events once it got to the
Hill-gunning down groundless rumors.
So, you know, that's what took the time
to begin with. Every time we'd get ready to
go up with a nomination which I felt was a
good one, there'd be some other allegation
printed out there-not by the Senate, but
just floating out there. And we'd have to
say, what is this? Please send the investigators to Geneva to see if, indeed, the East
Texas-not   East  Texas-[laughter]-the
East German spy was true, you know. And
then we'd find it wasn't true. And we'd be
ready, and there'd be some other allegation.
So maybe I made a mistake in not just
going ahead. But what I wanted to do, and
told our general counsel, is, look, I think we
have an obligation to have the FBI look at
these. I think that may-and I would have
to bear full responsibility for that-maybe
set a tone up there that then encouraged
leaks, counterleaks, and investigation of
rumor and innuendo.
So, I'd have to accept some responsibility
for that, I think. And there may have been
some other tactical things that went wrong;
but please remember that when that nomination went up there, it was very well received generally and, indeed, Senator
Nunn, I think, said on the floor that he
was-you know, had been fully prepared to
vote for it.
So, I don't know. But in that area I think
there might-I may have made a mistake.
Q. Mr. President
The President. She has a followup.
Q. Some of the things that have been
analyzed have centered on the fact that it
takes any new White House staff some time
to get his act together and that this crisis
came at one of the worst times it could
have come for you in terms of having the
same kind of weak and inexperienced staff
that any President would have at this stage
of the game. And we've all read things
about some of the Senators weren't contacted and that you did not really go all out in
terms of twisting arms and sort of appealed
to fairness. Is there anything along this line
that you think might have worked differently?
The President. I don't think I would do it
differently to do over again, and I certainly
am not going to fault my staff. I think this


was historic in the-and I'm not-I don't
think the time is appropriate to start trying
to assess blame. I mean, I think there will
be a lot of aftermaths in what happened.
But we're going to go forward. And I,
frankly, feel that I've given you a long list
of things that make me feel the administration is moving forward appropriately. We're
moving swiftly on this nomination. And I'm
one who has a rather broad perspective of
how things are in Washington, and tomorrow it'll be some other problem. And I will
work with the Congress. And I think I will
continue to keep this feeling that I can
work with the Congress. And I'll keep fighting. And if we lose one, we'll be back and
fight again. And I fought hard for John
Tower because I believed in him. And I
told you, I didn't think a lot of it was fair,
but that's over, that's history. And now we
are going to go forward. And I take Senator
Mitchell and Senator Nunn at their word.
They have given me their word, and that
means a lot with me. And they want to
move forward together, too.
We've got time for just a couple of more
and then I've got to go.
Q. Mr. President, please-back here.
Strategic Defense Initiative
Q. Mr. President, to follow up on the strategic defense question, are you and Congressman Cheney of one mind on the
matter of strategic defense, particularly deployment, or is there some distance between the two of you?
The President. Well, we're in general
agreement. And I think as Dick gets over
there and gets into the details, he's going to
have to make up his, after he's confirmed,
make up his mind on the-after the budget
review is complete-as to exactly what can
be done and how fast it can be done.
There's no question of his support for SDI,
nor mine. But we aren't there yet, Tom
[Tom Raum, Associated Press], because we
have to wait until the reviews that we
talked about are finished before we, either
of us, can definitively address levels of funding or where we might go on those things.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Cheney
Q. Mr. President, do you assume that this


219




Mar. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


nomination will receive clear sailing in the
Senate?
The President. Yes, I do.
Q. Mr. President
The President. I believe it will go very
fast, and I believe that it will have smooth
sailing. Why? Because of Dick Cheney, because of the merits, not because of anything
that happened in the past-the merits. And
we are going to try, incidentally, getting
back to Mr. Duffy's [Michael Duffy, Time]
question-I think it was or Jerry's-to accelerate the clearance process and get that
moving. We've got to do that. It is very
important. Too much time has been wasted
here. And I believe we can do it. We may
have to take FBI resources off of a series of
other investigations for other appointments,
but it's this important to the country. And
so, we'll move very, very fast.
Q. Mr. President
The President. Now, Marlin tells me that
that was the last question, but out of respect for Sarah McClendon, who is persistent, but who-I will make a new announcement of press policy, Sarah. The squeaking
wheel will not always get the grease in life,
and the loudest voice won't always get recognized because it isn't fair to the others.
And you all have been very cooperative
with me on the policy on shouting over
helicopter blades, and I hope it's been good
for you. And I will continue to try, but I
cannot identify people-I don't think it's
fair to the others-who stand up and yell
while others sit and raise their hands. But I
don't mean to be pedantic about this or in
some lecturing mode, but you and I have


known each other a long time, and so this is
the last time that I can succumb to the
tendency to go to the loudest or most frantic wave. I can't do it, and it's not fair to
calmer souls. But, Sarah, have you got a
question? [Laughter]
Q. I want to know if
The President. We've known each other
so long, I can address her in this forthright
manner. Yes?
Q. And thank you very much. And I
wanted to ask your new man what he
feels
The President. Go ahead. [Laughter]
Representative Cheney. Never have I seen
the press so well behaved as they are now.
The President's got them
Q. Give us some of your thinking about
the troops out there that you'll have to
command now. Do you think you're going
to have a problem with recruiting and pay
and benefits to keep these people going, or
do you think that you'll have to cut back on
the forces?
Representative Cheney. Sarah, those are
very important questions, but they really
are the kinds of things that I should not
discuss until I have the opportunity to
appear before the Committee and until I
have the opportunity in many cases to discuss them at length with the President.
Thank you all very much.
Note: The President's seventh news conference began at 4:06 p.m. in the Briefing
Room at the White House. Marlin Fitzwater
was the President's Press Secretary, and
John H. Sununu was Chief of Staff to the
President.


White House Statement on Secretary of Defense-Designate Richard
B. Cheney
March 10, 1989


Secretary of Defense-designate Dick
Cheney has served in the House since 1978
as the Representative from Wyoming, and
has served in each succeeding Congress. In
December 1988 he was unanimously elected House Republican Whip for the 101st


Congress, the second-ranking leadership position. He is a member of the House Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. He is
also a member of the House Permanent
Select Committee on Intelligence, serving
as the ranking Republican on its Subcom

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 13


mittee on Program and Budget Authorization. He was ranking Republican in the 15 -member House Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Deals with Iran.
Mr. Cheney began his public service in
1965, when he served as an intern in the
Wyoming State legislature in Cheyenne. In
1966 he was selected by the National
Center for Education in Politics to intern
on the staff of Warren Knowles, then-Governor of Wisconsin. In 1968 the American
Political Science Association selected him
for its Joseph E. Davies Congressional Fellowship, which he served as an assistant to
the late Congressman William A. Steiger (RWI). In May 1969 Mr. Cheney began several years of Federal service under Presidents
Nixon and Ford. From 1969 to 1970, he was
Special Assistant to the Director of the
Office of Economic Opportunity; from 1970
to 1971, he was Deputy Assistant to the


President; and from 1971 to 1972, he was
assistant director for operations of the Cost
of Living Council. In March 1973 he left
government service to become vice president of Bradley, Woods & Company, Inc.,
an investment advisory firm. In August
1974, when Gerald Ford assumed the Presidency, Mr. Cheney served on the Ford
Transition Team, and beginning in September, as a Deputy Assistant to the President.
In November 1975 he was named Assistant
to the President and Chief of Staff.
Mr. Cheney was born in Lincoln, NE, on
January 30, 1941. He attended Yale University in New Haven, CT, and Casper College
in Casper, WY. In 1965 he earned a bachelor's degree from the University of Wyoming, and in 1966 earned a master's degree
from the same university. He is married to
the former Lynne Ann Vincent, and they
have two daughters.


Nomination of Skirma Anna Kondratas To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Housing and Urban Development
March 10, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Skirma Anna Kondratas to
be an Assistant Secretary of Housing and
Urban Development (Community Planning
and Development). She would succeed Jack
R. Stokvis.
Since 1987 Ms. Kondratas has been Administrator of Food and Nutrition Service at
the Department of Agriculture. She served
as Director of the Office of Analysis and
Evaluation, Food and Nutrition Service, at
the Department of Agriculture, 1986-1987.


Prior to this she was a policy analyst for the
Heritage Foundation, 1984-1986. She has
worked for the Republican National Committee as an economic analyst, 1981-1982,
and deputy director of research, 1982-1984.
Ms. Kondratas graduated from Harvard
University (B.A., 1965), Boston University
(M.A., 1969), and George Mason University
(M.B.A., 1981). She was also a Fulbright
fellow in history at the University of
Poznan, Poland, 1965-1966. She resides in
Springfield, VA.


Remarks to Members of the National Association of Attorneys
General
March 13, 1989
Well, I am just delighted to see this illus- EPA and a man whose reputation many of
trious group here. I wanted you to meet you know about. And I've prepared just a
Bill Reilly, who is our Administrator of the few remarks that I want to make on a


221




Mar. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


couple of subjects where this group has
been out front. And when I finish, Bill will
say a few words.
I would ask your forbearance. I just
couldn't pull myself away from watching
the Discovery take off, and it's now airborne and appears to be going well. So, I
think that is always a rather tense moment;
but the flight is underway.
I would say to Bob and everybody else
that this association-as I look at your
agenda, it's clear to me that this association
and the White House are fighting the same
battles and on the same agenda. Your reports on environmental protection and also
on drug control strategies got you way out
front on these two issues. And I think it's a
good thing. And we are determined to have
those as two prominent agenda items right
here in the White House. Now, the approaches that you've taken reinforce my
conviction that, together, where we have
these shared concerns, we're going to find
solutions, and we've got to find State and
Federal roles that work. We're going to
apply limited resources-and again, I wish
they weren't as limited, particularly in
these two areas-but we've got to apply the
limited resources in a coordinated manner.
At the Federal level, I'm convinced that
on many issues the time for study has
passed-on these environmental issues-and
I know that Bill agrees with me. So, we are
proposing legislation to reauthorize the
Clean Air Act. And I want to work with the
Congress on a comprehensive acid rain program. And again, I think working with you
all, we can do a lot on throwing the book at
those who engaged in illegal ocean dumping. Bill is just back from a highly successful
international conference that was opened
by Margaret Thatcher in the U.K., and he
can tell you perhaps a little about what
went on there. But in these broad areas of
global warming, we've got to do better, and
we will.
Over the last decade, the States have
taken on a key role, the lead, I might add,
in many areas, in terms of protecting the
environment. And I view that as good
news. I believe that. I still believe strongly
in federalism, and I think that's very, very
important. So, I want to work with you on
those environmental questions where we


share responsibility. We need to step up
that Superfund cleanup process and improve enforcement. We must assure compliance with the hazardous waste laws. And
where enforcement of all the laws that protect our environment are concerned, I'd
like you to think about the most serious
cases, where you've got to move beyond
civil penalties toward criminal enforcement,
both as a sanction and as a deterrent.
In a few minutes, as I say, Bill will give a
little more detail on our environmental
agenda, and you will see in him what I have
seen: that he is an expert here, an outstanding ally, and a fellow soldier in this struggle.
He also understands the differences between the State responsibility and the Federal, but they need to work together.
So, let me just touch on the other subject
that I mentioned up front before turning
this over to him. We've got to see that the
great cities-indeed, some of rural America-that they are no longer held hostage to
the crack dealers. Our schools must not be
locked in a state of siege. And you know,
drugs are like chemical weapons that a society turns on itself. And they breed the most
insidious forms of domestic terrorism. And
they've got to be stopped, and we've got to
vow that they will be stopped.
The budget that I sent up to the Congress
a few weeks ago is a realistic, fiscally responsible plan that identifies key priorities
requiring our immediate attention. One of
these priorities is combating the scourge of
drugs. And that's why I am asking for $1
billion in new outlays for the antidrug program. That's a 47-percent increase over
1988, for a total of $6 billion in budget
authority for 1990. Most of that money, 70
percent of it, will beef up Federal enforcement; provide grants to State and local law
enforcement agencies; build up our prosecution, detentions, and intelligence-gathering strength.
As chief legal officers, you know about
enforcement, and you know how vital it is.
And as my budget makes clear, I wanted to
vote unprecedented resources to enforcement. But clearly, we've got to do more.
This war won't be won by police work
alone. Where there's demand, supply will
always rise to meet it. And where there's no


222




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 13


demand, supply is useless. And that's why I
was glad to see your "Blueprint for Drug
Control Strategies" broadens the goals of
enforcement. You say that reducing
demand must be the ideological cornerstone of any coherent drug enforcement
policy. And you're right; enforcement strategies must look beyond effects to causes.
Drug education, treatment, prevention provide our best hope for long-term solution,
especially with our kids. And we need to
tell them, of course, to say no; but we've
also got to give them the wisdom to know
why and the skills to know how to say no.
I want to ask you to continue looking
closely at these drug enforcement programs. How can they help reduce demand?
Less demand means more success on the
war on drugs. And to the extent you can
cut demand, you can make your jobs, my
job, and those of everyone involved, a
whole lot more rewarding. Our financial resources may be limited, but our resolve is
unlimited. And with that limitless resolve, I
know that we can inspire every child,
teacher, and parent, every community
group, religious institution, and tenant association, and every business and professional
organization in this country. And then,
united in common resolve, we will be truly
invincible.
I've said before that we have more will
than wallet, but the only limits on our will
are the limits we place on ourselves. We
can, we must, build a culture of zero tolerance. And then we'll send a message loud
and clear to those who take drugs, and take
our leniency for granted: The party is over.
And so, I will simply end by telling you
about a visit I had to the DEA [Drug Enforcement Administration] up in New York.
It was most interesting, and it was addressing all our agents. And I know many of you
have worked with them, and like you, I was
very much impressed by the caliber of the
young men and women. You wonder what
does it take to be a person that knows now
that the culture has changed, that their
lives are literally on the line.
After meeting with the big group, we
went into a small meeting room and talked


to the agents themselves, those that were
undercover. And one of them explained it
to me this way. It used to be if there was a
drug bust people would say " police" or
"DEA" or "FBI" or whatever it is, and the
bad guys would stop what they were doing
and, you know, submit to arrest. Now the
culture has changed: The bad guys turn
around and start shooting.
And so, it really drove home to me the
need to support these enforcement officers
with changes in the law and whatever else
it's going to take. The penalty in some areas
for killing a policeman is the same as being
caught with x ounces of drugs on you. And
so, how can there be any incentive if we
don't have some differentiation? This is
your business; you know this, but we would
welcome recommendations to our Attorney
General and to the White House on how
best to effect the kind of changes that are
going to be necessary in that aspect of the
problem.
Now, back to the first agenda item: the
environment. Bill has got a good way of
building bridges between people. He's the
first kind of certified environmentalist to be
in this important post, and he's been called
the Great Includer. You can figure that out
when you listen to him. But he's devoted
his career really to protecting our land, air,
and water. He has my complete confidence.
I expect when you'Ive dealt with him for a
while he'll have yours. I ask that you give
him your full cooperation because, again,
like the whole question of the second
agenda item, this first one, the environment
and the need to preserve it and to hand our
kids something a little better than we
found, is absolute priority.
So, with no further ado-and the only
regret, that I won't have a chance to visit
more informally with each and every one of
you-thanks for coming. And let me introduce you to Bill Reilly, who I know will
have your full support. Bill, all yours.
Note: The President spoke at 10:-02 a.m. in
the Roosevelt Room at the White House. In
his remarks, he referred to Robert Abrams,
president of the association.


223




Mar. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks Following the Swearing-in Ceremony for William J.
Bennett as Director of National Drug Control Policy
March 13, 1989


The President. Mr. Vice President and
members of the Cabinet-Justice Scalia, I
believe, was here somewhere.
Justice Scalia. I'm here.
The President. There he is-present. But I
cite that because he just did the honors
over in the Oval Office for the swearing-in
of Bill Bennett.
Honored guests and ladies and gentlemen, I'm delighted to be here. It's an honor
for me to be here, with the Cabinet behind
me, for this important occasion. There
really is no greater test of America's greatness than its challenge on meeting this
great challenge of drugs. And today I've
come from the swearing-in, from Bill Bennett, the man who's going to lead this mission. We're going to need your help and the
will and spirit of the American people to
succeed.
Last month before a joint session of Congress, I said Bill Bennett and I will be shoulder-to-shoulder leading this charge, and
here we are. And he has just been sworn in,
and we are shoulder-to-shoulder, and the
Cabinet will be shoulder-to-shoulder with
him in this important effort. To free our
nation from drugs is going to require teamwork and coordination between all levels of
government, private enterprise, and then
the voluntary organizations as well. It will
mean building on your labors as activists,
officials, public servants. For while you've
done much, there remains so much more to
be done. Most of all, it's going to require a
sense of urgency to act now.
Drugs threaten what we are as a nation
and as a family. And they chain the human
soul, and they destroy the lives of our children. And so, Bill, I know that you share
these beliefs. As Secretary of Education, Bill
showed what worked, told us what didn't,
broke a little china in the process-[laughter]-but challenged the establishment in a
lot of ways; and that was a tremendous plus.
And in the process he created a record of
stunning achievement, and like you all, he's
been a strong voice for excellence. And


now you must work together.
Bill is the first Director of the National
Drug Council Policy-you, soldiers of this
crusade. And drug abuse assaults the mind
and the spirit of America, leaving damaged
lives and destroyed careers. So, we've got to
mobilize our moral, spiritual, and economic
resources to force a decline in drug trafficking and in drug abuse. We're going to seek
to encourage the over 23 million Americans
who last year used illegal drugs to get clean
and stay clean.
And in that budget speech, I spoke about
four critical areas: education, testing, interdiction, and enforcement. And I asked for
an increase of $1 billion in budget outlays.
In 1990 we're requesting $6 billion in new
funding to fight this war. And some money
will be used to expand treatment for the
poor and to young mothers, and this will
help many of the innocent victims of drugs,
like the thousands of babies that are born
addicted or with AIDS because of the mother's addiction. Some money will be used to
cut the waiting time for treatment and to
help prevention efforts in urban schools,
where the emergency seems to be the
greatest. And much of it will be used to
protect our borders, helped by the Coast
Guard and Customs Service and Departments of State and Justice and the U.S. military. To spread the word and thus stem
demand, we're going to need more money
for education and prevention. Our request
totals $1.1 billion. And we need to educate,
involve parents, teachers, and communities.
And finally, to stop drug criminals, we will
support unequivocally our drug enforcement officials: local, State, and Federal.
You know, we've talked a lot about zero
tolerance. Well, it's not a catch word. It
means, quite simply, if you do crime, you've
got to do time. And our budget proposes
$4.1 billion-the drug budget-fully 70 percent of the entire drug budget for law enforcement purposes. I want judges who
strictly apply the law to convicted drug offenders, and then severe sentences for the


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 13


dealers who hire kids to sell and carry these
drugs. I want a new offensive against organized crime, and enhanced drug prosecution, detection, enhanced intelligence capabilities. We need increased prison sentences
for drug-related crimes. And the death penalty-I believe in it firmly for drug kingpins
who order and those who commit these
drug-related murders.
Now let me speak very frankly about one
other aspect of the fight on drug abuse. The
effectiveness of the Federal Government's
efforts to combat drugs has been hampered-sometimes severely-by inadequate
cooperation and coordination among the
many departments and agencies involved in
this antidrug effort. There have been struggles over turf and budgets, and too often
preoccupation with parochial interests.
Well, the soldiers in the drug battle have
been risking their lives. Too often bureaucratic conflict here in Washington has hobbled our national effort. So, this has got to
end. No war was ever won with two dozen
generals acting independently. And I have
chosen Bill Bennett to be the commanding
general in the drug war. It is his responsibility, working with the departments and
agencies headed by those you see here with
me and others, to develop a strategy for this
war. So, I charge him with putting all the
parts of the Federal Government in harness, pulling together in a life-and-death
struggle against a deadly enemy. I will not
tolerate, and the country cannot afford, bureaucratic infighting that forces us to fight
this battle with one arm tied behind our
back.
And so, Bill has my total support. I call
upon all of the parts of the Government to
get behind him in charting our course
toward victory. We must not waver in our
resolve to overcome drug abuse. And we're
going to need fortitude, patience, compassion, and certainly the support of all America. Without the people, we can't do anything, And with the people, we can do
great things.
This morning, then, I ask all of you to
work with Bill and with businesses, churches, families, and schools. Thank you very
much for being here. And now the man of
the moment, the man in whom I've placed
great confidence and who I know will do a


superb job: Bill Bennett.
Mr. Bennett. Ladies and gentlemen,
members of the Cabinet who are so kind to
be here this morning, thank you. And Mr.
President, thanks especially to you for your
kind words, for the trust you've placed in
me, and for the firm commitment you've
made to the work that I now begin.
No one who has fought this fight until
now, no brave law enforcement officer, no
teacher, no doctor need be told how hard
and cruel America's drug problem has
become. They know; we know. But those
here and across the country who join me
today in our just war against drugs may
take some renewed confidence in our prospects for success because the President of
the United States has placed this struggle at
the top of his administration's agenda, at
the top of our common national agenda
where it needs to be.
The President has asked for total effort.
He has asked for action on each and every
front. He has asked for a sharp increase in
funding to make that action possible. He
has asked for an end to the petty bureaucratic bickering that has too often hampered Federal initiatives here in Washington. He has asked me to lead and to honor
his mandate. Well, with your support, Mr.
President, with your backing, much,
indeed, can be done. I promise to give my
all.
My office is already conducting an exhaustive review of our national fight against
drugs on both supply and demand sides.
Where past strategy has succeeded, we will
see to it that it's continued. Where past
strategy has failed, we will see that it's replaced or modified. And my Office will
review the Federal drug budget. I plan no
cut-rate, bargain basement initiative, but I
also plan no bloated pork-barrel project,
either. We will ask for what makes sense,
no more, no less. And as you've instructed
me, we will not play politics with drugs.
That's one game the American people
simply will not afford.
All this will mean change, substantial
change in some cases. And change takes
time and long, hard work, especially in
Washington. We'll do it where necessary.
We want to see waiting lines for drug treat

225




Mar. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ment reduced and prison cells for drug
pushers increased. We want to see the drug
violence on the streets of our cities and the
streets of our Nation's Capital stopped. And
we want those overseas, too, to know that
we mean business.
As the President has made abundantly
clear, this administration wants to work
with all the good citizens of America to win
the war. There is good news, and we
shouldn't ignore it. Drugs are no longer a
thing of glamour. Our media and our culture now portray drugs accurately. They
portray them for the death and ruin and
despair that they are and that they bring.
As the President sadly reminds us, 23 million Americans still use drugs regularly, but
another 220 million Americans do not use
drugs and never have.
We see the violence that drugs create.
We see the damage drugs do to our economy, to our communities, and to our children. And the American people are made
angry and determined, and that is a good
thing. In neighborhood schools and churches across America there is a movement
against drugs, and it's making a difference.
Drug use is down among high school seniors. It is still too high, but it is going down.
I believe that a persistent national commitment to this fight can and will bring it


down further.
Many people have told me in recent
weeks and months that my job will prove to
be an impossible job. I think that's wrong;
today I act on the assumption that that is
wrong. I did not take this job to sit at stalemate. The people I'll be working with, including and especially the people seated
behind me, and the people who lead our
antidrug efforts here in Washington and
across the country are men and women of
great ability, dedication, and purpose. And
best of all, the American people are with us.
So, Mr. President, I have the best allies a
man can have.
Mr. President, again I want to thank you
for giving me the opportunity to make a
difference on one of the critical issues of
our time. And, ladies and gentlemen, members of the Cabinet, I thank you for your
good wishes and for the help I know you'll
give, because I'm going to ask you for it.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, I've been
asked to invite you all to follow us to the
Indian Treaty Room for a brief reception.
Thank you all for coming. Thank you, Mr.
President.
Note: The President spoke at 11:16 a.m. in
Room 450 of the Old Executive Office
Building.


Message to the Senate Transmitting the Yugoslavia-United States
Consular Convention
Ma rch 13,, 1989


To the Senate of the United States:
I am transmitting, for the Senate's advice
and consent to ratification, the Consular
Convention between the United States of
America and the Socialist Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia signed at Belgrade June 6,
1988. I am also transmitting, for the information of the Senate, the report of the Department of State with respect to the Convention.
The signing of this Convention is a significant step in the process of improving and
broadening the relationship between the
United States and Yugoslavia. Consular rela

tions between the two countries are not the
subject of a modern bilateral agreement.
This Convention will establish firm obligations on such matters as the notification of
consular officers of the arrest and detention
of their citizens and permission for consular
officers to visit their citizens who are under
detention and to protect the rights and interests of their nationals and juridical persons.
The people of the United States and
Yugoslavia enjoy a long tradition of friendship. I welcome the opportunity through
this Consular Convention to improve fur

226




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 13


ther relations between our two countries. I The White House,
urge the Senate to give the Convention its  March 13, 1989.
prompt and favorable consideration.
GEORGE BUSH
Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the President's Meeting
With Foreign Minister Moshe Arens of Israel
March 13, 1989


President Bush met with Israeli Foreign
Minister Moshe Arens for approximately 30
minutes in the Oval Office. Also attending
were Israeli Ambassador Moshe Arad,
Policy Adviser to the Foreign Minister Sallai
Meridor, Secretary of State Baker, National
Security Adviser Scowcroft, and Chief of
Staff Sununu.
The President emphasized the United
States strong and enduring commitment to
the security of Israel. The discussions foAppointment of Burton Lee III as
March 13, 1989
The President today announced the appointment of Dr. Burton Lee III as Physician to the President.
Since July 1960 Dr. Lee has been with
the Memorial Hospital for Allied Diseases at
the Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer
Center in New York, where he was the
senior attending physician, fellow, and resident. In that capacity, he served on the
combined leukemia-lymphoma service, the
largest and oldest lymphoma service in the
United States. In addition, Dr. Lee served


cused on the intentions of both countries in
moving the Middle East peace process forward. President Bush said the United States
wants progress, new ideas, and looks forward to the visit by Prime Minister Shamir.
President Bush emphasized that the United
States does not want to miss an opportunity
for peace in the Middle East and still believes in direct talks as the best path to
peace.
Physician to the President
as a member of the Presidential Commission on the Human Immunodeficiency
Virus Epidemic from September 1987 to
July 1988. Dr. Lee has been the principal or
contributing author of 127 research publications to date.
Dr. Lee graduated from Yale University
in 1952 and from Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons in 1956. He
was born March 28, 1930, in New York, NY,
and is married to the former Ann Kelly.


Appointment of Charles Nicholas Rostow as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
March 13, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Charles Nicholas Rostow as


Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and Legal Adviser to


227




Mar. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the National Security Council at the White
House.
Mr. Rostow held the same position during
the last year of the Reagan administration,
after having served as the National Security
Council's Deputy Legal Adviser since
March 1987. Prior to this he was Special
Assistant to the Legal Adviser at the Department of State. Mr. Rostow also served
as Counsel to the President's Special
Review Board, providing legal counsel on
Appointment of Karl D. Jackson as
for National Security Affairs
March 13, 1989
The President today announced the appointment of Karl D. Jackson as Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and Senior Director for Asian Affairs.
Since 1986 Mr. Jackson was Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (East Asia and
Pacific Affairs). Prior to this he was Deputy
Director for Policy Planning, Office of the
Assistant Secretary of Defense, 1983-1984,
and assistant for the Philippines and Indochina in the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense, 1982-1983. Mr. Jackson has
lived and conducted research in Indonesia,


all aspects of the Board's work and participating in the drafting of the Board's report.
From October 1982 to July 1985, Mr.
Rostow was associated with the firm of
Shearman and Sterling in New York.
Mr. Rostow received his B.A., Ph.D., and
J.D. degrees from Yale University. His published work is in the field of international
law and diplomatic history. He is married to
the former Ariana van der Heyden White.
Special Assistant to the President
1968-1969, and in Thailand, 1977-1978. He
was editor of "Cambodia 1975-1978: Rendezvous with Death," "Political Power and
Communication in Indonesia," "ASEAN Security and Economic Development,"
"ASEAN in Regional and Global Context,"
and "United States-Thailand Relations." As
a professor of political science at the University of California at Berkeley, he has
written on the politics, national security,
and economic development of Southeast
Asia. He is the author of "Traditional Authority, Islam and Rebellion."


Appointment of Robert D. Blackwill as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
March 13, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Robert D. Blackwill as Special
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and Senior Director for European and Soviet Affairs. He will succeed
Nelson C. Ledsky.
A career Foreign Service officer, Mr.
Blackwill served as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Politico-Military
Affairs, 1981-1982, and for European Affairs, 1982-1983. From 1983 to 1985, Mr.
Blackwill was associate dean and faculty


member at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. He was the
United States Ambassador and chief negotiator at the negotiations with the Warsaw
Pact on mutual and balanced force reductions, 1985-1987. He then rejoined the faculty of the Kennedy School, 1987-1989. Mr.
Blackwill's overseas assignments have included Kenya, the United Kingdom, and
Israel. Mr. Blackwill is a member of the
International Institute for Strategic Studies
and the Council on Foreign Relations.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 13


Mr. Blackwill is a graduate of Wichita
State University. He is married to the


former Anne Heiberg and has three children.


Appointment of William W. Working as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
March 13, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of William W. Working as Special Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs and Senior Director for Intelligence Programs at the White House.
In 21 years as a professional intelligence
officer, Mr. Working has served in the Air
Force, the Defense Intelligence Agency,
and on the Intelligence Community Staff of
the Director of Central Intelligence. He has
also served as a staff member of the Senate
Select Committee on Intelligence as the


staff designee of Senator Jake Garn (R-UT).
In 1987, he became the Director of the
Program and Budget Office of the Intelligence Community Staff. Prior to this he
worked with technical collection systems
and operations.
Mr. Working graduated from the University of Tennessee and was commissioned in
the Air Force in 1967. He is a lieutenant
colonel in the Air Force Reserve. Mr. Working was born August 8, 1945, in Santa
Monica, CA.


Appointment of David C. Miller, Jr., as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
March 13, 1989


The President announced the appointment of Ambassador David C. Miller, Jr., as
Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and Senior Director
for International Programs and African Affairs. He would succeed Tyrus W. Cobb in
International Programs and Ambassador
Herman J. Cohen in African Affairs.
In 1988 President Reagan appointed Ambassador Miller to the Board of the African
Development Foundation. He was Ambassador to Zimbabwe, 1984-1986, and Ambassador to Tanzania, 1981-1984. During his


tenure in Zimbabwe, Ambassador Miller
also served as the Director of the Southern
African Working Group at the Department
of State. He was a White House fellow and
a Special Assistant to the Attorney General,
1968-1970.
Ambassador Miller was born in Cleveland, OH. He received his B.A. degree from
Harvard University and a J.D. degree from
the University of Michigan Law School. He
is married to the former Mary Johnson
Lake and has three children.


Appointment of Virginia A. Lampley as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
March 13, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Virginia A. Lampley as Spe

cial Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs and Senior Director for


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Mar. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Legislative Affairs at the White House.
From 1983 to 1989, Ms. Lampley was a
client executive with the Washington-based
firm of DGA International, representing
international corporations in the United
States. Concurrently he served as a U.S. Air
Force Reserve officer in the Directorate of
International Security Assistance. Ms. Lampley served on active duty in the U.S. Air
Force from 1974 to 1983. She spent 6 years
in staff and management positions in Air


Force Intelligence from squadron to Air
Force headquarters level. From 1980 to
1983, she was assigned to Air Force legislative liaison and completed her active-duty
military career as Air Force deputy director
for the Senate liaison.
Ms. Lampley graduated from Miami University with a degree in political science
and received her masters degree from
Georgetown University in national security
studies.


Appointment of Richard N. Haass as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
March 13, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Dr. Richard N. Haass as Special Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs and Senior Director for
Near East and South Asian Affairs.
Since 1985 Dr. Haass has been a lecturer
in public policy at Harvard University's
John F. Kennedy School of Government.
Prior to this he was Deputy in the Bureau
of European and Canadian Affairs (Policy)
and Special Cyprus Coordinator, Department of State, 1982-1985; Director of the
Office of Regional Security Affairs in the
Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs, Department of State, 1981-1982; Special Assistant
to the Deputy Under Secretary for Policy
Review, Department of Defense, 1979 -1980; research associate at the International


Institute for Strategic Studies in London,
1977-1979.
Dr. Haass was born in Brooklyn, NY, on
July 28, 1951. A Rhodes Scholar, Dr. Haass
earned a bachelor's degree from Oberlin
College, and he earned master and doctor
of philosophy degrees from Oxford University. In addition to his doctoral thesis on
U.S. foreign policy toward Southwest Asia
between 1969 and 1976, Dr. Haass is the
author of "Congressional Power: Implications for American Security Policy" (1979)
and "Beyond the INF Treaty: Arms, Arms
Control and the Atlantic Alliance" (1988).
He is also coeditor of "Superpower Arms
Control: Setting the Record Straight"
(1987). Dr. Haass resides in Washington,
DC.


Nomination of Kathleen M. Harrington To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Labor
March 13, 1989
The President today announced his inten-  sistant Administrator for Public Affairs at
tion to nominate Kathleen M. Harrington to  the Federal Aviation Administration. Prior
be Assistant Secretary of Labor (Congres-  to this she was director of the office of Elizsional Affairs). She would succeed Francis J.  abeth Dole for the Robert Dole for PresiDuggan.                                 dent campaign, 1987-1988. She has also
Since 1988 Ms. Harrington has been As- served as administrative assistant for Con

230




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 13


gresswoman Nancy Johnson, 1983-1987,
and administrative assistant for Congressman Jim Dunn, 1981-1983.


Ms. Harrington graduated from Colgate
University (B.A., 1972) and Catholic University of America (M.A., 1977).


Nomination of Roderick Allen DeArment To Be Deputy Secretary
of Labor
March 13, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Roderick Allen DeArment
to be Deputy Secretary of Labor. He would
succeed Dennis Eugene Whitfield.
Since 1986 Mr. DeArment has been a
partner with the law firm of Covington and
Burling in Washington, DC. Prior to this he
was chief of staff for the Senate majority
leader's office, 1985-1986. He has served in
several capacities for the Senate Committee
on Finance, including chief counsel and


staff director, 1983-1984; deputy chief
counsel, 1981-1984; and deputy chief minority counsel, 1979-1981. From 1973 to
1979, Mr. DeArment was an associate with
the law firm of Covington and Burling.
Mr. DeArment graduated from Trinity
College (B.A., 1970) and the University of
Virginia School of Law (J.D., 1973). He was
born March 3, 1948, in Fort Sill, OK. He is
married, has two children, and resides in
Great Falls, VA.


White House Statement on the Report of Presidential Emergency
Board No. 218 Concerning a Railroad Labor Dispute
March 13, 1989


On March 8, 1989, the report of Emergency Board No. 218 was submitted to the
White House. This Board, which was created on January 6, 1989, by Executive
Order 12664, investigated a dispute between the Port Authority Trans-Hudson
Corporation (PATH) and certain of its employees represented by the Brotherhood of
Locomotive Engineers. The establishment
and activities of the Board were governed
by section 9A of the Railway Labor Act of
1926, as amended, 45 U.S.C. 159a. Its members were Robert J. Ables, Chairman; Her

bert Fishgold; and Robert E. Peterson.
The same dispute was previously investigated by Emergency Board No. 216, and
the task of Emergency Board No. 218 was
to select the most reasonable final offer for
settlement of the dispute proposed by the
parties. The Board selected PATH's offer as
the most reasonable. The main features of
this offer are 5-percent annual wage increases over the 3-year term of the contract, the addition of Martin Luther King's
birthday as a holiday, and increases in insurance coverage and meal allowances.


Statement on the Sudanese Civil War
March 13, 1989
Sunday, March 12, was the National Day groups of Americans who are deeply disof Concern for Sudan. It was organized by tressed about the continuing human trage

231




Mar. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


dy in Sudan. I want to add my support to
this demonstration of concern for the Sudanese victims of war and starvation.
A month ago, Secretary of State Baker
appealed to the warring parties to adopt a
cease-fire, facilitate delivery of relief to
those in need, and move the conflict to the
negotiating table. The United States remains strongly committed to these goals.


All friends of Sudan, of which I am one,
urge those responsible for the continuation
of this war to agree to an early cease-fire, to
place peace above military and political
considerations, and to negotiate peace. I
hope that the most recent political events
in Sudan will enable the various donors to
help those in that country who desperately
require humanitarian assistance.


Remarks to Members of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith
March 14, 1989


This is what they call a cameo appearance. [Laughter] I'm here very briefly
before rushing off to the Hilton Hotel, but I
just can't tell you how pleased I am to be
with you. I told Abe Foxman here, "Why,
we're practically going steady!" [Laughter]
Because he was down here just last-was it
Thursday of last week with the head of a lot
of these most prominent organizations. And
I'm delighted to be here with all of you
today.
I don't want to speak too long because
Bobbie Kilberg, I think, is next, and she'll
kill me. [Laughter] But I might say she is
doing an outstanding job-a friend of longstanding and now in an outreach capacity
here, high level at the White House, and
performing with the expertise that we have
come to expect of her. I understand that
Secretary [of Housing and Urban Development] Kemp is coming, or maybe-has he
been, or coming over-and [Attorney General] Dick Thornburgh, I think, and our
Chief of Staff [John H. Sununu]. So, you'll
have a full program.
But I'm pleased to be here. I look at
these briefing sessions as a two-way street. I
hope that you'll have a chance to exchange
views, get questions and answers with
some-but in any event, an opinion at a
forum for sharing of information and ideas.
Certainly, the meeting that we had with
Abe and those from the organization of
presidents was that kind of meeting. And as
I look around the room, I see many familiar
faces and am delighted to be here.
For three quarters of a century, the Anti

Defamation League has played a central
role in preserving and protecting that
sacred right of religious freedom. And there
is no single greater contribution that one
organization can make to the Nation, and
for that you've earned our gratitude, certainly my respect.
From the time the pilgrims landed at
Plymouth Rock, the principle of religious
freedom and the notion of America as a
haven for those who seek to exercise that
freedom has been deeply rooted in the
American heritage. But the ADL knows
well that, however well-established religious
freedom may be, it can never be taken for
granted. And our national conscience must
take note whenever that freedom is violated, and all Americans then must rush in to
the defense of that freedom. As one of our
forefathers wrote nearly 200 years ago, the
Government of the United States gives to
bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance. May the children of the stock of Abraham sit in safety under his own vine and fig
tree, and there should be none to make him
afraid.
I know that the ADL recently issued its
annual report, detailing rising incidents of
anti-Semitism in 1988. And I want to come
over here to tell you that we must condemn
all attacks on the Jewish religion, the Jewish
heritage-clearly, unequivocally, and without exception. This Nation must stand for
tolerance, for pluralism, and a healthy respect for the rights of all minorities.
And I know many of you, and we've
worked together in various common causes


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 14


many times over the years, and I hope you
know how deeply I cherish the principle of
religious freedom. And I know how hard
you've fought not only for your own beliefs
but to protect the principle that recognizes
the rights of all men and women to worship
as they believe right. So, we must continue
to work together as we have in the past to
zealously protect these rights for all Americans. Rest assured that my administration
will work to uphold this principle as the
very cornerstone of our freedom. And
sometimes they question the power of the
President, and I understand that. But they
should never question the President's willingness to use the bully pulpit of the White
House, as Teddy Roosevelt called it, to
speak out for what is just and right.
I've concentrated today here on just
these brief remarks on antidiscrimination or
other subjects of enormous concern. I wish
you could have been there yesterday in the
Oval Office to hear a representative of the
Ethiopian Jews, a man who's living in Israel
now, make this plea from the heart to continue the flow of the people there who are


still not able to join their families in Israel.
There's that subject.
We had a fascinating meeting with Mr.
Arens yesterday where I reassured him of
the United States commitment to Israel as a
strategic ally and, of course, a lasting friend.
And I think he understands that. I hope
that when the Prime Minister of Israel
[Yitzhak Shamir] comes here that we can
move forward in some way toward the
peace that everybody here really hopes that
Israel and its neighbors will achieve. So,
we're moving.
Thank you for letting me drop in in this
cameo appearance. And keep up your commitment, keep up that commitment to fight
against bigotry wherever it may surface.
Thank you all very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 9:50 a.m. at a
briefing in Room 450 of the Old Executive
Office Building. In his remarks, he referred
to Abraham H. Foxman, national director
of the league, Bobbie Kilberg, Deputy Assistant to the President for Public Liaison,
and Israeli Foreign Minister Moshe Arens.


Remarks to the National Legislative Conference of the Independent
Insurance Agents of America
March 14, 1989


Thank you all very, very much. Larry understands-[laughter]-but if I look a little
frantic, our dog is expecting. [Laughter]
And if you think I look frantic, you ought to
see the Silver Fox! [Laughter] That's Barbara. No, but I'm delighted to be here; appreciate that warm welcome, complete
with a few scattered Texas flags in the audience. And it is an honor to be before this
group.
In this city, the currency of status is
measured in titles, honorifics: Senator, Ambassador, Secretary. But in my book, this
group holds one of the most impressive
titles of all: entrepreneur. And I know that
the hunger that you feel to own a firm of
your own, start from scratch, build it, watch
it grow. And I know the satisfaction of
matching resources to needs and meeting


deadlines and meeting payrolls.
A few years after World War II, when I
got out of college, I moved out to west
Texas; and a couple of years after that, the
early fifties, started my own business. And it
was a very small firm-not too small to
teach me the facts of economic life. But we
got started by risk-taking-got the business
education by helping others make that company grow. And our company was a highrisk venture. There was new technology
that was unproven, full of half-starts and
failures in that-it was all called the offshore drilling business. And we took a
gamble, and we invested in new technology. And then we eventually succeeded in
pioneering a new way to find America's
energy.
And it wasn't always easy, even in the


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Mar. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


years that the company did reasonably well.
And I recall our despair one time, and some
of you in your business know what I'm talking about when you think of insurance.
When one of those hurricanes swept
through the Gulf of Mexico and one-third of
our company's assets were invested in a
brand-new drilling rig, with brand-new
technology-a hurricane swept through the
Gulf. And I went out with our drilling engineer and rented a little Piper, maybe it was
a twin-engine plane, but anyway-in the
aftermath of the hurricane and looked and
looked and looked. And the rig had totally
vanished. People had been taken off before
the storm, but the rig was gone. One-third
of the investment of our company totally
disappeared. But from that and other such
similar events, I learned some very important lessons. When that rig went down and
people lost their jobs-when we rebuilt,
there was the satisfaction of seeing people
go back to work. And I saw the strain on
the faces of the family breadwinners, but I
also saw the joy.
So, Washington may not always appreciate the role of small business in creating
jobs, but I do. And I think-you know, I
used to get needled about the resume to
bring to be President of the United States.
But like you, I think one of the most important things is the private sector: taking risks,
competing, starting small businesses. And I
hope I never forget the lessons that I
learned as a small businessman.
I also appreciate this industry's role in
society. Without insurance, the loss of
spouse could mean the loss of a home.
Without insurance, the loss of a parent
could keep a child from attending college.
We cannot offer protection against fate, but
we can prevent the compounding of a tragedy so that a death or an illness doesn't
leave a bitter legacy of poverty or despair
for a whole family. You prevent that kind of
double tragedy, and you add a little bit of
comfort to the grieving and predictability
for those who are victims of the unpredictable.
So, this is your service to society. It's as
crucial a service as that of any social welfare agency. And you cannot continue to
perform it if your industry is hamstrung by
excessive regulation. And that's why we


have worked to remove excessive regulations-the job's not done-to free the creative energies of small firms by ordering a
review of more than 100 government regulations. The task force on regulatory relief,
which I chaired as Vice President, saved
the private sector more than 600 million
man-hours of paperwork and billions of dollars in government compliance costs. And I
want to work now to continue to work to
free small businesses of the remaining excesses of regulation. My philosophy is this:
that when it comes to necessary regulation
of business, I'm committed to letting the
States take the lead, not the Federal Government.
Reducing the regulatory burden is important, but we've got to take action on other
fronts, as well, if we're going to do our part
in keeping American small business strong.
And that's why I've also proposed a cut in
the capital gains tax rate. Most of our major
trading partners do not tax long-term capital gains. They understand that a high capital gains tax unnecessarily hurts our competitive position by drying up the formation
of capital, business, and jobs.
In 1978, when the Congress cut the maximum tax rate on capital gains, the result
was an explosion of new companies and
new revenues. The critics were still out
there, back in '78, saying: "If you do this,
you're going to lose revenues. If you do this,
it's an advantage for the rich." Didn't work
out that way. The Treasury estimates that
the new cut that I am proposing will add
$4.8 billion to the revenue side in fiscal
year 1990 alone. So, let the critics carp. I
am going to push for this idea that will
stimulate jobs, risktaking, capital formation.
And it's good for the economy, and it is not
a special tax break for the rich.
Small businesses with less than 500 employees employ more than half of the U.S.
workers. You understand this, but I don't
believe many people in the United States
understand it. So, any onerous new burden
on small business will also throw workers
out of their jobs. And it's for that reason
that I oppose this kind of mounting movement towards mandated employee benefits.
In an area of tight budgets, there's always
the temptation to drop the burden of social


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 14


programs on the backs of the employers.
But these policies, borne, I would say, of
the best of intentions, can have unintended
and counterproductive consequences. It's
up to business and labor to negotiate their
differences. And make no mistake, I support the right of labor to negotiate as an
equal, but burdensome mandated benefits
serve neither business nor labor. We've
seen what happens in other countries,
where mandated benefit programs create
obstacles to productivity and growth and,
thus, to new job creation. We cannot build
a better America if we weigh down our
own productive sector with mandated new
burdens.
And let me address one other area that
concerns your business and that, perhaps,
you in this room are much more sensitive to
than others. And I'm talking about tort
reform. Of course, there are many litigants
who deserve a jury's sympathy. We can
start from that premise, but when local governments cannot install playgrounds, when
businesses are bankrupted, when mothers
struggle to find an obstetrician, when volunteer organizations-Boy Scouts and Girl
Scouts and others-have to pull back for
fear of excessive claims leveled against
them, then it is time to consider limiting
some of these outrageous settlements. Tort
reform is critical to the health of businesses
and volunteer organizations alike.
All of our policies are directed toward a
single goal: building a better America. And
to achieve this goal, my plan has four broad
objectives: attention to urgent priorities, an
attack on the deficit, hold the line on
taxes-no new taxes-and an investment in
the future. And without a strong private
sector, our nation would be mired in the
past, doomed to fail.
The entrepreneur is the man or the
woman who is not only ready for change
but who relishes the thought of it. And this
thought leads me to speak to you in more
general terms now about my Presidency,
the challenges I hope to meet, the accomplishments that I hope we can make for our
country.
I'm a man of this century. I fought in the
century's greatest war and raised a family
and built a business during the mid-century
of America's greatness. But I want to be a


President who is remembered for preparing
our country for the next century. This is my
entrepreneurial definition of leadership: to
see the shape of things to come and to prepare for that 21st century world only 11
years away. By the year 2000, we will have
experienced change as swift and fast as a
torrent-change in the American family, in
our work habits, change in technology, and
change in the world economy, change in
the rate of change itself. The makeup of our
remarkable nation has been evolving constantly, but the qualities on which it was
founded are timeless and true. And one of
those constants is that we are an entrepreneurial people, at our best when we are
challenged and when we boldly face the
future.
And so, my agenda is this: to confront the
emerging problems of the future today. A
complacent society is doomed to comfortable decline, and we are not complacent. A
dynamic society is one that keeps pace with
the times. So, call it that if you will: a dynamic America. But recognize in the restless drive and vision of the American entrepreneur our best qualities as a nation.
A complacent nation would take comfort
that America is free in a world at peace.
But world events are moving too swiftly for
us to relax in set ways and to cling to smug
assumptions. The question we must answer
is: Will American foreign policy be flexible
enough to meet the emerging and potentially dramatic new world developments?
And with this question in mind, I've asked
all the appropriate agencies-State Department, Defense, other agencies-to reassess
our foreign policy and defense strategy.
And this comprehensive review will set the
basis for our future actions and guide America into the next decade and toward the
next century.
I see a couple of kids here. I believe they
have a chance to grow up in a more peaceful world. I believe we have, with the
changes in the Soviet Union, great challenge, but also great opportunity. But the
answer is not to rush in. The answer is to
take a prudent reevaluation and then move
forward with the leadership that only the
United States of America can provide the
rest of the free world.


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Mar. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


On economic policy, I've submitted to
the Congress a budget that is fiscally responsible. This budget does four things: It
substantially reduces the deficit; it includes
no new taxes; it addresses key priorities;
and it still provides for important investments which will help make us more competitive in the future. My speech to Congress, incidentally, was accompanied by 193
pages of specific recommendations for the
budget. And looking back in the history
books, if you will permit a comment
about-it might sound a little bit pridefulwe found that no other President in recent
history has presented quite so much information to Congress at such an early date.
And I've also submitted a proposal to
solve a festering problem that threatens our
future prosperity: a plan to restore the integrity of our nation's savings and loan institutions. It's an enormous problem, and our
plan has been well-received on both sides of
the aisle on Capitol Hill. I've asked the
Congress to take action within 45 days;
challenged them, now that we've come up
with the proposal, to move forward. This
problem requires prompt and prudent
action.
The changing nature of American society
to more working parents is putting pressure
on our most basic social institution. I'm talking about the family. How will we respond
to this change? We simply cannot afford to
create some massive new entitlement program, and that's why I am proposing a
child-care plan that combines tax credits
and private sector resources to offer parents
a choice. I want to empower parents, not
government, to seek the best and safest environment for their children. And the underpinning of my plan is the familystrength in the American family.
But many other areas of change. Homelessness affects a small proportion of Americans, but concerns us all. I drove here
today-or when you look out the window of
the White House and see the ragged, pathetic figures huddled over the steam grates
of the Ellipse, I see an affront to the American dream, a national shame, if you will.
And we must seek the root causes of and
devise the most practical solutions for the
homelessness.
The environment, once the concern of a


farsighted few, is now a top priority of my
administration at home and abroad. You
know, this isn't a conservative or a liberal
question-the question of the environment.
I think of Teddy Roosevelt as one of the
great conservationists, one of the great environmentalists. The time has come to lay
aside partisan approach to these enormous
environmental questions. We must devise a
global approach to the problem of ozone
depletion and global warming. We intend
to make rapid progress on acid rain and see
that a new clean air bill is produced. And
we've already broken ground in joining
with other nations to call for the elimination of the CFC's [chlorofluorocarbons] in
adopting a tough new policy on the export
of hazardous waste.
And there's drugs: The scourge of drug
abuse will test our resolve and a mettle as a
people. I'll bet you if I could talk to each
one of you in a family setting that you'd tell
me the things that concern you the most is
the question of drugs-how it's affecting
your schools, how it's affecting your own
children or your grandchildren. And I'm
concerned, as well. And I'm asking the Congress for $6 billion for our antidrug program in 1990 to beef up drug education,
rehabilitation, law enforcement and, yes,
interdiction.
And I'm also pleased that we have a
strong, new drug czar. I'm a little confused
as to why, in the United States-[laughter]-we want a strong, new leader, we call
him a czar. [Laughter] But nevertheless, I'll
defer to the Congress on this one. [Laughter] We've got a strong one. Call him a
leader, call him a czar-Bill Bennett. And
he's at my side, shoulder-to-shoulder to
guide and coordinate this all-out effort
against drugs. And it's not easy. When you
look at the complexity of the Federal Government and the number of the agencies
that are involved in this question of antinarcotics, it is a massive executive, coordinative
job. And Bill Bennett will be superb as the
first drug czar.
And finally, I want to single out one area
which in so many ways is preeminently important to our nation. I am sure it is of
particular importance to your family. We
have got to protect and strengthen our


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 14


schools. You and I know that education is
our most enduring legacy. And you and I
know that education is nothing less than the
very heart and soul of our civilization. I
want that control to remain with the families and the PTA and the local school boards
and the States before the Federal Government when it comes to the control of our
educational process, of our curriculum. And
I will resist any effort to centralize all the
answers for education here in Washington,
DC.
But you know, education is this enduring
legacy. And as we face a new decade and a
new century, we also face a new challenge
to revitalize and restore the system that our
forebears bequeathed to us to ensure that
American education is second to none. And
I've made a number of proposals to work
towards this goal, work with the States and
the local to achieve that goal. Among them
is my request to reward those schools whose
students show measurable progress in educational achievement while maintaining a
safe and drug-free environment. I've also
asked for an annual fund of $ 100 million in
new appropriations to help create magnet
schools to broaden the educational choice of
parents and students. And I've made many


other proposals, including programs to
strengthen the historically black colleges
and universities, to reward our best teachers. And I appeal to you to get active in
your schools, to share your knowledge, expertise, and resources where it is most
needed.
I've laid out in broad terms, then, this
agenda for building a better America. And,
yes, it is ambitious; but it is no less ambitious, no less dynamic than the American
people themselves. And as the business men
and women, you can help me to fulfill this
agenda, to meet the challenges that face
our country. By working together, we can
achieve absolutely anything. And so, the
problems seem big at times out there, but
believe me, never underestimate the ability
of the American people if we together set
our sights on achieving certain goals. I need
your help.
I'm delighted to be here, and thank you
for inviting me.
Note: The President spoke at 10:18 a.m. in
the Presidential Ballroom at the Capital
Hilton Hotel. In his opening remarks, he
referred to Lawrence E. Hite, president of
the Independent Insurance Agents of America.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Annual Report of the
United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
March 14, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I am pleased to transmit the 1988 Report
of the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. It reviews all aspects of
last year's arms control policies, negotiating
efforts, and the activities conducted in the
process of meeting the statutory requirements of the Arms Control and Disarmament Act, as amended.
Of special interest are the sections on
conventional arms control, the implementation of the INIF Treaty, Nuclear Testing
Talks, and the chemical weapons ban. The
role of verification, a crucial element in any
arms control agreement, is highlighted


throughout the report.
The INF Treaty is a significant step in the
quest for arms reductions. Reaching agreements with the Soviet Union on a START
Treaty and a conventional arms control
treaty are important objectives. We must
also seek solutions to the serious problems
of nuclear and chemical weapons proliferation.
While I endorse the broad approach to
arms control taken in the past year, I am
still reviewing specific details of the U.S.
negotiating position. Statements of Administration views in the attached report, therefore, should be considered to be authorita

237




Mar. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tive statements of past positions that may  work toward effectively verifiable and stabibe subject to future modification following  lizing arms reductions.
review.
I strongly believe that arms control                         GEORGE BUSH
should play a significant role in enhancing  The White House
the security of the United States and its  March 14 1989
allies. The United States will continue to
Nomination of John B. Taylor To Be a Member of the Council of
Economic Advisers
March 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John B. Taylor to be a
member of the Council of Economic Advisers. He would succeed Michael Mussa.
Since 1984 Dr. Taylor has been a professor of economics at Stanford University, and
a professor of economics and public affairs
at Princeton University, 1980-1984. He was
a visiting professor of economics at Yale
University, 1980. He has served in the department of economics at Columbia Univer

sity as professor of economics, 1979-1980;
associate professor of economics, 1977 -1979; and assistant professor of economics,
1973-1977. Dr. Taylor previously served as
a senior staff economist for the Council of
Economic Advisers, 1976-1977.
Dr. Taylor graduated from Princeton University (A.B., 1968) and Stanford University
(Ph.D., 1973). He was born December 8,
1946, in Yonkers, NY. He is married, has
two children, and resides in Stanford, CA.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Edward J. Derwinski as
Secretary of Veterans Affairs
March 15, 1989


Thank you all. Mr. Vice President and
members of the President's Cabinet that
are here; distinguished Members of the
Senate and the House; and service Secretaries; and I see at least one member of the
Joint Chiefs, General Vuono there, and distinguished guests over here, including Bill
Mauldin: I'm just delighted to be here to
salute Ed Derwinski, he with his familyBonnie, Maureen, and Michael. I heard
Maureen and Michael-I thought maybe
President Reagan was back. [Laughter] But,
no, this is the Derwinski clan.
And, Ed, I want to thank you for not
wearing that gold and black checkered
jacket with that tomato-red beret. [Laughter] I'm reliably informed that the White
House camera crew would have gone on
instant strike. We don't need another strike.


[Laughter]
From where we're standing, most of the
landmarks of this town are almost a stone's
throw away. That's one of the beautiful
things that Barbara and I have rediscovered, but discovered principally from living
in the quarters above here. Just to the west
of us Abraham Lincoln reposes majestically
in his chair of stone. Straight ahead, Thomas
Jefferson commands our respect, a bronze
giant underneath a dome of marble. And
the Washington Monument rises above the
level of the surface of the Mall, much as our
first President dominated his time. We glorify our greatest leaders, but we do not
build these ivory temples to honor them
alone. We honor the enduring principles for
which they stood, and we honor the mil

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 15


lions of men and women who have been
ready throughout the history of our nation
to defend those principles.
There've been four calls to arms in the
living memory of most Americans or their
parents. From the South Lawn of the White
House, one can see a flaming sword, a tribute to the courage of the soldiers of the
Army's 2d Division who fought so bravely
in World War I. At the Iwo Jima Memorial
just across the river, a fleeting moment of
victory, first captured in an Associated Press
photograph, is now cast for the ages in
bronze. No one who lived through that war
will ever forget that picture or what it
meant to us. And we have yet to honor the
veterans of the Korean war in such a way,
although I'm glad to see that planning for a
memorial is moving forward. But 3 weeks
ago I saw a living monument to these brave
Americans: the Republic of Korea itself, a
newborn democracy aided by American
sacrifice, protected by American strength.
Just below the horizon, to our right, are the
simple lines and chiseled names of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, a somber salute to
those who fell and to all who answered the
call to duty. May we never cease to honor
them, in name and deed.
And let us never forget those men and
women in the Armed Forces who, even in
peacetime, risk their lives in a hardship post
or a dangerous assignment, whether it's
standing on the deck of a carrier off the
Persian Gulf or an antiterrorist unit waiting
for a call that we hope never comes. The
meaning of a monument, as Lincoln said of
the battlefield at Gettysburg, is "far above
our poor power to add or detract." These
words are carved in stone in the Lincoln
Memorial. But Lincoln himself acknowledged that speeches and statuary are inadequate repayment for those who made the
ultimate sacrifice.
And our obligation is also for the living. If
you go to the front entrance of the Veterans Affairs Department, you'll see another
quote from Abraham Lincoln, cast in a
plate of steel, calling on us "to care for him
who shall have borne the battle and for his
widow and his orphan." This is the mission
of the new Department of Veterans Affairs,
which today officially assumes the duties of
the Veterans Administration.


I consider the new Department to have a
vital mission. In fact, it is so vital that
there's only one place for the veterans of
America: in the Cabinet Room, at the table
with the President of the United States of
America. And as the first Secretary of this
new Department, Ed Derwinski will set a
precedent. He is uniquely suited for this
role, having served with distinction in both
the legislative and the executive branches
of government.
My friendship with Ed goes back to my
days as a freshman Congressman from
Houston, Texas. Ed, a Congressman from
Illinois then, was already a veteran of some
tough congressional battles. And I know
that for Ed the House of Representatives is
still a second home with many, many
friends. No former colleagues of Ed can
ever forget his unfailing good humor and
his concern for people. Nor will veterans
forget his good work: Ed's handling of a
heavy burden of casework, cutting redtape
so that thousands of veterans could receive
their pensions, medical benefits, deserved
military honors.
At the State Department, Ed packed the
achievement of a whole career into a few
years. He worked with Congress; conducted
special international negotiations with
Canada, Iceland, the Pacific nations; acted
as a senior official for refugee policy and
programs; and prevented the diversion of
the sensitive technology that belongs to the
United States to unfriendly nations.
In short, Ed Derwinski has the skill of a
seasoned legislator, the patience of a practiced administrator, the finesse of a diplomat, and the heart of a man who knows
what it means to start his government
career as a private in the United States
Army. This is a unique combination of experience and skills. And make no mistake, this
new job requires someone with Ed Derwinski's backgrounds and talents.
This new Department must manage its
vast resources to meet vast needs. Almost
one out of every three U.S. citizens is a
potential VA beneficiary-count among
them 27 million veterans and 53 million
dependents and survivors. Ed will oversee a
Department with almost a quarter of a million employees-the second largest civilian


239




Mar. 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


task force in the Government-administrating a budget of more than $29 billion. And
the Department of VA provides compensation to service-disabled veterans; pensions
for low-income, disabled veterans, and survivors; educational assistance; and vocational rehab. It guarantees the home loans for
12 million families and operates the fifth
largest life insurance program in America.
It also runs the Nation's largest medical
system, with 172 hospitals and hundreds of
outpatient clinics and nursing homes. But
the best resource of the new Department is
its people, men and women who live up to
the highest ideal of public service every
day. And they have my sincerest gratitude
for a job well done.
It is only appropriate to note one other
task assigned to the Veterans Affairs Department: to tend and care for 112 national
cemeteries across America. There's no
power, no glamour in such a job, but there
is caring and respect for those who are
gone and for those who grieve. In those
gardens of stone sleep the heroes-men and


women of every service, marine, soldier,
sailor, airman-lost youth that can only be
measured in centuries. A President could
have no more poignant a reminder that he
is charged with a great trust.
It is my duty as the Commander in Chief
to see to it that our Armed Forces are so
strong and our diplomacy so wise that we
will never again need to erect another
monument to the casualties of war. A free
America in a world at peace-together we
have achieved that goal; together we can
preserve it. And if we do, then surely that
peace will be the truest monument to our
veterans.
Ed, congratulations! Thanks for all that
you have already done, and we've got a big
job ahead. And I look forward to working
closely with you in the years to come.
Thank you all, and God bless the United
States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 1 p.m. on the
South Lawn at the White House. In his
opening remarks, he referred to Bill Mauldin, syndicated cartoonist and author.


Statement on Proposed Child-Care Legislation
March 15, 1989


Child care is one of the key issues facing
the Nation. All of us-business, labor, nonprofit organizations, and governments at all
levels-must play a role in helping families
meet this important challenge. Our policy
must have the family as its focus. We must
put choices in the hands of parents and not
in the hands of government. Increasing the
range of child care options available to parents, particularly those who head families of
modest means, will benefit the Nation's
children, their parents, and the country as a
whole.
Today I am transmitting to the Congress
legislation to fulfill my commitment to child
care. These legislative proposals will help us
to invest in the future by investing in our
children. When I presented my plan for
"Building a Better America" on February 9,
I urged that we help working families cope


with the burden of child care. The legislative proposals I am forwarding to Congress
today recognize that even at a time of fiscal
restraint we can invest in priorities. These
proposals implement ideas that I put forward to the American public during the
campaign. These proposals were debated
and contested, and the American people
spoke.
My legislative proposals are based on four
fundamental principles that must guide the
Federal Government's role in child care:
First, parents are best able to make decisions about their children and should have
the discretion to do so. Assistance should go
directly to parents. They, not the government, should choose the child care they
consider best for their children.
Second, Federal policy should not discriminate against families in which one


240




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 15


parent works at home to care for their children.
Third, Federal policy should increase, not
decrease, the range of choices available to
parents. The Federal Government should
not become involved in licensing decisions,
and Federal financial support should not be
made contingent upon State licensing decisions. Local governments are perfectly capable of addressing licensing issues. Churches play a vital role in making child care
available. Neighbors and other family members can provide excellent care. Our policy
should not discriminate against them.
Fourth, Federal support for child care
should be targeted to the most in needlow and moderate income families-particularly those with young children, because
they face the greatest difficulty in meeting
the needs of their children. Our plan will
benefit all low income working families
with children, not just those who participate in government-sponsored child care.
These are the principles which underlie
my proposals. These are the principles by
which I will evaluate the congressional deliberations on my plan. I will be flexible in
the details, but firm in my devotion to these
principles.
The legislation submitted today will
expand child-care assistance to low-income
families by making a refundable tax credit
available to families with children under
age 4. The tax credit would equal 14 percent of earnings up to a maximum of $1,000
per child. The maximum credit would be
phased out gradually, initially for families
with incomes between $8,000 and $13,000,
and by 1994 for incomes between $15,000
and $20,000. I propose to make the current
dependent-care credit refundable so that
low-income families with no income tax liability would still be eligible for assistance.
I am also proposing to expand the re

sources available to the Head Start Program
by $250 million over the current level. This
expansion would increase the range of child
care choices available to poor families and
meet my commitment to include more poor
4-year-olds in this program. In fiscal year
1990 these funds would extend the ladder
of opportunity to as many as 95,000 more
children who most need the assistance
Head Start offers.
In addition, I have directed the Secretary
of Labor to determine the extent to which
market barriers or failures prevent employers from obtaining liability insurance necessary to provide child care on or near their
employees' worksites.
At the center of my plan is parental
choice. The future of this country is in the
hands of its families. To the extent we can
make their burden lighter and enable them
to pursue the path they find best, we will
be building a better America. I urge the
Congress to act promptly on this legislation.
Note: A fact sheet entitled "Building a
Better America: President Bush's Child-Care
Proposal" was issued by the Office of the
Press Secretary on March 15. In addition to
covering the material found in this statement, the fact sheet also contained the following points:
"The [new child tax] credit would be provided in addition to the Earned Income Tax
Credit (EITC) and would be available, as
the EITC is, in advance as a payment in
parents' paychecks.
"The current [dependent-care tax] credit
would be an alternative to the new child
credit. For each eligible child, parents could
claim the one credit that best meets their
needs and circumstances.
"The cost of the two [tax credit] proposals
is estimated at $187 million for FY 1990,
increasing to $2.5 billion by FY 1993. "


Message to the Congress Transmitting Proposed Child-Care
Legislation
March 15, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I am submitting the enclosed child care


legislative proposals prepared by the Secretaries of the Treasury and Health and


241




Mar. 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Human Services for consideration by the
Congress. I urge the Congress to act
promptly on these important proposals.
The proposals, entitled the "Working
Family Child Care Assistance Act of 1989"
and the "Head Start Amendments of 1989,"
are a key part of my commitment to assist


parents in making critical decisions about
their children's care.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
March 15, 1989.


Nomination of James Roderick Lilley To Be United States
Ambassador to China
March 15, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate James Roderick Lilley to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
the People's Republic of China. He would
succeed Winston Lord.
During his government career, Ambassador Lilley has worked in Washington and in
a number of American missions in East
Asia, including the Philippines, Taiwan,
Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Hong Kong, and
the People's Republic of China. In 1975 he
was appointed national intelligence officer
for China, the senior post in the intelligence community on Chinese affairs. In
1981 he served as political coordinator and
senior East Asian specialist on the National
Security Council. From 1984 to 1985, he
Nomination of Kay Coles James To
Health and Human Services
March 15, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Kay Coles James to be
Assistant Secretary of Health and Human
Services (Public Affairs). She would succeed
Stephanie Lee-Miller.
Since 1985 Mrs. James has been director
of public affairs for the National Right to
Life Committee in Washington, DC, and
has served as president of Black Americans
for Life. Prior to this she was personnel
director for Circuit City Stores, Inc., 1983 -

was a consultant on international security
affairs at the Department of Defense. He
was Deputy Assistant Secretary for East
Asian and Pacific Affairs in the Department
of State, 1985-1986. In October 1986 he
was appointed Ambassador to Korea and
served there until January 1989. Ambassador Lilley has also served as an adjunct professor at Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies for 3 years.
Ambassador Lilley graduated from Yale
University (B.A., 1951) and George Washington University (M.A., 1972). He served in
the U.S. Army, 1945-1946, and in the U.S.
Air Force as a first lieutenant in the reserves. He also attended the National War
College in 1972. Ambassador Lilley is married and has three children.
Be an Assistant Secretary of
1985. She was director of community education and development for Housing Opportunities Made Equal, 1981-1983, and assistant to the housing coordinator, 1980 -1981. From 1978 to 1979, she was conference coordinator for the State of Virginia
Developmental Disabilities Protection and
Advocacy Office. Mrs. James has served on
the White House Commission on Children
and the Task Force on the Black Family.


242




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 15


Mrs. James graduated from Hampton In- Charles E. James. They have three children
stitute (B.S., 1971). She was born June 1, and reside in Annandale, VA.
1949, in Portsmouth, VA. She is married to
Remarks at the Electronic Industries Association's GovernmentIndustry Dinner
March 15, 1989


Thank you for that warm welcome. I'm
glad Pete was listening. I thought he
thought I said a thousand pints of Lite[laughter]-and that's why-[applause]. I'm
delighted to be here, Chairman Little and
President McCloskey. And I loved the invocation by Peter's brother. I want to greet
the distinguished Members of Congress that
are here tonight: I see Jerry Lewis over
here and, of course, our distinguished majority leader, Tom Foley; Larry Welch,
member of the Joint Chiefs; and, of course,
one down from Pete, my colleague in the
White House, our head of the National Security Council, Brent Scowcroft. And on my
right, affectionately known as the Silver
Fox.
I'm speaking before the olives, before the
celery, and here's why: This is the most
relaxed I've seen Barbara since our dog got
pregnant. [Laughter] And we've got to go
back to the White House. And I said to her,
"Are you coming with me to Texas tomorrow morning?" She said, "No. What do you
mean? Millie is expecting." So, you'll excuse
us if we hit-and-run here. But I did want to
say how pleased I am to be back with the
members of the Electronic Industries Association, all you distinguished guests. Thank
you, Pete, for the introduction.
Bishop Fulton Sheen once said: "The
proud man counts his newspaper clippings;
the humble man counts his blessings." Well,
I am proud indeed to address this annual
dinner. But let me confess: Tonight, flanked
by colleagues and friends, and many of you
all who I've known over the years, I am
more grateful for my blessings.
And let me first congratulate the man
with whom Bar and I just met, this year's
EIA Medal of Honor recipient, Sid Topol.
And I want also to say a word about this


organization, the oldest and largest exploring the new horizons of America's technological future. Today, nearly 2 million
Americans work in your industry. You're
leading America's newest industrial revolution. You're helping us outwork and outperform the competitors around the world.
And tonight we meet as neighbors and
fellow businessmen, and our goal is a fairer,
more productive, and ennobling life, not
merely in our time but for the generations
to come.
A more ennobling life can mean many
things. It means education and opportunity.
It means a nation of responsive citizens not
only willing but eager to share, and it
means the economic development which
makes this sharing possible. For prosperity
depends on growth, and growth depends on
freedom. My friends, the freedom to dare,
to risk, to defy the odds forms the heart of
free enterprise, just as free enterprise is
central to the American dream.
Freedom can give our kids a better land
than we ourselves inherited. But to preserve it, we've got to protect it. And that's
why I've proposed two major goals for objectives to build a better America: First,
reduce that deficit; second, invest in America's future. And to round them out, address
the problems of the present; the problems
that cannot wait. And last, but not least: No
new taxes!
And, yes, America faces immediate problems, problems like ocean dumping, the
homeless, illiteracy. And, yes, I pledge to
you we will address them now, not somewhere down the line. But as we do, let's
move beyond the immediate. For today
America is prosperous and at peace. And to
be sure, there are enormous challenges,
many opportunities presented by changes


243




Mar. 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


that are favorable to democracy, to liberty,
to free markets, favorable to the principles
this country has always stood for. And
therefore, let's recognize that we stand at a
special moment in our history. It's a
moment not for complacency, not to sit
back and reflect upon what's been, but to
reflect on what might be. And it's an opportunity to look into the future and plan for it
so that America's place and the well-being
of her people are ensured for generations to
come. We must remember the American
tradition as we invest for the future of our
own children.
My four objectives will allow America to
honor that heritage and seize her moment.
And together they will solidify economic
freedom. They will expand that freedom.
But above all, they will empower more
people, more fully, to partake of the American dream. Reducing the deficit will free
our children from interest debt which
haunts their future. Investing in that future
will prepare us as a people for a new century and its challenges. Focusing on urgent
priorities will free government to marshal
its resources. And no new taxes reflects that
innately American quality, good old-fashioned common sense. These four objectives
will build on the progress of the last 8
years. They will build a better America, and
they will reaffirm our strengths, diffuse ticking time bombs, and reorient us as a nation.
Above all, they form a new approach which
looks to tomorrow, not just to today.
As President, I'm committed to this new
approach. And that is why last month I proposed an agenda to cut the Federal deficit;
help ensure our financial future; and thus
enhance business' ability to plan, expand,
and build. And I proposed to cut that deficit not by increasing the tax burden on the
American people but by controlling spending and continuing economic growth so that
as more people are working, revenues will
rise as tax rates remain the same.
Next year alone, thanks to economic
growth, Federal tax revenues will rise by
more than $80 billion-more than $80 billion, even with no new taxes. And my plan
will use that new revenue to slash the Federal deficit by more than 40 percent, in
keeping with the Gramm-Rudman targets,
bringing the deficit literally below the


target.
And as you know, we've begun the
budget process. The administration has
acted. And now, in fairness, we are acting
in a good bipartisan spirit on Capitol Hill to
get action. Our task is to keep the economy
going and growing. And only then can we
create the investment that's so crucial to
America to increase new jobs, to unlock
new markets and, yes, to unleash new technologies. In a sense, this is typically American. For we're restless; we're never satisfied. We look to the next week and next
year, not to the year 2000. Government's
role challenges to harness that ambition by
looking beyond a day.
Last year a large survey of CEO's revealed that, while American business leaders are inherently optimistic, they believein this poll by nine to one-that we're too
short-term oriented. My plan speaks to the
long-term and to a stable business climate.
It says that to remain competitive we've got
to look beyond the next quarterly statement. It says yes to America's standard of
living and to her standing in the world.
For instance, let me address the investment that will result from cutting the maximum rate on capital gains. My plan supports reducing it to 15 percent on long-held
assets. And moreover, it effectively eliminates the capital gains tax on people
making less than $20,000. In 1978 this organization, following the leadership of my late
departed friend, Bill Steiger, worked to
reduce the capital gains tax. Well, today
we've got to fight that battle all over again.
We need the capital gains tax differential.
Restoring the capital gains differential will
lift revenues, help savings, and free American businesses without distorting world
markets. Consider on the one hand, those
competitors who tax capital gains punitively. By punishing risk takers, they stifle opportunity. Less opportunity means less capital to invest. Less capital, in turn, makes
countries less competitive. It's a vicious
cycle, a bit of a catch-22, and above all, an
economic dead end.
On the other hand, keep in mind that
some of the most successful economies of
the Pacific rim-Hong Kong, Singapore, Republic of Korea-exempt capital gains from


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 15


taxes. And our second biggest trading partner, Japan, scarcely taxed during her meteoric rise. As businessmen, you know this
economic history. You know its lessons are
clear. And like me, you hear a lot about
competitiveness these days. Nothing can
make America more competitive than restoring this differential. America's entrepreneurs should not have to run an uphill race
against the rest of the world.
Tonight I challenge the Congress to join
with me and level that playing field. I ask it
to expand the marketplace and assist development. I urge it to increase competitiveness and link reward and risk. And the way
you do that, once again, is by lowering the
tax rate on capital gains.
My friends, the Treasury estimates that
this cut in capital gains-restoring that differential-will add $4.8 billion to the revenue side of the ledger in fiscal year 1990.
So, let us use it to expand economic freedom and help people help themselves. And
let us build upon the over 191/2 million new
jobs created in this country since November
of 1982-five times the number created in
Japan.
Accordingly, my plan to build a better
America recommends a permanent extension of the research and experimentation
tax credit. It'll increase domestic research
by multinationals and end the uncertainty
of expiring temporary rules. And by adopting Federal enterprise zones, it'll help those
untouched by the economic recovery. Enterprise zones are a pioneering initiative to
create a number of federally targeted zones
or areas in these economically distressed
communities. By providing tax breaks in
the relief from regulation, these zones
foster a climate where businesses are founded and existing businesses expanded. Enterprise zones, like lowering the tax on capital
gains, will invest in America's future.
And so will other investments. Investments, for instance, in education or the environment, in our children and in space. As
a Texan, I know firsthand the role of space
exploration. I know of your industry's involvement, your role in its success. My
plans allocate an increase of $2.4 billion for
the space program. This is as much an investment in our technological future as it is
a reaffirmation of our national character. It


supports affordable access to space through
the National Aero-Space Plane Program and
nine space shuttle flights by 1990. It funds
space station Freedom, planned for operation in the mid-1990's. And I'll also elevate
the status of the President's Science Adviser.
You cannot look into the next century
without emphasizing the importance of science. All the unexplored frontiers are not in
space. Many are found closer to home, as
we seek to push back the frontiers of
human knowledge. Toward that end, let us
invest in the superconducting supercollider-a bold new experiment fusing science, technology, and education. And let us
expand the work which will leverage America's technological prowess in such areas as
microcomputers and automative electronics, bioprocessing, and then this high-definition TV. And because science is critical, as I
have said, I intend to double the National
Science Foundation budget. These investments are not some riverboat gamble in a
distant future but a steadfast way to ensure
the future.
And yet, my friends, remember that
future is going to depend above all on our
most precious resource-America's children. We've got to make sure that the kids
are educated, the very definition of longterm investment in America's future. And
that's why I want Congress to create a $500
million program to award merit schools. I
intend to create special Presidential awards
in every State. I urge expanded use of
magnet schools, giving parents and students
freedom of choice. And I propose a program to spur alternative certification, allowing talented Americans from every field, especially science and math, to teach in
America's classrooms. It is simply a shame
that the brightest among you men and
women here tonight, coming out of science,
wanting to give of yourselves to teach the
kids, couldn't qualify because you didn't
have the required number of formal education degrees. It is time we take a new look
and permit those who want to give of themselves to teach in our public schools.
And you can't talk about a better America without worrying about the dangers of
drugs. We propose the YES program, or


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Mar. 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Youth Entering Service, to involve our kids
in the communities. My friends, our children can make the 21st century a new
American century. So, let's help them,
guide them. And let us understand that we
are one community-proud, united, and unafraid of the future.
A quote is attributed to Albert Einstein
saying: "Everything that is really great and
inspiring is created by individuals who labor
in freedom." For more than 200 years,
Americans have invested their labor, their
talent, their compassion, and their vision to
preserve freedom, to seize the moment and
sustain our way of life. And I ask you, with
America's tomorrow at stake, can we do
anything less today?
Nomination of Rockwell Anthony
Secretary of Commerce
March 16, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Rockwell Anthony Schnabel to be Under Secretary of Commerce for
Travel and Tourism. He would succeed
Charles E. Cobb, Jr.
Since 1985 Ambassador Schnabel has
been the United States Ambassador to Finland. Prior to this he served as deputy
chairman of the investment banking firm of
Morgan, Olmstead, Kennedy & Gardner,
Inc., in Los Angeles, CA, 1983-1985. In
1965 he joined Bateman Eichler, Hill Richards, Inc., serving in various senior manage

God bless you all. Thank you very much
for letting Barbara and me come to this
outstanding dinner. We are very grateful to
you. And God bless the United States of
America. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 8:16 p.m. in
the Grand Ballroom at the J.W. Marriott
Hotel. He was introduced by Peter F.
McCloskey, president of the association.
Rev. Joseph M. McCloskey delivered the invocation. In his remarks, the President referred to William G. Little, chairman of the
board of the association; Representative
Jerry Lewis of California; and the late Representative William A. Steiger of Wisconsin.
Schnabel To Be an Under
ment positions, including president of the
firm's holding company. He has been very
active in a number of civic, political, professional, and cultural organizations in Los Angeles, CA.
Ambassador Schnabel was born in 1936 in
Amsterdam, The Netherlands, and attended
Trinity College, 1952-1956. In 1957 he relocated to the United States and subsequently became a U.S. citizen and served in
the U.S. Air National Guard Reserve, 1959 -1965. Ambassador Schnabel is married and
has three children.


Remarks at a Luncheon Hosted by the Forum Club in Houston,
Texas
March 16, 1989


The President. Well, thank you all for that
warm welcome back; and thank you, Dick,
for the introduction, sir. I thank you and
Dick Johnson for putting this little lunch
together. I never saw such a wonderful
crowd. They say that Texas is a state of
mind, but it's still good to set both feet


down on Texas earth and come back home
to Houston. And I'm very pleased to be
here.
This is my first trip back to the State
since taking the oath of office some 55-56
days ago. My mind raced back as I was
coming in on beautiful Air Force One to


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 16


about 29 years ago, approximately-saw the
medical center. And Barbara, I recall, was
there awaiting the birth of our daughter,
Dorothy. And now Barbara is not here-she
is not expecting, but our dog is. [Laughter]
And I think her priorities may be slightly
askewed, but she doesn't. [Laughter]
But in any event, I am pleased to be back
at this Forum Club, which has really contributed so much to the public debate on
the important issues of the day. And I am
delighted that Bob Mosbacher is with me, a
past president of the Forum Club, now handling a difficult assignment there as Secretary of Commerce-not surprisingly for
those who know him, and that's most of the
people in this room-doing a superb job.
And let me just say this: It's nice to have a
person at Commerce who understands firsthand what it means to have built a business,
to take risks; who understands that excessive regulation can be counterproductive in
terms of job creation in this country. And
also on a very personal side, it is very nice
to have someone who you can kick your
shoes off with and discuss the problems of
the moment. So, I'm delighted that he is
here with us today, and you should all be
proud of the job he is doing. In addition to
Dick O'Shields and Dick Johnson, I want to
thank Judge Lindsay, Mayor Kathy Whitmire, and Lee Hogan for being here and
welcoming me.
And I take great pride in what's happening here in Houston and, indeed, in our
State. Houston has clearly turned the
corner. I've looked at the statistics, and
they're impressive: 280 new companies last
month and nearly 90,000 new jobs in the
area in the past 2 years. And the unemployment rate is almost half what it was just 2
years ago. And best of all, the new Houston
is being built on a very broad economic
base. And I've come here to Texas to tell
you that we're hard at work in Washington;
we are making progress. By the way, I
came to Houston to share that news with
you because they already heard it out in
Lubbock. [Laughter]
We're working to drive down the deficit.
We can, indeed, we must; but we can bring
Federal spending under control and into
balance with our resources. And under our
budget, we'll have $80 billion in new reve

nue in 1990. You don't touch the tax structure, and you have $80 billion more in revenues to the Federal Government. We can
stay on track to meet these GrammRudman targets, and we can do it without
raising the taxes on the working man and
woman of this country. The key to building
a better America is realistic-it's a realistic
and workable budget, like the one we sent
up to the Congress 5 weeks ago.
We're working now on a plan that will
help developing nations cope with the
burden of debt, a solution that promotes
growth and stability in world markets. And
frankly, it isn't just Latin America-take a
look at Africa; take a look at Eastern
Europe. Other countries have staggering
debt problems; and we of the United States
have to take the lead; and indeed, under
the [Secretary of the Treasury] Brady ideas
at the end of last week, we have stepped
out to take the lead in trying to bring some
solution to that very complex problem.
We're waging a war on drug abuse on
every front-just gearing up now with our
new drug czar in place-more effective
education and awareness efforts to dry up
the demand for illegal drugs, tougher law
enforcement and interdiction to cut off suppliers and put the dealers behind bars
where they belong. It's not going to be
done just by the Federal Government. I
might say parenthetically that I do want to
find a solution to the so-called AK-47 assault weapon problem, one that protects
the rights of the legitimate sportsman, but
also protects the lives of our police officers
who are laying their lives on the line for us
every single day.
But as I say, this problem isn't a problem
just for the Federal Government. I know
that some may know the phrase, a Thousand Points of Light. In Washington, one
wag called it a thousand pints of Lite, and I
took umbrage with that. But I'm going to
keep talking about a Thousand Points of
Light because it is this volunteer spirit of
American helping American that really has
the most to do about solving this drug problem. And I salute Houston-with Houston
Crackdown, a program that is such an effort
of elected officials joining leaders in the
community and education and labor and


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Mar. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


business and whatever to do something
about this.
Another problem: We're working to establish a 6-month training wage as part of a
package that raises the minimum wage
from $3.35 to $4.25 an hour. And let me be
clear and send this message to those Members of Congress that might be tuned in:
$4.25 is my first and last offer. There will
be no compromise on that figure. Anything
higher will actually cost jobs by raising costs
for many employers and will have an adverse affect on inflation and on productivity. A training wage does just the opposite.
It provides the now-jobless, especially youth
and minorities, a chance, a handhold on the
economic ladder, a means of moving up.
And we're working on a serious problem
that Texans are aware of-the threat to our
financial system that's posed by insolvent
savings and loans. Less than 3 weeks after
taking office, we were faced with the enormity of this problem, and I announced a
comprehensive set of proposals to take effective action on this problem. And we
must clean up the S&L system so that the
questionable practices and the outright illegalities that caused the current crisis will
never happen again.
Nationwide, insolvent S&L's still in operation are incurring operating losses at a rate
of about $300 million a month. That's
almost $1 million during the course of this
lunch. And if I speak too long, you can
make that $2 million-during the course of
this lunch. It's a very serious problem. Some
of these savings and loan-the innocent victims-have changed economic times, but
some, an outright violation of the norms of
reasonable business behavior. Three weeks
ago, I sent the Congress a bill that will
enable us to take action to halt the dollar
drain and move forward on stabilizing our
savings and loan system. It is a sound and
comprehensive plan. It has been well received. And I want to see that bill passed
with its central provisions intact within the
45-day timeframe which I have challenged
Congress to act upon-and there's no
excuse for delay.
Once the legislation is enacted, we must
turn our attention to careful and responsible handling of the assets of the failed
S&L's. Let me be clear on a key point:


Insured depositors, those across our great
State and across this country whose deposits
are insured, are not at risk. They are fully
protected and will continue to be fully protected by Federal guarantees. Our solution
must ensure the least possible disruption to
local markets and, at the same time, keep
costs to a minimum. And let me say clearly:
We must see to it that those S&L officials
guilty of criminal actions are pursued and
punished for the losses that they've caused.
These are serious challenges, ticking time
bombs that we need to defuse without
delay, and we're trying to do just exactly
that. These are by no means the only issues
that demand leadership and prompt action.
We're entering the 1990's, a horizon
decade, threshold to a whole new century.
For people my age, and for people a good
deal younger, the 21st century has been the
place in our minds that we put all the fantastic ideas, all the discoveries and inventions we couldn't dream of experiencing in
our own time. The 21st century was just
another name for a future that seemed as
distant as a voyage to the Moon. Here in
Houston, we have a better sense of how we
can cover that distance and transform a distant future into our destiny. The truth is
the 21st century isn't far away at all. I graduated from school in the class of 1942. Our
first graders today will be the class of 2000.
The 21st century is here in our kids. The
essential question today: What are we doing
to prepare for the new world that begins 11
short years from now? And that's what my
agenda is all about. Building a better America means laying the foundations today for
the kind of future that we want.
Preparing for our future means investment in our economy and in our schools. It
means   safeguarding  the   environment
against shortsighted actions that do longterm damage. It means finding ways to preserve and strengthen indispensable institutions like the family in the midst of social
change. As I look at the fabric of society,
and then look at the instability of family
relationships, I see a real threat to our
future. And so, a President, this President at
least, should have everything he does be
guided by how do we strengthen the American family? or put it in reverse: How do we


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 16


keep from weakening the fabric of our society that is represented by the family?
Preparing our future means taking a
long-range look at the international landscape to determine what policies and approaches will keep us free, prosperous, and
at peace in the 21st century, as we are
today. And speaking of freedom, it means
formulating a multisource energy policy
that, in the long run, will make us less dependent on the will of countries halfway
around the world.
These aren't minor matters or unimportant issues. These are concerns that will determine what kind of world we live in and
whether we as a people live up to our
American ideals, and they're at the center
of my agenda for the new American Century.
To prepare for the future, we've got to
invest in our economy. We've got to create
incentives for new investment and aggressive R&D programs that are catalysts to
technological advance. And I have called
for a permanent R&E-research and experimentation-tax credit to create that incentive and a 13-percent increase in federally funded science research. We've got to
cut the capital gains tax-and I've asked the
Congress to join with me on this-to spur
the entrepreneurial activity that means new
products, new industries, and new jobs. I've
been hit in the political arena on this one,
saying this is a tax cut for the rich-no such
thing. It is opportunity and hope for those
that want a job and don't have a job. And
that's what this capital gains tax differential
will do if we can get the Congress to
promptly move forward.
Free enterprise is the engine of growth
that can lead us into the next century. And
it's up to the Government to maintain a
climate that is hospitable to growth, competitiveness, productive investment, one
that gives free enterprise as much free rein
as possible. And by the way, that capital
gains tax differential I talked about will
bring in, in 1 year alone-estimate of the
Department of the Treasury-will bring in,
in 1 year alone, $4.8 billion more in new
revenue if we go forward and enact what I
am calling on the Congress to do.
To prepare for the future, we must protect our environment. Whether we're talk

ing about the disposal of nuclear or other
hazardous wastes or the discharge of CFC's
[chlorofluorocarbons] into our atmosphere,
the United States-on our own and more in
concert with other nations-must make a
clean environment a top priority. And what
I've done so far is show that this isn't talk;
we are taking action. And incidentally,
maybe some of you saw it? This morning I
talked to the astronauts, the Discovery
group up there in outer space. And the
need for us to all act on the environment
was brought home to me again today when,
in the Oval Office, I found myself talking to
that spaceship and hearing from the crew
that from their very special vantage point,
looking down on planet Earth, the need
was very clear to those five people that we
must protect the global environment.
To prepare for the future, we must encourage and improve education. We must
recognize and reward excellence in education: in our schools, our teachers, our students. My merit proposals for teachers,
schools, and our nation's best young science
scholars will reward the best and encourage
others then to follow their example. Our
National Science Scholarships alone will
provide 570 top students up to $10,000 a
year to attend the college of their choice.
And we can also strengthen our schools
by introducing an element of competition
into education. Magnet schools give parents
and students the power to choose their
schools, and that will serve as a powerful
incentive for schools to improve their performance. This has been tested and tried,
and it works. And that's why I've urged
Congress to provide $100 million to help
with the startup costs for new magnet
schools.
Preparing for the future means confronting the changing nature of our society.
What are we doing in the age of the single
parent and the two-career household to
help the family survive and prosper? I've
called on Congress to adopt a set of childcare initiatives aimed at strengthening the
American family, giving parents a choice. I
don't want to regulate grandmothers. I
don't want to regulate things from Washington so that church groups can't get together and provide day care service. I don't


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Mar. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


want the regulators to push the churches
and the private groups out of the child-care
business. We must preserve choice for the
parents and diversity so that the kids can go
and be in these child-care centers that their
parents want them to be in. Our 1990
budget requests a 20-percent increase in
the funding of the very successful Head
Start program and institutes this child-care
tax credit that I've referred to for lowincome households to make balancing the
responsibilities of work and family less difficult.
But let me just parenthetically mention a
problem. I sent a bill to the Congress yesterday with choice intact; it's a beginning.
It can fit into a very tough budget on the
spending side, and I think the initial year
proposal is, say, a quarter of a billion dollars. And the very day that that goes up
there, the Congress-one of the committees
over there on the Senate side comes out, or
the House side-can't remember whichcomes out with a budget ten times that
much for the first year. And then they say,
"What are we going to do about getting the
deficit under control?" We've got to have
some discipline in the Congress if we're
going to meet the deficit needs and still
start to provide the needs for the child care
and other social causes that should really
have a command on our resources.
To prepare for the future, we've got to
map a national security strategy that ensures our freedom and gives due weight to
each factor of change in the international
scene. And that's the aim of this series of
these defense and policy reviews that I've
instructed my national security team to conduct. And some are saying, "You'd better
hurry up. You don't want Mr. Gorbachev to
capture the high ground with his speech at
the United Nations, don't want him to mold
public opinion further in Europe." Far
more important is that we do a prudent
review of our foreign policy, of our national
security requirements, and then-in concert with our allies-move forward. We are
prepared to lead this alliance, as the United
States has in the past. But I am not going to
be pushed into speedy action because Mr.
Gorbachev gives a compelling speech at the
United Nations, and I hope the Soviets understand that.


So, this is an American agenda for the
long-term, and we aren't going to clean up
the environment, turn our education system
around, or create a more responsible business climate in one single day. But if we
begin today and make steady progress, we
will succeed. And in this kind of work,
more is going on than meets the eye or
makes the headlines.
The proof will come when we look back
from the year 2000. And I'm confident we
will be able to look back with pride on
work we did to get ready for a new century
provided we look forward today. We must
enter the 21st century as a strong and trusted partner in the alliance of free nations
and a frontline leader in the defense of
freedom. We must enter the 21st century as
a productive, energetic, and innovative
member of the global economy, second to
none in the technological competition that
will determine economic leadership in the
decades ahead. We must enter the 21st century as a nation whose people enjoy freedom, opportunity, and equality of life that
fulfills the American promise: a society that
draws its strength from the individual, the
family, the community; and a government
wise enough to respect those institutions as
the cornerstone of our democratic system.
We've got work to do, work that won't
wait, great work to ensure that the next
century now on the horizon will be the
American century. Thank you all very
much. It's a great pleasure to be back, and
I'll be glad to take a few questions. Thank
you very much.
Decontrol of Natural Gas
Q. First off, of considerable interest is the
topic of natural gas decontrol. Congress
seems to be looking at this question again.
And although it's been talked about much
for several years, do you expect action this
year, and will you actively work toward that
goal?
The President. I am strongly for it; I've
made this very clear to the Congress. There
is a bill, I believe, being marked up on the
House side right now. I think it has the best
chance certainly in the last 20 years to get
passed. And the administration will send no
confusing signals on this one. I believe it is


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 16


in our national security interest, as well as
in the interest of freeing up markets that
I've talked about here earlier on-so it will
be priority. And I have a feeling that it is
more apt to happen than any time sincewell, certainly in the last 8 years that we've
watched it and followed it and run into
snags. But I'm for it; the administration is
solid behind it. And the climate in Congress
is much better today for this.
And some of it is environmental, and
much of it is that people now realize we are
becoming more and more dependent on
foreign oil-it's getting close to 50 percent
now. And most people, even if they don't
come from an oil-producing State or a hydrocarbon-producing State, understand that
that is not in the national interest of the
United States. So, I'm optimistic about it.
U.S. Space Policy
Q. Mr. President, could you comment on
your feelings about the future of NASA,
particularly with respect to the space station and a manned mission to Mars by the
end of this century.
The President. On the space station, I am
strongly for it. We have taken the steps,
budgetwise, to go forward on that. I have
not reached a conclusion on whether the
next major mission should be a manned
mission to Mars. And so, I'd have to say it's
not on hold, but we're asking the space
council that has been reconstituted-or constituted now to come forward with its recommendations. The Vice President's chairing it. He'll be in Houston in about 2 weeks
from now. So, no decision is made-what
happens beyond the space station itself, and
I will make that decision when I get their
recommendations. And I would have to say
this as a word of caution: Even though
we've increased-or requested that NASA's
budget be increased, there are constrained
resources that I have to deal with as President, and so, I can't pledge instant commissioning of this follow-on mission to Mars.
Government Ethics
Q. Is the increased attention being given
to the private lives of public officials and
candidates a good thing or a bad thing for
politics and government in this country?
The President. Well, I think there are ex

cesses. I think there are intrusions into people's private lives that go beyond the public
trust or go beyond one's ability to serve.
And I don't like the excesses.
And I think you all here know how I feel
about the recent proceedings regarding
Senator Tower-didn't like that because I
think it was unfair. I don't think it is fair to
a man who has been in public life and has
served his country with honor to be tried
by perception and rumor. That is not the
American way. And people say to me,
"Well, didn't it drag your administration
down to stand with Senator Tower?" The
answer is no, and I'm very pleased the
Senate committee moved this morning on
our new nominee, Dick Cheney. But the
answer is: I wasn't about to move away
from John Tower. People are entitled to
fairplay; they are entitled to have the
rumor laid aside and people to make up
decisions based on fact, not perception. And
so, whether it damages me 5 percentage
points or 10 doesn't matter.
I think it is proper to have full disclosure,
particularly on financial conflicts of interest.
We've just received a report from a nonpartisan ethics commission with Griffin Bell
and Judge Malcolm Wilkey of Houston as a
matter of fact-its Chairmen. There's some
good recommendations in there. I want to
have the highest possible ethical standards,
but I think in some areas most people realize that we may have gone too far in terms
of the intrusion on people's private lives.
U.S. Naval Power and World Peace
Q. Mr. President, we have time for one
additional question. Would you discuss the
future of the 600-ship U.S. Navy? Will we
continue to rely on submarine-based nuclear defense?
The President. Well, submarine-based nuclear defense is and will continue to be a
very important part of our deterrent.
There's no question about that. There is
nothing going on in the field of arms control thinking that would convince me to
have anything other than to preserve our
technology and our ability to deter war
through preserving, strengthening that kind
of defense.
In terms of the 600-ship navy-it's a goal.


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Mar. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


I've been for it, will continue to be for it.
But I have to defer now to this budget
review and strategic review and administrative review that I've tasked the Defense
Department to come up with. And it's serious business. They will report back soon,
and then we'll have to make our budget
choices. And so, I would have to defer answering how much more will be done on a
600-ship Navy within the next budget cycle.
But as a goal, as an objective, I am for that.
I believe naval power is a significant deterrent to aggression.
I might say this, inasmuch as that's the
last question: We've got 11 grandchildren,
and I expect, looking at the age lines on
some of the men around here-notice that
one-[laughter]-some of you may have
some grandchildren. When you get to be
President, one of the main concerns you
have has got to be how do you feel about
world peace. What can you do to strengthen it? Are you optimistic or pessimistic
about the world moving away from confrontation towards more peaceful resolution
of problems?
We're in the process of reviews, as I said,
and I've met Mr. Gorbachev several times.
I am convinced that I can say to our 11
grandchildren we have a real opportunity
now to make this year 2000 and beyond,
that I was talking about, more peaceful.
The changes in the Soviet Union are profound. Gorbachev himself will tell you
when you ask him about perestroika-he
said it'll never go back to the way it was.
Changes in China are profound. Barbara


and I are just back from there. It will never
go back to the days when the Soviet Union
and China were in lockstep together. But
we're facing a challenge in the United
States-we've got to figure it out. We've got
to measure Soviet intentions and then come
forward with proposals that will enhance
the peace for our kids and our grandkids.
But I wanted to leave you, my neighbors
and friends, with this thought: There is
reason to be optimistic because of the
changes inside the Soviet Union and some
of the changes that you're seeing surface
now in Eastern Europe. And you saw the
relief of regional tensions in Angola. Hopefully it will come to be brought to bear in
Central America. So, I would say to you, my
friends and neighbors, if we do it right, if
we keep strong and are not naive in it, if
we don't make drastic cuts in the security
accounts of this country, I think all of us
can look forward over that horizon to a
much more peaceful world with the United
States still in the forefront of what's right
for democracy and freedom.
Thank you all very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:30 p.m. at
the George R. Brown Convention Center. He
was introduced by Dick Johnson, president
of the club. In his opening remarks, the
President referred to Secretary of Commerce
Robert A. Mosbacher; Dick O'Shields, chairman of the club; Jon Lindsay, Harris
County judge; Kathryn J. Whitmire, mayor
of Houston; and Lee Hogan, president of
the Greater Houston Partnership. The President then traveled to Colorado Springs, CO.


Remarks at the Junior Achievement National Business Hall of Fame
Dinner in Colorado Springs, Colorado
March 16, 1989
Thank you for that warm Colorado wel- special vantage point about the need of
come. Thank you all. I am simply delighted  doing more for the world environment, and
to be here. A wonderful day-it started in  that meant obviously, more educationthe Oval Office about 8 a.m., when I talked  then to Houston, Texas, which for Secretary
to the astronauts up there in the space shut- [of Commerce] Mosbacher and I was retle. And I listened to them very carefully as  turning home. And I'm delighted that he's
they shared with me their view from their  with me here today. It's wonderful to have


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 16


a Secretary of Commerce who knows what
it is to take risks, build, succeed, and work
to help others. Bob Mosbacher is doing an
outstanding job, and I'm delighted he's with
me. And then on out here tonight for this
very special occasion.
In Washington-you know the old saying:
"If you want a friend, get a dog." [Laughter] And Junior Achievement has a different
motto. They say: "If you want a friend, sign
up Lod Cook." And what a job this guy's
done.
And I, too, want to pay my respects to
the six award winners, the six laureates honored tonight. And then when you look at
that distinguished list, as Dinah and I were
reviewing there in this program, you can't
help but be impressed-the achievements
that they've made and then what they're
doing to help others achieve. And if it
wouldn't be too subjective on my part, I
would like to say how thrilled I am to seeperhaps he's the dean of the laureates. He's
certainly one that the Bush family holds in
great regard; we have him as a role model.
And I'm talking about Mr. Erik Johnson,
over here, from Dallas, Texas. And so, it's a
special occasion for me to see him again.
I want to pay my respects to the great
Governor of this State, Governor Romer,
who is here with us tonight, and thank him
for being with us. And to Congressman Joel
Hefley who just arrived, but we're in his
congressional district, and I want to thank
him for being here as well.
And, Lod, thank you for the kind words
in that introduction. I've been an admirer
of Junior Achievement and all it's done to
advance economic education for many
years. And Lod has taken what is already a
strong program and made it that much
better. And going into that classroom to
make the meaning of economics a little
clearer is a tough assignment. I've heard
about the volunteer who asked his class
what the gross national product was-the
boy who said "that's the most disgusting
thing made in America." [Laughter] It's answers like that that make teaching a rewarding experience. [Laughter] But there's
no doubt that Junior Achievement has a
positive impact. In fact, based on what
Lod's told me about the program, and
others as well, I'm going to have to add a


point or two to our GNP estimates as soon
as I get back to Washington. [Laughter]
While all of you here tonight share in this
success story, I want especially to commend
Jim Hayes of Fortune. Jim, I know that you
and a number of your staff have been actively involved in this Project BusinessJunior Achievement's Project Business,
taking your skills and talents into classrooms
throughout New York City. The work
you're doing with those junior high students
is opening their eyes to a whole new world.
And Junior Achievement is a phenomenally successful enterprise by any measure.
The numbers alone tell the story. You reach
over a million children each year, from 4th
through 12th grades, in more than a thousand communities across the country.
And I've spoken many times about the
Thousand Points of Light, the dedicated
and diverse volunteer organizations that
contribute so much to American life. Those
of you involved in Junior Achievement
know exactly what I'm talking about. In
fact, Lod tells me that a Thousand Points of
Light doesn't begin to describe your efforts
and that the 100,000 men and women involved in Junior Achievement is a supernova of volunteers. Let's agree that the volunteer ethic is the North Star. As long as
that sense of service guides us, we'll be
strong, a self-reliant people, as ready to
help each other as we are to help ourselves.
Our young people especially can bring an
energy and enthusiasm and ability to the
volunteer effort. That's the idea behind our
administration's new initiative that I call
YES, Youth Entering Service, a new concept for the Federal Government's participation that encourages young people to
help those less fortunate than they are
themselves. And it's a good concept, and
we've selected Gregg Petersmeyer of Colorado, now back in the White House, to run
this program. And when we get going-it is,
as Lod talked about, a public-private partnership-we're going to ask your help. It is
important that young people have inculcated into them early in life a sense of service.
And I believe the program will be good in
helping those kids who haven't had an
equal place at the starting line.
Tonight I want to talk to you just a little


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Mar. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


about education, the issue at the heart of
your mission. First, a word about the lesson
in applied economics that are the hallmark
of JA. In your creative hands, economics is
anything but the dismal science, as some
have called it. You give economics life, and
you give our young people a real understanding of the stake that we all have in
economic enterprise.
Like many in this room, I know what it
means to have started a business and try to
help build it. And I know the risk and the
worries late at night, the responsibilities
that you feel for the employees that are in
it with you. And I don't need to tell all of
you it's something you never forget. I also
know the feeling that comes with some success: the pride; the exhilaration you feel
when your business is on its feet and running; the feeling you get when you take an
idea, something that exists only in your
mind maybe, and turn it into something
real, a common enterprise that meets the
test of the marketplace, that carves out a
little place in the larger economy. And all
of you here today are helping people experience that same sense of accomplishment
through their involvement with Junior
Achievement. You're awakening the entrepreneurial spirit of a new generation.
All of you have heard me say that I
intend to be the "Education President."
And let me say now, I can't think of any
issue that is larger or more far-ranging in its
impact than the education of our young
people. Think about the great issues of the
day. Do we want to talk about America's
place in the world? Then we'd better think
about education. Do we want to talk about
competitiveness and how we can improve
it? Again, we'd better think about education. About productivity-how to keep it on
the increase. Again, education. It's a matter
of our horizons-our ability to see how we
can meet and master the challenges we
face, now and in the future. Planning for
today-simply for tomorrow-is a guarantee
for stopgap solutions. Education is longrange planning at its best. It's a solution for
the next century, for problems we haven't
even begun to recognize.
In 11 short years, we'll stand on the
threshold of a new century. We know now
that the world is in the midst of a techno

logical revolution. We can see the pace of
change always accelerating. And what will
our world look like in the century ahead?
Who will lead America a generation from
now? Who will hold the top positions in
government and in the private sector? Who
will be the new pioneers in the fields of
medicine, science, and engineering? And
who will display the creative genius that
will challenge, excite, and inspire us?
We don't know their names, but I can tell
you where to find them: from 8 a.m. to 3
p.m., every day, in the schools all across this
country. Look for that fifth-grader, who 40
years from now will find him or herself in
the position that you're in today. Look for
the 5-year-old, whose curiosity about everything is the first sign of a budding scientific
mind. Look into the classrooms across this
country today, where the spark of interest
kindles a lifelong involvement in exploring,
in expanding, and in advancing our knowledge. So, let's not make the mistake of underestimating education's importance on
our national agenda. When it comes to our
nation's future, education is the key. It is
the best investment that we can make.
And now, we've all seen the studies-discouraging, some-that show American students trailing those of other nations in science and math skills. We all read the stories
about the kid who can't even find America
on a map. We all know the dropout rate,
abysmally high. And it's high where it
hurts-some of these minority communities
across this country. We all know that the
level of literacy is too low. We know that
we must do more to open the door to advancement for our disadvantaged youth by
helping them, providing them educational
opportunities they deserve.
And the answer isn't to sit and wring our
hands. We need to roll up our sleeves and
take an active part in making our schools
better. And that requires a totally cooperative effort involving all levels of government, the public and the private sector. I
understand and I believe it's right that in
our Federal system education is a shared
responsibility. Federal policy must never,
ever, crowd out local control-it's parents;
it's local boards; it's PTA; it's State efforts.
All have, themselves-all of them-impor

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 16


tant parts to play. All the primary responsibility rests with the States and the local
school systems. The Federal Government
can still serve as a catalyst for changefresh thinking about how to build the best
possible education system.
And so, I have built into my first budget a
number of education initiatives that I believe can enhance the quality of our schools.
Let me just mention four.
First we must recognize excellence, and
we must reward it because excellence
breeds excellence-reward it wherever it is
found. And that's why I've proposed a $500
million dollar program, merit schools, it's
called, and a Presidential Award for Excellence in Education for our best teachers.
We must never forget the teachers who are
out there on the cutting edge.
Secondly, we've got to strengthen scientific education. My budget includes an initiative called the National Science Scholarship
Program. Each year, beginning in 1990, a
total of 570 American high school seniors, at
least one from every congressional district
across this country, will receive up to
$10,000 a year in scholarships to the college
of their choice, renewable for 4 years.
And third, we need to remove the barriers that can keep talented teachers out of
the classroom. Think of the knowledge assembled in this room this evening-the
business acumen, the hands-on economic
experience that you all possess. I was thinking of unleashing my Third World debt program here. Ron? Lod, I've got you down for
a billion. [Laughter] Erik, half a billion. We
can solve it right here. No, but seriously,
think of the experience in this room.
Look at that honor roll. Measure it in
terms of success and creativity and innovativeness, the hands-on economic experience
that you possess. Junior Achievement makes
it possible for you to pass that on to our
schoolchildren. But what about people with
similar schools of knowledge? Their entry
into teaching as a profession is barred in
our country by the excessive requirements
of certification, requirements that many in
this room, the brightest here, could not
meet. And you could be a Ph.D., a tremendous success in business, and yet the layers
of requirements for teaching in our public
schools keeps you from volunteering, sab

batical year basis, for helping the young
people of this country. Regulations make it
impossible for schools to hire people with
the capabilities that are represented in this
room tonight. Teachers-by-training aren't
the only ones who can teach. I'm not saying
you don't need some education courses, but
I urge the State and local school systems to
take a look at their certification systems and
make sure we open up our schools to those
with a lifetime of experience outside the
classroom, who are ready and willing to
share what they know with our young
people.
This was driven home to me when I
moved to Odessa, Texas, in 1948. And I had
done reasonably well at Yale-didn't bring
my Phi Beta Kappa key along, but it's
here-and went to volunteer to teach in a
community college. Couldn't do it; didn't
need that kind of help because I hadn't
passed enough of the formal education requirements. We've got to change this.
We're in changing times. "We've got to
think anew," as Lincoln said.
And fourth, we must use competition to
spur excellence in education. I support the
use of magnet schools to introduce an element of choice into education. And I've requested $100 million to help with the startup costs of new magnet schools. We all
know the value-you all know it better than
I-the value of competitiveness in the business world. Challenging schools to strive to
match the best among them can push them
all to new heights. Competition might just
provide the quality schools that we are all
looking for. And where it's been tried-parental choice-it has helped not only the
kids but it has helped the schools that were
achieving at the lower rates. It's a good
idea; choice for parents works.
America-we're   well  positioned  to
remain productive and competitive in the
world marketplace, but our strong suit is
our abundant supply of the most inexhaustible resource on the planet: human ingenuity, and, of course, a system that gives that
ingenuity free rein. We have the raw materials. We have the opportunity. What we
need is a new sense of resolve, a commitment to shape our future by preparing
today the children who will lead us into


255




Mar. 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


that 21st century.
Thank you all very much for what you
are doing to lift the sights and give opportunity to the young people of the United
States of America. Thank you, and God
bless you all.
Note: The President spoke at 8:40 p.m. in
the ballroom at the International Center.
He was introduced by Lodwrick M. Cook,
chairman and chief executive officer of


ARCO and chairman of the National Business Leadership Conference. In his remarks,
the President referred to entertainer Dinah
Shore; Erik Johnson, founder of Texas Instruments; Charles G. Petersmeyer, Deputy
Assistant to the President and Director of
the Office of National Service; and James B.
Hayes, publisher of Fortune magazine. The
President stayed at the Broadmoor Hotel
overnight and returned to the White House
the following morning.


Nomination of Gilbert E. Carmichael To Be Administrator of the
Federal Railroad Administration
March 16, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Gilbert E. Carmichael to
be Administrator of the Federal Railroad
Administration, Department of Transportation. He would succeed John H. Riley.
Since 1961 Mr. Carmichael has been an
automobile dealer for VW, Mazda, Chrysler,
and Mercedes Benz and has been actively
involved in real estate development. In
1973 he was appointed to the National
Highway Safety Advisory Committee; and
became Chairman of the Advisory CommitThe President's News Conference
March 17, 1989
The President.  have my green tie when
I climb off. How are you guys?
Japan-US. Jet Fighter
Q. Do you think you're going to approve
the FSX?
The President. No decision on that yet.
Q. But do you think that it-is it a hard
decision for you to make? Very complicated?
The President. Well, it's a good one to be
sure you listen carefully to all sides of it,
and that's what we were doing. We had a
meeting on it just the other day, and I may
have another one when we get back. Cer

tee, 1974-1976. From 1976 to 1979, he was
a Federal Commissioner for the National
Transportation Policy Study Commission.
Mr. Carmichael graduated from Texas
A&M University (B.S., 1950). He was also a
fellow at the John F. Kennedy School of
Government, Harvard University, 1976. He
was born June 27, 1927, in Columbia, MS.
He served in the U.S. Coast Guard, 1944 -1945; 1951-1953. Mr. Carmichael is married, has one son, and resides in Meridian,
MS.


tainly I'll be talking about it over the weekend. Tom [Tom Baden, Newhouse Newspapers], it's-you know, you're torn several
ways on it, but we'll make the right decision. No decision has been made.
Q. Have you generally decided to go
ahead with the project?
The President. I just said I haven't made
any decision at all, and I will, you know,
wait until we have the benefit of all the
Cabinet officers weighing in. The first
meeting was very helpful. It went on a long
time, and we'll have another one now. I've
asked certain Cabinet members to get certain pieces of information.


256




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 17


Q. Some of your aides have suggested
that the basic decision has been made and
it's just a matter of you signing onThe President. Well, help me with what
aide has told you that, because I'd like to
speak to him about it.
Q. So, you're stillThe President. Any aide told you that?
Has he got a name to —
Q. We don't want to name any names.
The President. Is this a vicious assault on
Marlin Fitzwater? [Laughter]
Q. Not on Saint Patrick's Day.
Mr. Fitzwater. I deny everything. [Laughter]
Q. Just so we know that no decisionThe President. I told you the answer. I
make this decision. And so, some aide-if
you would help me with that, he'd be looking for employment at the Associated Press,
because he's not going to-[laughter]. I'm
serious. I mean, I see all this stuff.
Terrorism
Q. Let me ask you a question. Have you
decided that the Chilean grapes and fruit
ought to now start coming in?
The President. I was told that we're going
to lighten up on that, and I think that's fine.
Q. Do you think that restricting all those
fruit imports was too severe?
The President. No, I think when the
health of the American people might be
threatened you've got to take prudent
action. And I think HHS, working with
others, have done a good job on this. It has
caused some economic hardship, which I
regret, but these are just some of the things
you have to address yourself to.
Q. This wasn't an overreaction?
The President. Well, I don't think so. If
one person had been adversely affected
healthwise, maybe the charge would be the
other way. So, I don't think so.
Q. What do you make of this grape scare?
It's sort of one of those what's-this-worldcoming-to questions.
The President. I know it; it worries you.
Well, it ties into the whole concept of terrorism. When you try to effect change by
action-you know, political change by
action on the terrorist front-there is a similarity here, if the calling-in is accurate. You
never know on a case like this. I mean,


that's the trouble.
Q. On this same subject, apparently, Pan
Am had been warned to watch for tape
recorders that could be bombs.
The President. I haven't been briefed on
that, so I'd be very careful about responding until I get the facts.
Gun Control
Q. Mr. President, do you have any reaction to the decision by Colt to ban sales of
its own semiautomaticThe President. Who?
Q. By Colt, the maker of the PR-15.
The President. I don't know whether
they're totally banned or whether they're
waiting to see what happens on this import
decision. No, but I'm certainly not going to
differ with that decision.
Q. There's a story today that actually the
administration considered a ban on a
number of about 25 other weapons along
with what Secretary Brady —
The President. They've not discussed that
with me.
Q. Do you think the temperature of the
national debate over assault weapons has
gotten too hot, or do you thinkThe President. Yes, a little bit.
Q. How so?
The President. Just because it's gotten
pretty hot. But we'll make our decisions
from the administration in you know, a cool
way, based on facts and not swayed one
way or another by the temper of the
debate. But I can understand when kids are
shot down by a semiautomated weapon or
automated-whichever it was-why, I can
certainly understand the public outcry.
Q. Are you looking at a whole package of
other things to do?
The President. Well, we'll let you know
what we decide. We've got a brand new
drug czar who has been in there about a
week now, and so, we'll be sure to let you
guys know when we make more decisions
on this line. It's important.
American Hostages in Lebanon
Q. Sir, as you know, the hostage, Terry
Anderson, started a fifth year of being held
yesterday. Do you foresee any reformulation of our hostage policy?


257




Mar. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


The President. No.
Q. What are your thoughts about the
plight  of  these   people?   President
ReaganThe President. I think it's terrible. It's
with me every single waking hour. Very,
very concerned about it. And any time
anyone, particularly Americans, are held
against their will, it is an enormous concern.
But I'll stick with my answer in terms of
reformulation of policy.
Q. Do you foresee any reissuing of the
statement you made in your inaugural
speech-"good will begets good will"-anything along those lines that you would say
to those people?
The President. I think those people know
how I feel, and I'd just leave it right there.
I've really tried to make that very clear
then, and I think it was.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Cheney
Q. Mr. President, have you been in contact with Mr. Cheney in recent days, since
his
The President. Dick Cheney? I talked to
him 2 days ago, but I didn't talk to him
since the committee acted. Very pleased
the way it's going.
Q. I don't know-have your heard whether Cheney'sMr. Fitzwater. They were getting ready
to, but they hadn't as of about an hour ago.
The President. I thought they were going
to vote about 1 o'clock.
Q. Are you tempted to swear him in
days-plan to get him on board?
The President. That's not a bad thought.
He'll go to work right away, whether he's
officially sworn in or not. What I've been
doing with most of the Cabinet officers is
going to the Cabinet Departments, and I
think it does show an interest on the part of
the President in those Departments. It
might be a very important thing to do with
Defense, given the delay that's taken place.
But I'm very pleased about it, and I'm convinced he'll be a wonderful Secretary of
Defense. I'm very happy with the public
reaction, people that are in the decisionmaking process on the Hill and people he'll
be working with at the Pentagon. It's been
very well-received.


Inflation
Q. Mr. President, the Producer Price
Index was up a full 1 percent this morning
for February. That's the second month in a
row it's been 1 percent, or more than 12
percent annual inflation so far, on wholesale
prices. How do you view these figures? Do
you still contend that inflation is not increasing substantially?
The President. My view is that you have
to always be vigilant against inflation,
always vigilant. As you know, there were
other figures earlier this week that sent out
a different message-plant capacity. And
actually, these figures are based on mainly
food and energy prices from a couple of
months ago.
Having said that, I'd make two points: We
can never relax in our concerns about inflation. And the best thing to do about it is to
get the budget deficit down and to have
speedy action along the lines of the budget
proposals I've made. And I'll say this-I
don't want it to come out that I think
there's foot-dragging, because the meeting
we had this week, Tom, with the leadership
of the budget committees, appropriations
committees, finance committees, was a very
good meeting. And the leaders themselves
are trying to be-on both Republican and
Democrat-want to be cooperative. So, I
can't fault the Congress at this point. But I
do think that a signal of this kind, PPI,
should not be overlooked and should be another clarion call for doing something about
the deficit. We'll just keep saying that.
Q. Fed-[inaudible]-interest rates?
The President. I'm not about to fight with
the Fed. I think there's a lot of indications
that the economy is still in good shape, but
that doesn't mean that we shouldn't be vigilant against inflation. But anytime there's
an indication of this nature, I would say
please, let's everybody-executive branch,
congressional branch-go the extra mile on
getting this deficit down. It's the best
answer to it by far.
Gun Control
Q. Mr. President, can I go back to the
gun issue one more time? There have been
some news reports that charged that a decision by your administration this week to


258




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 17


halt the imports represents for you a
change in position on gun control. What's
your reaction to that charge?
The President. It represents, certainly, a
heightened concern on my part about AK47's.
Q. But not a reversal
The President. It's a pulse change.
Q. What's that?
The President. Pulse change-we're enforcing the law. Incidentally, it talks about
the suitability of weapons for sporting purposes. And we're not changing the law by
doing this or trying to have a different interpretation of the law.
Q. Some gun store owners say that they
had no demand for this until the media
hyped the issue, and that's why
The President. Well, then they should address that to you, not to me. I'm not in the
media.
Q. The police had a concern long before
the media started talking about it.
The President. Absolutely, the police have
been very concerned about this, and we've
got to find an accommodation between the
police and the sporting interest. In my
view, there can be an accommodation.
There must be an accommodation, but
that's the way I look at it.
Aid to the Contras
Q. Mr. President, are you ready with a
contra aid package?
The President. Not as of this minute. I
think we'll be talking about that-I talked
yesterday to Jim Baker [Secretary of State]
and Brent Scowcroft [Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs] just
before I left; we had an early meeting in
the White House. And I've not talked to
them since we've been gone, but I expect it
will be awaiting me when I get back. I
want to see something worked out where
America speaks with one voice. It is not
helpful to the foreign policy objectives to
have divided voices: the Congress going in
one direction and the Executive, who is responsible for foreign policy, going in another. So, we're trying to work all that out.
And I think Jim Baker has been well received on the Hill from both Republicans
and Democrats.
Q. I've got a really long question once we


change this tape. [Laughter]
The President. How about a long answer
while she's changing? [Laughter] Come on,
a little hustle!
President's Personal Schedule
Q. While they're changing tapes, we were
wondering whether you'll have a full weekend your first whole weekend in the White
House?
The President. We're going to unleash all
the athletic events. Horseshoes are ready,
although the official opening of the pit-we
now refer to it as the horseshoe pitching
court-will take place probably 2 weeks
from tomorrow in a very big gala opening
with horseshoe pitchers from across the
country coming, some of the very best. And
that event will be, weather permitting, in a
couple of weeks. I think the date is close to
being set for Saturday, 2 weeks from tomorrow. But in the meantime, there'll be some
preliminary pitching, which we would welcome participation from those who claim to
have credentials in this sport right here.
But then the tennis court, I'm going to hit
today and tomorrow-tomorrow and the
next day, I think. Might get the running
going again-I felt pretty good yesterday.
Although, I ran out of oxygen there, so I
had to go down to less than the 2 miles-I
like to run, but I'm going to do that. We've
got great machines for that, too, incidentally-the Schwinn Aerodyne and the Pacer's
latest running track, both of those are at the
White House. So, I am excited. We have a
lot of events going on.
Q. And you have the grandkids coming in
next weekend?
The President. Next weekend-big event.
That'll probably be at Camp David, though,
Easter Sunday.
Q. How you been able to get in as much
exercise as you had expected to?
The President. Yes, I can get it in. But I
had that hiatus in there because of the lingering flu that I've never had before. So, I
cut down on the running. A little overweight, but I really feel good. I was up
early this morning, which was not early DC
time, but went for a long walk out there.
And wanted to tee it up on their golf
course, it looked so good.


259




Mar. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Q. Do you have the caged-in feeling
The President. No.
Q. living in the White House that
some of your predecessors complained
about?
The President. Not yet. I don't think I
will.
Q. -living over the store, as President
Reagan used toThe President. No. It's wonderful-get to
work quicker.
Visit to Cheyenne Mountain High School
Q. What did you and the kids talk about
yesterday, running around the track? Conversation seemed to beThe President. Well, one of them had just
come back from China-a big, tall guy on
my left. And he was asking me-I was very
impressed with the guy; he kept hanging in
there. I'm not sure he was their most athletic student because he was breathing even
harder than I was. [Laughter] But he asked
me which school would be the best to go to
for foreign policy and things of that nature.
He was talking about Lewis and Clark and
Stanford. I said, Well, they're both fine
schools, but I think the Fletcher School or
Georgetown is also good in that regard. Another little guy, the guy on my right, heavyset kid-he's going to Baylor next year, and
he started talking a little about Texas. And
we got into a long discussion of different
sports out there and what's popular in Colorado-lacrosse coming in now and soccer,
mainly in the girls, but coming up in the
men's side, too-hockey. It was wonderful.
The baseball team was working out. So, it
was mainly that kind of thing. But they
were very nice, and they didn't seem to
think I was disrupting their events.
President's Dog
Q. How many puppies are you going to
have?
The President. If I had to bet-and we've
done no sonograms-I would bet six.
Q. Are you going to keep any of them?
The President. Millie is one of eight-I
don't think so. A tremendous demand out
there, Tom, enormous demand for these
puppies. And I'm particularly interested in
the op-ed page in one of the great newspapers the other day, where they had two


English spaniel breeders saying this was the
most outrageous thing they'd ever seenthe attention to having these puppies there
at the White House. And then, off-setting
opinion, counterpoint, came by an 85-yearold woman who has written a book on English spaniels, who announced that this was
one of the greatest things that had ever
happened. So, it's causing a very lively
debate, much like the AK-47 debate[laughter]-a tremendous interest in this.
Q. So, you'll be happy when it's over.
The President. Yeah. It's changed my life.
Seriously, you think I'm kidding about that.
It's awful. Can I tell them what Barbara
told me on the phone?
Mr. Fitzwater. Sure.
The President. She said, "Tonight, you're
in the Lincoln bed, alone." I said, "Well,
why?" She said, "Well, Millie had a very
bad night last night, thrashing around, and
you would be irritable." So, I'm being sent
down the hall, which just suits the heck out
of me.
Q. Well, who's in the doghouse? You or
the dog?
The President. The dog refuses to go to
the doghouse is the problem. There's a
beautiful pen made for her to have this
blessed event in. It's wonderful-little shelf
built out so that the puppies can scurry
under there and they don't get rolled on by
the mother. I never thought we'd go
through something like this again, after the
6 kids and 11 grandchildren. But it's a
whole new thing.
Q. Is this worse?
The President. In a way, it is. In a way, it
is. It's mainly because of Barbara's biding
interest in it. She can't move without the
dog being 2 feet away from her. But it's
exciting, and we're real thrilled. Millie's
mother gave birth on the Farish bed at
night. He woke up, and he heard a little
squeak, and there were three pups and
more arriving-right on the bed. So, we're
trying to avoid that. It's wonderful-[laughter]-great new dimension to our lives.
But, no, there's no-at least at this juncture-any confinement or all of that. I
mean, you move and go out and do stuff,
and the Secret Service are very-you know,
they do their job, but they're very flexible


260




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 17


in approach if you want to go someplace.
You all have been most cooperative, for
which I'm very grateful. Nobody's griping
about it if we decide to do something on
short notice.
Is that it? Painless. Does this get credit
now-what is this? A photo-op? We're
trying to count up the-a mini press conference?
President's Press Conferences
Q. I think this is the equivalent of the
airport-Oval OfficeThe President. What is it called?
Q. Plane-up.
The President. Plane-up?
Q. Yes. We came up with a new rule.
These are unlimited.
The President. These are? [Laughter]
Q. We're used to the big East Room news
conferences.
The President. I was talking to Marlin
about that. I think we probably ought to do
both. But I don't feel under any-I don'tput it this way, I don't think that my side of
it is not getting out, and therefore, the
thing is I need some other form of press.
On the other hand, I don't want to deny
everybody wearing the bright dress and the
fancy necktie having the opportunity to get
the question on TV-[laughter]-that kind
of thing.
How do you all feel about it? Do you
think there should be more of those-big,
formal thing?
Q. We like it daytime.
The President. You like the day better?
Q. Absolutely!
The President. Wonder whether you
could do a formal one in the daytimemore formal?
Q. Jimmy Carter used to do them at 4
p.m., in the afternoon, on a regular basis,
saying he wanted-I think the evening ones
are kind of fun if you've got something to
announce or
The President. I think there ought to be
something to peg it to so it's not just some


kind of an extravaganza. But we were just
talking about that this morning, as a matter
of fact.
Q. President Ford tried to have them out
on the South Lawn and over in the Rose
Garden, various different
The President. Press conference on the
South Lawn? How did that work? I don't
remember that.
Q. It was early in his administration. They
watered the grass that morning and all of us
were knee-deep in mud.
The President. The press room, I think
that's probably as good as you could do. I
mean, most people have a little time to get
there, and it always seems to be full.
Q. It doesn't become an extravaganza.
That's probably part of the appeal.
The President. I don't know whether we
get as good a coverage, but I would think
so, except for the time. Prime time versus
afternoon. I don't know.
But, no, we're going to have a good
weekend if the weather holds. I hope you
all do. I would have liked to have stuck
around out here.
Easter Egg Roll
Q. -Easter Egg Roll? [Laughter]
Q. With puppies?
The President. I don't know what's happening on the Easter Egg Roll. It's being
worked on, I know that. I went last year.
It's kind of a push. It's a push.
Q. -families wait for hours.
The President. To get in there? Yes, well,
I haven't seen the grassroots side of it. I just
kind of walk down the center aisle.
Well, back to work. We've got to go.
Q. Have a good weekend, sir.
The President. We will.
Note: The President's eighth news conference took place aboard Air Force One en
route to Washington, DC, from Colorado
Springs, CO. Marlin Fitzwater was the
President's Press Secretary.


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Mar. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Kate Leader Moore To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Transportation
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Kate Leader Moore to be
Assistant  Secretary  of  Transportation
(Budget and Programs). She would succeed
Janet Hale.
Since January 1989 Miss Moore has been
a policy consultant in the Office of Policy
Development of the Executive Office of the
President. Prior to this she was deputy director for planning in the office of policy
development for the office of the Presidentelect, 1989, and deputy director of domestic
policy for Bush-Quayle '88. Prior to this she
was director of the Office of Policy, Planning, Research, and Budget for the National
Endowment for the Arts, 1981-1988. She


has also served as Special Assistant to the
Chief of Staff at the White House, 1981;
media coordinator for the Reagan-Bush
Committee, 1980; and director of the advocate speakers program for the George Bush
for President Committee, 1980. She was assistant product manager for Post Cereals for
General Foods Corp., 1977-1980, and sales
and promotion manager for Bellerophon
Books, 1973-1975.
Miss Moore graduated from Yale College
(B.A., 1973) and Stanford Graduate School
of Business (M.B.A., 1977). She was born in
Los Angeles, CA, and currently resides in
Washington, DC.


Nomination of Galen Joseph Reser To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Transportation
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Galen Joseph Reser to be
Assistant Secretary of Transportation (Governmental Affairs). He would succeed
Edward R. Hamberger.
Since 1985 Mr. Reser has served as the
director of the Office of the Illinois State
Governor James R. Thompson in Washington, DC. Prior to this he held two positions


in the Office of United States Senator
Charles H. Percy of Illinois: director of legislation and projects, 1980-1984, and director of Illinois projects, 1979-1980.
Mr. Reser graduated from Bradley University School of Arts and Humanities (B.A.,
1973). He currently resides in Alexandria,
VA.


Nomination of Jeffrey Neil Shane To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Transportation
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jeffrey Neil Shane to be
Assistant Secretary of Transportation (Policy
and International Affairs). He would succeed Gregory S. Dole.
Mr. Shane is currently a Deputy Assistant


Secretary for Transportation Affairs at the
State Department, serving in that capacity
since 1985. Prior to this, he served at the
Department of Transportation as a Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Policy and International Affairs, 1983-1985, and Assistant


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 17


General Counsel for International Law, ty School of Law (LL.B., 1965). He was
1979-1983.                              born March 27, 1941, and currently resides
Mr. Shane graduated from Princeton Uni- in Washington, DC.
versity (A.B., 1962) and Columbia UniversiNomination of David Philip Prosperi To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Transportation
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate David Philip Prosperi to
be Assistant Secretary of Transportation
(Public Affairs). He would succeed Wendy
Monson DeMocker.
Since 1988 Mr. Prosperi has been deputy
press secretary in the office of the President-elect. Prior to this he was press secretary to Republican Vice Presidential nominee Senator Dan Quayle, 1988. He was assistant to the Secretary of the Interior and


Director of Public Affairs, 1985-1988, and
manager of government affairs for the Superior Oil Co. and Superior Farming Co.,
1982-1984. Mr. Prosperi has served as Assistant Press Secretary to the President at
the White House, 1981-1982, and press
aide for the 1980 Reagan for President
campaign, 1979-1981.
Mr. Prosperi graduated from the University of Illinois (B.S., 1975) and the George
Washington University (M.B.A., 1983).


Nomination of Phillip D. Brady To Be General Counsel of the
Department of Transportation
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Phillip D. Brady to be
General Counsel of the Department of
Transportation. He would succeed B.
Wayne Vance.
Since January 1989 Phillip Brady has
been Deputy Assistant to the President and
Director of Cabinet Affairs at the White
House in Washington, DC. Prior to this Mr.
Brady served at the White House as Deputy
Counsel to the President, 1988-1989, and
Deputy Assistant to the Vice President,
1985-1988. Mr. Brady has also served at the
Department of Justice as Acting Assistant
Attorney General for the Office of Legislative and Intergovernmental Affairs, 1984 -1985; Associate Deputy Attorney General,


1983-1984; and Director for Congressional
and Public Affairs, Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1982-1983. Other positions Mr. Brady has held include regional
director, Region IX, ACTION, 1981-1982;
legislative  counsel  for  Representative
Daniel E. Lungren, 1979-1981; deputy attorney general, California Department of
Justice, 1978-1979; and an associate in the
law firm of Spray, Gould and Bowers in Los
Angeles, 1976-1978.
Mr. Brady graduated from the University
of Notre Dame (B.A., cum laude, 1973) and
Loyola University School of Law (J.D., cum
laude, 1976). He was born May 20, 1951, in
Pasadena, CA, and is married, has three
children, and resides in Arlington, VA.


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Mar. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Terence A. Todman To Be United States Ambassador
to Argentina
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Terence A. Todman to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Argentina. He would succeed Theodore E.
Gildred.
From 1983 to 1988, Ambassador Todman
served as Ambassador to Denmark. Prior to
this he was Ambassador to Spain, 1978 -1983. He has served as Assistant Secretary
of State for Inter-American Affairs, 1977 -

1978. He was also Ambassador to Costa
Rica, 1974-1977; Ambassador to Guinea,
1972-1974; and Ambassador to the Republic of Chad, 1969-1972. He is a career
member of the Senior Foreign Service.
Mr. Todman graduated from Inter-American University (B.A., 1951) and Syracuse
University (M.P.A., 1952). He was born
March 13, 1926, in St. Thomas, VI. Mr.
Todman is married and has four children.


Accordance of the Personal Rank of Ambassador to C. Travis
Marshall While Serving as Chairman of the United States
Delegation to the International Telecommunication Union
Conference
March 17, 1989


The President today accorded the personal rank of Ambassador to C. Travis Marshall,
of Maryland, during the tenure of his service as chairman of the United States delegation to the 1989 Plenipotentiary Conference of the International Telecommunication Union.
Mr. Marshall is a 35-year veteran of the
telecommunications industry. A 1948 graduate of the University of Notre Dame, he is
presently senior vice president of Motorola,
Inc. Prior to this he served in the U.S. Army
from 1944 to 1946. From 1948 to 1951, he
was with the Firestone Tire and Rubber
Co., until he was again called to active military duty, serving from 1951 to 1952. He
joined the Hallicrafters Co. as an assistant
radio sales manager in 1952 and rose to the


position of general sales manager by 1965.
From 1965 to 1970, he was vice president
of marketing for the E.F. Johnson Co. Mr.
Marshall joined Motorola, Inc., in 1970,
where his first position was as vice president and director of marketing operations
for Motorola Communications and Electronics, Inc. In 1972 he was named director of
government relations, and in 1974 was promoted to vice president and corporate director of government relations. In 1985 he
was promoted to senior vice president and
is presently serving in this same capacity.
Mr. Marshall was born January 31, 1926,
in Apalachicola, FL. He is married, has
three children, and resides in Bethesda,
MD.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 17


Nomination of James Buchanan Busey IV To Be Administrator of
the Federal Aviation Administration
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate James Buchanan Busey IV
to be Administrator of the Federal Aviation
Administration, Department of Transportation. He would succeed T. Allan McArtor.
Since 1987 Admiral Busey has been Commander in Chief of Allied Forces in Southern Europe, and Commander in Chief of
U.S. Naval Forces in Europe. Prior to this
he was Vice Chief of Naval Operations,
1985-1987. He has served as Commander
of the Naval Air Systems Command, 1983 -1985, and Commander of the Light Attack


Wing Pacific, 1982-1983. From 1980 to
1982, he was Deputy Chief for Resource
Management at Headquarters of Naval Material Command. He was Auditor General
of the Navy of the Office of the Under Secretary of the Navy, 1978-1980. He entered
the U.S. Navy in 1952.
Admiral Busey received a B.S. and M.S.
degree in management from the Naval
Postgraduate School. He was born October
2, 1932, in Peoria, IL. He is married and
has three children.


Nomination of Melvin Floyd Sembler To Be United States
Ambassador to Australia
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Melvin Floyd Sembler to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Australia. He would succeed Laurence William Lane, Jr.
Mr. Sembler is currently one of the Nation's leading shopping center developers.
In addition, he now sits on the executive
committee of the International Council of
Shopping Centers board of trustees and is
serving as ICSC's international public serv

ice chairman. He also served as the president of the International Council of Shopping Centers from 1986 to 1987. In 1988
Mr. Sembler was a Presidential appointee to
the White House Conference for a Drug
Free America and was also a member of
the Bush Coalition for a Drug Free America.
Mr. Sembler graduated from Northwestern University (B.S., 1952). He was born
May 10, 1930, in St. Joseph, MS. Mr.
Sembler is married and has three children.


Nomination of John Giffen Weinmann To Be United States
Ambassador to Finland
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John Giffen Weinmann to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Finland. He would succeed Rockwell Anthony Schnabel.


Since 1988 Mr. Weinmann has been a
member of the national finance committee
for George Bush for President, and Louisiana State finance chairman for George Bush
for President/Louisiana Victory '88. Mr.
Weinmann has been president and director


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Mar. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


for Waverly Oil Corp., 1979 to the present.
He was chairman of the board of Eason Oil
Co., 1977, and director, 1961-1980. He has
been involved in numerous professional and
civic organizations.


Mr. Weinmann graduated from Tulane
University (B.A., 1950; J.D., 1952). He was
born August 29, 1928, in New Orleans, LA.
He is married, has five children, and resides
in New Orleans, LA.


Nomination of Jerry A. Moore, Jr., To Be United States Ambassador
to Lesotho
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jerry A. Moore, Jr., to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the
Kingdom of Lesotho. He would succeed
Robert M. Smalley.
Since 1946 Reverend Moore has been
pastor of the Nineteenth Street Baptist
Church in Washington, DC. He was chaplain for the DC Detention Facility, 1984 -1988. He has been a councilman for the


District of Columbia, 1969-1984; instructor
for the Washington Baptist Seminary, 1964;
and Baptist chaplain for Howard University,
1958. He has served on numerous business,
government, and civic organizations and
committees.
Reverend Moore received a B.A. degree
from Morehouse College and B.D. and M.A.
degrees from Howard University. He was
born June 12, 1918, in Minden, LA.


Nomination of Joseph Zappala To Be United States Ambassador to
Spain
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Joseph Zappala to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America to Spain.
He would succeed Reginald Bartholomew.
Mr. Zappala is currently the chairman
and chief executive officer of Joseph Zappala and Associates. He served as cochairman for the State of Florida on the George
Bush for President National Steering Committee and National Finance Committee.
He recently served as the national cochairman of finance for the American Bicentennial Presidential Inaugural. Mr. Zappala is
the chairman of Home Town Investors,
Inc., and owner and chairman of Tucson


Greyhound Park in Tucson, AZ. He founded and was chairman of the board of the
First National Bank of Seminole in Pinellas
County, FL. In addition, he was cofounder
and serves as president of Straight, Inc., a
drug treatment and rehabilitation program
for adolescents. Mr. Zappala serves on the
board of the College of Veterinary Medicine at the University of Florida and on the
board of the Police Athletic League. He is
also the past chairman of the Pinellas Association for Retarded Children.
Mr. Zappala graduated from the New
York Institute of Finance. He is married
and has four daughters.


266




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 17


Nomination of Frederick Morris Bush To Be United States
Ambassador to Luxembourg
March 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Frederick Morris Bush to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Luxembourg. He would succeed Jean
Broward Shevlin Gerard.
Since 1979 Mr. Bush has been principal
professional fundraiser for George Bush,
serving as deputy finance chairman for the
George Bush for President Committee; finance director of the Fund for America's
Future; executive cochairman of the Presidential Trust and Victory '88 for the Republican National Committee; and senior adviser for the Team 100 Program for the ReStatement on Meeting With Prime
Ireland
March 17, 1989
There are many excellent reasons for
celebrating St. Patrick's Day. Traditionally
this happy occasion provides a special opportunity to spotlight the Irish heritage in
America and to affirm the ties of kinship
and values which the American and Irish
people share. On this St. Patrick's Day,
1989, we again pay tribute to the warm
relationship between Ireland and America.
We are honored to welcome to the White
House the Prime Minister of Ireland, the
Taoiseach, Mr. Charles Haughey, whose
presence adds a special significance to our
celebration.
St. Patrick's Day also provides a special
opportunity to pay tribute to U.S.-Irish cooperation in the international arena in the
cause of justice, peace, and progress, and to
declare that working together to solve
international problems encourages the development and maturation of our traditional bilateral relationship.
In the presence of the Taoiseach, I would
also like to thank Ireland for its contribution to peacekeeping efforts around the


publican National Committee. He was
president of the consulting firm of Bush and
Co. in Washington, DC. He has served as
Deputy Chief of Staff to the Vice President
at the White House, 1982-1984, and Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Tourism,
1981. He was assistant for administration in
the office of the Vice President-elect, 1980 -1981, and national finance director for the
George Bush for President Committee,
1979-1980.
Mr. Bush graduated from the University
of Colorado (B.A., 1971) and American University (M.A., 1974). He is married, has four
children, and resides in Chevy Chase, MD.
Minister Charles Haughey of
world and to extend the appreciation and
condolences of the American people to the
families of the Irish soldiers who have given
their lives in the cause of peace.
Today I express America's appreciation
for Ireland's efforts to promote economic
development, justice, security, and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. The U.S. supports the efforts of the Irish and British
Governments to use the Anglo-Irish accord
and the International Fund for Ireland to
address the problems which have too long
plagued Northern Ireland. We will continue
to support efforts to promote fair employment and investment in Northern Ireland.
I call on the American people to support
all those who seek justice and peaceful settlements to disputes in Northern Ireland. In
the same spirit, I call on all Americans to
reject those who seek to impose settlements
anywhere through terror.
The comprehensive political, diplomatic,
and economic ties between our two countries require recognition that U.S.-Irish rela

267




Mar. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tions are the responsibility of all Americans.
Therefore, millions of Americans of many
heritages and from all walks of life join in
observing this fine day and in paying tribute to the friendship and cooperation be

tween Ireland and America. Americans do
not have to be Irish to treasure Ireland's
contributions or to celebrate St. Patrick's
Day.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Thomas R. Pickering as
United States Representative to the United Nations
March 20, 1989


The President. We were reminiscing in
the Oval Office with the Pickerings. And
Barbara and I had visited them in four different posts: Jordan, Israel, Nigeria, and El
Salvador. And in all likelihood, we will be
visiting them in a fifth post. [Laughter]
But this is a proud day, I think, for the
country, certainly for Tom and Tom's
family, and for the Foreign Service. Ambassador Pickering, as we all know, is a skilled
diplomat, a veteran of high-priority, tough
assignments. He is one of only five FSO's
that hold the rank of Career Ambassador.
He's had extensive global experience, diplomatic experience that includes in a broad
sense the Middle East, Central America,
Africa. And now he's assuming a very important job.
I take the U.N. very seriously, and I'm
pleased with the changes that have been
taking place there. I salute, incidentally, his
predecessor, my friend Dick Walters, who is
with us today, for helping effect some of
the changes, particularly on the financial
side. I believe that the Secretary-General,
an old friend of ours, Javier Perez de Cuellar, is doing a good job; and he deserves our
support.
The U.N.'s Nobel Peace Prize for peacekeeping is a sign of new respect for the
organization. And the U.N. is on the right
track for reform. It is now certainly a more
effective organization, and I expect under
Tom's prodding that will continue-that
reform momentum. Signs of greater political seriousness must continue. A case in
point has been the approach to Cuba and
human rights. As a result of the recent U.N.
Commission on Human Rights meeting in
Geneva, Cuba's human rights record will be


in the spotlight. I'd like to have seen a continuation of that mission, but nevertheless,
it has been spotlighted there. And I'm
counting on Tom Pickering to make sure
that the question of human rights in Cuba
maintains an appropriately high profile and
stays high on the United Nations agenda.
The U.N. can be a force for peace, a
forum for resolving conflict. And as proof of
this, consider its instrumental role in the
Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, in the
Iran-Iraq war-a very important role there.
It's an important place in the international
arena. There was a time when a lot of us
got pessimistic about the U.N. role in peacekeeping-our interests mainly in the economic and social end. But I think both now
are on the track towards significant improvement.
My point man there at the U.N., working
with the Secretary and me, will be Tom
Pickering, an able, articulate advocate for
our administration's foreign policy. And so,
it's a delight for me-and I seldom speak
for the Secretary of State or the Vice President, but it's a delight for all of us, we
three-to join his family and all of you in
saluting Tom Pickering. And now, with no
further ado, Jim, if you would do the
honors, I will grab my toe mark here.
[Laughter] Here we are. Here's your toe
mark. [Laughter]
[At this point, Ambassador Pickering was
sworn in.]
Ambassador Pickering.  President and
Mrs. Bush, Vice President Quayle, Secretary
Baker, family and friends. Thank you very
much, Mr. President, for your very kind
words and your strong and ringing endorse

268




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 20


ment. And thank you both for being here
with me this morning at this very important
event in my life and in my hope to serve
our country as well as possible.
Your faith and confidence in me and
through me and the American Foreign
Service is a special mark of honor for me
and for all of us, many of whom are here
with me today, who serve in the American
Foreign Service. I think I share with Jim
Lilley, who will soon be the next Ambassador in Beijing, a unique and historical distinction. We will be the first Ambassadors
in American history to serve a President
who knows just everything-more about
our jobs than we do. [Laughter] That's a
heavy load, but I will be on my toes in New
York to try to do the best I possibly can in
this endeavor. And I think it's symbolic that
just a few minutes ago, Mr. President, a
number of members of the Cabinet staff
took all the dead wood out of this office.
[Laughter]
Because this administration has already
shown its interest, there is a new excitement in New York at the United Nations.
As an institution under the able leadership
of the Secretary-General, who was a companion and colleague of yours, it has made
real progress over the last few years in
peacemaking and in peacekeeping: in Afghanistan, in the Iran-Iraq war, and now in
the Angola-Namibia settlement. It has supported free elections everywhere and the
benefits of the market economies. It has
helped with programs in the area of narcotics, in international terrorism, in human
rights, and in national development. And it
has begun building a program of far-reaching reforms.
This has been a result not only of our
own policies but of changing views in the
Soviet Union and elsewhere, and particularly the work of a number of my distinguished predecessors. And I want to mention particularly Dick Walters, who is here
with us this morning. He has been a terrific
predecessor, a great man to break in a new
Ambassador, and-along with the very able
staff of the mission in New York and the
people who work on this subject at the
State Department-has been an enormous
help. Mr. Secretary, John Bolton, I look forward to working very closely with you in


the days ahead on our policy at the United
Nations.
It is a time for us to look ahead, cautiously but, I think, optimistically, in New York.
U.N. reform can and should continue.
Peacemaking in areas as remote, but as important, as Cambodia and the Western
Sahara, and even in Cyprus, now show
some sign of progress. Peacekeeping tasks
are likely to continue to grow. Help in Central America will certainly be important in
verifying a balanced agreement which includes the provisions for democratic processes in Nicaragua, dealing with global climate change with the environment, with
human rights. And as you mentioned, Mr.
President, especially for Cuba, where for
the first time it is prominent in the world's
agenda of human rights questions-will be
high on my agenda, and I accept your instruction and will certainly proceed to continue to keep it there. Similarly, narcotics
and terrorism, chemical weapons, and many
other issues will be on our plate in New
York.
Mr. Secretary and Mr. President, you are
both here in this place sending a special
signal, a special signal of support for me and
our foreign policies in the U.N. I don't
know how this will be received in New
York, but I can assure you that for the first
time in my history 1 10 percent of my
family has taken this opportunity to attend
a swearing-in. [Laughter]
I'm delighted as well to see so many
friends here. But I do want to mention one
special friend and supporter, without whom
this day would not be possible. Alice has
been part of a foreign service team with me
for many years. She has done a fantastic
amount of work around the world, much of
it unsung. Indeed, I feel often I get the
recognition and she gets the tough jobs.
However that may be, I hope you will all
consider with me that this is her day today
as much as it is anyone else's. And I want to
thank her from this platform for all that she
has done; because she represents, as many
others in the Foreign Service represent, the
best in the way of loyalty and devotion to
the ideals of the United States in unstinting
service to our country. She very much took
the oath with me, as she has six times


269




Mar. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


before. And I'm delighted that she is here,
and I hope that she will share in the recognition that's being accorded to me here
today.
Thank you again, all of you, for being
here. Tomorrow we leave for New York to
take up a new assignment. I know I can say
with safety that we will see all of you there
from time to time-[laughter]-and I say
with genuine sincerity that we look forward
to seeing you there. Thank you again, very,
very much.
The President. Barbara and I are going to
ask Alice and Tom to come into the Oval
Office, and it might be a nicer way to greet
all of you that have come over to pay your
respects to him. And so, if you don't mind
kind of filing through, we'd like to welcome
you there, and just a quick handshake and


then you'll be summarily thrown out by[laughter]-Joseph Reed, who knows how to
do this because he's been at the U.N. for a
long time.
Note: The President spoke at 10 a.m. in the
Roosevelt Room at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Vernon A. Walters,
former US. Representative to the United
Nations, and Joseph Reed, Chief of Protocol-designate at the Department of State
and former Under Secretary-General of the
United Nations. Secretary of State James A.
Baker III administered the oath of office. In
his remarks, the Ambassador referred to his
wife, Alice Pickering, and to John Bolton,
Assistant Secretary of State-designate for
International Organizations.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With the State
Legislators Working Group
March 20, 1989


The President. Well, let me just say in the
beginning here I'm delighted to see all of
you here-forerunner of things to come in
the electoral process-because we do have
to shift gears and look ahead to redistricting
and to all the political process that you've
participated in and in which you have been
leaders. And so, we don't want to neglect
anything that has to do with building our
numbers. I'm glad to see Lee Atwater down
there. And I can say that he and Jeanwhere's Jeanie Austin? Do I see her here?
But in any event, they have done a fantastic
job getting going at the Republican National Committee. And I'm glad to see Mary
here, and of course Deb Anderson here,
coming out of your elected ranks, here in
the White House now. So, I hope that we'll
have a sensitive White House: a White
House sensitive to the political requirements out there from people that are seeking election. And one thing I wanted to
urge was recruitment: getting good candidates in the State races, as well as those that
are for Federal office. And I wanted to let
you know that we want to assist in every


way possible on that.
In terms of Washington, DC, I think
things are off to a reasonably good start. I
got here, and with the help of Governor
Sununu down there and many others in this
room, why, we addressed ourselves right up
front with one of the-I guess the biggest
problem, and that is how we feel the deficit
should be brought down. And we're going
to keep plugging away, working with the
Congress. We have to do that, want to do
that, will do that to get this problem solved.
And it is one that there will be some giveand-take on it, but the ideas we've proposed are sensible. They are in keeping
with the way I ran for office and the way
many of you that ran this time ran for
office. And I am convinced that we can get
a good deal, project that budget deficit
down with finality, and do it without doing
what the American people don't want, and
that is raising taxes. We've got to do it with
holding the line on taxes, not raise them.
And I believe that the proposals we made
are very sensible in that regard.
But in any event, we're off and running


270




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 20


on that. Our Cabinet's in place. We're
doing reasonably well in terms of our other
agenda. I'm very pleased with the start that
our drug czar is making-first testing
waters, in a sense, because this is a new job.
It's a coordinative job. But Bill is a good,
strong leader, and he will certainly meet
the deadline of coming up with a plan that
is required under the law in 6 months. But
it's going to be more than that, because in
the meantime, we're-as you've seentaking certain actions in the administration
that I think are appropriate in this regard.
We're moving forward with legislation on
education that I'm pledged to go forward
with. I think our environmental leader, Bill
Reilly, is off to a good start-went to a conference in Europe, in England, and in a
meeting with Margaret Thatcher, put the
U.S. out front on the whole CFC [chlorofluorocarbons] question.
And so, we're moving. But we need your
suggestions. We are going to be reaching
out to you all. And I'm just delighted to see
you here. And I'll be glad to take a question
or two before we turn the agenda back.
John, did I interrupt? Were you in the
middle of something?
Mr. Sununu. No.
The President. But this is an important
meeting for us. We want to keep you tuned
in, and we want to ask your support and
leadership out across the country.
Gubernatorial Elections
Q. Mr. President, I'm from Virginia. As
you know, Virginia has a very important
election this year for Governor, Lieutenant
Governor, and attorney general. And I
know that your high priority is to get back
to Virginia and New Jersey this year, but I
thought the members of the press might
want to know how important you consider
this. [Laughter]
The President. Nice slow ball. [Laughter]
No, I do, and as you know, there are these
two States that have the special timing
here. And I've said all along-said it last
year before I was elected-the importance
that we place on Governors because we believe in the federalist system. Some of the
soundest advice in the campaign came from
the Governors and from State reps and
leaders in the various State legislatures, be

cause they're out on the delivering end.
They're out on the cutting edge. And so,
this Governor's race in Virginia-we have
an opportunity to pick up a seat. In New
Jersey we want to hold-Tom Kean leaving.
So, we will put the proper emphasis from
here. Lee Atwater's already begun working
on setting our priorities and how much help
we can give from the national [committee]
on that. But I'm glad you raised it because
it is key.
Women/Gun Control/War on Drugs
Q. Mr. President, two things: Number
one, as a legislator who in the past has
always had the NRA [National Rifle Association] backing, I want to applaud you for the
action you've taken on the Federal level. As
a State legislator, I think that's the only
place that semiautomatic weapons can be
dealt with, and I just want to tell you that I
think that mainstream America is really
with you on that action. And I hope that it
will lead to something further. I don't know
exactly what that should be.
The second point I want to make is that,
although I think the bread-and-butter issues
are really the women's issues just as much
as men, I think many women experience
poverty that men do not experience. I think
also impressions are reality, perception is
reality, as we know in politics. And giving
lots of advice in the future with your other
appointments-I've been very pleased with
the appointments that you've made for
women, for minorities. And I just want to
encourage you to continue that if the Supreme Court or any openings there-that
you would give, and I'm sure you will,
enough consideration to other people of
color, or a woman, for example. So, it's not
just like the one woman on the Supreme
Court-thank goodness that Mr. Reagan put
Sandra Day O'Connor there-but that you,
too, will continue your efforts to bring
women and people of color into your administration.
The President. Well, we want to do that.
We are doing it. I'd like to be further along.
Recognizing that the subject might come
up, we did a little homework in terms of an
administration in which I proudly served.
At this juncture they had-we had, I should


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Mar. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


say, because I was a part of it, something
like 8 percent of the jobs for women-highlevel jobs-and we're up at about 21. But
we want to keep moving. I think we've
done about 12 or 15 percent overall of the
jobs, so we want to keep our sights set on
doing the best possible job on appointments. And I think that is important, and I
think-to the degree there is that visibility-I think it'll help in this recruitment that
I asked you to engage in. I mean, I think
the people see good signs here, and I think
that they'll involve themselves-more apt
to get into the electoral process. So, I think
they are linked.
On the NRA, of which I'm a member-a
proud member, I might add-I believe we
can find accommodation between the legitimate interest of the sportsman and the interest of the police chiefs in protecting
their people who put their lives on the line
every single day. And Bill Bennett made
this recommendation to me on these shipments coming in. That's well within the
law. What we're doing is enforcing the law,
determining the suitability for sporting purposes. That's the way the law reads. And so,
I appreciate your support on that.
We haven't found the ideal answer. I
know some of your State legislatures are
working on this right now-California
having moved out-and I'm interested that
you have the NRA support, and I think
you'll keep it, given the position you've
stated, because the country needs to know
that there is some answer to this. And I
don't yet know what it is, and I was interested in your frankness saying you don't.
And some of the legislators in California
that voted for it or opposite the billthey're not sure where it ought to go. But
we're in very different times now, and I am
convinced that reasonable men and women
can work together to find an answer to the
problem of these automated weapons. And
I think we've already had some signs in the
sporting community that there is support
for what we've done, but we're going to
keep working it.
I am very serious about this drug fight,
and it's going to be fought on all different
fronts. And we have got to give the police
proper support when they lay their lives on
the line for us. And so, we'll find some


answer that is constitutionally sound and
that also protects the lives, as best one can
from Washington, of these officers. I'd like
to tell you I think the solution can be found
right here, and that'll solve it. But that's not
true. It's going to be found in various ways
out in the States, in my view. But we have
a responsibility, and I appreciate the support for the action that we have taken.
Family Issues
Q. I was particularly pleased of your emphasis on family issues during the campaign.
As I said to people, as a legislator working
in the area of family and children's issues,
that it is really encouraging because it is the
first Presidential campaign that has really
focused on family issues. While I don't think
the Federal Government is the place to
solve all those problems, I do think it's important for the Republican Party, and important for women in families in Pennsylvania, though, that those issues remain high
priority to the administration and that direction, money is given to the States so that
we can deal effectively with some of the
issues that are particular, I think, to families
today, with the breakdown in traditional
family structure.
The President. Lois, I couldn't agree
more. And we are not going to deemphasize the importance that I place on families.
And indeed, one of the major tests right
now is going to be the question of the approach one takes to child care. And we're
talking about choice. We're talking about
doing it in a way in which the family is
emphasized and is strengthened. And so,
there'll be this. There'll be other issues that
come along. But I'm glad you raised it, and
believe me, I have not diminished my interest in all of this. In fact, as you look at the
problems facing society, so much of it gets
back to the weakening of the family. So
many of the problems are out there because
of this new trend towards single-parent
families and all of this. And it's a tragic
thing in a way.
So, we are not going to depart from the
traditional values. We're going to keep emphasizing them, and when it comes to Federal legislation, be sure that what we propose will strengthen, not weaken, the


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 20


family group. And even things like education-as much choice as possible is a good
thing there.
Yes? I've got time for just a couple of
more, I've been told here.
Mrs. Bush's Literacy Efforts
Q. Yes. Mr. President, I wanted to tell
you, first of all, I think those of us who are
in the house and senate in the States who
are Republican, first of all, would like to tell
you that we think one of the biggest assets
both the Republican Party and you have is
Mrs. Bush.
The President. I agree with that.
Q. I'm particularly interested in her cause
on literacy, and wonder if by any chance
there has been any work done in any of the
prisons? I have personally gone into our
prisons and have found out that about 75 to
80 percent of our prisoners are functionally
illiterate and, consequently, cannot be
trained to do something. They can't even
read the want-ad in order to get a job.
The President. I don't know that Barbara's
done anything on that end of it. She's starting now a brand-new foundation that will
help enormously in this whole private
sector end. I know our Secretary of Education is very much interested in the education for the prison population. I don't know
that Bar has gotten any of her volunteer
work involved in that segment, but I expect
she'd love to hear from you on it, because
she is keeping up that interest.
Q. Mr. President,' first of all, my daughter
asked me to ask you if any of the puppies
were left. [Laughter]
The President. The demand is intense, let
me tell you. [Laughter]
Gasoline Taxes
Q. There's a good deal of concern in
southern California, where there is high
growth, rapid economic growth, but also
concern on transportation. And it has been
said that there's a possibility that the gasoline tax may be raised in order to help this
budget reduction financing. Our concern, of
course, is if this were to happen, what
would happen then to the opportunity for
California to go forward with gasoline tax
increases in order to support our infrastructure needs, and would this be in conflict


and perhaps cause us a problem?
The President. There are no plans for
that, and I don't know where that is coming
from. But the administration has no plans to
raise the gasoline tax.
Ocean Dumping
Q. We appreciate your coming to the
Jersey shore and just want to report that in
this election year for our Governor in New
Jersey the environment continues to be the
number one issue. And certainly any support you can give us for a tough approach
to polluters of our very precious ocean
would be appreciated.
The President. We're going to continue.
And as I say, I have great confidence that
Bill Reilly, the new Administrator [Environmental Protection Agency], is going to be
good in that sense, very good. And we're
following up. I think we even have some
legislation now in the mill that will be helpful on that ocean dumping. But I'll keep
talking about it. I'll keep encouraging the
States in this regard.
One more?
Republican Party Minority Participation
Q. There are many concerns in all of our
States, but I think that we must get more
Hispanics and blacks involved to run for
office. And I think we have to put across to
the people throughout the country that the
Republican Party is the people's party.
The President. You make a good point,
and I think that Lee Atwater, Mary, others
here agree with you on that. And we've
started moving out. How it gets into the
recruitment business I would leave to our
political people here. But that emphasis is
important, and I agree with Lee that much
progress can be made. And the issues that
we're talking about-including inner-city
fight on narcotics-we're on the proper
side. These people are outraged by what's
happening in their communities. They are
concerned, Lois, about the disintegration of
family in some of these areas.
And so, I hope it will mean that we can
get our message out better by having quality candidates out there. So, we're going to
keep trying. I've been pleased with the support so far, though I no longer live and die


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Mar. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


by the polls like I used to when you and I
were working side by side in New Hampshire. But I've been pleased with the openmindedness, in the figures in terms of support for the President from groups where
historically we haven't done well. That
could change, but I want to keep doing it.
I think some of the reason for that is the
beginning that the national committee has
made. And so, we will try here, Deb Anderson, Bobbie Kilberg, and me, working with
the Chief of Staff, to do what we can from
this building to encourage that. But the
field is open, there's an openmindedness in
some of these areas-the blacks and Hispanics and other areas-that I think means that
our ideas and our direction for the country
makes a certain degree of sense. Now, I
know we're up against formidable history in
this regard. We've got to keep trying; we've
got to keep reaching out. And I believe that
we can do better-much, much better.
Listen, thank you all very much for your
attention and for being here and for what
you're doing. And I repeat: I do think it's
important. Sam Rayburn talked about the
critics of either him or the President at that
time. He says, "Well, that fella's one of the
severest critics." He says, "That guy's problem was he never ran for sheriff." [Laugh

ter] And it was a very profound statement, I
mean, because when you are in the arena
and you do have to take your case to the
people, why, you have a certain sensitivity
to the government processes. And so, I
think this group can do an awful lot. You all
run for sheriff. Indeed, you've been elected-not sheriff, but something else. [Laughter]
So, thank you very, very much for being
here today. And we appreciate the support,
and we'll work hard to merit your continuing confidence. Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 11:11 a.m.
during a briefing in the Indian Treaty
Room of the Old Executive Office Building.
In his remarks, he referred to Lee Atwater,
Jeanie Austin, and Mary Matalin, chairman, cochairman, and chief of staff of the
Republican National Committee, respectively; Debra R. Anderson, Deputy Assistant to
the President and Director of the Office of
Intergovernmental Affairs; John H. Sununu,
Chief of Staff to the President; William J
Bennett, Director of National Drug Control
Policy; Lois Sherman Hagarty, State representative from Pennsylvania; and Bobbie
Kilberg, Deputy Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison.


Nomination of Julius L. Katz To Be a Deputy United States Trade
Representative
March 20, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Julius L. Katz to be a
Deputy United States Trade Representative, with the rank of Ambassador. He
would succeed Michael Brackett Smith.
Mr. Katz is a Deputy United States Trade
Representative, serving with Sidney Linn
Williams and Rufus Hawkins Yerxa. Since
1987, Mr. Katz has been chairman of the
Government Research Corp., in Washington, DC. Prior to this he was vice president
for the Consultants International Group,
Inc., 1985-1987. He was with Donaldson,
Lufkin and Jenrette Futures, Inc., formerly
ACLI International Commodity Services,


Inc., serving in several capacities, including
chairman, 1982-1985; president and chief
executive officer, 1981-1982; and senior
vice president, 1980-1981. He has also
served as Assistant Secretary of State for
Economic and Business Affairs at the Department of State, 1976-1979; Senior
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, 1974 -1976; and Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for International Resources and Food
Policy, 1968-1974. From 1950 to 1968, he
served in several positions at the Department of State, including Director of International Trade, Director of International
Commodities, and Economic Adviser in the


274




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 21


Office of Eastern European Affairs.
Mr. Katz graduated from George Wash

ington University, receiving a bachelor of
arts degree.


Nomination of Jerry Ralph Curry To Be Administrator of the
National Highway Traffic Safety Administration
March 20, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jerry Ralph Curry to be
Administrator of the National Highway
Traffic Safety Administration, Department
of Transportation. He would succeed Diane
K. Stead.
Before retiring, General Curry was
deputy commanding general of V Corps in
Frankfurt, West Germany. He has served as
the commanding general of the U.S. Army
Test and Evaluation Command in Aberdeen
Proving Ground, MD, and commanding
general of the U.S. Army Military District of


Washington, DC. General Curry has also
served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs.
General Curry received a bachelor's
degree in education from the University of
Nebraska at Omaha, a master's degree in
international relations from Boston University, and a doctorate degree from Luther
Rice Seminary. He is a graduate of both the
U.S. Army War College and the Command
and General Staff College. He is married,
has four children, and resides in Virginia
Beach, VA.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Richard B. Cheney as
Secretary of Defense
March 21, 1989


The President. Mr. Vice President, members of the President's Cabinet, distinguished Members of Congress, the Joint
Chiefs, I am very pleased to participate in
the administration of the oath of office to
our new Secretary of Defense, Dick
Cheney.
This is a proud day for Dick's family: his
wife, Lynne, who heads a vital effort of another sort-safeguarding our cultural heritage at the National Endowment for the Humanities-and their daughters, Elizabeth
and Mary. I also want to welcome Dick's
mom and dad, who are here from Wyoming, other family members as well, who
came to join Dick on this very important
day.
Let me outline some of the crucial responsibilities that Secretary Cheney is
taking on in his new assignment: defense
strategy and management, procurement
reform, the day-to-day operations of our


Armed Forces, and the long-range planning
that will keep us free and secure into the
next century. In a building where it can be
a challenge getting from the A Ring to the
E Ring without getting lost, the challenges
that you'll face, Mr. Secretary, are truly
enormous. Confession time: Dick told me
that he's already gotten lost in the garage of
this place-[laughter]-but things can only
go up from there. [Laughter]
The challenges may be enormous, but so,
Mr. Secretary, are the skills and talents that
you bring to the job. Dick Cheney knows
his way around Washington. He knows how
things work on Capitol Hill and in the
White House. And he'll draw on that wealth
of experience to help make things work
right here at the Pentagon. Dick and I
worked together in the Ford administration
on national security issues-he was the
White House Chief of Staff and I was then


275




Mar. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Director of Central Intelligence-and teamwork paid off then, and he was the best at
it. And, Dick, you'll have help from the best
Armed Forces in the world and a civilian
staff equally dedicated to our national defense. I know they're ready to work with
you and for you.
And I'm convinced the international
scene today is defined by opportunity: a
chance to advance America's interests and
ideals, and to strengthen the forces of freedom now gaining a foothold in many places
around the world. Dick shares my belief
that the chief national security lesson of this
decade is simply this: strength secures
peace. That fact remains true, even in the
present time of transition in world affairs.
Consider the key issue of change in the
Soviet Union. I take a very positive view of
the changes there, but there are still more
questions than answers about the ultimate
outcome of those changes. And until these
questions are answered, we should continue
our successful policy of flexibility, combined
with strength and firm resolve. We must be
ready to seize favorable opportunities to improve relations with the Soviet Union, but
we must also remain ready and able in any
event to secure our national interests. And
let me say clearly, now is not the time for
America and its allies to make unilateral
reductions to relax our defense efforts.
Everyone here knows that we're facing
tough choices on defense programs. We
must move ahead with plans to modernize
our strategic and conventional forces. We
must continue to turn the nation's technological capabilities to our strategic advantage, in SDI and other programs. But our
need to deal with the deficit means that
we're working with limited resources. And,
Dick, your task is to sort out those priorities-which programs should continue,
which we can't afford in the current fiscal
climate. I'm convinced these difficult
choices can be made in a way that preserves our defense capabilities.
Close cooperation with the Congress is
absolutely essential, and Dick's high standing on Capitol Hill will be an enormous
plus. Procurement reform is a case in point.
Our aim should be a more stable and
streamlined acquisition system. But procurement reform can't be confined to the


Pentagon alone. We will work with the
Congress, our partners in the process, to
move forward with the Packard commission
reforms, to adopt a 2-year budget cycle, and
to expand multiyear procurement for major
weapons systems.
And stability begins with a commitment
to maintain a steady, moderate, and affordable increase in defense spending, an increase we must have in order to maintain
and continue to modernize our forces. Following the freeze for 1990, that means
growth-1 percent-'91, '92, rising to 2 in
'93, 2 percent. For too long, defense spending has ridden a roller coaster: unpredictable ups and downs, a recipe for waste and
inefficiencies. Stable spending makes it possible to plan for the long term, and that's
the basis of a more efficient and effective
defense posture. And that long-term view is
the one we must take, with the 21st century only 11 years away.
I'm convinced that in the years ahead the
United States can take the lead in building
a more peaceful international environment,
in laying the foundations for a new American Century, where freedom and democracy will flourish. I am confident that Dick
Cheney will play a pivotal part in keeping
America strong and secure, free and at
peace.
Secretary Cheney, congratulations. You
have my complete confidence and my sincere best wishes as you undertake this extraordinarily important task for the greatest
country on the face of the Earth.
[At this point, Secretary Cheney was sworn
in.]
Secretary Cheney. Mr. President, distinguished guests, men and women of America's Armed Forces, ladies and gentlemen, it
is a humbling experience to assume office as
the Nation's 17th Secretary of Defense. Mr.
President, I thank you for the confidence
you've placed in me. I will do my best to
justify your trust.
This transition comes at a time of significant change, change that may portend a
more peaceful and prosperous world in the
years ahead. Nations whose political and
economic systems, like ours, are based on
principles of freedom, democracy, individ

276




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 21


ual liberty, and market economics are thriving. Those nations which derive their legitimacy from the authoritarian suppression of
the human spirit are in retreat.
It's become clear in the last few years
that freedom works. The Soviet Union is
being forced to question its basic assumptions in light of its obvious failure to
produce a prosperous economy at home or
to enable it to compete abroad. Developing
nations no longer look to the Soviets or
their allies for a model upon which they can
build successful economies. And in place of
a hostile Soviet Union seeking to expand its
empire by military means, we see an
empire beset by difficulties, withdrawing
from Afghanistan and talking about significant troop reductions in Eastern Europe.
In part, this change is attributable to
more realistic leadership inside the Soviet
Union. But it is also due in part to the
success of the strategy of the United States
and our allies. Containment has worked.
Deterrence has held. Principle has paid off.
Still, dangers abound. There are those who
want to declare the Cold War ended. They
perceive a significantly lessened threat and
want to believe that we can reduce our
level of vigilance accordingly. But I believe
caution is in order. However real the
reform rhetoric coming out of the Kremlin,
Moscow's armaments compel caution on
our part. To date, there's been no reduction
in the strategic systems targeted against the
United States. Until we see a significantly
lessened military capability on the part of
the Soviets, we cannot possibly justify major
reductions in our own. We must guard
against gambling our nation's security on
what may be a temporary aberration in the
behavior of our foremost adversary.
Mr. President, the military and civilian
professionals of the Department of Defense
stand ready to do everything possible to
provide for the Nation's security with the
resources the American people entrust to
us. To that end, our strategy and policies
must be carefully calibrated to an everchanging international landscape. Our force
is designed and equipped to meet the full
range of likely contingencies, and our
needed munitions acquired as efficiently as
possible.
Today I would like to address myself to


several key groups. To the men and women
of America's Armed Forces: I am honored
to serve with you in the defense of freedom. Every individual soldier, sailor,
airman, and marine contributes to America's strength, and I pledge to do my utmost
to provide you the quality, equipment, and
support you must have to do the job we ask
you to do for all of us. You, our uniformed
men and women, are my number one priority. You and your families are the mind,
body, and soul of America's military might.
To America's friends and allies around
the world: I look forward to working with
you in our common quest. Collective security is the only strategy for our democracies.
We, therefore, must deepen our cooperation, especially to stretch scarce defense resources. And where we have differences,
we must deal with them in recognition that
cohesion is the most potent power and
weapon of free nations.
To the United States Congress: Fresh as I
am from your ranks, I appreciate your constitutional responsibility for America's defense. I pledge my full cooperation as, together, we wrestle with a shared challenge:
too many claims on too few dollars. I've got
to make the hard choices,, and I seek your
support so that these can be the right
choices.
To America's defense industry: U.S. national security is vitally dependent on our
defense industrial base. We must have topnotch firms willing to compete for defense
contracts and able to fulfill those contracts
with high-quality work efficiently delivered.
Don Atwood and the rest of my staff are
anxious to work with the defense industry
to improve productivity, reduce costs, and
advance new technologies. Defense acquisition is a partnership, and that spirit must
guide our actions.
Finally, to the American people: The first
obligation of the Federal Government is the
defense of the Nation. You support that aim
with your tax dollars and the sacrifices of
your sons and daughters in uniform. We
who are appointed to lead these defense
preparations owe you, the American
people, a high return on your investment
and great care for the lives of your loved
ones who serve. I accept that responsibility.


277




Mar. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


And with the support of my family and the
President of the United States, and with
many other dedicated Americans sharing
the solemn stewardship, I am ready and
eager to serve.


Note: The President spoke at 2:16 p.m.
in the Center Courtyard of the Pentagon.
In his remarks, the Secretary referred
to Deputy Secretary of Defense-designate
Donald Atwood.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Establishment of the
Outer Continental Shelf Leasing and Development Task Force
March 21, 1989


The President announced today the establishment of the Outer Continental Shelf
Leasing and Development Task Force.
In accordance with his address to the
joint session of Congress on February 9,
1989, he has directed the establishment of
the task force to examine in detail the concerns over adverse impacts of lease sales in
three environmentally sensitive areas:
1. Lease sale 91 off the coast of northern
California;
2. Lease sale 95 off the coast of southern
California; and
3. Lease sale 116 off southern Florida,
south of 26 degrees north latitude.
The President feels that oil and gas development of America's offshore areas is necessary to ensure a reliable supply of energy


and provide for the Nation's economic and
national security. He is committed to continued Outer Continental Shelf oil and gas
development in an environmentally sound
manner.
The task force will consist of the Secretary of the Interior, the Secretary of
Energy, the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, the Administrator of
the Environmental Protection Agency, and
the Administrator of the National Oceanic
and Atmospheric Administration, or their
designees. The National Academy of Sciences will provide the task force with the
necessary scientific and technical analysis.
The Secretary of the Interior will serve as
Chairman of the task force, which should
report its findings to the President by January 1, 1990.


Nomination of Janice Obuchowski To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Commerce
March 21, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Janice Obuchowski to be
Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Communications and Information. She would
succeed Alfred C. Sikes.
Ms. Obuchowski is currently the executive director of international affairs for
NYNEX. Prior to this she served in several
capacities at the Federal Communications
Commission, including Senior Adviser
(International Affairs) to the Chairman of
the FCC; chief of the FCC's International


Policy Division of the Common Carrier
Bureau, 1982-1983; and legal assistant to
the chief of the Common Carrier Bureau,
1981-1982. Ms. Obuchowski was an associate with the law firm of Bergson, Borkland,
Margolis and Adler, 1976-1980. From 1978
to 1980, she chaired the legislation committee of the American Bar Association's litigation section. Ms. Obuchowski is also an adjunct professor of international telecommunications law at Georgetown University
Law Center.


278




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 21


Ms. Obuchowski graduated from Wellesley College (B.A., 1973) and Georgetown
University Law Center (J.D., 1976). Ms.


Obuchowski is married to Albert Halprin,
and they reside in McLean, VA.


Nomination of Daphne Wood Murray To Be Director of the
Institute of Museum Services
March 21, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Daphne Wood Murray to
be Director of the Institute of Museum
Services, National Foundation on the Arts
and the Humanities. She would succeed
Lois Burke Shepard.
Since 1987 Ms. Murray has been director
of development for the Houston Museum of
Natural Science in Texas, and held various
positions with the Contemporary Arts
Museum in Houston, 1982 to present. From
1967 to 1987, she served in several capac

ities for the Museum of Fine Arts in Houston, including elective trustee, 1975-1986;
secretary, 1982-1984; vice chairman, 1977 -1980; vice president, 1975-1977; advisory
trustee, 1969-1974; and Junior League representative, 1971.
Ms. Murray attended Finch College,
1959-1960; Villa Mercedes, University of
Florence, Italy, 1958-1959; and the Master's
School, 1958. She was born July 22, 1940, in
Houston, TX, where she currently resides.


White House Fact Sheet on the President's Minimum-Wage
Proposal
March 21, 1989


The President's Proposal
* A 27-percent increase in the minimum
wage over 3 years to $4.25 for most workers.
* Maintaining the current $3.35 minimum for all new employees of a firm on the
job for less than 6 months, regardless of age
or previous employment.
* An increase in the small business exemption to include all firms, not just retail
and service establishments, with gross sales
under $500,000, up from the current
$362,500.
* An increase in the tip credit from 40
percent to 50 percent.
Fundamental Principles Guiding the
President's Proposal
* Provide higher earnings for long-term
minimum-wage employees.
* Minimize the adverse economic impact


of an across-the-board increase in the minimum wage.
* Maximize job opportunities for those
who need it most, particularly young
people, those with limited work experience
or skills, and members of minority groups.
* Provide sensible exemptions to minimize the burden of the minimum wage on
small businesses and on service firms,
where tips are an important part of compensation.
Why Not Increase the Minimum Wage to
$4.65?
* To Save Jobs. An increase in the minimum wage to $4.65 would cost 650,000 job
opportunities.
* The President's proposal would save
well over 400,000 of these job opportunities. The smaller increase, to $4.25, saves
200,000 job opportunities. The training
wage saves up to an additional 170,000 job


279




Mar. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


opportunities. The tip credit and small business changes save 54,000 job opportunities.
What Other Economic Effects Would
Result From a $4. 65 Minimum Wage?
* The 40-cent increase between $4.25
and $4.65 would mean a $0.6 billion increase in the Federal deficit.
* The 40-cent increase between $4.25
and $4.65 would increase costs to the consumer by $6.5 billion.
* Chairman Greenspan of the Federal
Reserve has stated that raising the minimum wage would make the battle against
inflation more difficult. A higher minimum
wage could result in higher interest rates.
* A higher minimum wage would raise
production costs, thus reducing the competitiveness of American manufacturers in
international markets.
* A higher minimum wage would have
an additional effect on employment costs, as
many fringe benefits costs are tied to
wages.
Why Have a 6-Month Training Wage?
* To Save Jobs. Under the President's
proposal, the 6-month training wage could
save 170,000 job opportunities.
* A 3-month training wage would save
only half as many job opportunities.
* An increase in the minimum wage
without an adequate training-wage provision means that many potential workers will
have much greater difficulty getting their
feet on the ladder of economic opportunity.
Employers would be discouraged from creating new jobs at a higher wage for inexperienced workers.
*D Those hurt the most without a training
wage are the poor, many of whom are
young, and minorities.
Why Not Have the Training Wage Apply
Only to a Worker's First Job Instead of
Each New Job?
* To Save Jobs. A new-hire training
wage, such as the President proposed, could
save four times as many job opportunities
as would a first-job training wage: 170,000
vs. 40,000.
* New jobs require new skills. Someone
who may have spent a few months on a


different job may need time to learn new
skills.
Why Not Limit the Training Wage to
Teenagers?
* To Save Jobs. Many new workers, including people trying to escape from welfare, are in their twenties or older.
* The President's universal approach is
administratively simpler and less likely to
foster compliance problems.
Won't An Even Higher Minimum Wage
Help Cure Poverty?
* The minimum-wage population and
the poverty population are composed largely of different people. Sixty percent of those
earning the minimum wage are young
people. Sixty-six percent work part time.
Seventy-two percent are single.
* Only 336,000 heads of households
living in poverty earned the minimum
wage. That is less than 2 percent of the
working-age poverty population.
* The job opportunity losses from a universal $4.65 minimum wage may actually
increase poverty by denying jobs to members of families living in poverty. Poor families would also be forced to pay the higher
consumer and other costs associated with a
higher minimum wage.
Won 't a Higher Minimum Wage Increase
Job Opportunities and Wages?
* Since 1982, with no increase in the
minimum wage, the economy has added
more than 19 million jobs. Yet the number
of minimum-wage jobs has declined by 2.6
million, or 40 percent.
*D In the last 7 years, 18.4 million jobs (an
increase of 80 percent) paying more than
$10 per hour have been added. Five million
jobs paying between $5 and $10 have been
added. The number of jobs paying less than
$5 per hour has declined by 30 percent.
* With a constant minimum wage, the
unemployment rate has been reduced to
5.1 percent, the lowest in 15 years.
* A higher minimum wage hurts small
business the most. These firms are the key
to future employment growth and opportunity for the economy.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


Statement on the Death of John J. McCloy
March 21, 1989


Barbara and I extend our sincere condolences to the family and many friends of
John J. McCloy. We share your loss. The
American people join you in mourning the
passing of one of the giants and true heroes
of this country.
John J. McCloy helped shape American
policy and perspectives during the past fifty
years-in public service and in private
life-as few others have. He was a trusted
adviser of American Presidents from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan. I shall
miss the privilege of his counsel. But he also
never flagged in pursuing the public good
in the many private trusts he held. His
energy and interests were boundless. So
were his accomplishments.
Recalling his work as chairman of the
Ford Foundation, of the Council of Foreign
Relations, of the Salk foundation, of the
Fund for Modern Courts in New York State,
and of the American Council on Germany-to name but a few of his responsibilities-one cannot but stand in awe of this
great man of humble origins. Not only his
talents and experience, but also his dedication and sense of fair play, were rare
indeed. We are poorer for his passing. But
we as a country are so much richer for
having had him with us for 93 years.
John J. McCloy was not only a prominent
American, but also a citizen of the world.
He served as President of the World Bank
at a crucial time in that institution's history.
In later years he became intensely involved
with the United Nations Development Corporation.


He was also a pioneer in the field of arms
control. In addition to being President Kennedy's chief disarmament adviser and negotiator, John J. McCloy served for a dozen
years as Chairman of the General Advisory
Committee on Disarmament Agency. His
aim-which now is the long-established position of the West as well as part of the
declared "new thinking" in the East-was
to establish security at lower levels of armament.
But perhaps John J. McCloy's greatest
mark was left by his service in Germany. I
know he believed it was among the most
important of his assignments. As the United
States Military Governor and then High
Commissioner from 1949 to 1953, John J.
McCloy helped rebuild the economic structure of a nation in rubble, directly touching
and assisting millions of Germans living in a
country devastated by war. In perhaps his
most lasting contribution, he helped establish the democratic tradition of the Federal
Republic of Germany and the unbreakable
bonds of friendship and solidarity between
the German and American peoples.
As Chancellor Helmut Kohl has written
of John J. McCloy: "He deserves much of
the credit for the high quality of GermanAmerican relations which we today take for
granted, but which at that time only a trusting friend of our people like John McCloy
could see as an objective worth pursuing."
Friend of Germany, friend of Europe,
friend of peace, America's friend to the
world: John McCloy is a friend who will be
missed.


Remarks to Students at Conestoga Valley High School in Lancaster,
Pennsylvania
March 22, 1989


Chad, thank you, and Mr. Wirth, thank
you, sir, for having us here. I'm sorry we
had a little bad weather a week or two ago,
and postponing this visit. Thinking back, re

grettably quite a few years, to my own
school days, I can imagine one thought that
might have run through your mind: I hope
he comes back-anything to get out of class.


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Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


[Laughter] So, I apologize for any inconvenience on the tests. But I want to thank the
students; the parents; the teachers here; Mr.
Wirth, your principal; and Chad Weaver,
the student body president. Listening to
him and his poise up here, I don't know
how Senator Specter or Governor Casey or
even I might feel. This guy might run
against us someday. He sounds terrific[laughter]-pretty tough.
I am particularly grateful to the Governor
of the Commonwealth for being here with
us and Senator Specter, a most respected
leader in the United States Senate, for
taking the time out to come here. Your own
Congressman has a vote, an important vote,
on our side of the aisle-his side-today
that keeps determining the leadership there
that keeps him. I think he planned to be
with us if that vote hadn't taken place. But
I do want to pay my respects to Bob
Walker. And then my special introduction
to you-one who you know well and who
has been a symbol of propriety and leadership and enthusiasm for Pennsylvania-and
that, of course, is your own ex-Governor
and now the Attorney General of the
United States, Dick Thornburgh. What a job
he is doing! And the other-I'm not sure
he's been here, but he's been almost every
place else; I expect he's been to Lancaster.
But Bill Bennett, a former Secretary of
Education, is now the first drug czar. Why
in the United States we use the word "czar"
to establish a real leader, I don't know. But
he's tough as the czars were, and he is
going to help us whip the scourge of drugs.
And here he is, Bill Bennett. [Applause]
You know, we often think of drug abuse
as an urban, inner-city phenomenon. Millions of Americans think of their own communities, and they say it can't happen here.
Well, the people of rural Pennsylvania
know that's not true. And in the past couple
of years, drug abuse has escalated here. And
the good news is you're fighting back. Your
community is too proud, your traditions
here too deeply rooted for an invader to
threaten your safety and well-being without
a fight. And when drugs come here to the
Conestoga Valley, that's proof that the drug
epidemic is a national problem. Look, Lancaster is a strong community, a place where
small town values is not a cliche. It's a way


of life. And you know what matters: family
and faith and being a good neighbor and a
member of the community. The rising
problem here simply shows how vulnerable
every American city and town is to the
menace of drug abuse. And recognizing this
fact is the first step towards finding a solution. And Lancaster is on its way.
This morning you heard from Thomas
Hipple and Peter True, two young men
who for reasons of their own have made a
commitment to help others understand the
lasting damage that drugs can do and prevent their peers from making what can be a
life-shattering choice. What Tom and Peter
are doing takes tremendous courage and
commitment. And I'm here to say that
you're not alone in this-battling the drug
problem. You have partners in your community and in others across the United
States, and you have partners in the war on
drugs in Washington, right there on Pennsylvania Avenue. And as I said in my Inaugural Address-and I will keep saying it because I feel driven by this commitment-I
am committed to the ending of the scourge
of drugs across the United States of America, and I need your help.
Our task is not just to deplore the drug
problem but to take action against it. What
the banners that I've seen here say to me is
that this valley and the people of Lancaster
are ready to take action to stop the drug
scourge. And one of the most powerful
weapons against drug use is education.
And of course, there's another side to the
drug program. I'm going to be going down
with Dick Thornburgh and Bill Bennett,
down to Wilmington later on, on my way
back to Washington. And there we'll be
talking about interdiction, stopping drugs
from coming in, and also enforcement, the
law enforcement side that Dick Thornburgh has the responsibility for-our effort
to stop the illegal drugs, shut down the
trade. But this morning, I want to talk to
you all on the means of prevention, on
drying up the demand for illegal drugs.
Antidrug education and awareness can
help provide the kids and the young adults
with both the reasons and the willpower to
resist the lure of drugs. And that's the aim
of an antidrug education program called


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


DARE-D-A-R-E-Drug Abuse Resistance
Education, and that's helping, as the people
involved with DARE like to say, "drugproof' our children. The program was pioneered, incidentally, by the Los Angeles
Police Department and the L.A. public
school system. I've been out there and witnessed the program in action, and DARE
sends these police officers into the classroom to work with the kids, build their selfesteem, teach them that they can refuse
when they're pressured to try drugs. And
the DARE program is teaching youngsters
something else: that the police and their
schools are united in a common effort to
stop drug abuse. In the 6 years since the
program began in California, DARE has
caught on nationwide. And this year, in
1,200 communities in 45 States, 3 million
children will participate.
DARE is just one example of the kind of
program that can provide our children both
the reasons and the willpower to resist the
lure of drugs. There is no one right answer
when it comes to battling drug abuse. Each
community will find what works best, and
we'll learn from each other.
I'm told that right here in Lancaster you
have a program called High-Risk Youth in
the elementary schools and another called
SCIP, the School Community Intervention
Program, in place-that one's in the high
schools and in the junior highs. And they
aim at identifying young people whose circumstances and family situations make
them most vulnerable to the lure of drugs.
Targeting these youth for special attention
is crucial, and with High-Risk Youth and
SCIP, you're doing something to stop drug
problems before they begin.
For my part, I'm going to see that drug
education receives the funding it needs.
Most of the funding, as you know, comes
from local school boards and States. I think
it's 7 percent of the funding is Federal. But
our budget this year for 1990 calls for a full
$1.1 billion for drug prevention and antidrug education activity. And even in these
tight budget times, that's up 16 percent
over 1989. I've urged Congress to provide
$392 million for the Drug Free Schools and
Communities program, funds that go to the
States and institutions of higher education.
And then as I mentioned earlier with


great pride, and I'll say it again, I have
selected Bill Bennett to serve as the Director-this is his official title, I told you the
nickname the Director of the Office of
National Drug Control Policy to map the
strategy and oversee the antidrug campaign. And I'll tell you, I picked him because he's knowledgeable, he's tough, and
he is determined and, most importantly
though, he cares deeply about the young
people of this country.
These initiatives are important, and
they're going to have an impact. But there's
a role for each of us in the war on drugs,
and I hope you'll join me in asking what
you can do to help, especially to advance
the antidrug education and awareness. You
know, we can all play a part in increasing
awareness about the ravages of drug dependency. We must get the message across
that drugs are not a form of entertainment
or a helpless, harmless means of escape.
Drugs are a poison, to users and to our
communities. But a widespread awareness
of the dangers of drug abuse depends on
sending consistent signals, on sending a
clear message that using drugs is not fashionable, is not fun, and above all else, it is
not safe.
For too long-and this isn't the fault of
the young people here-because for too
long, our culture, our popular culture glorified drug use. I think that's changing now,
and that's a real change for the better. Consider the anti-drug-abuse campaign on television. Not long ago, I was told a story
about a little girl, 4 years old, who's getting
the message. She got up from in front of
the television to tell her parents something
important. "Drugs," she said, "fry your
brain like an egg." We've all seen that commercial the little girl was talking about.
Whether you're 4 or 14 or 40, the message
gets across. And let's carry that message, all
of us. And I would say right here: I hope
that the movie producers and the movie
directors and those involved in the entertainment business will stop, will put an end
to the glorification or its humorous treatment of narcotics.
And let's shed some of the perceptions
about the drug problem that are comforting, but are completely incorrect. There's


283




Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


no room for saying, "Drug abuse doesn't
affect me." Think about the costs of drug
abuse: the lost time, the waste, the crime,
the accidents that can be traced to the influence of drugs. Twenty-three million
Americans used illegal drugs last year.
Countless thousands died. And the fact is
that none of us-none of us-is immune to
the problems that drug abuse can cause. So,
together, let's you and me send a message
on drug abuse to the so-called casual user:
Face up to the fact that your so-called recreational drug use contributes to the drug
culture-to the crime, the death, and degradation associated with the drug trade.
The other day I was in New York, and I
talked to a group of DEA agents, drug enforcement agents, who lay their lives on the
line for us, as they try to interdict narcotics
and stop it right there in the street. But
there was a team that had worked in a
white-collar business, in the brokerage business, of all things, down on Wall Street.
They looked like they belonged on Wall
Street-nice clean-cut guys, you know-a
wonderful looking young man and a young
woman. And they said that in that culture
there, if people stayed over and worked
overtime, their reward might be some cocaine to stay on a little later in the office. It
isn't just the impoverished; it isn't just those
who are fighting trauma in their lives.
There's this whole concept that recreational
drug use has been condoned, and we've got
to stop it. We have got to make people
understand, whatever walk of life you're in,
that drug use is bad, it's death, it is degradation. And so, the fight is not going to be just
in the ghettos, where the impoverished and
the hopeless are; it's going to be all across
the board.
To parents: Your children know more
than you realize about drugs. Make it your
business as a parent to know about drug
abuse yourself. Educate yourselves. Don't
hide from the reality of drug abuse in our
communities and then hope for the besthope that someone else will solve the problem. Your children depend on you to help
separate the fact from the fiction, to help
them make a choice and then stick with it,
when it comes to resisting drugs.
To the kids: Let's send the message that
drugs are dangerous; that you don't need


drugs to feel good about yourself or to win
approval from others; that your parents, the
people in your schools and your community
care. But most of all, you must understand
that the decision against drugs is yours to
make, no one else's. When it's time to draw
the line against drugs, the final choice is
yours.
I get a lot of mail. Some of it is very
serious, some of it very disturbing, and
some of it quite amusing. Get a lot of letters
from school kids. I got one not long ago
from a girl in California-fifth grader. She
told me how she wanted to change the
world-wonderfully   idealistic-and  that
making the world a better place meant putting an end to drug abuse. And then she
wrote, "I don't know if I can do it all by
myself. I need your help." Well, she does,
and she's going to get it. And, yes, I can
help, and so can all of you. And that's the
answer we owe our children. But there's
something else that the little girl who wrote
that letter needs to know. There is something that she can do, that all of us here can
do, to bring ourselves one step closer to
winning the war on drugs. We can take a
stand and say, "We don't do drugs." And
anytime anyone of us takes that stand, that
is another battle won. As a community, we
must work to make it as easy as possible for
our children to make the choice against
drugs. We can do it by creating an environment-a safe, secure space, if you willwhere our kids can acquire a sense of self
and self-confidence so secure that no
amount of peer group pressure can push
them into taking drugs.
I mentioned that I'm going to talk about
enforcement later on today, but I don't
want to leave here without saying to you
the enforcement side of this equation is absolutely essential, whether it's in the corridors of this outstanding high achievement
school or whether it's downtown Lancaster
or wherever it is. The authorities must enforce the law, and we must make an example of those who are pushing drugs onto the
lives of the others around here. You know,
most Americans want to see their towns
restored to a time when drugs came in
from the prescriptions from the local
doctor. But with your hard work and com

284




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


mitment, that day will come sooner. It must
come.
So, my message to you today is: Don't do
drugs. Keep fighting back. Fight for your
community, for your children. The war on
drugs will ultimately be won one day, one
battle at a time-the battles each and every
one of us wage to keep our families and
communities free from drug abuse. We've
learned a hard lesson. Unless we join together and fight, it can happen here. But if
we do work as a team and as a community,
it won't.
And so, let these banners be a battle
Remarks at a Meeting With Amish
Lancaster, Pennsylvania
March 22, 1989
The President. Let me say in the beginning I appreciate you all taking time from
your busy day. And one of the reasons I
want to come here, accompanied by our
Attorney General and former Secretary of
Education, who has been charged with the
whole program on fighting drugs, Bill Bennett, is to salute you, because as we look at
a national drug problem, we find that in
communities such as yours, because of your
adherence to family values and faith, the
problem appears to be close to nonexistent-hopefully nonexistent. And I have
been over at the school talking there, and
met with some kids where regrettably it
isn't nonexistent. And I said in my comments there that these values of neighborhood and family and faith-somehow they
come back to me, anyway, if we engage in
this national crusade, to be fundamentally
important.
So, I wanted to start by saying that,
though this is an antinarcotics swing, this
stop is to maybe hear from you all as to how
your community manages to stave off the
scourge of drugs. And anyway, that was one
of the things. I don't know who wants to
take the lead here, but we're very pleased
to be with you.
Mennonite Leader. We thank you for
coming here. First of all, we wish the Lord


cry-and that Conestoga Valley, in Lancaster, in communities like yours all over the
country, we will join together, turn the
tide, and bring the drug epidemic to an end
with finality-over-history. Now, we need
your help.
Thank you very much. Thank you all.
Note: The President spoke at 9:17 a.m. in
the gymnasium. He was introduced by
Chad Weaver, president of the student
body. Prior to his remarks, the President
met with participants in a drug rehabilitation program and theirfamilies.
and Mennonite Leaders in
to bless our meeting here. And we are
happy to have you here, but we are also
somewhat saddened that it takes the drug
issue and alcohol to bring you here.
My wife and I have eight children, two of
which are married. And two are with a
youth group. Three are going to school
here. Our 18-year-old son was driving with
a man one time, and he said, "Do you mind
if I smoke pot?"
The President. Your kid was driving
with-yes.
Mennonite Leader. In a pickup, he was
driving along with the pickup-and "Do
you mind if I smoke pot? Will you tell the
boss?" He said, "I sure will."
So, it makes me almost quiver in my
boots when I think that that youth could
have been tempted to do that because he
was exposed to it. And it's by the grace of
God that we have what we have -what we
have as values, that you were just talking
about, handed down to us from our fathers.
When they came to this country, it was the
Indians and the bears that they feared for
life. Now it's the highway with alcohol and
the drug influence. When we drive down
the road, we don't know what shape that
man is that's coming towards us, and we are
concerned.
What could we do as Christians to main

285




Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tain that value? We do not want to uphold
ourselves that we have something that we
worked for and that we deserve, but it is by
the grace of God that we have been given
it through our parents and have withstood-took their stand to this day. And we
would like to ask you what we could do as
Christians to help to stop that flow from
Lancaster County?
The President. Well, in terms of the interdiction of the flow, I would think that that
would largely be the responsibility, to some
degree, of local law enforcement, because
I'm told that even in a marvelous rural
community, some of the fields are used for
illicit drops. And you know, they signal the
plane, and the plane goes on. So, in that
area, encouraging your local law enforcement people would be very important.
We realize that we have-the three of us
and Senator Specter here and our Chief of
Staff, John Sununu-a disproportionate responsibility in the interdiction. I say "we,"
the Federal Government, because we're
talking about at the borders. And Dick
Thornburgh is just back from meeting with
various heads of government in Central
America, where a lot of the crops, as you
know, are grown.
But I guess what I'd say-and then I'd
like to ask Bill Bennett, who, as you know,
was formerly our Secretary of Education, to
say a word-but I guess what I'd say is:
keeping moral underpinnings with your
community and then, hopefully, having
others see that as an example. I don't want
to argue with you because you're too good a
host, but I think it is important I'm here
because it gives us a chance to have a conversation like this and to understand a little
better why it is-and you've already
touched on it-faith-why it is that you all
have been able to withstand the pressure
when others have not.
Mennonite Leader. My concern is how
can we maintain that? We have a preschool
son, four-year-old. When he is 18 and the
problem is exploding, so to speak
The President. Exactly. Well, that's what
our whole new-I don't want to say the
word "crusade," that's a little like a clichebut I view it as that in terms of both the
demand and the supply side. You mentioned interdiction, and that's the supply.


But the whole demand side-I have gotten
to use the White House as a bully pulpit to
argue and to encourage people all across
the country on the demand side.
Mennonite Leader. We appreciate your
concern.
The President. We met with some kidswe've got to do it.
But, Bill, now, you've fought this in the
education role and now as our drug czar.
Why don't you add some to that?
Mr. Bennett. Well, I just
The President. That was a very good question you raised.
Mr. Bennett. -wonder what your children say or your grandchildren say about
this. Is it their sense that-as they report to
you-that things are better, worse, or more
temptation to do this out there, or less?
What are the kinds of things that they
report on this? As you see this threat-I
think we all take it very seriously-but for
me, a lot of the way I see the threat is
through the eyes of young people. They are
really there on the line.
Mennonite Leader. They're concerned.
Mr. Bennett. And I wonder what they are
telling you in terms of things. Are things
better than they were 5 years ago? Are
they worse than they are?
Mennonite Leader. In my opinion, it
would be worse, because our two oldest
sons work at public places and they both
were exposed to drugs and had opportunity
to buy. Now, what I'm concerned about is,
like I said, the four-year-old. By the time he
comes of age, will he be able to say no?
Mr. Bennett. Yes.
Mennonite Leader. Will he continue to
maintain that value that we are trying to
plant into our children that was implanted
into us, as President Bush just said about
values. This is what we uphold more than
money. I don't want to take much of your
time, but we want to teach our children
there's more of a greater value to go to bed
with a clear conscience than to make
money on drugs or to get high on it.
Mr. Bennett. Well, we have found in all
the drug studies that the best community,
the best protection for a young person, is
what one of the people writing has called
the internal compass in the sense of high


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


aspiration: deeply rooted values, faith, and a
closeness to family. These are the things, if
you wanted to design a system which would
protect the children.
And I don't think, whatever kind of drug
we see, whatever kind of onslaught you see,
that those rules will change. It seems to me
that has been the case throughout history in
terms of the best things we can do for our
young people. One of the things that we
see is a very strong affirmation on the part
of young people who have experimented
with drugs, in many cases, have almost
been destroyed-they come back and reaffirm what we've seen. They tell us, having
gone through the trial, having gone through
the fire, that what was missing in their lives
was this.
The President. May I tell you one other
additional-this gets a little bit off, but it
gives you an idea of how we're looking at
this. I don't want to see Federal legislation
that diminishes the family. We've got a big,
new thing on child care now. And I think
the Federal Government does have some
responsible role in child care. But our approach is to give the families the choice, to
give the families-well, put it this way,
some religious institutions are new day-care
services. I don't want to see the Federal law
defined so narrowly by the bureaucracy in
Washington that it erodes out the community, religious institutions, or family from
child care. And yet I do think the Federal
Government has a role in helping the private sector, helping the States in the question of child care.
So, philosophically, you say what does this
have to do with drugs? Because I think you
are a shining example of what family and
faith can do. Where we have responsibilities
at the Federal level, we must see that inadvertently we don't weaken the role of
family or weaken the role of, I'd say, faith
in our country. I believe in separation of
church and state; but I don't want to see
the church people get together in a church
community and take care of the other guy's
kids-work from whatever it is, and then
have them denied that because of Federal
money serving as a magnet that has to go
into some federally certified, rubberstamped institution down the street. So, we
will be working at the Federal level to see


that we don't impose on communities legislation that, even though it isn't intended
that way, would diminish and weaken the
family. And it isn't easy, but there are other
areas, I think, where we're going to be able
to-Dick, you want to say something?
Attorney General Thornburgh. Well, I, as
you know, am in the law enforcement side
of the effort to deal with drugs. President
Bush-I'm sure you've heard it said-has
established a goal of providing a kinder and
gentler America. And I think that's one that
we support to a man or woman throughout
this country. But a kinder, gentler America
is not one where drugs are abused and
where drug traffickers rule the streets of
some of our communities. I've told the
President that if we're going to have a
kinder, gentler America, we're going to
have to be rougher and tougher with some
Americans: those who are drug traffickers,
those who are the urban terrorists that have
captured so many of our communities. And
that's a job for law enforcement. The President's supporting tougher laws. He's supporting more resources for our police and
prosecutors, and supporting a tougher attitude toward those countries in the international community where these substances
are grown and produced. And we'll do our
share in helping to interrupt the flow of
drugs into your community.
But for my two cents' worth, I just want
to underscore what the President has said:
even from a law enforcement view, how
important it is for the types of values that
you've enunciated and practiced in your
communities to gain currency in every
community across the United States so that
the appetite for drugs and the consumption
of drugs, the demand for drugs, is diminished to a point where we don't have this
problem.
But we're very grateful for the opportunity to visit with you, learn from you, and
carry the message that's exemplified by
your communities elsewhere. Thank you.
Mennonite Leader. We're very happy for
your concern and what you're doing for the
sake of the young people of the U.S. And I
think the fact that we have no trouble with
drug addiction is because of the close family
ties; and the children are taught obedience


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Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


at a very young age and self-denial, that
they don't have everything they wish as
they're growing up; and because they are
taught of God, and urged to pray, and in
school have prayer and Bible reading. And
as they grow up, they have a sense of value
that they're not just out seeking thrills and
drugs or any other. We appreciate it much
for the warnings on the tobacco ads: harmful to the body-wish it were on the alcoholic drinks. And we surely appreciate your
efforts.
Another thing that I think why we have
no drug problem is for things we do not do.
We do not have television, radio; and as I
understand, almost-coming into the homes
of sexual things and robbers, and children
growing up in that atmosphere. It's just that
they're at a disadvantage, I think.
You read in the Bible of the people who
do not seek after God, and that God is not
in all their thoughts. I think that is why the
young people of America are going astray
with drugs. We wish God would be more in
their thoughts, and you respond to a higher
power.
Mennonite Leader. I also welcome President Bush. We feel kind of honored to be
here. And as for us, as a people, as we areit's one advantage that we have strived for,
and that is like Aaron there said, that we
don't have television and recorded music.
We feel sorry that our Constitution or our
courts have taken the prayer and Bible
reading out of schools. Then, after that has
left, we also have this rock music. And
those things just enter into the mind, that
the child will do things that they had not
intended to do, and then they are turned to
drugs. It leads to that.
Now, if our moral fiber-not ruin it
through removing the prayer and Bible,
we'd have a stronger America today. But
that is the thing. This is why we feel what
we have is because we try to avoid this
recorded music, rock music, and those
things that the child has control-the spirit
can be-rather than it being entertained by
the music of the world and some of the-as
you all know, that hard music is-well, you
know all about it. And that's where we shy
away strongly, because it just does something to a person. And that's from our stand
of viewpoint. That's where we feel we have


some advantage with our children, because
they are not exposed to that point, that
they have more self-control.
The President. You know, it's interesting
on the music. I think of the action that
Susan Baker, who is the wife of our Secretary of State, and Tipper Gore, who is the
wife of a man who ran for President last
year and a United States Senator-they got
outraged by just some of the really bad
lyrics in this music. And they took their
fight-aware of the right of people to speak
out and the freedom of speech amendment-but they took this fight to the
public, and indeed they were ridiculed for
this in a lot of high, sophisticated quarters,
even though the lyrics were so bad and so
awful that they would challenge any family.
And they went through a real tough time,
but they have not let up on it. And they've
got the most sophisticated, liberal communities-get all over them, thinking that
they're violating somebody's right to speak.
And I was quite supportive in talking to
them and know what they're doing.
I think we have an obligation as President-you do have to be careful of violating
somebody's freedom of speech. But I think
there are some certain excesses that have
cropped in now that we've come to condone, that under the same Constitution
would have been condemned years ago.
So, I think these are interesting warnings
you're putting out here. I want to preserve
freedom of speech and freedom of expression. But I think it's fine when citizens are
up in arms about it and try to express their
viewpoint. Maybe we've gone too far in
some things. I mean, I don't like seeing the
American flag down on the floor, either. I
know how this President looks at it. But
maybe that's a little reactionary, but that's
exactly the way I feel about it. And so, we'll
see.
Mennonite Leader. President Bush, of
course, we don't want you to leave here
feeling we are making demands or telling
the bad side. We also wanted to express
appreciation for what you and former Presidents have done for us in the past. We want
you to realize that we do feel grateful for
what has been done for us. I thought maybe
we could just relate a thought that seemed


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


to be some of our teaching, that the hand
that rocks the cradle, it rules the Nation.
Not only speaking to the young people,
maybe the parents, if they could some
way-that parents could plant this in their
children at a younger age-would often go
a far way.
Mennonite Leader. We are not so politically involved as some groups are, but we
spiritually support our country, and we pray
for them at every church service. We pray
for our government and thank God for the
freedom we have in religion and so forth.
And I'm afraid we do not appreciate this as
much in our thoughts or in our actions as
far as confessing to be Christians in our way
of looking at things.
Mr. Bennett. If I may, I know you
wouldn't say it-I think that we could all
take pride-I'm not sure there's ever been
a President or a First Lady who were better
parents to teach by their example what it
means to be parents and grandparents. And
I think this is a lesson in all these areas,
whether you're talking about drugs or alcohol or anything else. I know I learned at the
Department of Education-not every teacher is a parent, but every parent is a teacher,
a child's first teacher. So, I think we have a
special blessing that this President and this
First Lady are as splendid parents, very
splendid teachers, as well-if you'll allow
me, Mr. President.
The President. These things are important, and you have to find the balance, I
mean, in the Presidency or in the responsibility as an Attorney General. And now we
don't want to be disrespectful of people's
right to differ and people's right, as I say, of
freedom of expression. But I know, I am
absolutely certain, that family values and
community and faith-where those abound,
the problems that we're talking about over
in that school of fighting narcotics, the fight
is easier and the problem less big.
No one's immune. You mentioned the kid
of yours, driving along with the pressure.
Who knows who's going to succumb, no
matter how strong their faith. And this is
what-I mean, everybody's waxing philosophical here, but when you see kids born
into this world with really one-part family
with very little love and very little hope-I
mean, it's tough for a child. Then off in the


school system, and it's very, very tough. I'm
not suggesting that it's easy and that everybody that is not blessed with the faith of
your community should automatically be
perfect. But somehow, we have got to find
ways to strengthen the American concept
of family and faith. And it can't be legislated. Once we start legislating, there's a
threat to you in that kind of thing, threat to
your kind of community. But somehow
we've got to find ways to point out our
nation's historic reliance on these things.
Did I interrupt? You were going to say
something.
Amish Leader. No.
The President. No? Anybody else?
Amish Leader. I think perhaps the public
should be urged, as well as ourselves, to
probably get back to the Bible.
Amish Leader. I'm about worn out. I'm
90 years old. But I thank you for coming to
Pennsylvania, Lancaster County. The President visits Lancaster County-I thank you.
The President. Don't sound worn out at
all.
Mennonite Leader. He can't understand
much.
The President. Really? That's loud and
clear. There's something about the Presidency-leave out the fact that George Bush
is President-that when you go around in
that big automobile and you see people
who may vote for you or may have not
voted for you turning out to salute the Presidency, it is a very emotional experience,
and it's a wonderful thing. I remember as a
young guy, rushing out to see Presidents of
another party. It has nothing to do with
party. It has to do with the respect for the
institution or an emotional commitment to
the institution of the Presidency.
So, when we see those kids and those
signs-we were talking about that coming
over with the Senator and the Governor
and the Secretary and John Sununu-it's
very emotional. You almost get tears in
your eyes. But it always has to be that. It
always has to be-we fight in these elections and then we come together as a country. And as you mentioned coming here,
sir-but it's a great pleasure for us to be
here.
Amish Leader. That's my father.


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Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


The President. Is that your dad? Ninety
years old. Well, my mother is 87. She's
going pretty strong, not quite as strong as
you are, though.
Mennonite Leader. I think the factgoing across the U.S.-that you're against
drugs will help a lot. Just that fact. We just
hope the people will stand to you. Years
ago, Israel had a good King Solomon-the
Lord spoke to the people: "My people that
are called by my name, humble themselves
and pray and seek my face and confessand turn away from their sins, them I will
hear from in Heaven and heal their name."
I think a great responsibility is in the families to help you along in your wonderful
work.
The President. You know, I'll share with
you something. We're getting philosophical
near the end of our visit here. But Barbara
and I went to China as your emissary-not
ambassador then, because we didn't have,
as you remember, full relations with China.
And we went there in 1974, and then I was
there in '75. And we had wondered about
the family in China-Communist country,
totalitarian-and the common perception
was that there had been an erosion of the
strength of family. We knew that there had
been a banning-almost entire banning on
practicing and teaching Christianity. That
was a given. But I wondered more fundamentally about family.
Then we got there. And then you'd see
on their festival days-you'd see the granddad and the grandson and the sons and
daughters all together-strong. And finally,
when they dared talk to you-and they
didn't do much then because this was right
after the Cultural Revolution-they kept
separating out from Westerners-but when
you did, when you'd get a little glimpse of
it through sports or through somebody-my
language teacher-it was family. My son is
sick; we care about that. My husband is in
the hospital. I mean, it was a family thing.
And we'd go to a little church service
there. Indeed, our daughter was christened
in a church service where there was maybe
10 or 12 Westerners and 5 or 6 faithful
Chinese who were permitted in what used
to be the YMCA to have this Sunday service, mainly for diplomats, you see. Now,
that was in 1975 that she was christened


there. In 1989 I went back there as President of the United States. The church had
moved even. Now it was in what they call a
hutong, an alley. But it moved into an even
bigger building. There was close to 1,000
people in it. The choir had vestments. They
were able to have hymn books. And the
Bible was read from. And the message that
I got from all of this is not that there's
freedom of worship in China yet-there's
not-but that it is moving. The family has
never been weakened in China; it's always
been strong. A totalitarian state can't stamp
that out, and that faith can't be crushed by
a state doctrine. It can't be crushed by it.
And you're beginning to see more expressions of worship there. And I am absolutely
convinced it's going to continue. And you
see it in the Soviet Union.
So, what molds you together in the community, your family and your faith, is something that transcends-my point is: It transcends  liberal-conservative,  RepublicanDemocrat, American-Soviet. I mean, it is
there, and it is strong. And maybe it's what
you said, sir: We've got to keep talking
about values, and hopefully, that will help
the enforcement end and the education
end and the interdiction and all these kinds
of things that we have to continue to do on
the drug fight.
But that China thing-every family has
experienced something that sticks in their
hearts. And this one is something that-I
tell you, when I got up to speak there, I was
all choked up. They welcomed me back,
and they said, "How is our sister, Dorothy?"-that's our daughter who was baptized in that faith. And it was a great lesson
for me: the strength of faith. Somehow it
just keeps coming up.
Amish Leader. We appreciate that feeling
for our leader of the country.
The President. Well, thank you all.
Attorney General Thornburgh. Mr. President, my fellow Pennsylvanians and I have
a sentiment that I think they would permit
me to share with you during your visit.
Astan un freund [You've got a friend] in
Pennsylvania.
The President. I understand that. I studied German I, II in school. But "You have a
friend in Pennsylvania." [Laughter]


290




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


Amish Leader. A lot of friends in Pennsylvania.
The President. Thank you all for taking
the time.
Mennonite Leader. Say "hello" to the
Fletcher family. They came-my parentsone that's the head of the shuttle.
The President. Oh, Jim Fletcher.
Amish Leader. Make a greeting to Mrs.
Bush.
The President. Well, she is working hard,
and she's into-works a lot with the Secretary on literacy. Learned a lot from him,
and now she is continuing her interest in
literacy because, again, it gets down to how
you appreciate these things. When you
can't read, it's pretty hard to
Mennonite Leader. We want to appreciate our government more than we ever did
because of your interest.
The President. Well, we want to give you
something to be proud of. We want to set
examples where we can. We've talked
about some of the problem areas, but we're
living in tough fiscal times and all of that. I
think we're in optimistic times in terms of
peace. If we can keep ourselves vigilant, I
think we have a good chance now, with the
changes in the Pacific, but in the Soviet
Union-that if we find a way to move prop

erly, I think we could ensure the kid you
were talking about and the other seven a
more peaceful future. And that, of course, a
President has to be thinking about.
Mennonite Leader. God bless you, those
in the family. The family that prays together stays together.
The President. That's right.
Mennonite Leader. We want to keep that
theme, "In God We Trust," which is
stamped on our money.
The President. It's staying there. Nobody
can knock that off. And I very openly advocated the fact of prayer in the schools. And
it's got to be voluntary so some minority kid
doesn't feel discriminated against. It's got to
be obviously nondictated by the state. But I
am not going to change my mind about it.
I'm absolutely convinced that it is right. It
drives political opponents right up the wall.
They just don't understand it, but I feel
strongly about it-end of speech. Thank you
all.
Note: The President spoke at 10 a.m. in the
meeting room at Penn Johns Elementary
School. In his opening remarks, he referred
to Attorney General Dick Thornburgh. Following his remarks, the President traveled
to Wilmington, DE.


Question-and-Answer Session at the Wilmington Cluster Against
Substance Abuse Program in Delaware
March 22, 1989


Mr. Mustafa. Mr. President, I'm sure the
kids have some questions they'd like to ask
you, so why don't you have a seat.
The President. Okay, now, what's happening here, you guys? Who's got a question, or
tell me something about how this is working. I mean, this is wonderful.
War on Drugs
Q. What can I do to stop drugs?
The President. Well, that's a good question, and the answer is to stand-I mean for
your individual self-is to avoid the pressure that comes when those guys come
around with the drugs, I mean, just to en

courage yourself and the guys like this that
are in training here to stay away from it-to
stay totally away from it. And then get
other friends, and get them to turn down
drugs. So, when the guy comes into the
neighborhood peddling the drugs, why, you
take a role like an individual leader, and
you say no, I'm not going to do that. I'm
going to go the clean way. I'm going to go
that-and then you want to help other guys
do it.
And what we've got to do in the Government-like in Washington and then Governor Castle here and the State government
and your mayor and the local police guys

291




Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


we've got to help as private citizens. We've
got to help you in the law enforcement side
of things. And then, our drug czar, who is
with us today, Bill Bennett-he's the big
guy over here, and he was in education. He
was the Secretary of Education and in
charge for the Federal Government in education. And he's going to help work with
the schools and others in terms of the education side for all kids, in the classrooms, to
just say, "Look, this is wrong; this is bad;
don't come in here telling me it's okay."
You've got to listen to Rashid, your able
instructor here. It's his whole life. He's
given a lot out of his own life to not only
train you and discipline you guys but help
on the education side himself, just by his
time that he gives you guys. So, it's kind of
hard for one individual, but every guy can
make a difference. And if somebody in your
family does it, you've got to say, "Hey,
that's wrong." Even sometimes when it's
unpopular. You know, they say, "Hey, come
on, you. What's the matter with you? Come
on. " And you've got to be the guy that
stands up to it, says, "No, I don't want
that." Come on over here and work out and
do what you've got to do.
Q. Have you ever been offered drugs?
The President. No. See, you know, I'll tell
you something. They had drugs around
when I was a little guy, but I hate to tell
you how old I am. It wasn't as much-there
wasn't the pressure on the kids in schools.
It's just kind of come in more lately, you
know? And so, when I was your age, the
pressures and the temptations on all kids
was much less in terms of the drug threat
you guys face up to now. Have you ever
been offered them?
Q. Yes, once.
The President. Did you? Did you tell the
guy to bug off.?
Q. Yes.
Athletics
Q. When you were younger, have you
ever been in an activity like karate or a
different-other things-basketball, gym?
The President. A lot of athletics, not
karate. I watched you guys. I'm not sure I
could have done that. [Laughter] That was
pretty good, and
Q. Do you know where drugs come from?


The President. Yes, I know that. I'll get to
that one in a minute. But sports-yes, I love
sports-still do play. I love to play baseball,
and I played soccer. I don't know whether
you've ever played that, but I did a little bit
of football in grade school. So, sports I think
helps. It keeps your body going good and
keeps your mind cleaned out for you.
What did you say?
War on Drugs
Q. Do you know where drugs come from?
The President. Yes. They come from all
over the world, unfortunately. Picture a
map and see where you are in Delaware.
And then you go way down south to the Rio
Grande River, and then on down south into
South America. A lot of them come from
down there.
And our Attorney General [Richard L.
Thornburgh] right here, he can tell you
where he was for some of this. Tell him
where you were, Dick, just recently.
The Attorney General. I was in three
countries where they grow drugs. If you
look at the map of South America, one of
them is Bolivia-high in the Andes Mountains. And then right next door to that is
Peru. And then just north of that is Colombia. In all three of those countries, they
grow the plants that produce the materials
that are made into drugs, and they sell
them for a lot of money in this country. But
they wouldn't be able to sell any of them if
nobody wanted to use drugs. And that's
what the President is saying. He says the
best thing we can do is to turn our back on
those people who want us to use drugs and
put the money into the pockets of the
crooks who handle the drugs.
The President. Some people, they grow it
here sometimes in the United States, too.
It's terrible. So, then the law enforcement
guys have to go out and try to crack down
on them and stuff.
Q. Are they legal in the other countries?
The President. I don't think they're ever
legal. I don't know for sure. Bill, maybe you
can tell them. I don't think they're legal.
They turn their back on it in some places
and condone it-well, we did in this country for a while.
Attorney General Thornburgh. There are


292




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


108 countries that signed the U.N. drug
convention, Mr. President, and that means
there are 108 countries that are your working partners in the effort to deal with the
drug problem around the world. There
aren't many places where the drug dealers
or the drug traffickers are going to get
much in the way of approval.
The President. Here's another one for this
guy. How about these quiet guys down
there? Go ahead.
Q. Mr. President, as I learned as I was in
school, they took a lot of drugs that were
good, like narcotics and stuff that heal some
people's wounds, like cocaine and stuff that
numbs.
The President. Yes. Like morphine to
keep the pain away and stuff.
Q. Yes, keep your pain away, and sometimes marijuana for different things. But as
my teacher told me, drugs were good until
somebody took them and abused the drugs.
They used them on their body as the wrong
thing.
The President. Good point. Good point.
You know, when a guy lying out on the
battlefield was shot, fighting for his country
or something, and they'd give him a shot of
morphine to take the pain down, well, that
was some kind of narcotic effect on them.
And so, there are some uses-very narrow
medical uses-that people, well, doctors
would say this could help save a life or help
a person bear the pain of a wound. But
then it got abused. Your teacher was absolutely right about that.
Q. Do you know exactly how long the
drugs have been around?
The President. No, because you go back in
history and you look in the opium wars that
go over into China years ago, and you've
got-so, I don't know, but I expect long,
long ago in history it started. But whether
society condones it, whether there's a growing-what they call permitting it-permissiveness that permits that to happen to a
society. You know, you go back into ancient
history now-Rome, and when Rome got
corrupt with a lot of alcohol abuse and that
kind of thing. And so, it isn't something
brand new in our history, but it's something
that's become because people have just
turned the other cheek and just kind of let
it happen in their neighborhoods. And then,


when parents do it, why, then it's hard for
the kid, even though he's taught the right
things, right in this very room, right over
there on those mats-taught the right thing.
In the home, maybe the pressures are
tough on you at home, and it's hard for a
little guy to stand up. That's why you need
to be company on this-stand together in
fighting against it.
Q. Have you ever been offered drugs?
The President. I haven't. No. No, I
haven't been offered that. Have you?
Q. No.
The President. Never did? How about
you?
Q. Where do drugs come from?
The President. Well, you didn't hear. He
asked it. A lot of the basic plants are grown
in South America, sometimes over in Burma
and in what they call the Golden Triangle
over there. And some right here in this
country-marijuana plants illegally grown
out in the forests and out in the woods. And
Alabama-the Governor was in to see me
the other day-the Governor of that State.
And he said it's hard to find the plants because people sneak out and cultivate them.
And then it's hard. You have to find them
from helicopters. So, a wide array of places
they come from.
Mr. Mustafa. Well, Mr. President, I'd like
to make a comment. I'd like to say that the
WACASA program, or Wilmington Cluster
Against Substance Abuse here in this
State-we have made a pledge to live a
drug-free lifestyle and to help these youth
become the hope for the future. And they
understand that a mind is a terrible thing to
waste and that they are the hope of the
future and that their present thoughts determine their future actions. And they all
have made that pledge to live that lifestyle.
The President. That's wonderful, Rashid.
Q. Our teacher said when he was growing up, when he was a little kid
The President. Yes, a little guy?
Q. Yes. He said while other little kids
were wanting to buy drugs and they
couldn't-he said they used to go to the
store and buy airplane glue and sniff it.
The President. They did. That's right.
Duco-what was it called? Something like
that? Yes. And it would give you some drug


293




Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


effect. That's true.
The Attorney General. It's not good for
you.
The President. No. And then they'd
damage their brain, and it would be very
bad.
Wilmington Cluster
Q. Mr. President, how do you feel about
the WACASA program?
The President. Well, I'm going to talk
about it at lunch. I don't know all of the
details of it. But I feel that programs like
that-and I'm going to mention it because
the Governor and others have told us that
it's making a real move, being successfulthat in there lies a lot of the answer. Federal Government-Washington, DC-they
can't design all these programs. I mean,
what works here is good. Nobody can tell
your instructor here, "You're going to have
to do this nationwide. Everybody at 2
o'clock in the afternoon, or whatever it is, is
going to have a karate lesson." But it's all
different kinds of answers.
I talked about the concept of 1,000 points
of light-1,000 different programs, multiplied by 1,000, all working in their own
way and in their own community. So, I
would just say, Hey, go for it. Participate.
Get others to do it, too. And that's part of
it.
Q. Do you think the WACASA program
would be in existence at least another 4 or
5 years?
The President. Yes, because I don't think
this whole program is going to be whipped.
I mean, the whole drug thing is-I wish I
could tell you differently, but we're going
to make some moves. I've got 4 years as
President, and I want to be able to look
back-and not just for the country, but also
I'd like to be able to say to my grandchildren-about the age of some of these guys
here-we worked hard to make it better.
It's not going to be solved. We need to keep
these programs going.
War on Drugs
Q. Mr. President, how can I, one person,
help?
The President. Out at schools and everyplace? Yes, you've got to encourage others
not to use them. You've got to participate


in the programs. And other kids that are
down there, other kids in the neighborhoods, they'll see this, and they'll see you
working out here, and they'll say hey,
maybe these guys have got something.
Q. Mr. President, have you ever went to
anybody's funeral that used drugs?
The President. Went to a funeral where
the person died from drugs? I don't think
so, but I've been to ceremonies honoring
people whose lives were taken by the drug
pushers and the drug criminals, like law enforcement people. And you go, and you
give a medal-like when I was Vice President-you give a medal to a family, a
widow, a woman whose husband had been
killed trying to protect your neighborhood
and mine from drugs. And that's sad, I'll tell
you-people to give their lives, to fight so
you guys can have a good environment and
we all can.
What's that guy's name?
Q. Mr. President, what do you do to keep
drugs out of your life?
The President. Keep them out of your
life? Well, kind of getting along in my level
of life here, the pressures aren't quite that
big. You don't have a lot of guys coming up
to you in daily life saying, hey. So, I don't
have the temptations and the pressures that
you've got, like young guys in school and all
of that. But I think if I did I'd try to do
what you're doing: I'd try to have that lifestyle going in such a way and helping the
education programs and helping the law enforcement so people wouldn't be tempted
to offer up those narcotics.
But I'm not saying it's the same. Now,
like I'm President. It would be pretty hard
for some drug guy to come into the White
House and start offering it up, you know.
It's different. We've got a lot of Secret Service guys there-hey, throw them right out
of there. But it's different in a school or a
community. And so, the pressures-I think I
understand them, but I can't say that it's
the same when you're in this job on that
kind of thing. But I bet if they did, I hope I
would say hey, get lost. We don't want any
of that.
Mr. Smith. Besides the program they
have set up here in Delaware, I think that
you've really set the example by appointing


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


one person in charge of it, which nobody
has ever done before-to have somebody of
the caliber of William Bennett, with his
track record that he's done in education, to
be in charge of it. I think he's going to
inspire more people to startThe President. And your Senators here,
both Senator Roth and Senator Biden, have
been in the forefront of that kind of battle.
And so, it's a new office, and it's a tough
deal for Bill because the statutory authority
is blurred. Attorney General Thornburgh
has direct responsibility as Attorney General, and yet, he's got to work cooperatively
with the drug czar, the new leader of the
fight. So, it's a job that is just being defined.
This man is the first man in the whole
country to have the responsibility under the
law for coordinating all this drug policy and
setting the policy. How would you like such
a big job as that? [Applause]


Rashid, can I give you these to give to
these kids? I guess we've got to go on. I'd
much rather talk to you guys, I think. But
that was wonderful.
Did you ever get kicked with a flying
heel there when you're out there on the
mat or anything? I'll be honest. I was a little
nervous when I first got here, although I
knew he wouldn't let you boot me around.
Thanks a lot.
Note: The President spoke at 11:55 a.m. in
the gymnasium at the Young Men's Christian Association. Rashid Mustafa and Jeff
Smith were karate instructors and counselors at the Wilmington Cluster Against Substance Abuse program. Prior to his remarks,
the President viewed a karate demonstration. The President gave Mr. Mustafa patches that read "Kick Drugs Out of Your Life"
for each child.


Remarks to the Law Enforcement Community in Wilmington,
Delaware
March 22, 1989


Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, thank
you all. Honored guests, thank you all very
much. Thank you, Governor Castle, for the
introduction, and all of you for the pleasure
of your company. And let me say what an
honor it is to be here among Delaware's
finest and among friends.
I want to pay my respects to Lieutenant
Governor Dale Wolf, and in particular, I
want to salute four friends who share this
platform. Bill Roth, your senior Senatorhe's been a force for peace and prosperity.
He and I were classmates in the Congress,
both elected on the same day in 1966.
We've been friends ever since, and I've
been watching him in action. And not only
is he known for his economic prowess and
knowledge but he has been strong in fighting the use of crack and cocaine and other
narcotics.
[Attorney General] Dick Thornburgh,
America's chief law enforcement official, is
here-say more about that in a minute. Our
first Drug Control Policy Director-I'm


trying not to say czar. [Laughter] There is
something-I don't want to say un-American about it, but-[laughter]-it just doesn't
ring why we set up a czar of baseball or a
czar of the narcotics battle. But nevertheless, we've got a strong, tough guy; and if
we were electing a czar, he might well
qualify. [Laughter] But nevertheless, you're
going to see him in action over the next 4
years. Both Dick and Bill are combating this
menace which endangers us all.
And then as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, your own Senator, Joe
Biden. He was one of the principal architects of the legislation that created this new
drug post. And he's been a tireless fighter
out there, leading the way in the Senate.
So, Bill Bennett, Bill Roth, Dick Thornburgh, Joe Biden, and I will work together
to shape this drug strategy to really try to
nurture a safer, fairer, and more decent
land. I told Bill Roth, incidentally, if he
didn't tell the ostrich joke, I wouldn't make
him hear about Millie and the puppies.


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Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


[Laughter]
Earlier today, several of us were up over
in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. And then I've
just come right here now from your Y, from
the Wilmington YMCA, where kids are
learning karate and learning to avoid drugs
through the Wilmington Cluster Against
Substance Abuse program. And the message
there in that group is: "Kick drugs out of
your life." And sure enough, there they
were. I almost got hit by a couple of heels
flying by me. [Laughter] But I got a kick
out of those kids. And come to think of it,
the karate out there reminded me of a
family dinner at Kennebunkport with our
11 grandchildren. I've never seen so much
mayhem. [Laughter]
But there was a stronger message from
those kids. You know, here they are, perhaps some of them out of underprivileged
backgrounds, joined together, led by volunteers and others out there, teaching them
to stay out of the drug culture. And I don't
care whether you're President of the
United States, a worthy citizen of Wilmington, just a plain guy coming off the street
somewhere, it couldn't help but make a tremendous impression on anyone if you had a
chance to see that program, see these little
guys out there with discipline and energy
and spirit, trying to do their part in this
fight on drugs. It was an inspiration to me,
and I won't forget it.
Getting ready for this visit, I thought of a
poem that captured the spirit of this gathering and the true genius of America. The
poet was Carl Sandburg, the poem entitled,
"The People, Yes."
"The People, Yes." They're retired laborers, textile workers, and pillars of the
law.
"The People, Yes." They live on the prairies in Nebraska, in the central valley of
California, in the small burgs and factory towns of the first State of Delaware.
"The People, Yes."
These Americans support their police and
respect our legal system. And they cherish
the decent stability which makes justice
possible and our lives secure. My friends,
nothing-nothing-threatens the stability of
our families and our nation more than the
scourge of drug abuse. And as a candidate


for the office I now hold, I pledged to undertake a mission to try to make America
free from drugs. Well, my selection of Secretary Bennett to direct the newly created
Office of the National Drug Control Policy
shows that I meant exactly what I said. As
Secretary of Education, Bill was a crusader
for excellence, challenging the educators all
across this country to do better. And as
America's first Drug Control Policy Director, he's engaged in an even greater struggle: America's war on drugs. He's going to
do just fine.
This war seeks to educate all Americans
on the inherent evils of drug abuse, and it'll
encourage those caught in the trap of drug
addiction to get clean and stay clean. And
this war pledges increased support for those
tasked with the dangerous job of stopping
the flow of drugs into America. And it vows
to enforce our drug laws.
Last month before a joint session of Congress, I spoke about four critical areas in the
war on drugs: education, treatment, interdiction, and enforcement. And I asked for
an increase of $1 billion in budget outlaysto nearly $6 billion in 1990 to escalate this
war. Some money will be used to expand
treatment to the poor and addicted young
mothers. Some money will be used to cut
the waiting time for treatment and to help
urban schools where the emergency is the
greatest. And $1.1 billion of my request will
go for education.
And here in Delaware, you have shown
the way. And it hasn't been easy. After all,
Interstate 1-95 is a major, major avenue of
illicit drug trafficking-intersects the greater Wilmington area right here. But Delaware law enforcement officers-like one
who is with us today, I'm told, Delaware
State Police Corporal Durnan and many of
you-are aggressively fighting this war.
Where is the Corporal? And all the rest of
them. I single him out, but I know he'd say
it's everybody here, and all across this State,
that are waging this fight. Under Governor
Castle, your "Above the Influence" campaign is combating alcohol and drug abuse.
And the Wilmington Cluster program aims
to pull students together and help the communities help themselves. And for that, I
congratulate you.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


Delaware is waging war against drugs.
And it's a war we must and will win. For
while more than 200 million Americans
didn't use illegal drugs last year, over 23
million Americans did. And that means we
must stop those who produce and buy and
traffic drugs. And that, in turn, means an
all-out fight in enforcement and interdiction.
As you know, in the last year, the global
production of coca and marijuana, opium
poppies, hashish, increased sharply. And
that supply abroad imperils our kids at
home. It threatens countries like those that
have been long friendly to the United
States, and it reaffirms the need to stop
drugs before they reach our borders and to
eradicate them at their source.
I mentioned Bill Bennett, but let me just
say a word about your neighbor, Mike Castle's former compadre, Governor Thornburgh. He's been on the cutting edge as the
Governor, you see, fighting the problem at
the State level. And the Governors are
those out there delivering the services and
working the problems of backing their law
enforcement people. So, he's been through
all that. And there is no one I can think of
in the United States better suited now to be
the chief law enforcement officer of the
United States than Dick Thornburgh, your
neighbor and our friend.
Two weeks ago, I asked Attorney General
Thornburgh to go to South America to
meet with the Presidents and top officials in
Colombia and Bolivia and Peru. And the
topic? How to curb drug production and
arrest, convict, and destroy trafficking cartels. He came back with a very interesting
and, in ways, troubling report. The Presidents may want to cooperate, and yet some
of their communities are so wrecked by
crime that it is extraordinarily difficult for
them, no matter how good their intentions,
to stand up against these illegal cartels and
these armed gangs that seem to control the
crops that destroy the lives of our kids. We
hope to work more closely with our hemispheric neighbors in this vital effort. We're
not going to give up on that at all.
And I'm glad to tell you that Dick reported to me that in these countries-and then
through his contacts in others-they are
much more eager now to get on with the


task. Heretofore, I believe that the Presidents of the South American countries
always felt that it was our problem and if it
weren't for the rich Norte Americanos consuming the product, that then the problem
would go away. But today, sadly, their own
societies are adversely affected by drug use.
And so, it isn't just the consuming United
States. We are in this with our friends south
of the border, and we're going to fight it in
an international multilateral concept. We've
got to destroy the crops and the labs that
process the crops in these drug-producing
countries. We've got to protect our borders;
and that isn't easy, as you know, given the
enormous length of the borders.
Our budget proposes $690 million for
Coast Guard drug interdiction, which plays
a major role in coordinating the identification and search of suspicious planes and vessels. We've also proposed more than $300
million in interdiction funds for the Department of Defense. All told, fully 70 percent
of our drug budget is for law enforcement
purposes. In particular, we want to significantly increase funding for Federal prisons.
Why? Because prison overcrowding has
caused too many convicts to go scot-free.
And I will act also-and I'll need your help
and backing-to enforce tougher sentences.
You know, I've talked a lot about zero
tolerance. "Zero tolerance" is not a catchword. It means, quite simply, if you do
crime, you do time. And that means judges
who strictly apply the law to convicted
drug offenders and severe sentences for
dealers who hire children. And it means
increasing Federal drug prosecutions. And,
yes, it means strict enforcement-and I
mean strict enforcement-of the Antidrug
Abuse Act of 1988. I want increased prison
sentences for drug-related crimes and, yes,
the death penalty for drug kingpins and
those who commit these drug-related murders. We owe our police officers nothing
less than that. I was very pleased that yesterday the Supreme Court validated drug
testing. I hope this will help achieve our
goal of a drug-free workplace.
A secure community is the right of every
American. Toward the end, guns can be
imported under current law only if they are
adapted for sporting purposes. That's the


297




Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


way the law reads now. We've recently
taken a step and temporarily suspended the
import of these AK-47's and certain other
semiautomatic weapons into this country, as
we continue to search for a solution to this
difficult and complex problem.
I do believe-and I expect many in the
room like me are sportsmen-I do believe
in the legitimate right of sportsmen and
others who own guns. But I also believe in
supporting our police officers who lay their
lives on the line. And I am convinced that
the vast majority of sportsmen want to find
a way to support our law enforcement officers, and I want to be with them in finding
a solution to this problem. I said yesterday
that I'm a member of the NRA [National
Rifle Association], and I am. I have nothing
to be ashamed of there. But I happen to
believe that the vast majority of NRA members support the position I've just taken:
that the time has come to do something
about these automated weapons that are
threatening the lives of these people behind
me. And I'm going to see that it takes
place.
You know, many issues involve shades of
gray. Crime is not among them. Drug trade
is not among them. It involves good guys
and bad guys, white hats and black hats,
good and evil. And many of you, I'm sure,
have heard of Everett Hatcher-I'll bet
these guys have-Federal agent involved in


an undercover drug investigation. He was
only 46 years old, the father of two. Barely
3 weeks ago, an hour after radioing colleagues that he was driving to a new site to
meet a drug dealer, he was found shot to
death in Staten Island. And earlier this
month I met with his widow, Mary Jane-a
very emotional moment. And we have offered $250,000 for information leading to
the apprehension of the man wanted in
connection with this murder. But it brought
it home to me, loud and clear: We have got
to win the war on drugs for Everett Hatcher and all those of your profession who have
given their lives to free America of drug
abuse.
To build a better life, to make tomorrow
free of drugs, will require the will and spirit
of the American people-people like Everett Hatcher, people like Corporal Durnan,
people like you. And of this I am certain: As
Americans, nothing lies beyond our reach.
The people, yes. The future, yes. By serving
one, let us seize the other.
And thank you for inviting me and for
your many kindnesses. And God bless you
all, and God bless the United States of
America. Thank you very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:35 p.m. in
the Delaware Ballroom at the Radisson
Hotel. He was introduced by Gov. Michael
N. Castle. Following his remarks, the President returned to Washington, DC.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on President Bush's
Telephone Conversation With President-Elect Alfredo Cristiani of
El Salvador
March 22, 1989


President Bush spoke earlier today with
Alfredo Cristiani, the winner of the Salvadoran Presidential election, to congratulate
him on his victory. The President assured
Mr. Cristiani that the United States would
continue to work closely with El Salvador to
help the Salvadorans create and protect a
durable democracy there. Mr. Cristiani affirmed his recent public statements that he
and his administration will be committed to


respect for human rights. President Bush
invited Mr. Cristiani to visit Washington at
an early date.
On Sunday, March 19, hundreds of thousands of Salvadoran peasants, working
people, business men and women, and citizens from every walk of life defied threats
of death and terror from Marxist guerrillas
to vote in that country's Presidential election. This was the sixth national election El


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 22


Salvador has held under international supervision in the last 7 years. What we witnessed last Sunday should leave no doubt:
The people of El Salvador are passionately
committed to the democratic rights and liberties they have fought for and won with
U.S. support in recent years.
Our policy in El Salvador, forged through
bipartisan consensus and with bipartisan
support, is clear: We are committed to continue democratic progress and the defense
of human rights. There must be no turning
back to the dark and terrible past. We
expect, and the Salvadoran people clearly
desire, continued steady progress toward establishing the rule of law, an effective judicial system, and security against political violence from either the right or the left.
There is also a message for the FMLN [Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front]
guerrillas in Sunday's election: The Salvadoran people clearly yearn for an end to
the terrible violence to which they have
been subjected.
The time has come to end the violence
and secure an honorable peace that will


protect the rights and security of all Salvadorans, regardless of their political views, to
participate in a safe and fair political process. If the FMLN would embrace that goal,
we are confident that this tragic war can
come to an end. The President welcomes
Mr. Cristiani's stated commitment to continue the dialog with the FMLN guerrillas
and hopes the guerrillas accept his offer.
Moreover, the guerrillas will not succeed in
obtaining the political victory in the United
States that they cannot win among the
people of El Salvador. The United States is
committed to the defense of democracy and
human rights in El Salvador. So long as El
Salvador continues on that path, the United
States will remain a firm and steady ally.
A final note: Last Sunday's election heralds the final months of the Presidency of
Jose Napoleon Duarte, a great patriot and
champion of democracy. The President salutes President Duarte for his courage, his
patriotism, his steadfast commitment to democracy, and for his enormous and lasting
contribution to building an authentic democratic process in his country.


Nomination of Kenneth W. Gideon To Be an Assistant Secretary of
the Treasury
March 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Kenneth W. Gideon to be
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury (Tax
Policy). He would succeed O. Donaldson
Chapoton.
Since 1986 Mr. Gideon has been a partner with Fried, Frank, Harris, Shriver, and
Jacobson in Washington, DC. Prior to this
he was in practice with Fulbright and Jaworski, 1983-1986. He served as Chief
Counsel for the Internal Revenue Service,
1981-1983. Mr. Gideon has served in sever

al capacities on the American Bar Association including council member elected for a
term to end 1990; chairman of the committee on government relations, 1984-1986;
and chairman of the committee on court
procedure, 1979-1981. He was the cochair
of the task force on civil tax penalties, 1988.
Mr. Gideon graduated from Harvard University (B.A., 1968) and Yale Law School
(J.D., 1971). Mr. Gideon resides in Washington, DC.


299




Mar. 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Quincy Mellon Krosby To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Commerce
March 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Quincy Mellon Krosby to
be Assistant Secretary of Commerce (Export
Enforcement). She would succeed G. Philip
Hughes.
Since 1982 Mrs. Krosby has been with the
Department of State, serving in several capacities, including economic officer (energy
attache) for the U.S. Embassy in London;
Special Assistant to the Under Secretary for
Security Assistance, Science and Technology; Special Assistant to the Counselor of the
Department; economic counselor for the
U.S. Embassy in Bulgaria; and political/eco

nomic officer in the Office of East European and Yugoslav Affairs. Between 1973 and
1981, she was a consultant in London and
Oslo for private firms and U.S. Government
agencies and served as an adjunct college
teacher for Union College, University of
Minnesota, the London School of Economics, and Oslo University.
Mrs. Krosby received a bachelor of arts
and a master of arts degree from the University of Minnesota and the London School
of Economics and Political Science (Ph.D.,
1979).


Nomination of Edward Martin Emmett To Be a Member of the
Interstate Commerce Commission
March 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Edward Martin Emmett to
be a member of the Interstate Commerce
Commission for a term expiring on December 31, 1992. He would succeed Frederic
N. Andre.
Since 1986 Mr. Emmett has been executive director of the Texas Association to Improve Distribution. Prior to this he was executive director for the North Houston Association, 1983-1986. From 1979 to 1983,
he was the owner of the Public Affairs
Group. He was a State representative from
Nomination of Shirley D. Peterson
General
March 23, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Shirley D. Peterson to be
Assistant Attorney General (Tax Division).
She would succeed William S. Rose, Jr.


Texas, 1979-1987, serving as chairman of
the House Committee on Energy, 1985 -1987, and a member of the House Committee on Transportation, 1979-1987. From
1976 to 1979, he was a policy analyst for
Exxon Corp.
Mr. Emmett graduated from Rice University (B.A., 1971) and the University of Texas
at Austin (M.A., 1974). He was born August
14, 1949, in New London, TX. Mr. Emmett
is married, has four children, and resides in
Round Rock, TX.
To Be an Assistant Attorney
Since 1969 Mrs. Peterson has been in
practice with Steptoe and Johnson and has
been a partner since 1978. She currently
serves in several capacities on the American


300




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 23


Bar Association, including chair of the
estate and gift tax committee of the tax
section and member of the real property,
probate and trust law section committee.
She is also a fellow of the American College
of Probate Counsel, serving on the board of
regents, the nominating committee, the
estate and gift tax committee, and as chair
of the transfer tax study committee. In addition, Mrs. Peterson served on the Assist

ant Attorney General's Advisory Committee
on Tax Litigation, Department of Justice,
1982-1984.
Mrs. Peterson graduated from Bryn Mawr
(A.B., 1963) and New York University
School of Law (LL.B., 1967). She was born
September 3, 1941, in Holly, CO. Mrs. Peterson is married, has two children, and resides in Bethesda, MD.


Nomination of E. Patrick Coady To Be United States Executive
Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development
March 23, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate E. Patrick Coady to be
U.S. Executive Director of the International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development
for a term of 2 years. He would succeed
Robert Brendon Keating.
Mr. Coady was chief financial officer for
the Acacia Group in Washington, DC,
1985-1988. Prior to this he was managing
general partner with the investment bank

ing firm of Coady and Co. in New York
City, 1981-1985. Mr. Coady was senior vice
president with Dillon, Read and Co., Inc.,
in New York City, 1966-1980.
Mr. Coady graduated from Massachusetts
Institute of Technology (B.S., 1960) and
Harvard Graduate School of Business
(M.B.A., 1966). He served in the U.S. Navy,
1960-1964. He is married, has three children, and resides in Great Falls, VA.


Remarks to the National Association of Manufacturers
March 23, 1989


Thank you, Dick, and thank all of you.
Thank you very much for that warm welcome. Thank you for that warm welcome
back. And Dick, thank you, sir, for introducing me and for what you're doing leading
the NAM. I want to pay my respects to your
president, former secretary, Sandy Trowbridge, who continues to do an outstanding
job. Harry Truman used to say: "If you
want a friend in Washington, buy a dog."
[Laughter] And I'm here to disagree with
him, because I feel in Dick, your chairman,
and in Sandy, your president, and in the
membership of this illustrious organization,
that our administration has a friend not
only in Washington but all across the country.


And I am very grateful for that, and I
normally would not dare to speak for our
new illustrious Secretary of Commerce, Bob
Mosbacher, but in this regard I expect I'm
saying exactly what he feels. And I might
say to you, the members of the NAM, it is a
wonderful thing to have him at my side, a
successful businessman who knows what it
means to take risks, knows what it means to
try to keep the costs down, and knows what
it means to add to the productivity of this
country. And Bob Mosbacher is already
doing a superb job.
After one tough football game, somebody
asked Knute Rockne why Notre Dame had
lost. And he answered, "I won't know until


301




Mar. 23 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


my barber tells me on Monday." [Laughter]
Well, nobody is second-guessing American
manufacturing anymore. And clearly, you
all are playing a winning game.
And I'm here today to tell you that deindustrialization that we read about is a myth.
And manufacturing, as a share of our national output, is as strong today as it has
ever been. And I think many people in this
room deserve great credit for that. Thanks
to the hard work of you people, who are
the brains and the muscle of our basic industries, we're producing more products
with a smaller percentage of our population
than ever before. And that, my friends, is
productivity. And that is why since 1982
our manufacturing output has gone up
twice as fast as Western Europe and has
kept pace with Japan. You're the producers-is somebody's heart beating very fast
over there or what the heck's going on?
[Laughter]
[The President referred to a thumping noise
comingfrom the back of the room.]
In the technological age in which we're
living, I'm sure we can-[laughter]. No, but
you are the producers who are building a
better America. And I think that your presence demonstrates that you are fighting to
win the international struggle for continued
growth. You've demonstrated that you can
make America more competitive and that
you can keep America more competitive.
So, I'm not saying you're going to have to
do it alone. There's a role for government;
sometimes political leadership is needed, for
example, to keep international trade free
and fair. But I will tell you that this government will not confuse involvement with interference.
And there's a lot of talk about competitiveness going around these days, and in a
way that's a very good thing. But competitiveness is more than just the latest trade
figures or the latest quarterly earnings or
the latest poll-or the latest election, for
that matter. Surely our success can be
measured by better methods than these.
This is a good time for us to look towards a
larger horizon. And we stand at a special
moment in our history. We're prosperous.
We are at peace. And at such a point, we've
got to set our sights higher. And we must


look farther ahead. It's hard for us to believe, but the 21st century is only 11 years
from now.
And you've called this conference the
New Leadership Summit. Leadership is certainly found in those like you who keep the
great engines of American industry turning.
In creating jobs and building businesses and
meeting needs, our nation's manufacturers
have shown the qualities that will carry us
into the future. And make no mistake, the
challenges we face will test your vision and
your capacity to define an agenda for
action. So, today I'd like to address that
very point by outlining my agenda for the
next American century.
To build a better America, one of the
most important priorities for this government will be to encourage savings and longterm investment, to get our fiscal house in
order-and that means, priority, bringing
down the Federal budget deficit.
And last month, one of the very first
things we did was to submit a budget to
Congress with a clear agenda to cut the
Federal deficit and enhance business' ability
to plan, expand, and build. And next year,
under current law-there are no changes in
the revenue laws-the economic growth we
are currently enjoying will increase Federal
revenues by more than $80 billion without
increasing the tax rates. And our plan will
hold the line on spending, using some of
those new revenues to slash the deficit by
more than 40 percent and meeting those
Gramm-Rudman-Hollings targets.
To encourage long-range investment in
businesses of all sizes, it's time that we restored the capital gains differential by reducing the capital gains rate to 15 percent
on long-held assets. And this really is a case
where less means more: more revenue to
the Federal Government. The Treasury
now estimates that my proposal would
bring in $4.8 billion of new revenues in
1990. That's the Treasury estimate. And the
critics all say, and have climbed on us in
saying, "This is a tax cut for the rich." I say,
cut the capital gains rate, and you'll have
more jobs for the poor and others, and
more growth and opportunity for the whole
country.  Competitiveness,  opportunity,
saving and investing for the long term-this


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 23


is why we need a capital gains tax rate cut.
And it's why we need one now. And I am
going to keep on fighting to see that the
Congress gives the people that which they
deserve: more opportunity and more jobs.
To spur investment in basic research,
we've proposed a permanent research and
experimentation tax credit. We've also proposed a 13-percent increase for science and
technology programs and intend to double
the National Science Foundation's budget
by 1993 to guarantee that America's technology is number one.
A strong economy needs a safe and
secure banking system. And that's why we
proposed a comprehensive plan to solve the
difficulties of our savings and loan industry;
and I'm delighted that our very able Secretary of the Treasury, Nick Brady, was over
here this morning talking to you about the
broad principles of that plan. Frankly, the
plan has been pretty darn well received on
both sides of the aisle on Capitol Hill. And
in my speech to the Congress I challenged
the Congress to act within 45 days. This is a
matter of considerable national urgency.
We want to ease the pressures now building on the most important organization in
America-the family-by promoting choice
on issues like child care. So, last week I sent
legislation to Congress that puts money and
options in the hands of parents rather than
in the hands of the bureaucracies. And we
are going to keep on pushing for that concept. I do not want to have my administration identified with one single initiative that
diminishes parental choice or in any way
weakens the family. The Government must
do what it can to strengthen family.
I'd say, though, that the most powerful
key to long-term competitiveness is education. A strengthened education system is
the essential ingredient for America's prosperity into the next decade, into the next
century. But no one suggests that education
is a minor matter on the national agenda. It
is vital to everything we are and can
become. Make no mistake about it, I understand the historic role of the communities
and of the States, and I understand the limited role that is properly assigned the Federal Government. So, I don't want you to
feel that I'm moving towards centralizing
control over our schools in Washington, DC.


There are no quick fixes in education.
Like most of the long-term issues on the
national agenda, American education won't
be fixed with a bolt of lightning or a puff of
smoke. It's going to take collective effort at
all levels, public and private, to get it right.
And those businesses that are involved with
local schools-developing the work force at
its source-are making fail-safe investments.
And they stand to reap the greatest rewards.
I wish Barbara were here to talk to you a
little bit about her interest in literacy and
to salute as she does the business community for its involvement. I talk about a Thousand Points of Light. And if there's ever an
example of that, it is the wide array of business people and business interests that are
out there helping in the field of education. I
didn't much like it when I talked about a
Thousand Points of Light and some cynic
around here made some reference, "What
he really is talking about is a thousand pints
of Lite." [Laughter]
But I do salute you for your outreach. For
those workers that are already on the line,
we must build new skills and flexibility, as
jobs change, through training and retraining. The NAM policy position that you
adopted last year said that "investment in
human resources is at least as important as
investment in equipment and technology."
And you're absolutely right on that one.
Machinery and technology alone don't improve productivity; people do.
Another issue where we plan to play for
keeps-we're determined, and we are going
to keep working at this one-to get the
drugs out of the workplace. Drug and alcohol abuse in the workplace costs $60 billion
every year, putting productivity and lives at
risk.
Drug abuse in America really must stop,
and we're off to a fast start. Last month I
talked to the Congress about four decisive
issues: education, treatment, interdiction,
and enforcement. And I asked for an increase of $1 billion in budget outlays-to
nearly $6 billion in 1990-to escalate this
effort. But we'll also be looking to you to set
effective, well-reasoned drug policies in
your businesses.
Employers can teach their people to rec

303




Mar. 23 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ognize the signs of substance abuse in their
coworkers and understand how drug abuse
hurts the nonusers on the line. I've called
for a drug-free workplace. And Tuesday's
Supreme Court decision, one that just came
down the day before yesterday, affirms
drug testing. And that's going to give this
concept of a drug-free workplace a much
better chance of success.
Any long-term agenda must also ask how
we can leave the Earth we've inherited a
little better than when we found it. And I
was delighted to see Russ Train here, Bill
Ruckelshaus here, and I understand they
did a first-class job in addressing themselves, with their background of experience,
to this question.
We've got to devise answers to the problems of ozone depletion and global warming and acid rain. We've already joined
with other nations to call for the elimination of CFC's [chlorofluorocarbons] and the
development of environmentally safe substitutes, as well as adopting a tough new
policy on the export of hazardous waste.
We can do these things without stifling the
economic growth that is necessary, indeed,
essential for our nation's economic health.
The time has come to set aside partisan
approaches to these and these other enormous environmental questions. We've got
to ensure that our grandchildren can fish on
the same lakes we've enjoyed.
And in this agenda for the new American
century, I've asked you to consider a broad
vision, a vision that relies on the dynamic
spirit that is America: the spirit that says
buildings should not stand empty while
people lack shelter; jobs should not go unfilled while young men and women stand
idle on the street corners; no one should go
hungry in the richest Nation on the face of
the Earth. And we must promote local efforts to assure that every American can
seize a share of this prosperity and help to
create more of it, whether through the constellation of local community groups already


at work or through new ideas, like our program to encourage our nation's youth to
become involved in community service. I'm
absolutely convinced that, with the proper
leadership from the White House and across
the business community and elsewhere, we
can encourage those young people who are
more fortunate than some of their peers to
pitch in and help those that are less fortunate.
We're going to rely less on the collective
wallet-we have to, to do what I told you I
want to do on the budget-less on the collective wallet and more on the collective
will. But this does not mean lowering our
sights or our expectations. It's just exactly
the opposite of that. In the era of tight
budgets, we're not going to simply "make
do with less." We're going to learn how to
do more with less-and do it better. In the
factory, you call it productivity. Across our
country, I call it the national spirit.
And, yes, we're a prosperous country, and
we are at peace. But such quiet moments
often become pivotal in the Nation's history. The choices we make now are going to
determine whether the door to the next
American century is closing or opening
wide, for all who dare to dream.
Thank you for your leadership. Thank
you for the support of our administration.
And aren't we lucky to be living in 1989 in
the United States of America, the best, the
freest, the greatest country on the face of
the Earth? Thank you all, and God bless
you.
Note: The President spoke at 1:23 p.m. in
the Grand Ballroom at the Mayflower
Hotel. In his remarks, he referred to Richard E. Heckert and Alexander (Sandy) B.
Trowbridge, chairman and president of the
association, respectively; and Russell E.
Train and William D. Ruckelshaus, former
Administrators of the Environmental Protection Agency.


304




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 23


Nomination of Walter J.P. Curley
to France
March 23, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Walter J.P. Curley to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
France. He would succeed Joe M. Rodgers.
Since 1977 Ambassador Curley has been
with W.J.P. Curley, Venture Capital, in
New York City. Prior to this he was U.S.
Ambassador to Ireland, 1975-1977. From
1958 to 1975, Ambassador Curley was with
J.H. Whitney and Co., Venture Capital, in
New York City. He was with California


To Be United States Ambassador
Texas Oil Co. in India and Italy, 1948-1957.
Ambassador Curley also served as commissioner of public events and chief of protocol
for New York City, 1973-1974.
Ambassador Curley attended Yale University (B.A., 1944); the University of Oslo in
Norway, 1947; Harvard University (M.B.A.,
1948); and Trinity College (LL.D., 1976).
He served as a captain in the U.S. Marine
Corps, 1943-1946. He is married, has four
children, and resides in Bedford Village,
NY.


Nomination of Franklin Eugene Bailey To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Agriculture
March 23, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Franklin Eugene Bailey to
be Assistant Secretary of Agriculture (Government and Public Affairs). He would succeed Wilmer D. Mizell, Sr.
Since 1987 Mr. Bailey has been a government relations representative of the National Cotton Council of America in Washington, DC. Prior to this he was executive director of the southeast area for the Agriculture Stabilization and Conservation Service
of the Department of Agriculture in Wash

ington, DC, 1985-1987; Deputy Director of
Administration, Personnel Policies and
Budget, 1983-1985; agricultural programs
coordinator, 1981-1983; and a senior policy
specialist, 1978-1981.
Mr. Bailey received a bachelor of science
degree and a master of public administration degree from James Mason University.
He was born July 31, 1949, in Phenix, VA.
He is married, has two children, and resides
in Fredericksburg, VA.


Nomination of Jo Ann D. Smith To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Agriculture
March 23, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jo Ann D. Smith to be
Assistant Secretary of Agriculture (Marketing and Inspection). She would succeed
Kenneth A. Gilles.
Since 1958 Mrs. Smith has been an operating partner, secretary, and treasurer of


Smith Brothers Farming and Ranching in
Wacahoota, FL. In addition she served as
vice president of Smith Construction Co.,
1962-1988, and as a marketing and public
relations consultant for White Meat Packers,
1981-1988. Mrs. Smith served as chairman
of the Cattlemen's Beef Promotion and Re

305




Mar. 23 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


search Board from 1986 to 1988 and president of the National Cattlemen's Association in 1985. She has also served as chairman of the board for the Federal Reserve
Bank of Jacksonville, FL, 1984-1986, and as
a member of the board of governors for the
Chicago Mercantile Board of Trade, 1985 -1987. She was a member of the U.S. Advisory Committee for Trade Negotiations,
1985-1987, and a member of the Gover

nor's Task Force on the Future of Florida
Agriculture, 1984-1986. Mrs. Smith has
served on the executive committee of the
National Cattlemen's Association, 1982 -1988.
Mrs. Smith was born May 9, 1939, in
Gainesville, FL. She is married, has two
children, and currently resides in Micanopy,
FL.


Nomination of James E. Cason To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Agriculture
March 23, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate James E. Cason to be Assistant Secretary of Agriculture (Special
Services). He would succeed George S.
Dunlop.
Since 1985 Mr. Cason has been Principal
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Land and
Minerals Management at the Department
of the Interior in Washington, DC. Prior to
this he was Special Assistant to the Director
for the Bureau of Land Management, 1982 -1985. Mr. Cason was operations manager
for Fred Meyer, Inc., in Portland, OR,
The President's News Conference
March 24, 1989
The President. Well, let me first welcome
the congressional leadership-Speaker, majority leader, and Senator Dole, Senator
Michel, Congressman Foley-to the White
House.
In my Inaugural Address, I advocated a
bipartisan foreign policy; and today we, the
Executive and the Congress, Republicans
and Democrats, will be speaking with one
voice on an extremely important foreign
policy issue: Central America. We've signed
today in the Cabinet Room a bipartisan
accord on Central America which sets out
the broad outlines of U.S. policy toward the
region. We're seeking the same goals as


1981-1982; a partner, office manager, and
salesman for ACM Real Estate, Inc., 1979 -1981; and campaign manager with the committee to elect Lynn Engdahl, 1979-1980.
Mr. Cason has also served as vice president
for Cascade Overview Development Enterprises, Inc., 1978-1979, and project manager with the Western Environmental Trade
Association, 1976-1978.
Mr. Cason graduated from Pacific University (B.A., 1976). He currently resides in
Falls Church, VA.


those of the people of Central America: democracy, security, and peace.
In order to meet the challenge of realizing those goals, we must work together
with Latin American democratic leaders,
with the support of our European friends.
Under the Esquipulas accord, insurgent
forces have the right to reintegrate into
their homeland under safe, democratic conditions with full civil and political rights,
and that is the desire of the Nicaraguan
resistance.
To achieve our objectives the bipartisan
leadership of Congress has agreed to support my request for continued humanitari

306




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 24


an assistance at current levels through the
elections in Nicaragua scheduled for February 28, 1990. We do not claim the right to
order the politics of Nicaragua; that is for
the Nicaraguan people to decide. The Esquipulas accord requires a free, open political process in which all groups can participate. The playing field must be level. The
burden of proof is on the Sandinista government to comply with the promises that it
has made since 1979. And if they comply,
we have an opportunity to start a new day
in Central America.
The Soviet Union also has an obligation
and an opportunity to demonstrate its "new
thinking." In other regional conflicts, it's
adopted a welcome new approach, but in
Central America, what we've seen to date is
only "old thinking." The Soviet Union has
no legitimate security interests in Central
America; the United States has many. We
reject any doctrine of equivalence in the
region. The Soviet Union and Cuba have an
obligation to stop violating the provisions of
Esquipulas.
Bipartisan Accord on Central Ame]
March 24, 1989
The Executive and the Congress are
united today in support of democracy,
peace, and security in Central America.
The United States supports the peace and
democratization process and the goals of
the Central American Presidents embodied
in the Esquipulas Accord. The United States
is committed to working in good faith with
the democratic leaders of Central America
and Latin America to translate the bright
promises of Esquipulas II into concrete realities on the ground.
With regard to Nicaragua, the United
States is united in its goals: democratization;
an end to subversion and destabilization of
its neighbors; an end to Soviet bloc military
ties that threaten U.S. and regional security.
Today the Executive and the Congress are
united on a policy to achieve those goals.
To be successful the Central American


Some see violence and despair in Central
America, but I have a different view of its
future. I can see a democratic Central
America in which all nations in the region
live in peace, where resources are devoted
to social ends instead of military defense. I
hope the Esquipulas accord and the bipartisan accord that we've signed here will
someday be seen as the first step toward
that future.
And now I'd like to ask Secretary Baker
to say a word, and then I think the leaders
would each like to say something. And they
will respond to your questions.
Mr. Secretary, and thank you gentlemen,
very much. Mr. Speaker, thank you, sir.
Speaker Wright. It's been a pleasure.
The President. Bob, thank you.
Reporter. Mr. President, does this mean
the end of the war in Nicaragua?
The President. I'd refer the questions to
the leadership and to the Secretary of State.
Note: The President's ninth news conference
began at 10:25 a.m. in the Briefing Room at
the White House.


peace process cannot be based on promises
alone. It must be based on credible standards of compliance, strict timetables for enforcement, and effective on-going means to
verify both the democratic and security requirements of those agreements. We support the use of incentives and disincentives
to achieve U.S. policy objectives.
We also endorse an open, consultative
process with bipartisanship as the watchword for the development and success of a
unified policy towards Central America.
The Congress recognizes the need for consistency and continuity in policy and the
responsibility of the Executive to administer
and carry out that policy, the programs
based upon it, and to conduct American
diplomacy in the region. The Executive will
consult regularly and report to the Congress on progress in meeting the goals of


307




Mar. 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the peace and democratization process, including the use of assistance as outlined in
this Accord.
Under Esquipulas II and the El Salvador
Accord, insurgent forces are supposed to
voluntarily reintegrate into their homeland
under safe, democratic conditions. The
United States shall encourage the Government of Nicaragua and the Nicaraguan Resistance to continue the cessation of hostilities currently in effect.
To implement our purposes, the Executive will propose and the bipartisan leadership of the Congress will act promptly after
the Easter Recess to extend humanitarian
assistance at current levels to the Resistance
through February 28, 1990, noting that the
Government of Nicaragua has agreed to
hold new elections under international supervision just prior to that date. Those
funds shall also be available to support voluntary reintegration or voluntary regional
relocation by the Nicaraguan Resistance.
Such voluntary reintegration or voluntary
regional relocation assistance shall be provided in a manner supportive of the goals
of the Central American nations, as expressed in the Esquipulas II agreement and
the El Salvador Accord, including the goal
of democratization within Nicaragua, and
the reintegration plan to be developed pursuant to those accords.
We believe that democratization should
continue throughout Central America in
those nations in which it is not yet complete with progress towards strengthening
of civilian leadership, the defense of human
rights, the rule of law and functioning judicial systems, and consolidation of free, open,
safe, political processes in which all groups
and individuals can fairly compete for political leadership. We believe that democracy
and peace in Central America can create
the conditions for economic integration and
development that can benefit all the people
of the region and pledge ourselves to examine new ideas to further those worthy goals.


While the Soviet Union and Cuba both
publicly endorsed the Esquipulas Agreement, their continued aid and support of
violence and subversion in Central America
is in direct violation of that regional agreement. The United States believes that President Gorbachev's impending visit to Cuba
represents an important opportunity for
both the Soviet Union and Cuba to end all
aid that supports subversion and destabilization in Central America as President Arias
has requested and as the Central American
peace process demands.
The United States Government retains ultimate responsibility to define its national
interests and foreign policy, and nothing in
this Accord shall be interpreted to infringe
on that responsibility. The United States
need not spell out in advance the nature or
type of action that would be undertaken in
response to threats to U.S. national security
interests. Rather it should be sufficient to
simply make clear that such threats will be
met by any appropriate Constitutional
means. The spirit of trust, bipartisanship,
and common purpose expressed in this
Accord between the Executive and the
Congress shall continue to be the foundation for its full implementation and the
achievement of democracy, security, and
peace in Central America.
George Bush
President of the United States
James C. Wright, Jr.
Speaker of the House
George J. Mitchell
Senate Majority Leader
Thomas S. Foley
House Majority Leader
Robert Dole
Senate Republican Leader
Robert H. Michel
House Republican Leader
The White House,
March 24, 1989.


308




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 24


Statement on the Bipartisan Accord on Central America
March 24, 1989


The President of a Central American democracy was asked recently what is the
most important step the United States can
take. He said: "Speak with one voice."
Today, for the first time in many years, the
President and Congress, the Democratic
and Republican leadership in the House
and Senate, are speaking with one voice
about Central America.
In my Inaugural Address I reached out
my hand to the leadership of Congress in
both parties asking them to join with me to
rebuild a bipartisan foreign policy based on
trust and common purpose. Today I am
gratified that the Speaker and the majority
and minority leaders of the Senate and
House have extended their hands back to
me.
We have signed today together a bipartisan accord on Central America. It sets out
the broad outlines of U.S. policy towards
that troubled region and commits both the
Executive and Congress to work together to
achieve it.
The goals we seek are the goals which the
people of Central America yearn for: democracy, security, and peace. Those are the
pledges made by the Central American
Presidents in the Esquipulas II accord. That
agreement is an integrated whole: All of its
provisions must move forward together if
any of them are to be fulfilled. Our challenge now is to turn those promises into
concrete realities on the ground.
The only way we can meet that challenge
is if Latin democratic leaders and the
United States work together, with the support of our European friends and allies, as
true partners with candor and mutual respect. I believe Latin leaders are asking for
that kind of relationship as we confront together the many challenges facing our
hemisphere. As President, I pledge the
United States is ready to respond.
Under this Central America agreement,
insurgent forces have the right to reintegrate into their homeland under safe,
democratic conditions with full civil and political rights. That is the desire of the Nica

raguan resistance. It is what they are fighting for. We hope and believe it can be
achieved through a concerted diplomatic
effort to enforce this regional agreement.
To achieve these goals, the bipartisan leadership of Congress has agreed to support
my request for continued humanitarian assistance  to  the  Nicaraguan  resistance
through the elections scheduled in Nicaragua for February 28, 1990.
There will be extensive consultations and
review with respect to these funds effective
November 30, 1989 by the bipartisan leadership and relevant committees. However, I
have been assured that the leadership in
both Houses supports the extension of this
assistance through the Nicaraguan elections,
barring unforeseen circumstances.
There is no shortcut to democracy, no
quick fix. The next weeks and months will
demand patience and perseverance by the
democratic community and the hard, technical work of ensuring compliance with the
Esquipulas accord. The United States will
work in good faith to support that kind of
diplomatic effort, but we will not support a
paper agreement that sells out the Nicaraguan people's right to be free.
We do not claim the right to order the
politics of that country; that is for the
people of Nicaragua to decide. We support
what the Esquipulas accord requires: free,
open political processes in which all groups
can fairly and safely compete for political
leadership. That means the playing field
must be level; all, including the current
government, must respect the majority's
decision in the end; and the losers must also
retain the political rights to operate as a
legal opposition and contest again for political authority in the next recurring election
contest.
The burden of proof is on the Sandinista
government to do something it has steadfastly refused to do from 1979 to 1989: to
keep its promises to the Nicaraguan people
to permit real democracy, keep its promises
to its neighbors not to support subversion in
Central America, and keep its obligation to


309




Mar. 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


this hemisphere not to permit the establishment of Soviet-bloc bases in Central America. If those promises are kept, we have an
opportunity to start a new day in Central
America; but if those pledges continue to
be violated, we hope and expect that other
nations will find ways to join us to condemn
those actions and reverse those processes.
The Soviet Union also has an obligation
and an opportunity: to demonstrate that its
proclaimed commitment to "new thinking"
is more than a tactical response to temporary setbacks, but represents instead a new
principled approach to foreign policy. In
other regional conflicts around the world,
the Soviet Union has adopted a welcome
new approach that has helped resolve longstanding problems in constructive ways. In
Central America, what we have seen from
the Soviet Union and Cuba can only be described as "old thinking."
In the last decade, the Soviet bloc has
poured at least $50 billion in aid into Cuba
and Nicaragua. Soviet and Cuban aid is
building in Nicaragua a military machine
larger than all the armies of the other Central American nations combined and continues to finance violence, revolution, and destruction against the democratically elected
government of El Salvador. Indeed, Sovietbloc military support for the Marxist guerrillas has increased since the United States
ended military support for the Nicaraguan
resistance, and Soviet military aid to the
Government of Nicaragua continues at
levels wholly uncalled for by any legitimate
defensive needs. The continuation of these


levels of Soviet-bloc aid into Central America raises serious questions about Soviet attitudes and intentions towards the United
States.
The Soviet Union has no legitimate security interest in Central America, and the
United States has many. We reject any doctrine of equivalence of interest in this
region as a basis for negotiations. Instead,
the Soviet Union and Cuba have an obligation to the leaders of Central America to
stop violating the provisions of the Esquipulas accord, which the Soviet Union and
Cuba both pledged to uphold. The time to
begin is now.
In signing the Esquipulas accord, President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica said: "Without democracy, there can be no peace in
Central America." He is right. But with democracy and peace in Central America can
come new hope for economic development
in which all of the people of the region can
share. One can look at the terrible violence
ravaging Central America and despair, but I
have a different vision of its future. I can
see a democratic Central America in which
all of the Nations of the region live in peace
with each other; where the citizens of the
region are safe from the violence of the
state or from revolutionary guerrillas;
where resources now devoted to military
defense could be channeled to build hospitals, homes, and schools. That is not a
dream if all the people and nations of the
Americas will it to be true. I hope the Esquipulas accord and perhaps, also, the bipartisan accord will someday be seen as the
first step toward its fulfillment.


Remarks on Greeting the Crew of the Space Shuttle Discovery
March 24, 1989


The President. Dr. Fletcher and Admiral
Truly, Commander Mike Coats and crew,
friends and families: First, let me just take a
second to salute Dr. Fletcher, whose name
has become almost synonymous with
NASA's. And as you know, he will be retiring on April 8th, and I want to thank him
for his example, for his leadership, and for


his commitment to this space program. He's
been an inspiration to everybody not just in
this administration and in government but
all across the country, and we all owe him a
vote of great thanks. [Applause]
And I think Jim, like these gentlemen
with me, show that America is a family.
And there are moments when we celebrate


310




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 24


as a family would-moments of remembrance and moments of pride. And last Saturday, nearly half a million people welcomed these gentlemen's return to Andrews-Andrews-Freudian     slip-[laughter]-Edwards Air Force Base. And they
were there to pay America's respects to
your courage and to your enterprise. And
today, we, too, salute the story that you've
written. You've shown once again that
teamwork works. And in a sense, though,
your triumph is personal. After all, it's you
who braved the elements and performed
the tasks which made this mission such a
success.
But in a larger sense, the story of Discovery is as American as "Opening Day," timeless as our history. And it says that, to
Americans, nothing lies beyond our reach.
It speaks to our capacity to dare and to
dream the impossible. My friends, this quality has graced every great moment of the
American story. And by enriching our lives
and our children's lives, it can shape America's dreams of the 21st century.
On the flight of Discovery, you showed
anew America's genius in science and technology. By conducting the protein crystal
growth experiments, you furthered advancements in medical research. And you
used the IMAX camera to study this planet's environmental damage. And I hope
that this will lead-I'm confident it will-to
our knowledge base and that that, in turn,
will lead to reducing the threat to our
Earth's environment. And you launched a
TDRS [tracking and data relay] satellite,
which completes the satellite communications network that will allow us more effectively and efficiently to relay data from all
of our scientific satellites to Earth. And in
short, you showed exactly where we are
going and why. And we're exploring the
new horizons of this nation's technological
future. For as Americans, we are driven
always by a restlessness to do better. This
desire links the generations and has pushed
back the frontiers of research and exploration.
For evidence, I point to two students
here today. They show how tomorrow's
technological promise lies in the youth of
today. John Vellinger was in ninth grade
when he started work on an experiment


using chicken embryos to study how tissues
develop in weightlessness. And last week
his experiment flew on shuttle Discovery.
And so did the work of Andrew Fras. His
experiment studied microgravity's effect on
the healing of bones. John and Andrew
show how America's future will depend, in
space and on Earth, on our most precious
resource: our youth.
You know, Adlai Stevenson once spoke of
the awful majesty of outer space. This
voyage of the shuttle Discovery is over, but
its spirit lives, linking the majesty of outer
space with the greatness of America. And
we're going to forge even stronger links as
we reaffirm our commitment to the shuttle
program, as our science missions open up
new horizons of knowledge, and as space
station Freedom symbolizes the promise of
man. As we do, we will honor the spirit of
Discovery, the spirit which throws open the
possibilities of tomorrow and which points
us toward the stars.
Gentlemen, your mission is accomplished.
Your nation says, well done! Thank you,
God bless you, and God bless America.
Thank you, fellas.
Commander Coats. Well, thank you, Mr.
President. We deeply appreciate your
words of support for our country's space
program. We represent thousands of people
that work very hard to get the shuttle off
the ground each time. And the encouragement you've shown is deeply appreciated.
We also appreciate your words talking
about family and the importance of youth.
All of us on this crew are very proud of our
wives and of our children. And when we're
not working in the space program, we're
talking about our families. And it's been
very encouraging to us to see you and Mrs.
Bush and the emphasis that you place on
family. We think it's wonderful, and we applaud that, sir.
We presented Mrs. Bush with a gold shuttle charm on a necklace earlier this morning. When it became obvious that we would
be flying the first flight of this administration, we had a lot of discussion about what
to fly for the President. And it became apparent quickly that we really wanted to fly
something for Mrs. Bush as well. She's obviously a very special lady and she's very spe

311




Mar. 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


cial to us. And we presented that with her
this morning, and we'd like to thank you for
a very special First Lady.
When we discussed what to fly for our
new President, most of us, of course, being
home-ported in Houston, Texas, wanted to
fly a Texas flag. It became obvious that, as
proud as we are of our new President being
from Texas, it probably wasn't appropriate
to give you a Texas flag, sir, since you're
now President of all these United States. So,
we did fly a United States flag, and we'd
like to present that to you right now, sir.
And with it goes this plaque that says, "Presented to the President of the United States
of America, George Bush. This United
States flag was flown in the official flight kit
aboard the orbiter Discovery, STS 29,
March 13th through 18th, 1989." And each
of the crew members have signed it. Sir,
thank you very much.
The President. That's lovely. Well, thank
you for the special-that actually went?
Thank you all. Let me get the wives to
come up. Come up here, ladies, so they can
get a fitting group picture here. Pick out a
husband. [Laughter]
I'd like to ask the Members of Congress


that are here to come and say hello to these
gentlemen before they head on back to
Houston, Texas, which I understand they're
fixing to do right after this. So, I see some
right here. Come on, you guys. Jim, Jamie,
and the Senator-come on. We'll just say a
quick hello to these people, because I don't
know if they're going to have the chanceCongress is out-to go up to the Hill. Here's
Jim Sensenbrenner here. This is the chairman. Be nice to this guy. [Laughter]
Note: The President spoke at 11:30 a.m. in
Room 450 of the Old Executive Office
Building. In his closing remarks, he referred to Representatives F. James Sensenbrenner, Jr., of Wisconsin and Jamie L.
Whitten of Mississippi, and Senator Quentin N. Burdick of North Dakota. The space
shuttle "Discovery" was launched on March
13 from the Kennedy Space Center in Cape
Canaveral, FL, and returned to Edwards
Air Force Base, CA, on March 18. The members of the crew were: Capt. Michael L.
Coats, USN, flight commander; Col. John E.
Blaha, USAF, mission pilot; Col. James F.
Buchli and Col. Robert C. Springer, USMC,
mission specialists; and James P. Bagian,
physician and mission specialist.


Nomination of William H. Taft IV To Be United States Permanent
Representative to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Council
March 24, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate William H. Taft IV to be
the U.S. Permanent Representative on the
Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization with the rank and status of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary.
He would succeed Alton Keel.
Since 1984 Mr. Taft has been Deputy
Secretary of Defense in Washington, DC.
Prior to this he was General Counsel at the
Department of Defense, 1981-1984. Mr.
Taft was a partner with the law firm of
Leva, Hawes, Symington, Martin and Oppenheimer in Washington, DC, 1977-1981;
General Counsel at the Department of


Health, Education, and Welfare, 1973-1976;
Executive Assistant to the Director in the
Office of Management and Budget, 1972 -1973; and Special Assistant to the Deputy
Director in the Office of Management and
Budget, 1970-1972. He was attorney adviser to the Chairman of the Federal Trade
Commission, 1970, and an associate with
Winthrop, Stimson, Putnam and Roberts of
New York City, 1969-1970.
Mr. Taft graduated from Yale College
(B.A., 1966) and Harvard Law School (J.D.,
1969). He was born September 13, 1945, in
Washington, DC. He is married, has three
children, and resides in Lorton, VA.


312




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 24


Nomination of Joseph B. Gildenhorn To Be United States
Ambassador to Switzerland
March 24, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Joseph B. Gildenhorn to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Switzerland. He would succeed Philip D.
Winn.
Since 1962 Mr. Gildenhorn has served as
president and director of JBG Real Estate
Associates, Inc., in Washington, DC. He has
also been a senior partner with Brown, Gildenhorn, and Jacobs in Washington, DC,
1958 to present. Prior to this Mr. Gildenhorn served as an attorney with the Office
of the General Counsel of the Securities


and Exchange Commission in Washington,
DC, 1956-1958. Mr. Gildenhorn has served
in several capacities with the United Jewish
Appeal Federation of Greater Washington,
including president, 1987-1989; vice president, 1986-1987; and major gifts chairman,
1981-1983.
Mr. Gildenhorn graduated from the University of Maryland (B.S., 1951) and Yala
University Law  School (LL.B. and J.T..
1954). Mr. Gildenhorn was born Septembe,
17, 1929, in Washington, DC. He is married, has two children, and currently resides
in Washington, DC.


Nomination of Paul Matthews Cleveland To Be United States
Ambassador to Malaysia
March 24, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Paul Matthews Cleveland
to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to Malaysia. He would succeed John Cameron Monjo.
Since 1986 Mr. Cleveland has served as
Ambassador to New Zealand and Ambassador to Western Samoa. Prior to this Mr.
Cleveland served as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Seoul, South
Korea. Mr. Cleveland has served in several
capacities at the Department of State, including Director of Korean Affairs, 1981 -1982; Director of Thai Affairs, 1980-1981;


Deputy Director and Director of Regional
Affairs, East Asian Bureau, 1977-1980; political counselor in Seoul, South Korea, 1973 -1977; Special Assistant to the Assistant S cretary for East Asian Affairs, 1970-1c 73;
economic officer at the Office of Fuels and
Energy, 1968-1970; and economic offic er in
Jakarta, Indonesia, 1965-1968
Mr. Cleveland graduated from Yale University (B.A., 1953) and Fletcher School of
Law and Diplomacy (M.A., 1]965). He was
born August 25, 1931, in Foston, MA. Mr,
Cleveland is married, has four children, and
resides in McLean, VA.


Nomination of Chic Hecht To Be United States Ambassador to the
Bahamas
March 24, 1989
The President today announced his inten- Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotention to nominate Senator Chic Hecht to be  tiary of the United States of America to the


313




Mar. 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Commonwealth of the Bahamas. He would
succeed Carol Boyd Hallett.
Senator Hecht served in the United
States Senate, representing the State of
Nevada from 1983 to 1989. Senator Hecht
served in the Nevada State senate and was
senate minority leader, 1967-1975. He also


served as a special agent in the U.S. Army
Intelligence Corps, 1951-1953.
Senator Hecht graduated from Washington University (B.S., 1949). He was born November 30, 1928, in Cape Girardeau, MO.
He is married, has two children, and resides
in Las Vegas, NV.


Nomination of Richard H. Solomon To Be an Assistant Secretary of
State
March 24, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard H. Solomon to be
Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian and
Pacific Affairs). He would succeed Gaston
Joseph Sigur, Jr. Richard L. Armitage, who
was previously announced for the position
as Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian
and Pacific Affairs), has been asked by the
President to remain at the Department of
Defense in a senior position which will be
announced at a later date.
Since 1986 Dr. Solomon has been the Director of the Policy Planning Staff of the
Department of State. He previously served
from 1976 to 1986 as head of the Rand
Corporation's political science department


and also directed the corporation's research
program on international security policy
from 1977 to 1983. From 1971 to 1973 he
was senior staff member for Asian Affairs on
the National Security Council and was professor of political science at the University
of Michigan from 1966 to 1971.
Dr. Solomon graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (S.B., 1960,
and Ph.D., 1966). He was an international
affairs fellow of the Council on Foreign Relations in 1971 and served as a consultant to
the President's Commission on Foreign
Language and International Studies from
1978 to 1980.


Accordance of the Personal Rank of Ambassador to John J. Maresca
While Serving as Chief of the Delegation to the Conference on
Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in
Europe
March 24, 1989


The President today accorded the personal rank of Ambassador to John J. Maresca, of
Connecticut, a career member of the Senior
Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, in his capacity as Chief of the United
States Delegation to the Negotiations on
Confidence and Security Building Measures.
Since 1986 he has been serving as the


Deputy Assistant Secretary for European
and NATO Policy at the Department of Defense. Mr. Maresca graduated from Yale
University (B.A., 1959). He served in the
U.S. Navy from 1959 to 1965, and his foreign languages are French, Italian, and
Dutch. Mr. Maresca is married, has one
child, and resides in Chevy Chase, MD.


314




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 24


Nomination of Edward Noonan Ney To Be United States
Ambassador to Canada
March 24, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Edward Noonan Ney to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Canada. He would succeed Thomas Michael
Tolliver Niles.
Since 1986 Mr. Ney has served as the
chairman of PaineWebber/Young & Rubicam Ventures and vice chairman of
PaineWebber, Inc. Prior to this he was
chairman, president, and chief executive officer of Young and Rubicam, Inc. In April
1984, Mr. Ney was appointed to the Board


for International Broadcasting. He was a
member of the Grace commission and the
Commission on National Elections. He is a
member of the services policy advisory
committee of the United States Trade Representative and serves on the advisory
board of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Mr. Ney graduated from Amherst College
and served as an ensign in the Navy Air
Corps during World War II. He currently
resides in New York City.


Nomination of Charles Edgar Redman To Be United States
Ambassador to Sweden
March 24, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Charles Edgar Redman to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Sweden. He would succeed Gregory J.
Newell.
Since 1986 Mr. Redman has served as the
Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs. Mr. Redman entered the Foreign
Service in June 1974. He served first in the
State Department Operations Center and
then as staff assistant in the Bureau of European Affairs. In December 1976 he began a
tour of duty as political officer at the U.S.
Embassy in Paris. He then served from
1979 to 1982 on the NATO international
staff as Deputy Director of the Private
Office of the Secretary-General of NATO.
Following a 2-year assignment as political
officer in Algiers, he returned to Washing

ton in August 1984 to become Deputy Director, and then Acting Director, of the
Office of European Security and Political
Affairs. Since July 1985 Mr. Redman has
served as Deputy Spokesman for the Department of State. On October 12, 1986, he
also became the Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Public Affairs at the Department of
State.
Mr. Redman graduated from the United
States Air Force Academy (B.S., 1966) and
Harvard University (M.A., 1968). He served
in the U.S. Air Force until 1974, including
assignments in Vietnam and on the air staff
in Washington as Special Assistant to the
Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence. Mr.
Redman was born December 24, 1943, in
Waukegan, IL. He is married, has three
children, and resides in Bethesda, MD.


315




Mar. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of William G. Rosenberg To Be an Assistant
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency
March 27, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate William G. Rosenberg to
be Assistant Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency for Air and Radiation. He would succeed J. Craig Potter.
Since 1982 Mr. Rosenberg has been chairman of the Investment Group in Ann
Arbor, MI, and Washington, DC. Prior to
this he was president of Rosenberg, Freeman and Associates, 1977-1982. He was Assistant Administrator for Energy Resource
Development at the Federal Energy Administration, 1975-1977, and chairman of
the State regulatory commission of the
Nomination of Alfred A. DelliBovi
Housing and Urban Development
March 27, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Alfred A. DelliBovi to be
Under Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. He would succeed Carl D.
Covitz.
Since 1987 Mr. DelliBovi has been Administrator of the Urban Mass Transportation Administration at the Department of
Transportation in Washington, DC. He has
served as Deputy Administrator, 1984 -

Michigan Public Service Commission, 1973 -1975. Mr. Rosenberg was executive director
for the Michigan State Housing Development Authority, 1969-1973, and an attorney with the law firm of Honigman, Miller,
Schwartz, and Cohn in Detroit, MI, 1965 -1969.
Mr. Rosenberg graduated from Syracuse
University (B.A., 1961), Columbia University
School of Law (J.D., 1965), and Columbia
University Graduate School of Business
(M.B.A., 1965). He was born December 25,
1940, in New York City. He is married, has
three children, and resides in Chelsea, MI.
To Be Under Secretary of
1987, and as Regional Administrator in New
York, 1981-1984. Mr. DelliBovi served four
terms as a member of the New York State
Assembly, 1971-1978, and director of the
public relations unit, 1969-1971.
Mr. DelliBovi graduated from Fordham
College (B.A., 1967) and Baruch College
(M.P.A., 1973). He is married, has two children, and currently resides in Burke, VA.


Nomination of John C. Weicher To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Housing and Urban Development
March 27, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John C. Weicher to be
Assistant Secretary of Housing and Urban
Development for Policy Development and
Research. He would succeed Kenneth J.
Beirne.
Since 1987 Dr. Weicher has been Associ

ate Director for Economic Policy in the
Office of Management and Budget. Prior to
this, he was Deputy Staff Director for the
President's Commission on Housing, 1981.
He has served in several capacities at the
Department of Housing and Urban Development, including Deputy Assistant Secre

316




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 27


tary for Economic Affairs, 1975-1977; Director for the Division of Economic Policy,
1973-1974; and prepared the National
Housing Policy Review, 1973. He has also
served as an associate and assistant professor of economics at Ohio State University,
1967-1977, and an assistant professor of ec

onomics at the University of California at
Irvine, 1965-1967.
Dr. Weicher graduated from the University of Michigan (A.B., 1959) and the University of Chicago (Ph.D., 1968). He was
born March 8, 1938. He is married, has two
children, and resides in Washington, DC.


Nomination of Francis Anthony Keating II To Be General Counsel
of the Department of Housing and Urban Development
March 27, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Francis Anthony Keating
II to be General Counsel of the Department of Housing and Urban Development.
He would succeed J. Michael Dorsey.
Mr. Keating is currently Associate Attorney General at the Department of Justice in
Washington, DC, and serves as chairman of
the law enforcement coordinating group of
the National Drug Policy Board. Prior to
this, he was Assistant Secretary of the Treas

ury for Enforcement, 1985-1988. In 1981
he was a United States Attorney for the
Northern District of Oklahoma. Mr. Keating
was a member of the law firm of Blackstock, Joyce, Pollard and Montgomery in
Tulsa, OK, 1972-1981.
Mr. Keating graduated from Georgetown
University (B.A., 1966) and the University of
Oklahoma Law School (J.D., 1969). He is
married and has three children.


Nomination of Ronald Frank Lehman IL To Be Director of the
United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
March 27, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Ronald Frank Lehman II
to be Director of the U.S. Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency. He would succeed
William F. Burns.
Ambassador Lehman is currently serving
as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy. He has served as
the U.S. chief negotiator for strategic nuclear arms (START) at the U.S.-Soviet nuclear
and space arms talks in Geneva. Prior to
this, he served as Deputy Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs (Defense Policy) at the White House, deputy


U.S. negotiator on strategic nuclear arms,
Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, and Senior Director
for Defense Programs and Arms Control on
the National Security Council staff at the
White House. Ambassador Lehman has also
served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense and as a senior adviser to the United
Nations Special Session on Disarmament.
Ambassador Lehman graduated from
Claremont Men's College (1968) and Claremont Graduate School (Ph.D., 1975). He is
married and currently resides in Arlington,
VA.


317




Mar. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks and an Informal Exchange With Reporters Following a
Meeting With Administration Officials
March 28, 1989


The President. Well, let me just say that
we've had a very good meeting here, and
I've asked the Secretary of Transportation,
Sam Skinner; Mr. Reilly, who's the head of
the EPA; and the Commandant of the
Coast Guard [Adm. Paul A. Yost]-all three
of whom are here with us now-to go up to
Alaska to take a hard look at where this
disaster stands.
There are many Federal agencies involved-some 14 Federal agencies-under
the national response team, which is cochaired by the Coast Guard and by EPA.
And so, a lot is going on. Exxon is in charge,
at this moment, of the cleanup, but many of
the facilities, much of the equipment that is
being used has been promptly furnished by
the Coast Guard. And some of the top Coast
Guard people in charge of this kind of
matter are on the scene.
But I think it's important that these top
officials now-Federal officials-accompanied by the Commandant, go there, and
then they will report to me after they've
had a chance to assess the situation on the
ground. The congressional delegation and
the Governor, of course, have strong feelings on these matters, and we've been in
touch with them. But this is a matter of
tremendous concern to Alaskans and,
indeed, to all of us. The conservation side is
important; the energy side is important.
And I'll feel much better after Sam Skinner
and Bill Reilly and the admiral get a chance
to report back.
Alaskan Oil Spill
Q. Mr. President, is Exxon doing enough,
do you think, in the cleanup?
The President. Well, I've just had a report
that they're certainly making a good beginning here. But there's been some conflicting reports on that, and I don't want to
prejudge that. I think one of the things
we're interested in hearing is exactly how
our top officials feel the cleanup is going.
Q. Mr. President, can civil penalties be
imposed against Exxon in addition to having


to pay for the cost of the cleanup?
The President. I don't know the answer to
that.
Q. Can the Government bring suit?
The President. Sam?
Secretary Skinner. Yes, they can; they can
do that. There are civil penalties. There's a
variety of legal options that are available.
But right now the primary consideration is
to make sure everything is being done possibly, and the President has directed us to
assess that the oil is being contained and
that the oil that remains on the tanker is
being off-loaded as quick as possible. That is
our primary objective, as mandated by the
President-to assess how that is going. We'll
then, later on, worry about who's going to
pay for the damage. But there are significant penalties and provisions for reimbursement.
The President. The main thing is to get it
cleaned up, to protect a very precious environment up there, and to be sure that everything is being done to clean up this disaster, and then figure out all these penalties
and all that other
Q. Does this demonstration
Q. Mr. President, has this changed your
opinion on development of the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge?
The President. No. I see no connection.
Q. So, you consider this as being an isolated incident?
The President. Well, they've been shipping oil out of here for a long, long time
and never had anything of this magnitude
or this concern. So, the big thing is to correct it. I don't know how you design against
what appears to be the cause here. You
have a ship that's out of the channel, going
12 knots, and ripping the bottom out of the
most modern tanker that's ever been built
to haul this oil. But I think we need to
assess the matter and judge it on its demerits and make our conclusions later on.
Q. Is the Government taking over the
cleanup one of the options that you're considering?


318




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 28


The President. There is an option for federalization. And then the question is: Is that
the most prudent way to go? And that's one
of the recommendations I'll be awaiting
from Secretary Skinner, Mr. Reilly, Admiral
Yost.
Q. When do you anticipate a report, Mr.
Secretary, to the President on this?
Secretary Skinner. Our plan is to report
by phone as soon as we get up there and
get an assessment. We'll be departing in the
not-too-distant future, within hours, and
hopefully, we'll be reporting to him late this
evening or early in the morning, at the
very latest.
Q. How long do you expect to be up
there at this point?
Secretary Skinner. We're going to be up
there as long as it takes to find out what the
President has asked us to find out so we can
report back to him.
Bipartisan Accord on Central America
Q. Mr. President, can you give us your
reaction when you read Boyden Gray's
[Counsel to the President] comments in the
New York Times Sunday morning-his
public dissent about the Central America
agreement?
The President. No, but I shared my reaction with Boyden, which is the way I handle
things. [Laughter]
Japan-US. Jet Fighter
Q. What's the state of play on the FSX,
Mr. President?


The President. Still churning around out
there, but we're not ready to say where it
stands. We've asked for certain-insisting
on certain clarifications, and we'll let you
know. But we're not ready to have an announcement.
Q. Still expect it to be nailed down by
Friday?
The President. I don't know, Norm
[Norman Sandler, United Press International], whether it will be done by then or not.
It's going back and forth a little bit. But all
I want to know is that the agreement is
clear-no point in having an unclear agreement. And we have a lot at stake here, a lot
at stake in terms of the common defense;
we have a lot at stake in terms of commerce; we have a lot at stake in terms of
technology. And so, all I'm asking is to be
clear. The United States will keep its word,
but the United States, properly, is insisting
on clarity in the agreement. And that's
about where we stand right now. And I just
can't give you my view as to when that will
be completed.
Q. Well, there are these reports of increasing Japanese concern that this is going
to cause some kind of severe damage to
relations between the United States and
Japan. Are you troubled by those reports?
The President. No, I'm not troubled by
them.
Note: The President spoke at 9:40 a.m. in
the Oval Office at the White House.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Students at James
Madison High School in Vienna, Virginia
March 28, 1989


The President. I happen to believe that
education is going to be the key to our
future. You look at the whole world, and
you see our need to compete, and it gets
right back down to education. And then
you see some of the problems in the less
affluent areas in the country, and then you
find out, well, the way to give a guy a break
that's trying to get out of poverty is educa

tion. And it goes for everything. It goes
right across the board. And you're hearing a
lot more now on math and science, and I
wanted to ask you about that because it is
important. But I really kind of-you learn
from these visits.
Last week we were in a rural school out
in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and then we
went to a school attended mainly by the


319




Mar. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Amish kids, coming out of a very closely
knit religious and family background. And
who knows where we'll be next week? But
I'm delighted to be here. And what I really
wanted to do is ask you all how you view
the importance of what you're doing,
answer any questions that you might have.
We can have a two-way street. I don't know
how we want to get this thing going, but I'll
be glad to respond to questions on the Government.
But let me ask you: How many of you all
take math and science? Does everyone
have to do that here, or is that
Audience. Yes!
The President. You do. And is that considered among the tougher disciplines, or not
necessarily? Is it hard?
Audience. Yes!
The President. How many do the computer stuff? How many are computer literate?
About half. Is that considered hard, or is
that considered advanced, or is it considered average kind ofAudience. Average.
The President. Average kind of a course.
Because as you look at it, I was impressed
by what they're doing, the programming of
some of your classmates, I guess. But the
importance of it in the future is just-you
can't underestimate that.
How about questions? Anybody got any
questions about my line of work? [Laughter]
President's Dog
Q. How are the puppies?
The President. They're doing just fine.
[Laughter] They're doing fine. I'll tell you
something about that. I don't want to get
too clinical, but it was a very emotional
experience seeing that take place.
President's Schedule
Q. How does the President have time to
come to a high school?
The President. The question is: How does
a President have the time to come to a high
school? Very good question, because a lot of
what you do is trying to formulate-take
education-formulate the legislation or see
that the various Departments of Government that have an input on this have the
education package ready.


We're perfecting now an education package. I'll tell you how it works. In a campaign, you give certain themes of what you
think is right for education. The reason I
mentioned computers-I think it is important that people be computer literate. I
think math and science are important. I
favor magnet schools. We favor trying to set
up a system to reward the better teachers,
even though the teacher pay and all is the
responsibility of the local school boards.
But I think you learn something from
every step outside of the White House that
you take, and it's more that. It's symbolic in
some sense, but you also pick up information as you go along. And last week we
were in this school I mentioned in Pennsylvania, and here was a rural area where
people think-well, they don't have much
to do about narcotics out there. And yet we
found, in talking to some of the kids, that
the pressures on the young people in that
school were very high when it comes to this
stupid use of drugs and substance abuse. So,
you have to take the time to get outside of
the White House, but you have to balance
that in terms of your overall responsibilities.
Next week we're going to probably have
several foreign leaders here, in that
venue-shift the emphasis to foreign affairs.
But all the time-every morning-I meet,
for example, with our national security adviser. So, we have an ongoing input on foreign affairs and what we're going to do and
how we're going to handle our relations
with the Soviet Union, or in this case next
week, the emphasis will be on the Middle
East. So, all of that goes on every day. This
morning, I was talking to Brent Scowcroft
[Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs] about the visit of these
Middle Eastern leaders that are coming.
But you have a great responsibility in
terms of taking the point on questions like
education, so you have to find time to get
out of there. It's not easy to balance, as a
matter of fact.
Q. Do you enjoy getting out and being
able to meet all the students and want to
see
The President. I do. I do. There's a certain
recognition on my part that it's not the
same as if a parent dropped in on a class or


320




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 28


something. [Laughter] They don't come
with this much attention. So, it's different.
But you know, you can get a feel for things,
whether it's in sports or education or wide
array of other subjects.
I'll tell you one that really moved meand I think they liked the visit-it was
these DEA, Drug Enforcement Agency
people that are working on the streets of
New York. And I went up there and talked
to 300 or 400 of them, people that are out
there fighting the drug battle under DEA's
banner, you see. But then afterwards, you
meet with 6 or 8 of them-some of them
not much older than you-who are people
that, just out of belief they can help society,
are out there putting their lives on the line
trying to bust up these drug rings and
trying to intervene in the sale of all these
narcotics.
And some would say, well, there's a little
show business in that-the President meeting with these 8 agents, but I learned from
that. I learned just from listening to this guy
tell me about his software that he put in on
a car rental business now into that computer. So, you pick something up at each stop
of the way. And the President has to do
certain things of that nature to be sure that
you just don't get it all from your own staff.
Regional Conflicts
Q. You said, like, next week you're going
to deal with the Middle East. Is that, like,
the main issue with that chemical plant in
the Middle East?
The President. No, it's a very important
issue, but it's a peripheral issue. You're
thinking of the chemical plant in Libya.
And that Libyan leader, Qadhafi, does have
a role, a very disruptive role, as a matter of
fact, in Middle Eastern affairs. But what
we're talking about next week is the-Mubarak of Egypt and Shamir of Israel, the
two top-President Mubarak and the Prime
Minister of Israel coming here. And we will
be probing as best we can and making suggestions to them as to what the U.S. can do
in trying to bring about peace in the
Middle East.
As you know, and all of you know, I'm
sure, that has just been in turmoil for years
and years, particularly since the '67 warwar that took place in 1967, and the resolu

tion of which has escaped us all, escaped
the world, even though things moved forward with the Camp David accords. Remember the Camp David accords? That
was something that happened under President Carter. It was a step in the right direction, but you still see a lot of killing. You see
on the television the Intifada [Palestinian
uprising in the West Bank and Gaza] fighting on the West Bank.
And so, we have a particularly important
role there. We are the only country that
can be a substantial catalyst for peace there,
and it's difficult. And so, I sit and talk-the
way it works on the thought process, the
State Department will be coming with
strong ideas, and our national security adviser, the trade people, and the Treasury
fits into this in some ways, as we look at the
economic problems of the countries involved. And then the administration comes
together, and then the President is given
some good thoughts as to what to present to
the leaders. And they'll come in; we'll have
one-on-one meetings with them. And then
we'll meet with a group of our top Cabinet
people and the top leaders from Israel or
from Egypt.
And recently, there was an election down
in El Salvador that you may have seen. And
we are determined that that democratic
process go forward. They had certifiably
free elections. I say certifiably-the President chooses a delegation in this case to go
down to Nicaragua-I mean, in this case, to
Salvador, and watch the elections. And they
came back, and Democrats and Republicans
on the delegation all saying this was a very
good election, very free.
Now we've got to deal with the newly
elected President of Salvador and convince
him that he should go down the democratic
road, turn his back on the death squads, but
give the man a chance, give him an opportunity to follow through on what he said in
his campaign. And so, he'll be coming up
here-Mr. Cristiani.
That part of it is all very interesting, and
it takes a lot of teamwork.
Congressional and Judicial Pay Raise
Q. How did you justify giving Congress a
51-percent pay raise when the budget and


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Mar. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


deficit are so huge right now?
The President. Very hard to do, and a lot
of my thinking on it was that it was connected to the pay raise for the judiciary. My
feeling is-and I would like to have some
proposal on this-that the judiciary, particularly, needs an increase in pay. The justification for that very large increase was
made on the basis of inflation. In my view,
in retrospect, it was too big a bite at once,
and the country didn't support it at all. So,
to accommodate the legitimate needs for a
raise it has to be done differently. And that
was a good lesson out of that one.
War on Drugs
Q. Are you thinking of working to getlike, in Washington, people were just
killedThe President. Oh, yes, question on thewhat do you do about fighting to see that
more people don't lose their lives on this
drug fight? This young-well, fairly youngin my school of thought, young; in yours,
old-guy that lost his life the other day in
that hostage thing-and it's happening, regrettably, across the country.
I had to hold my arm around the shoulder of a woman whose husband had-at this
DEA thing I mentioned-whose husband
had been gunned down the week before,
just blown away by these narcotics people.
And we just have got to keep working on
not only the interdiction side, which is to
try to keep the drugs from coming in, but
on the education side. If as more people get
caught up in the view that this is wrong
and bad and terrible, then the problem will
be well on its way to solution.
And we got to change the way this problem has been looked at. For a while in our
country, it seemed to be we condoned
those things we should condemn. And we
went through a period where the treatment, for example, of the use of cocaine in
movies was done in a humorous vein or
some kind of, well, harmless-but made the
user look like some kind of silly idiot, but
nothing, not condemnatory. And so, we've
got to mobilize the entertainment media,
and say, "Look, don't put out great emotion
in favor of-or treat these-in favor of cocaine or other drugs."
So, a lot of it is educational because this is


not going to be solved from the White
House. It's going to be solved by the American people, young and old, saying enough is
enough. This is poisoning our society. So,
when it comes to people that have lost their
lives, we've got to show support for the
police officers.
We're having a lively debate now about
these automated weapons. And there's a lot
of laws on the books that need to be enforced, and maybe there's a need for more
laws. But you have to balance out all these
interests. But the White House has a role;
the President has a key role. But it's got to
be a shared responsibility, with all the
people in this country working the problem. And I think we can make headway on
it. We've got to; we cannot permit narcotics
and substance abuse to undermine the
fabric of our society.
Education
Q. Madison High School seems to be one
of them that has been lucky about this, but
in America the student dropout rate is 25
percent. What are your proposals to try and
curb this number-a quarter of our students
not even completing high school?
The President. It's outrageous, and the
answer is: Encourage people to stay in
school, and excellence in education. And
what we're doing at the Federal level-you
see, about 7 percent of the funds that go for
schooling comes from the Federal Government, and the rest from State and local governments. For our part, we are emphasizing
parental choice; we're emphasizing magnet
schools. We're trying to use an award
system for excellence so others will aspire
to excellence. And we've got a program of
about-more emphasis on Head Start, more
funding-and a very difficult period for
Federal money because of the question that
was asked over here on, got close to asking,
about the deficit. Very complicated, we've
got to get the Federal deficit down. We do
not have the money to spend on everything
we want.
But in spite of that, we are proposing
substantially more money for Head Start,
which is the best antidote, I think, from the
Federal level, for dropouts. And a lot of it
happening in some of the minority commu

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 28


nities. I know in the Hispanic communities
in our State, my State of Texas, the dropout
rate is disproportionately high. And that's
one of the reasons I'd like to see continued
support for bilingual education. You bring a
kid in whose family speaks only Spanish,
throw him into a school where he instantly
has English only, and it's hard for him to
keep up. And the dropouts have been high.
I think we can do better in both Head
Start, which gradually gets them into the
system, starting early, and bilingual.
Q. What would you like to see students
and faculty members in public schools do to
help you curb the drug problem? What can
we do for you?
The President. I think you can put the
emphasis on the peers of the students, and
indeed, the faculty can be very helpful in
this: each student on his peers, in just rejecting this concept of drug use. I mean, we
have condoned that which we could condemn. People used to talk about legalizing
narcotics, and that was some very serious
people. And I just think it's 180 degrees
wrong.
And I know what peer pressure is, and I
think a lot of it is education in the schoolroom itself about the damage that comes
from substance abuse. And I really believe a
lot of the answer is here. We're going to
have a new proposal that I talked about in
the campaign that we're just fleshing out
now called Youth Entering Service. And it
is a concept that appeals to the best in
American kids, which is: Look, you're doing
pretty good; now you ought to really get in
and help those who aren't. It's the old propensity of one American to help another
that De Tocqueville talked about when he
came to America years ago. And it's this
concept that young people who have the
advantage of family-good teachers teaching them against substance abuse, then they
themselves taking that concept to others in
other areas, in other school districts. So, the
resistance to peer pressure, if peer pressure
is leaning towards drug use, is very important; and then the outreach, reaching out to
others, both in the education side and in
the exhortation side.
Easter Balloons
Q. Just yesterday my church volunteered,


and we were working on the balloons at the
Easter Egg Roll. And we wanted to take
some of the balloons to Ghana for our mission trip that we're going on. And they
wouldn't let us take them because they
were government property. I was just wondering what you do with 10,000 balloons
that say, "A Family Easter at the White
House, 1989"? [Laughter]
The President. If only I had known about
it, you'd have been able to carry more than
that one with you.
Q. Can you sign my card for me?
The President. Sure. Bring it over here.
No, I don't know what the bureaucratic
hangup was on that because you're right. I
saw a lot of them soaring off into the sky, so
you might as well have them with you.
They really wouldn't let you take them out?
What did they say? What did they say the
reason was, just for the heck of it?
Q. Government property.
The President. Government property?
Q. So, a bunch of bureaucratic
The President. I see.
Terrorism
Q. In many of our government classes
we've been studying a book called "Profiles
in Terrorism." And in that you gave your
definition of terrorism. I was wondering
what type of programs you have in mind to
combat terrorism overseas and if you have
any worries that terrorism will start to
occur on a larger scale within our own borders?
The President. We're always concerned
about it. We have been through a period in
our history where we had what I would call
terrorism, and it's probably before you were
born, or maybe about that time. You remember the hijackings of airplanes in this
country to go to Cuba? We forget that, we
forget that we went through a rash of those
hijackings, which indeed are-it's not international terror so much, but it's domestic
terror. To hijack an airplane at gunpoint
and instruct the pilot to go elsewhere, fly to
Cuba-that's international terror. So, we
have been through that.
I want to get your name and how to get
to you what I'm going to send you, because
we have a good antiterrorist program. And


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Mar. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


a lot of it is insisting that we do better on
interdiction-I mean, on having people sent
out from the countries where they're
caught. It is very hard. Extradition it's
called. It's very hard, for example, to get
drug kingpins in Colombia extradited to the
United States when the cartel down there
goes in and murders a supreme court justice. I think you had 9 or 10 justices killed
there. You had an attorney general fleeing
for his life in Colombia, caught somewhere
over in Hungary or somewhere in Eastern
Europe and gunned down.
And so, we've got to do more in extradition. We've got to do more in the sharing of
intelligence. We've got to do more in punishing those who practice international
terror, if you can find them. It's pretty hard
to track it down with definition. It is very
hard to single out and punish the state
leader that condones it. The attack on
Libya did that, and I strongly support that.
But in the rest of these cases, a lot of these
cases, it is very hard to do. But we do have
a good program, and yet I wish I could tell
you I thought it alone would solve the problem of international terror. As long as you
have a handful of people or a large group of
people that use this relatively new instrument to effect political change, it's going to
be hard to control, because it's like dealing
with fog: You can't get a hold of it very
well. And they're protected at times by
governments, although the governments
themselves don't sponsor it.
But let me send you-if Tim will get the
address, and maybe you can share it with
others-this policy. It will show you-and a
lot of good people went-this was last year
it came out, but it's still valid, as to what
governments contend with when they try
to formulate an antiterrorism policy. It's
tough, but we've got to keep doing it.
We've got Americans held against their
will right now-hostages. Hard to even
know where they are, as good as our intelligence is. And incidentally, it is still the best
in the world, in my view. But when you're
dealing with something like this, this new
approach to changing things, it is very difficult for any government to singlehandedly
cope. And even when you're working with
friendly governments, it's hard to cope.
She has what they call a followup.


Q. Do you think by fortifying our own
borders you'll be able to keep terrorism out
of-at least out of-occurring within our
boundaries?
The President. By what we're doing? You
said
Q. By fortifying our borders.
The President. No, I don't think that is an
answer. I think being sure that the intelligence is widely shared of people coming in
is very important. But I don't think fortification-if I'm using the right picture of fortification-of our borders is feasible, and I
don't think it's appropriate. But interdicting
at the borders in a better way, a more efficient way, of terrorists is very important.
And that's where this sharing of intelligence
is a key to doing what you've suggested.
But I don't think living inside a fortressed
America concept, where you have bristling
armaments along the Rio Grande River, for
example, or across Canada, makes sense for
the United States.
Principal Ryan. We have time for one
more question.
The President. Then I want to know
what's on for lunch. [Laughter] All right, I
saw two hands up there-one and then two,
and then we'll go peacefully.
Aviation Safety
Q. I was wondering, this concern over
the recent incidents in the aviation industry, I was just wondering what your
thoughts were on our industry and aviation?
The President. Aviation generally, you
mean? Or are you talking about the safety
of the skies for international travelers?
Q. Yes, I guess so. [Laughter] I can't believe I'm talking to you, that's why I'm
just-[laughter].
The President. No, but you ask a good
question, because modernization of the facilities for air control is very important. And
there's funds now in our budgeting to accomplish that. In terms of one of the hot
subjects, of warnings of-you know, when
you get a phone call saying that some terrorist act is going to take place, you have to
sort through that in an intelligent way, because you cannot have some crackpot shutting down the air travel in this country,
some prankster calling in, and thus the


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 28


Government insisting that flights not take
off. So, again, I come back to the sharing of
intelligence, and the best possible intelligence is the answer to that, to the tranquillity of the skies, and in terms of securing for
the traveler not only the best information
available but not scaring them to death in
the process.
Voluntarism
Q. During your campaign I heard a lot of
people wonder and talk about what exactly
you mean by the Thousand Points of Light?
[Laughter]
The President. Some of the opposition
weren't quite bright enough to get it, so let
me help-[laughter]-I want to help them.
Q. All right.
The President. A Thousand Points of
Light-you could make it a million. It's a
good-no, it's a very good question she
asked, because what I'm talking about in a
Thousand Points of Light-I talked about it
just a minute ago-didn't define it as such.
You going out and helping some kid that
may be tempted to use narcotics. Somebody
else mentioned her church group doing
something. There's a second point of light.
And you can go on and on and on. It's the
Red Cross; it's day care centers of a voluntary nature; it is the Boy Scouts; it is Christian Athletes. It is almost anything you can
think of that comes under the heading of
voluntarism.
Now, when a President talks about voluntarism, there are a few cynics around who
suggest he's trying to escape the responsibility of the Federal Government, he's
trying to say let somebody else do it. I'm
saying, and I believe it with fervor, that this
narcotics problem in this country is not
going to be solved without the Thousand
Points of Light. Not just a thousand organizations, but literally a million efforts to get
out there and try to work the problem. It
isn't going to be done by the Government.
We aren't going to care for the poor. And
in education, there's a lot of room. As I
mentioned, this Youth Entering Servicethat's a point of light. It's a new concept;
it's a government-private foundation that
we're going to be proposing here very soon,
which I've already talked about in the campaign.


But you're right, and the reason you have
that in your mind is that it was somewhat
ridiculed. And maybe I didn't express it
clearly in the campaign. It was somewhat
ridiculed in one of the debates we had. And
yet I have a feeling the American people
know what I'm talking about, because
family is involved in this, religious institutions are involved in it, outreach of all kinds
in the communities are involved-one
American helping another; groups of Americans helping others. And it's true in the
law enforcement; it's true in the poor; it's
true everyplace-this idea that we are a
giving nation, we're a caring nation, and
we're going to help each other. And that's
what I mean by it. And I think it's getting a
little better focus now than it did in the
campaign. I think people are beginning to
understand it more. And I'll be talking
about it a lot from the White House, because it is very, very important.
And every time you bring in somebodyI had a group of marines in there that help
with presents for kids, underprivileged
kids-it's a point of light. And then they'll
leave, and it will be somebody else with
something. So, we've got to keep emphasizing it. We can't make you; we can't say
you've got to go out after school and help
this kid learn to read. But somehow it's
moving, and people say, "Look, we're a
giving nation; we're a caring nation; we're
going to help."
Persistence gets the last one.
Q. It's just a quick question. How busy is
your schedule around the 15th of June? Because if you're not too busy, we'd really be
honored if you'd speak at our graduation.
[Laughter]
The President. Thank you for the invitation. I don't know how busy it is. I don't
even dare look till tomorrow, but thanks for
the invite. Thanks a lot.
Note: The President spoke at 11:20 a.m. in
the school library. Prior to his remarks, he
visited an advanced-placement computer
science class. In his remarks, the President
referred to Special Assistant to the President
Timothy J. McBride. Following his remarks,
the President had lunch in the cafeteria
and then returned to the White House.


325




Mar. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Carol T. Crawford To Be an Assistant Attorney
General
March 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Carol T. Crawford to be
Assistant Attorney General for the Office of
Legislative Affairs. She would succeed
Thomas M. Boyd.
Since 1985 Ms. Crawford has been Associate Director for Economics and Government at the Office of Management and
Budget at the White House. She has served
at the Federal Trade Commission as Director of Bureau of Consumer Protection,
1983-1985, and as executive assistant to the
Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission, 1981-1983. Prior to this she was an


attorney at Collier, Shannon, Rill and Scott,
1979-1981. Ms. Crawford has been a trustee with the Barry Goldwater Chair of
American Institutions, Arizona State University since 1983, and she served as a
senior adviser to the Reagan-Bush transition
team, 1980.
Ms. Crawford graduated from Mount Holyoke College (B.A., 1965) and American
University, Washington College of Law
(J.D., 1978). She was born in Mount Holly,
NJ, on February 25, 1943. She resides in
McLean, VA.


Nomination of Roger Bolton To Be an Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury
March 28, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Roger Bolton to be Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Public Affairs and Public Liaison. He would succeed
Edith E. Holiday.
Since 1988 Mr. Bolton has served as a
Special Assistant to the President for Public
Liaison and Director of the Economic Division at the White House in Washington,
DC. Mr. Bolton has also served as Assistant
U.S. Trade Representative for Public Affairs, and private sector liaison for the
Office of the U.S. Trade Representative,
July 1985-1989. Prior to this he was Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs at the
Department of the Treasury, 1984-1985.


Mr. Bolton was director of speechwriting
for Reagan-Bush '84, 1984; press secretary
for the Joint Economic Committee of Congress, 1983; and Deputy Director of Government Affairs for the National Transportation Safety Board, 1983. Mr. Bolton has
also served as administrative assistant for
Congressman Clarence J. Brown, 1977 -1983, and as press secretary, 1975-1977.
From 1972 to 1975, he was a political reporter for the Marion (Ohio) Star.
Mr. Bolton graduated from Ohio State
University (B.A., 1972). He is married to the
former Lynne Melillo. He was born June
12, 1950, is a native of Cincinnati, OH, and
currently resides in Reston, VA.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 29


Continuation of Henry Anatole Grunwald as United States
Ambassador to Austria
March 29, 1989


The President today announced that
Henry Anatole Grunwald will continue to
serve as United States Ambassador to the
Republic of Austria.
Since 1987 Ambassador Grunwald has
been the United States Ambassador to the
Republic of Austria. Prior to this he was
with Time, Inc., in New York City serving
in several capacities: editor-in-chief, 1979 -1987; corporate editor, 1977-1979; manag

ing editor, 1968-1977; assistant managing
editor, 1966-1968; foreign news editor,
1961-1966; senior editor, 1951-1961; and
staff writer, 1945-1951.
Ambassador Grunwald graduated from
New York University (A.B., 1944). He was
born December 3, 1922, in Vienna, Austria.
He is married, has three children, and resides in New York City.


Nomination of John Cameron Monjo To Be United States
Ambassador to Indonesia
March 29, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John Cameron Monjo to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
the Republic of Indonesia. He would succeed Paul Dundes Wolfowitz.
Since 1987 Ambassador Monjo has been
the United States Ambassador to Malaysia.
Prior to this he was Senior Deputy Assistant
Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
at the Department of State, 1985-1987. He
was Deputy Assistant Secretary for East
Asian and Pacific Affairs, 1983-1985. He has
served in several other capacities at the Department of State: Deputy Chief of Mission
in Jakarta, Indonesia, 1982-1983; and
Deputy Chief of Mission in Seoul, Korea,
1979-1982. Ambassador Monjo was country
director in the Office of Philippine Affairs,
1978-1979; principal officer for Casablanca,


Morocco, 1976-1978; and a political officer
in Jakarta, Indonesia, 1971-1976. From
1969 to 1971, he was a special assistant in
the Office of the Under Secretary for Political Affairs; an international relations officer
in the Office of Japanese Affairs, 1967 -1969; and a political officer in the Department of the Army in Naha, Okinawa, 1965 -1967. Ambassador Monjo has also served as
an economic officer, 1964-1965; a commercial officer in Tokyo, Japan, 1961-1962; and
a political officer in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 1958-1961.
Ambassador Monjo graduated from the
University of Pennsylvania (B.S., 1953). He
served in the United States Navy, 1953 -1956. He was born July 17, 1931, in Stamford, CT. He is married, has two children,
and resides in Bethesda, MD.


Nomination of Peter F. Secchia To Be United States Ambassador to
Italy
March 29, 1989
The President today announced his inten- Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotention to nominate Peter F. Secchia to be tiary of the United States of America to


327




Mar. 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Italy. He would succeed Maxwell M. Rabb.
Currently Mr. Secchia serves as chairman
of the board of The Universal Companies,
Inc.; and as vice chairman of the Republican National Committee in the Midwest.
He also served as host chairman of the 1985
Republican National Committee midwest
leadership conference in Grand Rapids, MI.
Mr. Secchia founded the Lake Michigan


conference and is a member of the executive committee of the Gerald R. Ford Foundation. In addition, he was the founding
president of the West Michigan Lodge of
the Order Sons of Italy.
Mr. Secchia received a business administration degree from Michigan State University. He is married, has four children, and
resides in East Grand Rapids, MI.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With High School
Students From the Close Up Foundation
March 29, 1989


The President. Welcome to the White
House. Famous personalities roam the corridors of this famous house. Play your cards
right and you can see our dog, Millie, in a
few minutes, coming down the stairs.
[Laughter] But I'm delighted that you all
are here in Washington. And I hope you're
gaining an understanding of something that
really matters, and that is good government.
I met today with a very prestigious group
headed by Paul Volcker, and many othersthe former Secretary of State, Mr. Muskie;
and several Ambassadors; and Bruce Laingen, who you may remember was held hostage for a while over there in Iran. And the
thrust of their report was the need to encourage more people to be involved in government service. And I hope you'll have a
chance to see it. I'm sure there will be
some press on it tomorrow.
But in addition to that and I want to
encourage in every way I can those who
serve their country, whether it's military or
civilian, in the civil service, or wherever
else-I want to encourage that kind of service. But also, particularly in a group like
this, to urge you to save some time in your
lives for the political process. Some feel it's
a demeaning line of work, and I happen to
think that it is absolutely fundamental. Because 200 years ago, a great experiment
really began on this continent that began
with the profound idea that the power
should reside with the people. And that


sounds, I'm sure, to you who are bright and
able students, as perhaps trite or a cliche.
But it isn't when you look at today's world.
We take for granted that the power
comes from the people in this country. But
it isn't true in some of the totalitarian systems. Certainly, it's not true in the Marxist
system. And it's fascinating now to see
what's happening in the Soviet system as
they lighten up a little and begin to have
the elective process that we've taken for
granted throughout our history. But the
fundamental principle of freedom that built
our democracy has served us well for these
two centuries, and it's all the more vital
that we preserve the freedom as we look to
the future.
Some historians have called the 20th century the American century, but the 21st
century is less than a dozen years away.
And I've been talking with several different
groups now about the future, charting a
course for the next American century. And
really, it's your future and your century.
And so, we've been talking about what we
as a government can do to not only set the
agenda but what we can accomplish now
that will guarantee that that century be
more peaceful, more productive, and certainly a century in which the freedoms that
I talked about earlier are provided-or preserved.
So, I guess we could say that everything
we do now today with the Congress in
terms of legislation is investing in your


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 29


future. And we've got to solve some shortrange problems that I'm sure you've heard
a lot about-the budget deficit, because it
does affect your future-how big a mortgage on your future if we continue to spend
beyond our means today. Drugs in the
streets: If we don't do better in battling this
scourge of narcotics, it has an adverse affect
on your future. Threats to the environment:
We're seeing now an oil spill up in Alaska.
But there's many, many other-global
warming and things-that really do seem
remote, but have a vital affect on the kind
of century you're going to be living in. So,
we have to address those problems, and
that's the role of a President, and certainly
it's the role of the Congress. And I'm still
intent on working with the Congress to
move forward as we get closer and closer to
the next century.
I think from what I'm told about you all
that you are much more aware of these
things than the average young person in
this country. This Close Up program is a
great place to hone your ability to think, to
question, to form reasoned opinions. And I
want to find out about that in a minute
because I'm told this has been billed for me
at least as a listening session. And so I hope
you will give me your ideas, and I'll try to
conduct the discussion in such a way that
you feel free to do that.
When you understand our political traditions and the questions of public policy, you
can ensure that we preserve what works
and that we work for change where it's
needed. In my book, that's the best kind of
citizenship. Government is not a spectator
sport. You've got to be involved-needs
people, bright people like you to make it
succeed. And so, you have it within you all
to be leaders in the next century wherever
you decide to apply these talents. I don't
want to say just public service or just politics because one of the themes that I'm
talking about a lot and believe in is this
concept of a better educated America. And
that leads me to encourage those in the
teaching profession to be the very best and
then to encourage people to go into that
profession as well. It takes hard work; it
means asking questions of people; it means
looking deeper. It means investing time and
energy to learn all you can, now and in the


future. You never stop learning. Heaven
knows, I hope I don't. We've had fascinating meetings today on a wide array of subjects that-important to expand your horizons, and they've been very helpful to me.
Education is all about this. And I've been
proposing new ways to make the schools
more responsive. I really believe that
choice  is important.  Choice-parental
choice, student choice-can lead to excellence not just in the school that's chosen,
but in those that maybe aren't chosen. So
we've got to find ways to encourage choice.
I want to encourage excellence through
programs like merit schools that some of
you are familiar with-giving awards to outstanding teachers. The major responsibility,
incidentally, as you know, in education lies
at the local and State level. An overwhelming percentage of the funds come from the
local and the State level. But we can, even
in these tough budget times, give a system
of awards for the outstanding teachers, thus
giving them hope, and others seeing them
trying to aspire to higher levels of production and levels of concern for the kids.
So, I believe in accountability. I think the
educational process is somewhat-been
somewhat devoid of accounting for its successes and failures, and I would like to see
that. Over the past year, I've asked teachers
and parents and administrators, political
leaders at all levels to get involved. And
they are. And I think it's beginning to show
what's been going on the last few years in
striving for excellence.
But you know, these are your schools, and
they exist to serve you. And you have the
right to demand the best from your teachers and from your schools. And you can
expect excellence from your schools, and
you can make them work for you. So where
school is concerned, it's not a matter of like
it or leave it. It's like it or help change it.
And you're the bright ones; I hope that
you'll never lose interest in the school
system itself.
I wanted to meet with you. I have some
ideas-these are what I've spelled out here
on education and others, as well. I am told
that you have ideas of your own, so why
don't we get ahead with the give-and-take
part of this, where you tell me what's on


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Mar. 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


your minds. I noticed some notes. It's
always formidable when you see notes
having been written down here. [Laughter]
But it's a good time to speak to me and I
guess, with these cameras listening, be sure
never to end a sentence with a preposition,
because it will be duly reported all across
the country by these guardians of the[laughter].
But nevertheless, really, feel relaxed
about it, and I hope you'll fire away. And I
guess I get to sit down and listen. I'll conduct this, but just go ahead.
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. My name is
Molly Evans, and I'm from Wooster High
School in Wooster, Ohio. I'd like to thank
you first for allowing Close Up the opportunity to question you and thank youThe President. No, I'm questioning you.
You've got it wrong, Molly. Go ahead.
[Laughter]
Federal Role in Education
Q. Okay. Mr. President, in the past, the
schools have traditionally held jurisdiction
over the educational issues. But now that
it's become a serious national problem, do
you believe that the Federal Government
should have more power on making decisions over the educational issues?
The President. No. I don't believe that the
power in determining curriculum, in determining teachers' pay, in determining standards for schools ought to be set by the Federal Government. I believe in the genius of
diversity. I believe that one set of standards
has much more applicability to one area
than to another. And so I don't think the
Federal Government should be looked to as
the final arbiter, or the one that's going to
set the policies for the local school districts.
I believe instead in more parental participation. I believe in local school boards
having the final authority and State departments of education having their say. And
the Federal Government, which I think
provides 7 percent of the funding, as opposed to 93 percent coming from other
sources, has about that percentage in terms
of dictating things. I don't see the Federal
Government in a dictatorial role; I don't see
it as the dominant role. I see this pulpit
here-what Teddy Roosevelt referred to as
the bully pulpit-being used to encourage


excellence, encourage choice, encourage
the good teachers, but not dictate to the
schools.
Illiteracy
Q. My name is Jennifer Bean. I'm from
Danvers High School, Danvers, Massachusetts. I know Mrs. Bush is involved in the
campaign against illiteracy. There are many
high school students that graduate from
high school and are functionally illiterate.
As the "Education President," what are you
going to do to eliminate this problem?
The President. Again, I don't think the
Federal Government can eliminate it. I do
think it becomes the responsibility of everybody. And we are unveiling a program in a
week or two that I've talked about earlier
called Youth Entering Service. It's a concept, a concept of one kid, a bright kidyou perhaps-helping somebody in another
area that doesn't have the advantage that
you've had in terms of education.
My wife is involved in this whole concept
of fighting against illiteracy, and in that,
she's encouraging corporations and others
to be thoroughly involved. You may have
seen some of the pro bono advertising on a
couple of the networks in terms of fighting
against illiteracy.
So, I think the Federal Government has a
substantial role. I think in the programs the
Federal Government does do, that it can
put emphasis on stamping out illiteracy. But
again, I'd be misleading you if I had you
believe that the problem could be solved
from the White House or from Congress,
itself. It can't be; it's got to have-scratch
one newsman-[laughter]. Did anybody get
hurt? But that's the way I look at it. And so
I will be encouraging this hortatory, encouraging in every way we can.
And when I talk about accountabilitypromoting those who-you might be classmates-that you know can't read. It doesn't
do that kid any good-needs special training, special help, special concern. So we've
got to do better on it, but the Federal Government can help, can exhort, but can't
solve it alone.
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. My name is
David Hardin. I'm from Horizon High
School in Scottsdale, Arizona.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 29


The President. Where's your suntan?
[Laughter]
Q. I get sunburned. [Laughter]
The President. Do you?
War on Drugs
Q. The drug problem that's infiltrated the
United States educational system has
proven to be a catalyst that's destroying the
American youth. What do you think needs
to be done to solve this problem?
The President. Well, we're making a
whole new push against the scourge of
drugs. The Congress passed legislation calling for a drug czar. You're all bright students of history, I'm sure. And why we use
the term "czar" in the United States to determine a strong leader, I don't know.
But nevertheless, we're implementing
that legislation as best we can in the executive branch. The appointment of Bill Bennett, who, I think set very high standards
for education, shows that I think that a lot
of the drug problem can be solved through
the demand side of the equation-through
teaching, through education, through getting peer to stand with peer and say, "No,
we can't go forward with it."
We've got to change the culture that condoned the use of narcotics. Yesterday, I
challenged through a meeting somewhat
like this, challenged the entertainment
media who, heretofore, has almost condoned narcotics by emphasizing the silly
side of somebody being high on some substance or another. So we've got to change
the culture, we've got to change the
demand, and at the same time we've got to
have much more enforcement of laws. We
may need new laws, but we have existing
laws that have not been enforced in terms
of drug use. We're going to have to expand
our prison space because it is frustrating to
a law enforcement official who lays her or
his life on the line to make a bust and then
see that person out on the street again because there is no room in the prison. I believe severe sentencing is called for for
drug kingpins. We've got to do more on the
sentencing side, more on the enforcement
side, and then we've got to do-and education side-and then we're trying to step up
our cooperation with South American countries, particularly in terms of interdiction.


Somebody asked the question yesterday,
and maybe it's on you all's minds about
closing the borders, of fortifying the borders. We can't do that in the United States.
In the first place, the borders are too long;
we don't have that much money. Secondly,
that isn't the concept we want with friendly
countries-Mexico to our south, Canada to
the north. But we've got to do better in
terms of interdiction.
Last point-we are not going to solve the
drug problem by stopping the flow. It's not
going to be solved-in my view, it's going
to be-that'll help, but we've got to do
more on the demand side. Both sides, incidentally, our new drug czar, Bill Bennett, is
working on. And for those of you who
follow the intricacies of government, it isn't
that easy because he is dealing with the
Secretary of Defense and the Attorney General and the Secretary of State. And they
are statutorily in command of their departments. So, he comes in, working for the
President with a Cabinet rank, but without
the statutory power of some of the Cabinet
officers. So, he's got a job of persuasion and
coordination. But we've got a man-if anybody can do it, he can.
Federal Role in Education
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. My name is
Shawndra Miles. I attend Crenshaw High
School in Los Angeles, California. In recent
years, there have been significant cutbacks
in Federal money for education. I would
like to know how would you address this
problem, since the students today are leaders of tomorrow?
The President. In the first place, we have
a crunch. I think your figures are wrong. I
don't think there have been substantial cutbacks. I don't think there have been cutbacks. I think the budget for the Department of Education is higher than it was 8
years ago-or 6 years ago-and will be this
time. There have been some programs that
have been curtailed. There has been some
means testing in terms of student loans.
Let me give you an example of that. I
don't believe as President that the Federal
Government has an obligation to pay for
the education of all kids that are qualified
to go to college. That's my philosophy.


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Mar. 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


That's what I ran on with this kind of an
underpinning of that in terms of being
elected by the people of the United States
to be President. I do think that the Federal
Government has a role in helping those
who can't afford to get to college. And so,
tightening up on the means test for student
loans, for example, was considered by some
to be cutting educational funds. And I'm
sure some programs have been taken out.
But generally speaking, I just come back
to the fact-and I don't know that you all
knew this, and I'm pretty sure I'm right on
the figure-93 percent comes from all
sources, and 7 percent of the funds come
from the Federal Government. So in times
of tough budget money, I've got to get this
budget deficit down. The best hope, antidote to poverty, is a job, and the best way
to have a job is to have a vibrant economy.
And the way to do that is to be sure these
interest rates don't go sky high. And this
gets into the whole economic question, but
all of which-it comes back to me as President in terms of priority: Get the budget
deficit down. And that means we can't
spend all the money that I'd like for that 7
percent.
There are some programs I'd like to fund
more. But somebody asked me yesterday-I
don't think it's come up yet today-on the
question of dropouts. One of my answers to
that is, do as much as we possibly can for
Head Start. I think Head Start is a good
program. And so we've increased, in tight
financial times, the funds for Head Start. So,
you know, it's like-I don't know what
would be a parallel in your lives-is how
you sort out priorities. But I am faced with
a strong Secretary of Education who says
we've got to spend more for this program
or that. I've got a strong budget director on
the other hand saying, "Wait a minute! We
can't do that if your objective is to get the
budget deficit down." So, you just do the
best you can, and then you exhort. You encourage the private sector and the States
and everybody to do as much as they can.
No clear answer, and a very tough and good
question.
You had one here, and then I'll go in the
back. We're cutting out all the back bench
guys. Go ahead. Did you have a question?
Q. Me?


The President. Yes, I thought I saw your
hand. Yes?
Q. Thank you, Mr. President.
The President. Janel, if you're too polite in
life you get stomped on. [Laughter] You're
doing just great, but I didn't want you to
have it. I thought you thought I had recognized you. Go ahead.
Q. My name is Janel McCurtis. I'm from
Business Management Center in Dallas,
Texas. And I was wondering how you feel
about the Federal Government playing a
more a role in education.
The President. More of a role? Well, as I
say, I think it's got to be State and local, the
way our system works, because I don't want
that highly centralized control. I've confessed here to Shawndra I'd like to see us
be able to do more things, but I don't want
the role-I don't want education to be federalized. That's the fundamental philosophical underpinning that I have with me as I
approach public education and private education. I don't want the Federal Government to tell you, your school board, or your
teachers what you're going to get taught in
class. I don't want them to set the pay from
on high-Washington, DC. We don't know
much about Dallas. I do, coming from
Houston.
But that's my philosophy, and I think it's
right. I think-it's federalism, decentralization. We're strong that way. And I probably, when I was little, was wondering, why
do we have all these different overlapping
functions of the State government? And
then I realized that it preserves our Union
and strengthens our system by diversityScottsdale having a different answer than
Los Angeles, and a different answer than
Dallas and wherever else it is.
Who's got some in the back? We've got
to-fire away, you two guys back there.
Q. Hello, Mr. President. My name is
Joseph Thrill, and I go to the Hawaii Preparatory Academy in Hawaii. And I was
wondering, I go to a private school and my
parents pay tuition directly to the school.
But yet part of their taxes which they pay
to the Federal Government go to the public
school system, even though I do not attend
a public school. Should they get a tax break
on that?


332




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 29


The President. No, they shouldn't. And I
think it is the obligation of all taxpayers to
support a public education system. We want
it to be the best. And I think in many ways
it is the best, although I'm disturbed when I
see some kids underachieving-not being
able to identify where the United States is
on a globe or something of that nature. But,
no, I think that that's your parents' choice,
and I think that they shouldn't.
I have been intrigued with the concept of
tuition tax credits. And some say, "Well,
should that include parochial schools?" And
I've said yes, but the problem again is that
we are-and that gets really to your philosophical underpinning of your question-we
can't afford to do that. So, I think that everybody should support the public school
system. And then, if on top of that, your
parents think that they want to shell out, in
addition to the tax money, tuition money,
that's their right, and that should be respected. But I don't think they should get a
break for that.
Study Abroad
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. I'm Max
Kalhammet, from Cairo, Egypt. And recently there's been a lot of publicity about the
advantages of studying abroad, especially in
your college career. The advantages would
be traveling, being exposed to new cultures,
et cetera. With your interest in reviving
education domestically, do you support this?
The President. Yes, I support it, but again,
we're talking about sparse funds. Not only
do I support it, but I think it is enormously
useful for our foreign affairs, and for understanding around the world about the United
States of America. So, I strongly support it.
One of the things in my background that
really helped shape my life a lot was living
in China. Right after the Cultural Revolution, or right before the renaissance, or
before the capitalistic-or quasi-you've got
to be careful when you talk about Chinaquasi-capitalistic  experimentation-incentive, moving away from the commune
system for farm. And living there was very
helpful to me and broadening-I was then
Ambassador-but broadening out my own
horizons, understanding the importance of
China in the world scheme of things.
And I think it's true for students. I think


not only does the student himself or herself
gain a dimension on the world it might not
have otherwise, but I think the people with
whom you interact abroad do. And I strongly favor, as much as we can afford it, bringing kids from other countries over here. I
believe firmly that any student that comes
to the United States can no longer return to
his or her country without some respect for
democracy-for the underpinnings that I
talked about in the remarks-you can't do
it. You come out of a totalitarian system and
you see the freedoms that you and I take
for granted every day in our lives-see
them every day one way or another. You
see the bounty of this country, and you see
the concern that Americans have for their
fellow American, and it's bound to make an
impact on them.
And I hear all kinds of griping about the
United States all over the world. And I've
traveled to I don't know how many countries. Now, I would guess-well, as Vice
President, it was 85 just in that one job.
And then I did business all around the
world, from Brunei to the Persian Gulf to
South America. And you hear complaints
about the Americans, and you sit around
and you interact. But you also have the
sense that people say, yes, we may be griping about it or criticizing, but we'd like a
little piece of the action.
And the more those students come here
on the kind of thing you're talking about,
the more understanding they have about
us. And it is a really remarkable, remarkable thing. And I saw that most when I was
the Ambassador at the United Nations,
interacting with then the Ambassadors from
134 countries. And we were, you know, the
host country. You got to know a lot of them.
I know the point you're bringing up is, I
guess by the question, is very, very important. And so I would encourage not only
travel abroad, but I would try in every way
I can to do as much as we can do in terms
of support for these people going to different countries and bringing students here. A
lot go to the Soviet Union. They have a
very active program of taking people, particularly from Eastern Europe-but it's
much more widely spread than that-to the
Soviet Union. And until recently, I think


333




Mar. 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


that could have been in some ways counterproductive. They have a big propaganda
thing in their education, major propaganda
offensive. But then, when those kids get
back home and then they interact with
freer countries, it rubs off pretty easily.
Today, in the Soviet Union, they're still
doing quite a bit of this, and I'm sure that
the students going there see it ferment a
change that's taking place through both
perestroika and the openness and glasnost.
So, I would encourage people doing it. I
would encourage those foundations-International Education Institute, and those
things that help bring people to live with
American families. The Federal Government has some role in this, and I think it's
very important. And I wish I had time to
ask you what your view is because I would
expect it would parallel.
I mean, I have been to Egypt, and I think
there is a good feeling in Egypt about the
United States. There are some concerns
about certain aspects of our policy that I'll
hear about next Monday and Tuesday when
President Mubarak is here right in this very
house. But I can tell you-here he is, the
President of that country, coming in for
Sadat, and there's a certain feeling-the
United States can effect change. The United
States can move things forward in the
peace process. The United States has a certain economic system that we'd like to
aspire to in Egypt.
And so never apologize for it. And share
it, spread it around as best you can-goodwill that comes from being very bright,
bright kids. Share it with foreigners as
much as you can because we are, I'll still
say-and I got accused of being a little bit
overly patriotic, but I've been to these, a lot
of them-we are the freest, we are the
most honorable and caring country, I think,
in the whole world. And so we ought to


have others understand that.
And I will say this, that as President-you
know, they ask, "Well, what is your aim,
priorities?" We talk here about education
and civics and all of that, but I want to try
hard to enhance world peace. We talk
about a new century. How old are you,
Eric?
Q. I'm 17.
The President. Okay, 17. In the year
2000, you'll be 28. I'd like to think that
because we were here and worked the
problem hard, that the world will be somewhat more peaceful. And let me say this:
The changes in the Soviet Union are encouraging. I'm an optimist about it. But if
those changes keep going forward, you guys
have a much better chance to-I don't
need that-[laughter]-to live in a more
harmonious world. So we'll try our hardest,
and you all stay involved.
Mr. Janger. Mr. President, on behalf of all
of us at the Close Up Foundation, these
young people and young people throughout
the United States, I know you understand
how wonderfully motivating your exchange
of ideas has been. Your special focus on
education is inspiring, and we thank you for
your time today.
Note: The President spoke at 2:18 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House. In his
opening remarks, he referred to Paul
Volcker, Chairman of the National Commission on Public Service. The event was
broadcast live on the Cable Satellite Public
Affairs Network. The participants were part
of the Close Up Foundation program, a
nonpartisan educational foundation providing secondary school students opportunities
to study the American political system. Stephen A. Janger was president of the foundation.


Remarks to Members of the American Association of Community
and Junior Colleges
March 30, 1989


To Dale Parnell and Jess Parrish, others,
thank you for that warm reception for Bar

bara and for me. And I'm just delighted to
be here. I understand we do have two Gov

334




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 30


ernors here: Jim Martin, whom I saw over
here, and somebody told me Carroll Campbell was here. And I want to pay my respects to them, both leaders in the field of
education.
Before making my remarks, I do want to
make a comment on a subject that is of
concern to all Americans today. I know that
you, like most Americans, are concerned
about this massive oil spill off the coast of
Alaska. And there's no doubt this is a major
tragedy, both for the environment and for
the people up there.
This morning I met with the Secretary of
Transportation, Sam Skinner; with our new
able EPA Administrator, Bill Reilly; with
our Coast Guard Commandant, Admiral
Yost. And they've just returned from surveying the damage and assessing the
progress of the cleanup effort. And we're
doing all we can at the Federal level to
speed up this undertaking.
I've directed the Department of Transportation and the Environmental Protection
Agency and the Coast Guard to continue to
give this matter top priority. I've directed
Bill Reilly to report back to me as soon as
possible regarding the severity of damage
to the environment, particularly to marine
life and the Alaskan coastline, with suggestions as to what we might do to ameliorate
the situation. The cleanup will not be easy.
It's in remote areas, and it's very complicated. But as with other serious disasters, we
must and we will work together at all
levels, public and private, to remedy the
damage that has been done, and then to
safeguard the precious environment for the
future.
But I wanted you to know that we did
have a good meeting. The report was not
all negative, but there-lets be frank,
there's some very serious problems up
there right now. But I'm confident with this
able team and with the work of the Alaskan
citizens there who are concerned, that we
can do our very best to see that the damage
is restricted.
Now on to the business at hand. I am
delighted, Barbara, that this distinguished
group has recognized your efforts. Or put it
in the third person-I'm grateful to all of
you that have recognized her efforts to pro

mote literacy. And to think, all this time I
thought she was cheating at Scrabble.
[Laughter] It has been said by some cynicmaybe it was a former President-"If you
want a friend in Washington, get a dog."
[Laughter] Well, we took them literallythat advice, as you know. [Laughter] But I
didn't need that because I have Barbara
Bush-your honoree.
As you know, Bar has taken the lead in
promoting literacy, as you so, I think, properly pointed out, for more than 8 years
now, traveling to the schools across this
country. And one day she came back from
Boston and told me that she'd seen a gentleman sitting in a chair in the corner of a
schoolroom surrounded by children who
were enraptured by his storytelling and his
good-natured kidding. Every now and then,
this man would ask a child to spell a word
by tracing the letters in the palm of his
hand, and he would tell them whether they
got it right or not. Barbara thought that this
is strange-wondered if this was some new
kind of teaching technique that you may
have designed. And, no, the superintendent
told her, "He has to teach this way. You see,
he's blind." Think of it. He's retired. He
could have found a thousand excuses to retreat into his own world of darkness. And
yet, he ventured out into the light to teach
children to read books that he would never
again see. And it's moments like these that
make her efforts on behalf of literacy so
very rewarding.
We are deeply moved by the plight of
those who lack the skills that most of us just
simply take for granted. And rest assured,
we're going to continue to work with you,
those of you out there on the cutting edge,
to promote literacy skills. You've bestowed
on Barbara an honor that will be treasured
by all in our family for years to come. And
still, she and I can't get over the feeling
that we should be giving you, the people in
this room, an award. After all, you provide
adult basic education on a scale that is nothing short of heroic.
This nation grew into greatness because
early Americans met the challenge of building an educational system second to none.
And with the dawn of a new century only


335




Mar. 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


11 years away, we're faced with a new challenge: to revitalize and restore that system
that our forebears bequeathed to us; to
ensure that an American education is once
again the best, the very best in the world.
In this important mission, we can look to
leadership from an American innovation in
education-our nation's community colleges, more than a thousand strong.
Whole communities are enriched and enlightened by the cultural resources you provide: vast libraries and night schools and
stages for local theatrical productions and
on and on it goes. This attitude toward education as something more than a requirement of an industrial society, as an embellishment of life, rather, is uniquely American.
I believe secondary and even elementary
schools can learn a lot from your success,
starting with your policy of flexibility. And
by this I mean the way in which you tap
local talent and draw on the knowledge of
experts from the private sector. When a
Ph.D. on sabbatical cannot volunteer as a
teacher in many of our schools, something's
wrong. And that's why I've proposed alternative teacher certification, to open classrooms to every qualified person with the
talent, and the knowledge, and mainly the
desire to help the kids, to teach.
We must all pitch in to restore our educational system. Business must get involved,
work with our schools to ensure American
competitiveness. Students must understand
the value of a solid education and personal
responsibility in today's market. And education at all levels must follow the example
set by you, by the community colleges,
which are directly accountable to the needs
of students, communities, and businesses.
This principle of accountability should be
universally applied to all educational institutions. You also serve a particular need with
the disadvantaged and the disabled-providing opportunity and choice for older citizens, women, minorities, and the handicapped.
But excellence in education is our most
basic shared principle. We share the conviction that there is no such thing as an expendable student. We will never accept the
notion that vast numbers of illiterate and
undereducated Americans can be offset by


a well-educated elite. That is not the American way. For years, rescuing underachieving students has been a quest of the heart.
And today, it's also a test of our national
will, a test critical to the very future of
America. This may sound like an overstatement. America, after all, is still a world
leader when it comes to producing Nobel
Prize winners in physics, in economics, and
literature. But what's the advantage for a
nation with Nobel Prize-winning novelists,
if their books cannot be read by 27 million
functional illiterates in their own country?
I am committed to increased investment
in basic research, but America can continue
to lead the world in theoretical science and
still lose the race in the application of
knowledge. H.G. Wells wrote that "Human
history becomes more and more a race between education and catastrophe." Catastrophe may not be around the corner, but
what had a ring of truth in the 1920's
sounds ominously true in the 1980's, with
our   highly  competitive  international
market. Let me share a few stark facts with
you.
In Japan, levels of functional literacy and
student achievement are extremely high,
while the Japanese drop-out rate remains
very low. In America, however, functional
literacy is much lower. About one in five
American high school students drop out.
And of those Americans who do graduate
from high school, almost one in five cannot
read or write at the intermediate level.
While many Americans become less educated, the standards of the workplace are
becoming ever more rigorous. And the
balmy days of the baby boom are passing us
by. Between now and the year 2000, we're
going to face a baby bust; a shrinkage of the
basic labor pool for this country. According
to Business Week, we will have to train or
retrain as many as 50 million workers in the
next dozen years alone. Think of it-50 million.
There is more opportunity today than
ever before, but only for those who are prepared to take advantage of it. For those
workers who lack skills and basic education
today, a comfortable middle-class existence
will be harder and harder to come by. And
when some high school grads can't find jobs


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 30


in a market begging for workers, then
we've got a serious social imbalance; we
have an education gap. Let's bridge that
gap. Let's bridge it as fast as we possibly
can.
You're doing it. Community colleges provide such a bridge to higher education, a
ready resource for vocational training and
adult remedial education. You provide
access for precisely the very people who are
being summoned to alleviate the coming
labor shortage. Some of your programs spell
opportunity for the most disadvantaged
members of the work force. But they also
spell opportunity for business at the same
time. The disadvantaged and business are
coming together in hundreds of programsfrom Colorado to Kansas to Kentuckycalled employer-college partnerships. And
this friendly merger of business and academia is a sweeping force for social improvement. Everyone must work together if
America is to remain prosperous and competitive in the years ahead.
Let me conclude by paraphrasing a few
words of advice offered at the turn of the
century, but so appropriate for our modern
quest for excellence in education: "Make no
little plans. They have no magic to stir
men's blood and probably in themselves
will not be realized. Make big plans; aim
high in hope and work, remembering that a
noble idea once recorded will never die,
but long after we are gone will be a living
thing."
These are the words of Daniel Burnham,
who was the architect of such a big plan

Washington's Union Station, which stands
out as a visual delight in a city already
crowded with great monuments and statuary. Burnham's legacy is a truly living
monument, with its vaulted ceilings and its
gilded geometry above bustling crowds of
shoppers and commuters. But it would be
nothing but a wreck, an eyesore, if it had
not been lovingly restored. As important as
it is to reclaim our civic capital of burnished
brass and polished marble, how much more
important it is to reclaim our human capital.
Think, then, of our educational system in
this way: as a vast and beautiful inheritance
which must be lovingly restored-not once,
but every generation. And in this effort,
make no little plans. Think big; aim high in
hope and work. Continue to work together
as a community, to help your students, to
lift their vision and lengthen their horizon.
For this, and all you are doing, and for
those that walked across this platform, a
hearty thanks for all you have done. For
this, for all you do and for what you have
done, you have earned and you are earning
the gratitude of a nation. Thank you. God
bless you. And God bless America. Thank
you all very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:42 p.m. in
the International Ballroom at the Washington Hilton Hotel. In his opening remarks,
he referred to Dale Parnell, president of the
association; Dr. Jess H. Parrish, president of
Midland College; Governors James G.
Martin of North Carolina and Carroll A.
Campbell, Jr., of South Carolina.


Nomination of Richard Anthony Moore To Be United States
Ambassador to Ireland
March 30, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard Anthony Moore to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Ireland. He would succeed Margaret M.
O'Shaughnessy Heckler.
Since 1975 Mr. Moore has been associate


producer for the McLaughlin Group in
Washington, DC. He served as Special
Counsel to the President at the White
House, 1971-1974. In 1970 Mr. Moore was
a confidential assistant to the Attorney General. From 1962 to 1970, he organized and
was head of a number of television enter

337




Mar. 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


prises. He also served as chief executive officer for the Times Mirror Broadcasting Co.,
1951-1962. He is also cofounder and chairman of the Television Bureau of Advertising.
Mr. Moore graduated from Yale College


(B.A., 1936) and Yale Law School (LL.B.,
1939). He served in the U.S. Army, 1942 -1946. He was born January 23, 1914, in
Albany, NY. Mr. Moore has five children
and resides in Washington, DC.


Nomination of Della Newman To Be United States Ambassador to
New Zealand and Western Samoa
March 30, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Della Newman to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America to New
Zealand and to serve concurrently as Ambassador to Western Samoa. She would succeed Paul Matthews Cleveland.
Currently Ms. Newman is president and
owner of Village Real Estate, Inc., in Seattle, WA; treasurer of Pacific Factors Ltd.,
Inc.; and proprietor of Braemar Associates.
She has served as international corporate
president of Executive Women International. Ms. Newman has been actively involved


in various political activities on the national
and State level, including Republican National Convention delegate, 1988; chairman
of the Washington State George Bush for
President campaign, 1987-1988; cochair
Reagan-Bush finance committee, 1984; special events director for the Washington
State Reagan-Bush campaign, 1980; and Republican National Convention delegate,
1980. In addition, Ms. Newman serves on
the board of directors for the Washington
Institute for Policy Studies.
Ms. Newman is married to Wells B.
McCurdy, and she resides in Seattle, WA.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session at a White House
Luncheon for Journalists
March 31, 1989


The President. Well, first, let me just say,
welcome to Washington. And I've been
traveling some, but I like this much
better-you all coming here. And we're delighted that you are here.
We've got a broad cross-section of both
print and broadcast journalists here, and
what I really want to do is to take your
questions. I'm delighted that you heard
from our drug czar, Bill Bennett, this morning, and Roger Porter, as well. And I'll be
glad to follow on to any subjects that you
have taken up with them. Our Chief of
Staff John Sununu came over here with
me-hey, you don't get off that easy, Joe.
You haven't heard my speech. [Laughter]
No, I'm not going to spend a lot of time,


but I do want to indicate that certain important things have taken place at the
outset. We went up with a good budget
agreement-we hope we'll get an agreement-a good budget proposal. We've
thrown an idea, a plan out there for the
savings and loans, and I think that is an
important thing to have happen. We've introduced a child-care initiative in keeping
with the philosophical approach that I
talked about in the campaign: parental
choice. We've done that one. We've made a
vigorous start in the narcotics area, and I
want to congratulate Bill Bennett, who
really-antinarcotics area-hit the ground
running. And he has to formulate under the


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Ad ministration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 3]


law a specific plan, but we're not going to
wait for that to move forward in various
ways.
Next week, we'll be sending up new legislation on ethics and education. The ethics
guidelines will enable us to sustain an honesty and integrity in public service. I've
been talking some about my belief in public
service: those not that are in and out on the
political basis, but those who serve in a
career basis. Though we have no legislation
on that, I want to keep saying how important I think that is.
We recognize that the major problem
facing us is the budget deficit. And Dick
Darman is doing a very good job. Nobody
declared our budget dead on arrival, which
pleased me very, very much. Nobody has
anointed it, either, in every possible way.
[Laughter] But nevertheless, we are making
progress.
On the national security-foreign affairs
side, we're going to have a vigorous week
next week with President Mubarak here,
Prime Minister Shamir here. And then
we're going to have several of the Central
Americans up here very soon. You've seen
our new approach, you might say, on Nicaragua, where we are working with the Congress, we're together with Congress. One of
my regrets is that we were sending two
signals. We'd have one signal out of the
executive branch and then another signal
coming out of Capitol Hill. And I think that
now we've laid that to rest, and we're going
to do what we can to move forward-help
move forward the democracy that I believe
the people of Nicaragua want and the democracy that they've been denied.
So, we've got a big agenda there with
forthcoming meetings on Europe, on the
NATO summit coming up at the end of
May, and then, of course, we'll have a big
meeting in Paris in July. So, the agenda is
full. We're moving forward on our national
security reviews. I remain optimistic about
working with the Soviets, but I've said and
I'll repeat to you all: I'm not going to precipitously move just to have some meeting
going on out there. There's a lot happening,
and when I come forward with a proposal, I
want it to be sound. I want it to have the
full support of the NATO alliance, and I
want it to have a credibility, an instant


credibility that shows our commitment, not
only to enhancing the peace but to preserving the alliance and keeping it strong.
So, there's a lot happening out there. I'm
just delighted all of you are here. And now
let's just go to the questions.
Substance Abuse and Alaskan Oil Spill
Q. Mr. President, I was wondering
whether you, in the light of the Alaskan oil
spill, whether you think the Federal Government should take measures in perhaps
two areas: one, to tighten up the requirements-the restrictions on alcohol and drug
abuse by the people who are in charge of
these ships, and perhaps more importantly,
to ensure that there is a quicker response
on the cleanup efforts?
The President. I would certainly support
constitutional steps in the former area. I
feel that substance abuse is wrong. I want
to see a drug-free workplace, and I would
certainly think we could expand that to reasonable requirements in terms of people
who are fulfilling important functions like
taking crude oil through straits.
I will say it's awful hard to guard against
abuse of this nature when you're making
laws. And I think one of the things I
learned from our meeting with our EPA
Administrator [William K. Reilly] and the
head of the Coast Guard [Adm. Paul A.
Yost] and our able Secretary of Transportation [Samuel K. Skinner] was that this strait
was pretty wide and that I don't think there
is any way you could plan, as you're making
the pipeline, against this kind of abuse. But
in terms of testing, I do favor that. You
noticed I used the word "constitutional."
What was the second part, Joe? [Joseph
Day, WNEV-TV, BostLon]
Q. Regarding the cleanup, sir. There's
been criticism in Alaska that, for a number
of reasons, that the cleanup didn't
begin
The President. I think there were some
reasons that it didn't go fast enough, and
yes, I think we will have to do everything
we can to see that the Federal Government, working with the States and private
industry, has as rapid response time as possible. And I will say, I feel very concerned
about the environmental damage up there.


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Mar. 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


When you look at those pristine shores and
then see the threat to the fisheries and certainly the loss of life that's taken place so
far-birds and animals-you have to be concerned about the environmental damage.
And we have a very able Administrator of
EPA, a man with unquestioned credentials
in environment. And I expect that he and
his people will learn from this, and then
maybe there are things we can do to guarantee quicker cleanup. Gabe? [Gabe Pressman, WNBC-TV, New York]
Nuclear Proliferation
Q. Mr. President, Iraq is reported as seriously engaged in a program to build nuclear warheads and missiles. Does the prospect
of this tiny, sometimes warlike nation being
able to wage nuclear war-does it give you
great concern for the future?
The President. Well, one, I don't want to
give credibility to the reports. Two, I
strongly stand against the proliferation of
nuclear weapons. We must strengthen
IAEA    [International  Atomic  Energy
Agency] safeguards to be sure that there is
as much inspection as possible. But I don't
want to give credence to the fact that Iraq
is in the process of building nuclear weapons. I cannot confirm that. And so, I don't
want to go beyond that, Gabe. Anytime you
see representations that there will be nuclear proliferation it has got to concern us.
And we will be making those representations, if we feel it's about to take place, to
any country.
Q. Is it a matter that you feel that the
Soviet Union and the United States should
take action on in connection with small
countries developing-other countries developing those weapons?
The President. Well, I think we do agree
with the Soviet Union, who has also made
its statements against proliferation. And you
look around the world and there's some
very worrisome areas. You know our position on Pakistan. Pakistan's very concerned
about Indian proliferation. And so you can
just keep going and find areas that we have
to be alert to the dangers, and then try to
find ways to see that nuclear proliferation
does not happen. But I just don't want to be
pushed into giving credence to the reports.


Oil Exploration and Drilling
Q. Mr. President, if I might follow up on
the Alaskan situation for just a moment.
The President. Please.
Q. Might this cause you to review and
possibly change your support for oil exploration and/or drilling in the northeastern
part of Alaska, near that wildlife refuge up
there? Might you now review the policies
on this because of this oil spill?
The President. No.
Q. No? [Laughter]
The President. You asked me if I would
review the policies about ANWR [Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge], about somebody
bringing oil out of a strait 10 miles wide
who was allegedly intoxicated. And the
answer to your question is no.
Q. The reason I ask is because environmentalists now are very concerned, as they
were after the Santa Barbara spill of 1969,
which I think you rememberThe President. I do.
Q. -about transporting this oil from
Alaska down the coastline.
The President. Well, we have to transport
oil. We are becoming increasingly dependent on foreign oil. And that is not acceptable to any President who is responsible for
the national security of this country. So
what we will do is not go backwards; what
we will do is redouble every effort to provide the proper safeguards. And I think
most people are reasonable enough and fair
enough to look back at the record over the
years in terms of the pipeline, and found
that there had been very little damage, if
any. Certainly there's been no lasting environmental damage.
Now you have a ship that runs on a reef
at 12 knots and driven by somebody or in
command by a person who allegedly had
been under the influence. And I'm not sure
you can ever design a policy anywhere to
guard against that. The logical suggestion
would be, well, should we shut down the
Gulf of Mexico? Should we shut down the
oil fields off of Louisiana because of this?
And the answer would be no, that would be
irresponsible.
So what you do is do the best you can,
express the genuine concern that you feel
on the environment and I do feel a con

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 31


cern-but not take irresponsible action to
guard against an incident of this nature.
War on Drugs
Q. Mr. President, I'll ask you a question I
asked Mr. Bennett earlier today. We've
seen a number of antidrug programs
The President. You didn't like his answer?
[Laughter]
Q. in the last couple of decades, and
my question is: Are you confident that the
Federal Government, working with local
governments and-I'm here in Washington
at WMAL-that you will be able to come
up with something this time that will actually have an impact on the Nation's drug
problem?
The President. I hope so. I would never
suggest that the Federal Government will
design a program and implement it that
will be imposed on every locality. We can't
do that. I believe the Federal Government
has a certain role, and I believe that the
control and power rests with the States and
the localities.
But we have a responsibility, and there's
no better person to fulfill that responsibility
than Bill Bennett in making suggestions in
terms of training programs, or educational
programs, or enforcement programs, or
programs that relate to prison space, programs that relate to utilization of the military assets-and we are using them in the
interdiction field-than Bill Bennett.
American Hostages in Lebanon
Q. Mr. President, what is the administration's plan to obtain the freedom of the
American hostages in Lebanon?
The President. The plan to do it?
Q. Well, what is the plan? What is the
administration's planThe President. The administration's plan
is to do its level best to try through intelligence to find who is holding these hostages
and where they are, and then to do what
we can to release them. The plan is not to
knuckle under to demands that will put
American citizens at risk all around the
world. That's the plan.
Two Forks Dam
Q. Mr. President, I gather you had a
meeting this morning with Senator Arm

strong of Colorado about the Two Forks
Dam. Are you willing to ask the EPA to
change its decision on that dam at all? What
do you have to say to the people who feel
they haven't been given a fair shake by the
EPA?
The President. Well, I have a feeling
that-you ask what I plan to do-I heard
from Bill Armstrong a very strong presentation representing the need to go forward
with the dam. And what I have asked is
that our Administrator, Bill Reilly, be there
for that presentation. He was, and he will
be back in touch with me. It is a matter
that is decided by the EPA Administrator,
and I was very anxious that Bill Armstrong
have him in attendance so that he hear this
side of it. And I have confidence that Bill
Armstrong, a very fair individual-and we'll
just see what is recommended. But it was a
good meeting, and I was given a lot more
detail on it than I had had before. But
there's-no final decision has been taken on
that matter.
Dependence on Foreign Oil
Q. Mr. President, during the campaign,
the general and primary, you were asked
several times to protect the textile industry
from foreign imports. Invariably, your response was that you would enforce existing
laws. Since you've come into office, can you
point to a single specific instance in which
you have taken some action to
The President. No, no, I can't.
Q. The question is on U.S. dependency on
foreign oil. Would
The President. Let me go back. Existing
laws, to my knowledge, are being enforced.
I can't think of any new existing law that's
in force that wasn't before.
Q. Okay. On the question of U.S. dependency on foreign oil, can we reach a point
where your administration would take steps
such as an oil import fee or other stances
that would help the domestic oil industry?
The President. Well, the domestic oil industry is doing a little better now, the price
of crude oil having risen to some $20 or
$18-I don't know what west Texas crude is
today-$18.50, something of that nature.
The industry is doing a little better; the rig
count is still very low. I repeat: There is no


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Mar. 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


security for the United States in further dependency on foreign oil. I have made proposals that would stimulate domestic production and I'd like to see the Congress
move on those proposals. And so I have not
changed my view on the oil import tax.
Drug Abuse Education
Q. Mr. President, what do you envision
for the role of education, especially in the
fight against drug abuse? Do you see a
blending together of the two?
The President. I think it is absolutely essential. We are not going to win the fight
against narcotics on the interdiction front
alone. And I think Bill Bennett agrees with
me that the demand side is the place where
we've got to do better, and that means education.
Representative Gingrich of Georgia
Q. Mr. President, we've been hearing
about the new whip in the House, and all
we hear is: He's a pretty tough guy. Are
you going to meet the Congressman, and
are you going to talk to him-I mean, talk
to him about the style that he's known for
with respect to what you have at stake in
legislation over there?
The President. I am absolutely convinced,
having known Newt Gingrich, that we are
going to work together very, very well. I
don't think he needs any lectures from me.
I think that every Congressman that I've
talked to since then feels that he'll be what
he said he'd be: a team player. He's not
going to suddenly become a shrinking
violet, but we don't want that. He's going to
be a good leader. And I'm going to work
with him, and I'm going to work with him
productively. He's got his style, and I got
mine.
Private Enterprise and the Space Program
Q. Mr. President, a few days ago, a small
company out of Houston called Space Services launched a private rocket. What are
your plans to incorporate private enterprise
in space? How is that going to work with
NASA?
The President. It's going to work that
we're going to encourage it. I've had a feeling-and I can't document this-that there
has been some reluctance in some quarters


of the government against privatization,
against the commercial aspects of this.
David Hannah, who was the founder, certainly one of the key honchos in that company, has risked a lot of capital. He's gone
out and done what he believed in. He had
one dramatic failure-and a lot of people
were giving him grief over that-and he
stayed with it. And he's had a successful
launch-he and Deke Slayton and othersand I applaud them.
My role will be to tell the bureaucracy,
NASA, that we want to encourage the privatization. NASA has a role that's a government role, and it'll continue to be a government role. But when you have enterprise
like this, I think it is nothing but good for
the United States. And we need alternate
ways to put things into space, and this is
good.
Q. Can I just follow that up, Mr. President?
The President. Yes.
Q. Are you saying then, that at some time
private enterprise will take over NASA's
role of the R&D?
The President. No.
Q. Do you see that coming?
The President. No. No, I don't. But I see
NASA making room for a significant private
role in terms of putting things into space.
And I don't sense, at the highest levels of
NASA, a total resistance to this. But I've
had a feeling that some involved in the
process, not just in NASA but along the
way, have not been pushing the concept of
privatization-not being as cooperative as
we might. So, I see NASA's role continuing
in R&D. And I see it continuing in its shuttle business, space station business. I hope
to see come to fruition, but I just think that
we need to support and applaud those who,
in the private sector, have big dreams like
David Hannah has had.
Aid to the Contras
Q. Mr. President, you have come under
criticism in some conservative circles due to
your policy toward the Nicaraguan contras.
The fact that apparently you have no plans
to request military aid for the contras-is
that a tacit admission on your part that the
Reagan administration policy, which you


342




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 31


had a part in for 8 years-of asking for military aid for the contras-was a failure in
forcing out the Sandinista government or
making it make reforms in Nicaragua?
The President. No, I think the Reagan
policy brought the Sandinistas to the table.
And I think, had there been no pressure,
the Sandinistas would have gone about their
merry revolutionary ways without keeping
their commitment to the Organization of
American States, a commitment for free
press, for freedom of worship-democratization, if you will. So, I think now we arethe problem we had is you go to recommend aid and you have a different foreign
policy set on Capitol Hill. Now we're
saying-and my own view is there was no
way, not a snowball's chance in hell, of getting a dime for lethal aid-military aidfrom Congress. And I think anybody that's
familiar with Congress would acknowledge
that.
So, what we've done is get together with
the Congress-with strong conservative
support, I might say. I'm not suggesting
your question is wrong, because I hear
some voices out there hitting us. But it's not
bad; the policy has been well received. And
we're speaking with one voice, and we are
going to push for democratization. And by
getting humanitarian aid that goes through
this election, I am hopeful that the Nicaraguans will go forward and do that which
they give rhetorical support for, but that
which they've failed to implement, and that
means democracy-free, certifiable elections.
And you hear some criticism of Salvador
and what's taken place down there recently. You don't hear it from me because I
want to give Cristiani a chance. Those elections were certifiably free-Democrats and
Republicans on our commission going down
there and saying that. So, we will treat the
Salvadoran winner on his word: that he
wants to continue the democracy; that we
salute Duarte for moving forward; that he
stands against the extremes. And I think
he's got some big problems with these
Marxist-backed guerrillas coming at him.
But we're going to support that, just as
we're going to support the Central American Presidents as they now, hopefully, push
Ortega to do what Ortega should have done


long before now.
Foreign Trade
Q. Secretary Yeutter and Ambassador
Hills, Mr. President, go to Geneva next
week for very important trade negotiations
that I've been told will determine the shape
of the U.S. foreign policy in the next decade
and how the world reads it. What are your
expectations from that meeting? Are you
optimistic?
The President. Well, it's hard to say. So
far, I've been pleased with what came out
of Canada, for example. I had a talk with
both Clayton Yeutter and Carla Hills two
days ago. I would say that Carla expressed a
certain optimism about moving forward
with the agenda, and that would include
agriculture. But I'd just say I'm reserved on
it. I'm reserved on how that's going to
come out. But I think it is very, very important, if you believe as I do in free trade. I
also think we need to get the emphasis on
fair trade. And so I'm hopeful that they can
make more progress. But I think they think
there will be progress, if I had to give you
the judgment of both the Secretary of Agriculture and the USTR.
Q. Did you give them any advice that
you could share with us?
The President. No. I just said I hope
they're right, and they're both professionals.
They know my view on opening up agricultural markets. They know my view on fair
trade. They know my abhorrence to more
protectionist measures, but they also know
that I support selective shots. I supported
the wheat flour shot that was fired several
years ago. And where the United States is
being unfairly treated, I think we have
every right to fire a selective shot, but I
don't want to see us unleash the hordes of
protectionist legislation. It gets back to the
textile question: I'm not supporting legislation. Fortunately, that industry is doing
fairly well right now.
District of Columbia War on Drugs
Q. Can you be more specific about your
intentions in dealing here in Washington
with drugs and drug-related crime?
The President. Well, I'd have to defer to
Bill Bennett in more specificity. But it's


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Mar. 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


going to be across the board where we can
help: education, law enforcement, prisonmaybe expansion of prisons and prosecutors
and judges, if we can help on that area. I'd
say those are some broad fields, but I really
would have to, on a 5-point program, defer
to Bill Bennett on that.
Tritium Production
Q. The Department of Defense has expressed concern over tritium supply to fuel
nuclear weapons and such.
The President. What was that?
Q. The tritium supply to fuel nuclear
weapons.
The President. Yes, sir.
Q. Do you plan to have the Savannah
River Plant be started this year, and what
is
The President. I'm waiting to hear from
Secretary [of Energy] Watkins on that, but I
do share the concern about it. I am one
who believes that it is important that we
not-in this era where some are proclaiming no need, almost, to keep our guard upthat we not succumb to that and that we
recognize we have got to have a tritium
production capability. But I can't give you a
time frame yet or anything of that nature.
Illinois Foreign Trade
Q. Mr. Bush, thank you for calling on me.
I have a regional question to ask you. Governor Thompson [of Illinois] is in Moscow to
establish a trade bureau with the Soviets
there. I'd like to know if he went with your
blessing, and do you encourage similar initiatives on the parts of other States? And
why didn't the Republican Party support
Ed Vrdolyak in the Chicago mayoral race?
The President. Very good questionssomewhat unrelated, but let me try to help.
[Laughter] I have absolutely nothing but
admiration for those Governors that try to
expand trade between their States, thus the
country, and other countries. We have certain laws governing them and Jim Thompson is very familiar with them. I must confess that I personally did not bless this mission because I wasn't familiar with it. He's
done other such missions that he's done on
his own, as a Governor of a State should do.
So that would handle the Thompson one.
The other one was on Ed Vrdolyak?


Chicago Mayoral Race
Q. Fast Eddie.
The President. Fast Eddie?
Q.    support of the Republican National Party as Rich Daley with-be a-Democrats. So, we were wondering why didn't
the committee support himThe President. Well, I don't know. We'd
have to refer that to Lee Atwater. If you
want to know whether I'd support the Republican nominee, I do-Ed Vrdolyak
amongst the nominees. And he supported
me, and I don't forget those things. If the
question is, how much in the way of assets
or stuff, I really would have to refer you to
the National Committee.
Federal Aid to Cities
Q. Mr. President, I've just come from
Philadelphia, where the mayor last night
unveiled the most austere budget they've
seen in decades, and he's planning on eliminating city services that have been long
protected. And the feeling is that much of
the problem is the elimination of revenue
sharing and other forms of Federal aid, that
cities are being abandoned by Washington.
What hope can you offer the mayor of
Philadelphia and the citizens there that
Washington will begin to help them with
some of the social problems they're trying
to deal with?
The President. Well, first, I'd tell there
isn't any revenue to share, and say it respectfully, but make sure he understands
that. And the best hope that we can do for
Mayor Goode or for anybody else, is to get
our Federal deficit down, because that's
going to have a major impact on interest
rates in this country. So we've got to get an
agreement. And I would ask people who
are pressed for funds and certainly a majority of a major urban area would fit that description-not just Philadelphia, a lot of
cities-but you say what can we do? What
we can do is get the Federal budget deficit
solved and get the deficit going downward
in accordance with Gramm-Rudman-Hollings.
And that is the best thing to do because if
we do that we keep the economic growth
going-the longest in a long, long time in
American history. That means job cre

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Mar. 31


ation-the new job creation reached, I
think it was 20 million jobs, in the last announcement that I have seen. Interest rates
have been creeping up, and this worries
me. We've got to always be on guard
against inflation, but I don't want to see an
interest crunch slow down this economy.
And that means then that we are going to
have to do the best we can on the spending
side. And we are going to have $80 billion
more revenue to the Federal Government
this year than last-under existing law, no
change in law-$80 billion more coming in.
Now some programs have claim on that,
many in the entitlements area, I will concede that. But we've got to take that money
and use some of it to meet our obligations
to get this deficit under control. And that is
the best thing-that is the priority thing
that the Federal Government can do for
any city. And there are a lot of programs
that are still amply funded or well funded,
and we're going to try to continue as many
of those as possible.
Medicare
Q. Mr. President, you promised a kinder,
gentler nation, yet your budget calls for a
$5 billion cut to Medicare beyond the current law. How can that help but not adversely affect beneficiaries?
The President. Well, what we want to do
is take it out of the side on terms of efficiency, of delivering services, and that's
what the proposals that we have sent up to
the Congress and that Dick Darman is discussing with the various committees-that's
the emphasis that our recommendations
take. And I hope they'll be implemented.
There will probably be some give-and-take
on that recommendation, I think.
Q. Won't there be adverse effects,
though, to beneficiaries with such a deep
cut?
The President. Well, as I'm saying, it
needn't be. It depends what's worked out
with the Congress. Our proposal took it out
mainly on the side of services, so we're not
talking about drastic cuts of monies to families.
Last one. Once, twice, then I'll go peacefully.


Former Presidents
Q. Your resident scholar, Dr. Porter, gave
us a brief history lesson this morning on the
Presidency. And he recalled a conversation
he had with you about the great Presidents
of the past, and why we don't have great
leaders today-talking about Jefferson and
Monroe and Madison. Who are your two
favorite great Presidents?
The President. First, I'd make a point that
everybody looks better over time. [Laughter]
Q. But who are your two?
The President. Herbert Hoover looks
better today than he did 40 years ago,
doesn't he?
Q. No.
The   President.  People  remember[laughter]-not to you, but to a lot of
people, they do. They remember the compassionate side of the man. You couldn't
even talk about that 30 or 40 years ago.
Q. Is he your model?
The President. No he's not. [Laughter]
But I was trying to make the point that
time is generous to people. I remember the
hue and cry around Harry Truman from
guys like me and Republicans. Now we're
all kind of moderated and think the good
things and leave out some of the contentious matters.
So history is basically kind to American
Presidents. A model, I think-I was talking
to some people the other day about itwould be Teddy Roosevelt. He comes out of
the same elitist background that I do.
[Laughter] And he had the same commitment to the environment I did, although
the rules on hunting have changed dramatically since he used to shoot with no limits
out there in South Dakota, or North
Dakota.
But he was a man of some action; he was
a person that understood government,
didn't mind getting his hands dirty in government. I remember part of his life being
on the Police Board in New York City. Ask
Gabe Pressman about that. Probably
combat pay was required in those days. So,
he was an activist.
I have great respect for Eisenhower. I'm
not trying to compare myself to any of
these people, but in Eisenhower's case, he


345




Mar. 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


was a hero. He was a man that, I'm old
enough to remember, was our hero. He led
the Allied Forces, and helped free the
world from imperialism and nazism. And he
brought to the Presidency a certain stability. Others may have had more flair, and he
presided, I will concede to you-and I take
it you're a student of history-in fairly tranquil times, but he did it. He was a fairminded person, strong leader, and had the
respect of people. And I think he was given
credit for being a compassionate individual.
So, those are two who I would throw out
there. And you can't live in this house and
do as I do: have my office upstairs, next
door to the Lincoln Bedroom in which resides one of the signed, handwritten copies
of the freedom doctrine that will live forever-Emancipation   Proclamation-right
there in our house. So I think all of us-I
think almost all Americans put Lincoln on
that list some place.
Q. Any Democrats in your pantheon, sir?
The President. Well, there could well be.
Sure.
Q. One?
The President. Well, I respect certain
things about Harry Truman. He liked to go
for walks. [Laughter] But he was toughsaid what he thought and had respect from
people. Won them over, did it his way, and
I respect him being a fighter. They had him
written off in '48. I bet 10 bucks against
him and on Tom Dewey. And I lost. So did
a lot of other people who thought that the
polls were going to be correct. So I respect
a guy that fights back, and Truman did that.
So there's-and you can walk down-I
had a lot of differences with Lyndon Johnson, but there are certain things about him
that were good. And he was certainly a
very gracious freshman Congressman in
those days to Barbara and me. So, we had a
little insight that came from a personal
knowledge of the man. And he got all
caught up in Vietnam, but people forget
that-for his legislative agenda-he got
through what President Kennedy couldn't
get through. We ought to give a little credit
for somebody that can do that. He controlled both Houses of the Legislature,
which is slightly different than the 41st
President is facing.
But it's interesting, because when you


live in the house here, you think about the
question that you just asked. And again, I'm
no student of history. You can't live here
without becoming more of a student of history, but you learn the redeeming features.
You begin to pick up the redeeming features of those that maybe you hadn't had
down as a hero, or hadn't even thought
much about in the history of this country.
So I don't think that-I would argue with
your premise. I could just go on forever
here-[laughter]-but I would argue with
what I thought was the premise that great
leaders were all back there somewhere. I'm
not sure of that.
Let me just end on one that-I learned a
lot from Ronald Reagan. And one thing I
was telling these guys at lunch here: One
thing I learned from him is, I never once in
8 years, no matter how difficult the problem, heard him appeal to me or to others
around him for understanding about the
toughest, loneliest job in the world-how
can anybody be asked to bear the burden
singlehandedly? Never-and when Reagan
left office, you never heard the Presidency
is too big for one man-never heard it.
Back in 1980, people like Lloyd Cutler,
for whom I have great respect, were saying,
look, this is so complex today that maybe
we need a parliamentary system. He wasn't
proposing it; he was saying it ought to be
looked at. Reagan came in, stood on certain
principles, stayed with them, and never
asked for sympathy or never asked for understanding of the great overwhelming
burden of the Presidency, and left with 61
percent of the people saying, "Hey, wait a
minute! He did a good job." Good lesson
right here in modern history.
Last one.
Federal Drought Relief
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. In the State
of Kansas, about a third of the wheat crop
has already been destroyed by drought, and
there were indications that the rest may be
in jeopardy. Given the current budget
problems, what's realistic for those farmers
to expect in the way of disaster aid?
The President. I can't give you any numbers on it. Current law addresses itself to
disaster aid, and we can fulfill our obliga

346




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 3


tions there. But I really am not up to speed
enough to tell you exactly what I can propose on that, or what will be proposed in
terms of disaster aid.
Q. Are you aware Senator Dole and Senator Kassebaum are trying to get someThe President. Well, they're talking to our
Secretary of Agriculture right now in terms
of trying to come up-but I just can't tell
you what the administration is going to
come up with on it.
Fairness Doctrine
Q. Are you going to sign the fairness doctrine-passed by Congress-expect to veto?


The President. I never talk about what
I'm going to sign until I know exactly
what's in it-read the fine print. Or better
still, given the size of some of this stuff that
comes around, have somebody else read the
fine print that you have confidence in.
Thank you all. Listen, I've got to run.
Thank you all very, very much. Hope
you've enjoyed your stay.
Note: The President spoke at 12:45 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House. Roger
Porter was Assistant to the President for
Economic and Domestic Policy.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on President Bush's
Meeting With President Carlos Andres Perez of Venezuela
April 1, 1989


President Bush this morning had breakfast in the Residence with Venezuelan
President Carlos Andres Perez. The breakfast and meeting focused on the Venezuelan debt situation. President Perez described the economic reforms being undertaken in Venezuela. President Bush encouraged President Perez to continue those reforms. The two leaders also discussed the
situation in Central America and the new
United States bipartisan agreement. President Bush emphasized keeping diplomatic
pressure on the Sandinistas, and he asked
for Venezuelan support in that effort.
The breakfast and meeting began at 8
a.m. and lasted approximately 90 minutes.
Participating on the U.S. side were the


President; Vice President Quayle; Secretary
of State James Baker; Secretary of the
Treasury Nicholas Brady; Chief of Staff John
Sununu; National Security Adviser Brent
Scowcroft; Bernard Aronson, Assistant Secretary of State-designate for Latin American
and Caribbean Affairs; and Robert Pastorino
from the National Security Council staff.
Participating from the Venezuelan side
were President Perez, Foreign Minister Enrique Tejera-Paris, Minister of Planning
Miguel Rodriguez, Chief of Staff Reinaldo
Figueredo, Ambassador to the United States
Valentin Hernandez, and Ambassador-designate to the United States Simon Alberto
Consalvi.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the President's Meeting
With the Families of the Victims of Pan American Flight 103
April 3, 1989
President Bush met this morning for ap-  to the families of the victims of this tragic
proximately 1 hour and 5 minutes with rep-  incident. President Bush said he had read
resentatives of the families of victims of Pan  some of the letters from families and was
Am Flight 103. President Bush expressed  generally aware of their concerns.
his sorrow and deep concern with respect   The following representatives attended:


347




Apr. 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Burt Ammerman, Joe Horgan, Paul Hudson,
Wendy Geibler, and Vicki Cummock. The
group discussed their concern for airport
security and various efforts that might be
taken to improve it. They had discussed
these matters with Secretary of Transportation Samuel Skinner. Secretary Skinner will
address many of these concerns, along with
other announcements on airport security, at
a press conference later today. The group
also discussed the Government's liaison with
them in the aftermath of the incident.


President Bush asked Secretary Skinner
to remain in contact with the group and to
keep them advised of security issues of concern to them. The meeting was sensitive,
solemn, and productive. The families appreciated the President's sincerity and the opportunity to discuss the issue with him. Also
attending the meeting were Secretary Skinner, Governor Sununu [Chief of Staff to the
President], and General Scowcroft [Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs].


Remarks Following Discussions With President Mohammed Hosni
Mubarak of Egypt
April 3, 1989


President Bush. Well, it was a special
pleasure for me to welcome our good
friend, President Hosni Mubarak, to the
White House this morning. Our personal relationship goes back several years, from the
days we were both Vice Presidents, then
through my visit to Cairo in 1986, and then
our most recent meeting in Tokyo in February. I am glad for this early opportunity
to discuss with President Mubarak the vital
interest of my administration in moving the
peace process forward.
Egypt's pivotal role in the Middle East
and our strong bilateral partnership remain
key to achieving that goal. President Mubarak's visit is particularly timely. For over
15 years, Egypt has been our partner in the
peace process, and 10 years ago, Egypt and
Israel signed their historic treaty of peace.
Egypt's continued commitment to expanding that peace is a source of great encouragement for all of us who seek a comprehensive resolution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. The reemergence of Egypt as a respected leader of the Arab world attests to
President Mubarak's statesmanship and ability, as well as to Egypt's wisdom in pursuing
the path of peace. In our discussions, we
spent a considerable amount of time talking
about the Middle East peace process. We
share a sense of urgency to move toward a
comprehensive settlement through direct
negotiations.


Ten years of peace between Egypt and
Israel demonstrate that peace works, and it
can work for Israelis and Palestinians as
well. There's a need now for creativity, demonstrable commitment and the application of sound principles-creativity in order
to look again at old problems and then
devise imaginative ways of solving them;
commitment to face the challenges and
risks of making peace rather than throwing
up our hands and giving up; and adherence
to sound principles, like the United Nations
Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338. A
new atmosphere must be created where Israelis and Arabs feel each other's willingness to compromise so that both sides can
win. Violence can give way to dialog once
both sides understand that the dialog will
offer political gain. Egypt and the United
States share the goals of security for Israel,
the end of the occupation, and achievement
of Palestinian political rights. These are the
promises held out by a sustained commitment to a negotiated settlement, towards
which a properly structured international
conference could play a useful role at an
appropriate time.
We also had a chance to review some
important elements of our own bilateral relationship. They've been sealed at the highest levels, these special ties that we have
with Egypt. They're forged by the global
imperatives of peace, stability, and develop

348




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 3


ment in the region. They are strong and
flexible, reaffirmed by every administration,
and resilient to withstand turbulent times
for the region and for the world.
President Mubarak enjoys our full support
as he implements courageous reform measures to strengthen Egypt's economy for
future generations. And under the inspired
stewardship of President Mubarak, Egypt
has grown in stature and in strength, and
we in the United States welcome this development. We are proud of our partnership
with Egypt, and I look forward to working
closely with President Mubarak in carrying
out our common vision of peace, stability,
and development in the Middle East.
Mr. President.
President Mubarak. Once again, I meet
with my old friend, President Bush, in an
atmosphere of genuine friendship and
mutual understanding. I have known the
President for many years, and I have always
found him a man of honor and commitment. His vast experience and profound understanding of international problems have
been skillfully employed for the good of his
country and the cause of world peace.
Today we discussed a wide range of issues
of common concern. Naturally, we focused
on matters related to the bilateral relations
and the situation in the Middle East. I'm
happy to say that we concluded this round
of talks with a note of optimism and hope.
We are quite satisfied with the state of U.S.Egyptian cooperation. Our steadily increasing interaction between our two peoples
constitutes a cornerstone of the policy of
our two countries. We are equally determined to cement this friendship even further.
As President Bush said, our commitment
to the promotion of peace in the Middle
East is a paramount one that takes priority
over any other concern. To us, peace is not
only a cherished ideal but also a practical
necessity. We believe that the area stands at
an historic crossroads that is certain to
affect the future of many generations. It's
our sacred duty to exert maximum effort in
order to widen the scope of peace and
remove the remaining obstacles to a just
and a comprehensive settlement.
The past few months have witnessed several breakthroughs. The PLO [Palestine


Liberation Organization] has accepted unequivocally the requirements for peace. An
Arab consensus has emerged in favor of
peace and reconciliation. The United States
initiated a dialog with the PLO, thus enabling itself to communicate directly with all
parties to the conflict. A majority of the
Israeli people is shaping up in support of
peace. Worldly powers are adopting constructive policies designed to help the parties reach agreement. In short, the situation
is right for an active effort more than ever
before. The United States has contributed
greatly to the process of bringing about this
remarkable change. It remains highly qualified to play a pivotal role during the
months ahead.
We found ourselves in agreement on
most issues at stake. Together, we believe
that for any settlement to be durable it
should be a comprehensive one that addresses all aspects of the dispute, particularly the Palestinian problem. That settlement
should be achieved through direct negotiations between Israel and all Arab parties
within the framework of the international
peace conference. The basis of the negotiation is Security Council Resolutions 242 and
338: the principle of land for peace, security for all parties concerned, and the realization of the legitimate national rights of the
Palestinian people. We are both opposed to
the annexation of the occupied territories as
firmly as we stand against any irredentist
claims and vengeful acts. We reject the
policies that result in the continuation of
violence and escalation of tension.
I discussed with President Bush some
ideas designed to activate the peace process
and to facilitate starting the negotiations.
On the other hand, we expressed deep concern over recent developments in Lebanon
and agreed to double our efforts in order to
help the Lebanese people put an end to
their tragedy and resume their peaceful
mission.
Last, but not least, we discussed certain
African problems. And I was pleased to find
President Bush aware of the urgent need
for a concerted action on southern Africa
and the debt problem.
Again, I enjoyed the meeting with our
dear friend President Bush today, and I'm


349




Apr. 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


looking forward to pursuing with him our
friendly talks tomorrow. Thank you.
Note: President Bush spoke at 12:10 p.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House, fol

lowing a meeting with President Mubarak
in the Oval Office. After their remarks, the
two Presidents traveled to Baltimore, MD,
to attend the opening game of the baseball
season.


Nomination of Alan Charles Raul To Be General Counsel of the
Department of Agriculture
April 3, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Alan Charles Raul to be
General Counsel of the Department of Agriculture. He would succeed Christopher
Hicks.
Since 1988 Mr. Raul has been General
Counsel for the Office of Management and
Budget in Washington, DC. Prior to this he
was Associate Counsel to the President at
the White House, 1986-1988. He was an
associate with Debevoise & Plimpton in
New York City and Washington, DC, 1981 -

1986. He has also served as a law clerk to
the Honorable Malcolm R. Wilkey, U.S.
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, 1980-1981.
Mr. Raul graduated from Harvard College (A.B., 1975), Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government (M.P.A., 1977),
and Yale Law School (J.D., 1980). He was
born September 9, 1954, in the Bronx, NY.
Mr. Raul is married to Mary Tinsley Raul,
and they currently reside in Washington,
DC.


Remarks at a Ceremony Commemorating the 40th Anniversary of
the North Atlantic Treaty
April 4, 1989


Your Excellencies and fellow citizens, 40
years ago today, some of the most accomplished and farsighted statesmen of their or
any other generation-men such as Robert
Schuman and Lester Pearson, Paul-Henri
Spaak, Dean Acheson, Ernest Bevin-gathered here in Washington under the watchful eye of Harry Truman to take an historic
step. They signed a solemn declaration of
collective security, a treaty to safeguard the
peace and the prosperity of the community
of free nations. That treaty proved to be the
foundation of the most successful alliance in
modern history. And gathered here today
are many distinguished Americans who as
officials or Members of Congress or private
citizens have served the Atlantic community and the ideals that it embodies; and we
pay tribute to them.
The North Atlantic Treaty at its signing


symbolized a bold commitment to safeguard against new dangers the very freedoms for which we had fought so hard only
a few years earlier. Equally, it embodied
the shared values of our civilization, values
which have given form to many other historic political milestones of the postwar
period, from the U.N. Charter to the Helsinki process. And while planting firmly the
banner of freedom, the North Atlantic
Treaty, because of the strength it mobilized, became the basis of the longest
peace-matched by an unparalleled prosperity-that Europe has known. By any
standard, NATO has been a resounding success. Like any human institution, it is continually tested and challenged; but we've
held together.
And next month, I'll travel to Europe to


350




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 4


attend the NATO summit in Brussels, as
well as to visit allied leaders in Rome, Bonn,
and London. This will be an historic occasion not only for the anniversary it commemorates but also for the hopeful changes
it can mark, changes made possible by the
strength and solidarity of the Atlantic alliance.
Today in a changing world, our alliance
not only keeps the peace and freedom of
the Atlantic world, it has made possible the
common effort to build a more constructive
relationship with the East. Europe is entering a period of unprecedented change and
enormous hope. Without our moral and political unity over four decades, this would
never be happening.
Our values of freedom and democracy
turn out to be the most powerful political
Designation of Joseph E. DeSio as
National Labor Relations Board
April 4, 1989
The President today designated Joseph E.
DeSio to be Acting General Counsel of the
National Labor Relations Board. He would
succeed Rosemary Collyer.
Since 1972 Mr. DeSio has been Associate
General Counsel in the Division of Operations-Management of the National Labor
Relations Board in Washington, DC. He has
served in several capacities for the National
Labor Relations Board since 1955, including
Deputy Associate General Counsel in the
Division of Operations-Management; Assistant General Counsel of the Time and Performance Branch; serving in the Division of


force around the world today, most particularly in Europe. On this anniversary, I join
my fellow Americans and citizens of the 15
other allied countries in saluting what has
been accomplished. Equally, we salute a
bright future and recommit ourselves to the
shared vision of a Europe undivided in
which security and peace are assured for all
the nations of the continent on the basis of
freedom, true democracy, human rights,
and the rule of law, fulfilling the dream and
vision of 40 years ago.
And now I would like to invite the NATO
Ambassadors to come forward for a group
photo, and then I hope we'll all have a
chance to say hello. Please?
Note: The President spoke at 11:04 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House.
Acting General Counsel of the


Law, the Appeals Branch, and as a field
attorney in the Kansas City Regional Office.
In 1979 Mr. DeSio became a charter
member of the Senior Executive Service.
He is a recipient of the President's Meritorious Rank Award for Senior Executives.
Mr. DeSio graduated from Fordham University (A.B.), Fordham University Law
School (LL.B., 1947), and New York University Law School (LL.M., 1955). He was born
October 11, 1916, in Geneva, NY. He has
four children and currently resides in
Springfield, VA.


Remarks at a White House Briefing for Members of the American
Business Conference
April 4, 1989


The President. Welcome. Thank you for
the welcome, and welcome to all of you.
Roger Porter told me he'd had a chance to
visit with you all, and I'm just delighted to


be with you again. I think I've met three
times with this group over the last 8 years.
As far as I'm concerned, at least, every
meeting has been, for me, helpful, either


351




Apr. 4 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


from garnering what's on your mind from
the question or, in one or two more kinder
and gentler meetings, we had a chance to
visit around a little bit.
But among the friends-I think many
friends-that I have in this organization, I
want to single out your former Vice Chairman, now the Secretary of Commerce, Bob
Mosbacher. And like everyone in this room,
he knows what it means to take risks, start a
business, make it grow, and keep competitive. And I am just delighted that he is here
in Washington with us, giving up his private
enterprise, for a while at least, to be Secretary of Commerce. He's on the cutting edge
of our national effort to build a better
America. And for those of you who were
with him in this organization-that's most
in the room-he's really doing a superb job.
To be sitting in this room today, you've
had to keep your earnings at three times
the growth of the economy, I'm told-three
times the growth of the economy plus inflation-a tremendous goal. I hope that last
category will not make it more difficult for
you to achieve-[laughter]-but we can talk
about that later on. But now we're relying
on Mosbacher to make that happen not just
for ABC but for every business in America.
And so, in a time where the United States
creates positions of czar-something that escapes me as to why we turn to that nomenclature to solve our problems-we have a
drug czar-we will anoint Bob Mosbacher
as the business czar, and then the rest of us
can all pursue our favorite pastimes. Mine is
fishing, and you guys can speak for yourselves. [Laughter]
I don't know-Mike, have you talked to
this distinguished group yet?
Dr. Boskin. Tomorrow morning.
The President. Tomorrow morning. I see
Dr. Michael Boskin [Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers] here, and I am
very proud to have him on our team. He
and I have a very direct relationship, a personal relationship. And he calls them as he
sees them, as the umpires over in Baltimore
said yesterday. And he's very knowledgeable on how the private sector works. So, he
combines that knowledge and the gut instincts that come from that with his enormously good credentials in academia. And
so, I think here in this CEA, with him head

ing it, we have a sensible approach to economics. And I can just tell you that I already have valued the advice and experience we're getting from him. And I'm glad
that tomorrow you can have a give-andtake.
Now, you run these high-growth businesses that do represent the most dynamic entrepreneurial segment of our economy. And
we know better than to try to fix that
which is not broken. So, this afternoon, let
me just mention a couple of areas: the economics of enterprise and then the need for
education reform.
You know the same lessons that I learned
as a businessman. You've got to have capital
to grow. And what you don't need, in my
view, is higher taxes on the earnings or
higher taxes on the workers or higher taxes
on those who invest money in the businesses. And right now the Government is
making too big a claim on America's capital
to cover our deficit. And that capital should
be invested in American businesses. And
the best way to channel more capital into
productive investment is not through
higher taxes.
And we're going through a real struggle
right now: trying to have enacted a budget
which I sent to the Hill a while back that
did hold the line on taxes. And it's tough;
it's a difficult negotiation. But I can tell you,
I have been pleased with the way the
budget document was received by the Congress. Nobody jumped up and seconded the
motion and agreed that it ought to be
passed exactly as it was presented by me
and then by Dick Darman. But the response has been good. And I think that signifies that the Congress, as well as the executive branch, are listening to the American
people-people saying we've got to do
something about the deficit.
So, the answer: spending restraint. And
again, I would readily tell you that it's very,
very difficult. The working paper that you
released last month was another reminder
that the deficit ought to be brought under
control. Accountability in government demands that we put an end to the spending
spiral.
You know, when George Kaufman, that
famous wit from the Algonquin Round


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 4


Table, was at a party, he heard a self-made
millionaire boasting to a circle of people, "I
wish I was born into the world without a
single penny." And Kaufman answered,
"Oh really? When I was born, I owed $12."
[Laughter]
Well, we don't have to let the deficit play
a cruel joke on future generations. Next
year alone, fiscal year 1990-and most of
you are familiar with this figure-but Federal revenues will rise by more than $80
billion with no tax increase-$80 billion
more coming into the Government just
under the existing tax structure. And so,
what we're going to do is meet or beat the
Gramm-Rudman targets.
Our budget consultations with Congress
so far have been going well. We're determined to work with the Congress, as I said,
and we're going to continue to approach
the matter in one of cooperation. There will
be some tough, you know, dividing points
along the way. But I think Dick Darman
[Director of the Office of Management and
Budget] would tell you that so far we've
been pleased.
To spur greater investment, there is one
area where we need to bring taxation
down-and I remain convinced that'll mean
more revenues to the Federal Government-and this is our proposal to bring
down the rate on capital gains. We've got to
get it more in line with our trading partners. In the budget we've proposed, we
want to restore the differential to 15 percent on long-held assets.
And I think many of you know, as you
built your businesses, that you could not
walk up to a bank and automatically get
startup costs. You can't do that-or at least,
you couldn't when I started a small business. Most of you probably raise capital by
offering people a share of the business, a
stake in the outcome.
And cutting the capital gains rate means
more of that can happen. It'll give businesses much more of the capital they need to
grow, and it'll bring in $4.8 billion-this is
the estimate now, with no arm-twisting, I
might add, of the Treasury-this is their
estimate-that'll bring in $4.8 billion more
in tax revenues in 1990. It will in the process-and this is preaching to the choircreate new jobs. And that is no tax break


for the rich. That's a fair shake for every
American. And they all come after me,
saying this is a tax break for the rich. And
I'm going back saying, Steiger amendment,
19-what was it, '78-worked just the opposite: it brought in more revenues to the
Federal Government and created more
jobs.
We want to build on the energy and the
initiative of American business without burdensome mandates that only enforce solutions of uniform mediocrity. Now, we don't
want to limit the flexibility of managers and
workers, who are trying to find their own
best solutions. Many are already succeeding,
as you know.
The Chamber of Commerce estimates
suggest that workers are receiving more
fringe benefits than ever before. Total benefits in 1987 were up 163 percent in a
decade. And it is the market, in our
system-it is the market, not government,
that is responsible for most of this growth.
Nearly 70 percent of growth in benefits is
due to voluntary action by employers, only
30 percent mandated government requirements. And I want to keep it that way. Our
friends in Europe have tried mandated benefits, and they haven't had much success.
And I've talked to the political leaders, and
I'm sure you've talked to many of the business leaders. And I expect almost to a
person, man or woman in business, they
agree with that. They're now looking for
ways over there to free up enterprise
American-style and make it more flexible,
not less. And for us to go toward mandated
benefits would be, as Yogi Berra put it,
"Like deja vu all over again." [Laughter]
America is going to be more competitive
if we continue to resist the temptation to
heap burdensome mandates on the productive private sector. And so, they go after me
for an unwillingness to support a wide
menu of mandated benefits. But I don't
think there is anything kinder and gentler
about rendering businesses noncompetitive
in world markets, because that will mean
fewer jobs. And that is the worst thing that
we need in economic times such as these.
A hallmark of this administration, I hope,
will be our focus on the future: the importance we attach to making the right kinds


353




Apr. 4 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


of investment. There can be no investment
more urgent than education. And in this, all
of us have a stake. So, a word about that.
As labor markets continue to get tighter
in the coming years, many of you are going
to be facing shortages of skilled people.
Some managers are already worried about a
scarcity of science and engineering graduates. And you've all read the surveys that
show many foreign students outperforming
our own. Although our best students can
compete with anyone in the world, the
challenge we face is to adapt our educational system so that all of our students receive
the skills they need to share in that prosperity.
My administration has made, rhetorically,
and now wants to make in terms of action,
education a national priority. Our program
is based on four principles: rewards excellence; helps those most in need; demands
accountability; and supports greater flexibility in parental choice. And tomorrow, we're
going to send to the Congress our education
package. We want to reward merit schools
that make progress in terms of raising student achievement and reducing drug use
and dropout rates. We're promoting parental choice and educational quality through
these magnet schools of excellence that
some of you are familiar with in your own
communities. We want to provide alternative certification of teachers and principals
to broaden the pool of talent that's available, President's awards to outstanding
teachers, urban emergency grants to provide comprehensive help in fighting drugs
for school districts that are literally under
siege today, and then a National Science
Scholars program for high school seniors,
and additional endowment matching grants
for these historically black colleges and universities which do occupy-I believe we
would all agree-a unique and vital position
in American higher education.
We're committed to a program of reform
that will give our young people a solid foundation for the future. But to make lasting
improvements, we need to get all of the
players-administrators, school boards, local
business leaders, parents, teachers' unionsaround the table working together, and this
will demand accountability from all of us.
It's going to require the best kind of collec

tive effort from all directions, but it holds
the promise of real progress.
Many of you have been prime movers,
spending a remarkable amount of your own
time making good on that promise. More
than a third of you serve on local school
boards, public or private, on the board of a
local college or a university. We talk about
funds at the Federal level. The Federal
Government puts up 7 percent of the total
tab for educational funding, and the total-I
just came from lunch with Larry Cavazos,
our Secretary of Education-I believe the
figure he used, the amount that's being
spent on education today, is something like
$330 billion.
So, it isn't necessarily a shortage of funds,
and that's what some of these ideas that I'm
talking about here take into consideration.
Several of you have established a program
with a local community college or you've
adopted a school or taught part-time or promoted science education across a school district. And that is the kind of involvement
that, while it isn't always easy, leads to the
kind of educational reform that lasts. And it
places you among the Thousand Points of
Light that I talk about that do spread hope
and opportunity. We're not going to whip
the educational problem in this country by
everybody running over to the Department
of Education. It is a Thousand Points of
Light. It is parents that care and school
boards and PTA's and good administrators
and teachers at the local level.
And so, I would simply encourage you to
continue an active role in your communities. There isn't a better answer. By investing your time and talents towards the education of our young, you're helping to bring
about something vital: a fundamental cultural shift that reasserts the value of learning in this country. You're breathing new
life into an idea that's always been a testament to the American spirit: that doing
well demands doing good. So, nothing I
might tell you would say it better than your
own mission statement, which says ABC executives "believe their own business success
carries with it a responsibility to help
expand economic opportunity throughout
the economy." As leaders not only in business but all across the board in every sector


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 4


of our society, you know that the national
interest requires us to invest in the future.
Education is the best investment we can
make if we really want to build a better
America. And I want to do my part in all of
that.
Thank you all for coming, and I'd be glad
to take a few questions. Who is first?
Baltimore Orioles Opening Game
Q. Mr. President, Red Scott from southern California.
The President. Yes, sir?
Q. Was that pitch a curve or wasn't it,
yesterday?
The President. That pitch-you mean at
the Baltimore game? [Laughter] I got into
the locker room and warmed up with
Mickey Nettleton [Tettleton], the catcher.
Sixty-four-your old arm gradually got a
little looser. But it was high and outside.
But here's my problem. [Laughter] He
stepped in front of the plate before it could
break down across the inside. That's my
side of it, and I'm going to stick with it.
I'll tell you, there's a little Walter Mitty in
me, and I've always loved sports. Walk out
there, and you're always wondering about
getting booed when-any politician that
goes to a ballgame. I don't want to get diverted here, but Reggie asked a good question. So, last year, I go to the All Star Game
in Cincinnati-and we're in the middle of
the campaign-saying this is suicide, man,
what are you doing going out here? You
know you're going to get booed. So, right
there as I was about to walk out, I saw two
little leaguers-one 11-year-old kid, big, tall
guy, you know, and a little 8-year-old
blonde girl. And I said, "Who are these?"
And they said, "Well, these are the little
leaguers. They're going out first." So, I got
with them, and I said, "You guys nervous?"
[Laughter] And I said, "Well, why don't we
all walk out together?" [Laughter] There
wasn't a boo in the house-[laughter]-it
worked!
Okay. Sir?
Minimum and Training Wages
Q. Mr. President, do you believe the
training wage proposal will pass?
The President. For the first time, the
training wage-well, I refer to it also as a


differential-is getting strong support on
both sides of the aisle. The problem I face
as President is that I went up with a 6 -months training wage and a $4.25 minimum wage. And we've talked about it, Michael Boskin and I and Roger Porter and
others, and we wrestled with the economics
of it. And we figured this is the best offer.
And so, unlike the normal trading that goes
on here, we said, let's-and our Secretary of
Labor wanted us to do it this way, tooLiddy Dole, a very able woman-let's go
with our best shot, and let's make very
clear in the testimony that that is our best
shot. Now, what we saw in the Congress
was a pretty good bipartisan support for our
proposal-not enough to get it through, but
I've got to hold the line on the grounds of
economics, on the grounds of making
people understand that I was serious about
that being the best offer.
And so, I think that if I do what I've just
told you I will do, that there is a good
chance to get a differential with a reasonable increase on the minimum wage. But I
talked here about-I don't want to see a
proliferation of new mandated benefits.
This is a-you might say mandated, but I
think we've got to be very concerned about
the inflationary aspects. I think we have to
be concerned about the counter-job aspects
in some of these low-paying, labor-intensive
businesses, particularly in the service sector.
And I think our proposal would make a
necessary adjustment, but having the minimum wage would lessen the likelihood of
more unemployment. So, I hope it works. I
know we're going to have to go through
some kind of a disagreement with Congress,
because the House has passed a bill that
frankly is unacceptable to me. But at least
we told them the truth ahead of time: look,
we can't go with that.
Relations With Congress
Q. Mr. President, it's been suggested by
some of our meetings with Members of
Congress that a far greater use of the Presidential veto might be exercised, particularly
when spending plans are proposed that obviously are going to not meet either
Gramm-Rudman or your own targets. Like,
as I understand it, President Reagan only


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Apr. 4 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


vetoed 5 bills out of 170 in 8 years.
The President. I'm not sure that's correct-the numbers. I do know that-as a
member of the previous administration, a
proud member-that part of the problem
was the size of the bill that comes down
here. The one that comes to mind that he
did veto was the defense appropriations bill.
And there were all kinds of statements of
concern that that would unravel the military and all of that. And it didn't; the Congress went back and made an adjustment.
So, we do not control-my party-either
side of the Congress. And I think there will
be times when we have to say, look, this is
what I believe, and then rally our third to
defend the President's position, and then go
back.
I was using some rhetoric that was kinder
and gentler than veto when I described my
standing on the minimum wage just a
minute-but let the Congress not misunderstand my determination. And this one will
be one where we have said, this is what we
can do. And I, with respect, would recognize the position of other Members of Congress on it, but I've got to stay with this.
And I'm going to stay with it. And I hope
it'll send the kind of signal that will have an
ameliorating effect on other pieces of legislation.
I'll tell you, there is an ingredient out
there today that's quite different. There's a
recognition on the part of Members-both
sides of the aisle-that the deficit really has
to be brought down and that some of the
programs-we're going to have to constrain
the spending growth.
Now, I was in Congress 20 years ago, and
I really see a different mood on the Hill.
And the Secretary-again, the Secretary of
Education and I had lunch-we talked
about the propensity of Congress to add,
you know-if you're for education, you propose $1 billion; if you're really for education, make it $2 billion; you're for clean
water, where you propose $11 billion, make
it $12 billion. I mean, there's a tendency
now on both sides to recognize we cannot
go down that road. I will have to do some
of what you suggest, I know, because
they're not going to, obviously, want to do
it just exactly my way. But if we demonstrate a fairness, in some areas, a place for


compromise-but when there is no room
for compromise, be very frank about it, and
be up front about it. I hope that we can get
along together. But it's going to take doing
some of what you talked about here.
President's Agenda
Q. Mr. President, is there any chance that
your administration might lead the way towards a tax on consumerism rather than
taxes on savings, such as a value-added tax
or something of that type?
The President. Well, I don't want to even
discuss the tax on consumerism. There's a
wide array of suggestions been made, including a horrendously prolific value-added
tax, which kind of is painless at first, and
then you wake up and realize that you've
increased the cost of a lot of goods out
there. You have the suggestion that people
put a fuel tax on, or an import tax on oil
coming into this country. But I really don't
believe we should do that.
I have got to get this 1990 budget down
without increasing taxes. There's a lot at
stake. I think, in fairness, most Members of
Congress, whether they agree with me or
not, recognize that; and thus they'll understand my fighting for a budget that does not
include a consumer tax or a tax on investment-saving capital or anything else. If you
want to have a philosophical discussion, I
take your point, because I think it is important that if you presented me a hypothesis-you've got to do that, or you've got to
do that-and I would accept it and understand the political risk I'd be involved if I
showed any flexibility at all in even discussing it. [Laughter]
I would have to say that you make a very
valid point in your question, because as I
tried to indicate in my remarks, it's job creation-and that is subtraction of capitalthat is really the best antidote to poverty.
The best poverty program is a job in the
private sector, where a family can hold
their heads up with a certain dignity.
And so, I have got-and that's why when
these mandated benefits come down here
they have good titles on them, they have
things we're concerned about: parental
leave or child care, whatever it is. And I'm
sympathetic with many of the objectives.


356




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 4


But as I weigh them, I have a responsibility
to say what kind of an effect are they going
to have on this best antidote to poverty,
and that's a job. And so, we've got to resist
some of the call for these good things that
have good titles if they undermine the fundamental thing, which is our ability to
create jobs. So, I will keep trying, keep that
philosophy in mind, as we try to answer
these pressing social problems.
One word on child care,, and then I
promise to go peacefully, Bobbie [Bobbie G.
Kilberg, Deputy Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison]. [Laughter] But you
know, business and religious groups and
family groupings and communities have
started moving pretty actively into the
child-care business. And you have a different family structure now. You have many
two-parent workforce people there-husband and wife at work. And so, I recognize
this, and I recognize the demand for child
care. But as we formulated our policy, we
wanted to get something that would fit
within the budget, but we wanted to get
something that would not rule out the diverse answers that I mentioned in the beginning: crowd businesses out because they
had to turn to highly regulated, centralized
child-care centers. Say to a religious group,
you can't do this any more; that violates the
ABC child care act. Say to a cluster of parents in a neighborhood that alternate taking
care of the kids, you can't do any of that
because you're not subject to our regulation. And so, what I want to do on something-a mandated benefit of this nature, if
you will, is keep it as flexible as possible,
preserve parental choice, and recognize this
genius of diversity that is our American
way.
And it's not just child care; there's a
whole array of other mandated benefits that


are coming down the pike that we have to
address ourselves to. Some we just say, look,
we can't do it; we can't afford that. And
others we're going to have to say, well, we
can do a little here., but it's got to preserve
this diversity, and it's got to strengthen
family. I am tremendously concerned about
the erosion of the family unit in this day
and age. And when you look at some of the
troubles we have on dropouts or look at
some of the troubles we have in keeping
our kids out of the grips of these crack
pushers, you really have to go right back to
the fundamentals in terms of the family
unit.
And you know, people say, well, you're
privileged; you're blessed in that area. I am.
And so, I can't profess to know what it is
just from firsthand experience in the inner
city, when a family is divided and there's
only one parent. But whatever we do at the
government level has got to see that we
don't diminish family units and, frankly,
find a way to strengthen them. And that's
why this concept of parental choice, I think,
is absolutely essential, that it be woven into
everything we do, wherever possible.
Listen, thank you all very much. Didn't
mean to end with a sermon, but thanks a
lot for coming.
Note: The President spoke at 2:10 p.m. in
Room 450 of the Old Executive Office
Building. In his opening remarks, he referred to Roger B. Porter, Assistant to the
President for Economic and Domestic
Policy. The President also referred to the
Algonquin Round Table, an informal literary circle that met at the Algonquin Hotel
in New York City. Charles R. (Red) Scott,
president and chief executive officer of the
Intermark Corp. in La Jolla, CA, asked the
first question.


Nomination of Delos Cy Jamison To Be Director of the Bureau of
Land Management
April 4, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Delos Cy Jamison to be


Director of the Bureau of Land Management at the Department of the Interior. He


357




Apr. 4 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


would succeed Robert F. Burford.
Since 1985 Mr. Jamison has been a legislative adviser on the National Parks and
Public Lands Subcommittee for the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs for
the U.S. House of Representatives. Prior to
this he was district field director for Congressman Ron Marlenee from Montana. He
has been a House liaison for the Secretary
of the Interior, 1983-1984, and a Republican consultant on the Oversight and Inves

tigations Subcommittee for the Committee
on Interior and Insular Affairs for the U.S.
House of Representatives, 1981-1983. He
was a legislative affairs specialist for the
Montana State Office of the Bureau of Land
Management in Billings, MT, 1980-1981.
Mr. Jamison graduated from Eastern
Montana College (B.S., 1971). He was born
April 12, 1949, in Billings, MT, and currently resides in Washington, DC.


Nomination of Richard Schmalensee To Be a Member of the
Council of Economic Advisers
April 4, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard Schmalensee to
be a member of the Council of Economic
Advisers. He would succeed Thomas Gale
Moore.
Since 1967 Dr. Schmalensee has served in
various capacities at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, including Gordon Y.
Billard professor of economics and management, 1988 to present; professor, department of economics, 1986 to present; professor, school of management, 1979 to present;
associate professor, school of management,
1977-1979; assistant professor, school of


management, 1970; and an instructor,
school of management, 1967-1969. Prior to
this he was with the University of California
at San Diego as an associate professor, department of economics, 1974-1977, and assistant professor, department of economics,
1970-1974. He also served on the President's Council of Economic Advisers as a
junior economist, 1967.
Dr. Schmalensee graduated from the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology (S.B.,
1965; Ph.D., 1970). Dr. Schmalensee resides
in Brookline, MA.


Nomination of Thomas Michael Tolliver Niles To Be United States
Representative to the European Communities
April 4, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Thomas Michael Tolliver
Niles to be the Representative of the
United States of America to the European
Communities with the rank and status of
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. He would succeed Alfred Hugh
Kingon.
Since 1985 Ambassador Niles has been
the United States Ambassador to Canada.
Prior to this he was Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian


Affairs, 1981-1985. He was Director for
Central European Affairs, 1979-1981, and
served in the United Nations Office for
International Organizations at the Department of State, 1977-1979. From 1976 to
1977, Ambassador Niles was a student at
the National War College. He was director
of commercial affairs in Moscow, 1973 -1976; a political officer for the U.S. mission
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) in Brussels, 1971-1973; and an economic officer in Moscow, 1968-1971. He


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 4


also served at the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade,
Yugoslavia, 1963-1965.
Ambassador Niles graduated from Harvard University (B.A., 1960) and the Univer

sity of Kentucky (M.A., 1962). He was born
September 22, 1939, in Lexington, KY. He
is married, has two children, and resides in
Washington, DC.


Nomination of Melvyn Levitsky To Be an Assistant Secretary of
State
April 4, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Melvyn Levitsky to be Assistant Secretary of State for International
Narcotics Matters. He would succeed Ann
Barbara Wrobleski.
Since 1987 Ambassador Levitsky has been
Executive Secretary and Special Assistant to
the Secretary at the Department of State in
Washington, DC. Prior to this he was U.S.
Ambassador to Bulgaria, 1984-1987. He has
been Deputy Director for the Voice of
America, 1983-1984. Ambassador Levitsky
was Deputy Assistant Secretary for Human
Rights and Humanitarian Affairs at the Department of State, 1982-1983; Director of


the Office of U.N. Political Affairs, 1980 -1982; and Deputy Director, 1978-1980. He
was an officer-in-charge for bilateral relations in the Office of Soviet Union Affairs,
1975-1978, and a political officer in the U.S.
Embassy in Moscow, 1972-1975. He entered the Foreign Service in 1963 and has
served in Germany and Brazil. Ambassador
Levitsky also received the Presidential Meritorious Service Award in 1986.
Ambassador Levitsky graduated from the
University of Michigan (B.A., 1960) and the
State University of Iowa (M.A., 1963). He
was born March 19, 1938, in Sioux City, IA.
He is married and has three children.


Nomination of Catalina Vasquez Villalpando To Be Treasurer of the
United States
April 4, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Catalina Vasquez Villalpando to be Treasurer of the United States.
She would succeed Katherine D. Ortega.
Since 1985 Ms. Villalpando has been a
senior vice president and partner of Communications International, Inc., in Washington, DC. She is currently national chairman
for the Republican National Hispanic Assembly and has served in this capacity since
1987. Prior to this Ms. Villalpando served as


Special Assistant to the President for Public
Liaison at the White House, 1983-1985. She
was the voter groups coordinator for the
Republican Party of Texas, 1981-1983; Staff
Assistant in the White House Office of Presidential Personnel, 1980-1981; and vice
president of Mid-South Oil Co., 1979-1980.
Ms. Villalpando was born April 1, 1940, in
San Marcos, TX. She currently resides in
Washington, DC.


359




Apr. 4 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Toasts at a State Dinner Honoring
Mubarak of Egypt
April 4, 1989
President Bush. Ladies and gentlemen, it
is an honor to welcome the President and
First Lady of the Arab Republic of Egypt to
the United States. And it's a pleasure for me
to greet an old friend and colleague as one
of my first visitors to the White House and
to this, our first dinner in the State Dining
Room.
These last 2 days have been productive, a
time for seeking common ground in approaching the peace process, as well as a
good time to discuss the bilateral issues.
We've also shared some insights into each
other's cultures, including the most American of pastimes, baseball. [Laughter] And
my dear friend, President Mubarak, there's
a great philosopher in baseball, a great
baseball player named Yogi Berra. [Laughter] And Yogi Berra once said, "You can
observe a lot by just watching." [Laughter]
And, Mr. President, baseball is a game in
which coordinated effort, patience, and a
spirit of teamwork provide the winning
edge-in a phrase, the spirit of teamwork.
And you and I share a special bond. Both
of us have been tested as seconds-in-command. Both of us have assumed the Presidency at a time when we are challenged to
fulfill the promise of past diplomacy.
In fact, there have been favorable developments since your last visit to the United
States, just 15 months ago. In Afghanistan,
10 years of foreign occupation have been
swept away by a brave people. The ceasefire between Iran and Iraq is a first step
towards lasting peace. And we have recently seen an enhanced and well-deserved recognition of Egypt's leadership role in the
Arab world, a role that has been enhanced
by your perseverance and your commitment to peace. And as I said yesterday, we
must work to create a new atmosphere
where Palestinians and Israelis put aside violence in favor of words. A dialog for peace
is the best way to establish Israeli security
and give the Palestinians their legitimate
political rights.
Mr. President, just 1 week ago we ob

President Mohammed Hosni
served the 10th anniversary of Egypt's historic peace treaty with Israel. And our task
today is to extend that peace to all the nations in the Middle East. Such an undertaking will require great patience and immense trust. But I firmly believe that peace
will prevail if we continue to work with a
common purpose, in the spirit of teamwork.
The United States, I assure you, remains
willing to help in this important quest.
Mr. President and Mrs. Mubarak-your
beautiful Suzanne, I raise my glass in your
honor, proud of your friendship, thankful
for your leadership. And God bless you, and
God bless the peoples of America and
Egypt.
President Mubarak. Mr. President, Mrs.
Bush, dear friends, let me first express my
sincere appreciation for the warm and the
friendly reception which we received since
we came to your lovely capital, Washington.
My meeting yesterday with you, Mr.
President, has a special significance, for it is
a beginning of a new era in our friendship
and cooperation over the years. Over the
years, and in the different roles you assume,
Mr. President, you have been a great friend
of Egypt and an active participant in the
shaping of the Middle East future. Your
thoughtful gesture of inviting me to meet
with you here in Washington at this early
stage, after we had met only a few weeks
ago in Tokyo, did not go unnoticed. As we
met with you yesterday, and with your able
assistants, we look to the future with great
optimism. Your deep knowledge of the
region and your keen interest in promoting
peace assure us of a better and safer future
for the whole area.
The American people have chosen you as
the torchbearer at a unique and historical
junction. The whole world is yearning for
an easing of tensions. People in all four corners of the world are seeking a just resolution to disputes and termination of all wars.
They want to be better equipped to cope
with the awesome challenge they confront
today   and   tomorrow.   Issues  like


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 4


underdevelopment and environment require urgent remedies.
Your pledge to make this great land a
kinder and gentler nation will certainly
contribute to making the whole world a
kinder and gentler place for our children
and the generations to come. We appreciate your role and the role of the American
people as partners in peace and development in the area.
A few days ago, we celebrated, as you
mentioned, Mr. President, the 10th anniversary of the peace treaty which was
signed here in Washington. That event coincides with the successful conclusion of the
Taba dispute, with your help and assistance.
These events constitute a living testimony
to the validity of the premises that nations
can solve all their differences throughout
negotiations and other peaceful means. On
the other hand, they represent a tribute to
the American role as a peacemaker and
conciliator.
Over the last two decades, four distinguished Americans, namely former Presidents Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Jimmy
Carter, and Ronald Reagan-and their assistants played a pivotal role in order to
help the parties of the Middle East conflict
achieve peace. We are grateful to these
men and to every American for their genuine concern and moral commitment. Today
President Bush has already begun to put
the mark on the peace process, only a few
weeks after he had assumed office. We have
full faith in President Bush, his sense of
fairness and sound judgment. Your leadership, Mr. President, and your commitment
as an active partner in the peace process
reinforce hope in the heart of every Arab
and Israeli who yearn for peace. No one is
better equipped than yourself, Mr. President, to influence the course of events in
this troubled region.
Egypt is ready to work hand-in-hand with
you in the pursuit of that worthy goal. With
your knowledge and vision, we can develop
all our friendship to a higher plateau of
shared views and the common interests.
Above all, we share a vision of a Middle
East where all countries and people coexist


in harmony and cooperate as good neighbors, ushering in a new era in which the
enemies of yesterday become partners in
the pursuit of peace and prosperity.
Mr. President, our bilateral relations and
friendship have been growing over the
years, as we talked yesterday about the consolidation of our cooperation in all fields. I
am glad to state that our relations have
never been better and that our cooperation
is proceeding steadily and very smoothly.
We value your cooperation, especially at a
time when we are exerting great efforts in
order to achieve both economic reform and
growth. Our cooperation in various economic fields is essential for achieving our
goal of improving our economic performances and enhancing productivity.
In our discussions yesterday, Mr. President, as in our previous meetings in Washington, Cairo, and elsewhere, I have sensed
the depth of your sentiments towards the
friendship that binds our two countries. We
in Egypt share those feelings. We are both
nations that attach a great value to friendship and loyalty to our friends. Together,
we have an opportunity to make the Middle
East a much safer and more stable place, to
the benefit of all its people and that of the
entire world.
Let me, Mr. President, extend my invitation to you and to Mrs. Bush to visit Egypt
when you find it convenient and at a suitable time for you, Mr. President and Mrs.
Bush. We share with you a great vision of
the future for a better and safer world
which is within our grasp. We count on
your partnership and on your leadership to
sail together to that bright destination.
In conclusion, permit me to ask you,
ladies and gentlemen, to raise in tribute to
President and Mrs. Bush, who are leading
this great nation in a new era of hope and
dynamism, in tribute to all friends present
here, and in tribute to each American on
this land, and in tribute for the good friendship between the United States of America
and Egypt.
Note: President Bush spoke at 9:35 p.m. in
the State Dining Room at the White House.


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Apr. 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony for the National Teacher of
the Year Award
April 5, 1989


Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, Governor, distinguished Members of the Congress. Well, it is my pleasure to welcome so
many distinguished guests here to the
White House, to honor a teacher who epitomizes excellence in education.
What goes on in the schools is important
to me, and I like to get out of the office and
talk with the kids whenever the chance
presents itself. Last week I was over here in
James Madison High in Vienna, Virginia,
and had lunch in the cafeteria there. I
found the students interested and well informed, the teachers engaged and energetic, but the pizza-[laughter]-enough said!
But to the business at hand. The 1989
National Teacher of the Year has made the
journey to Washington from Bethel High
School in Hampton, Virginia, many times
before to give her social studies students a
firsthand look at how government really
works. But in a more important respect, the
journey for this year's winner, Mary Bicouvaris, began almost 30 years ago and 5,000
miles away. Mary, or Mrs. Bic, as her students call her-and I will, too-was born in
Greece, came to the United States as a college student, and then chose to stay. Ms.
Bic was inspiring good citizenship in her
students before she herself was an American citizen. And her secret is using the real
world as her classroom: getting her students
involved in programs like the model U.N.
and in political campaigns and bringing
people involved in politics in to speak to
her students.
And so, now I'd like to ask Barbara to
bring Mrs. Bic up here and present this
award. Congratulations!
[At this point, Mrs. Bush gave Mrs. Bicouvaris a crystal apple.]
And now let me just take this opportunity, with so many distinguished educators,
and Governors, Members of Congress
present, to lay out a plan for what we on
the Federal level can do to improve our
nation's schools.


Six years ago this month, this report that
all of us remember, "A Nation At Risk," was
first published, and America awakened to
the crying need for fundamental change in
our educational system. We're at a point
today where there's an emerging consensus
on education reform and an energy of purpose to take up the challenge. The stakes
could hardly be higher. Today's first graders
will be high school graduates in the year
2000, a generation on the threshold of a
new century. And so, we ask ourselves what
can we do today to build accountability into
our education system to make sure we don't
pass the problem kid who need extra help
up through the system, out of the schools
and then into the society without the skills
that they need? What can we do to make
sure our children stay in school, graduate,
and get that diploma instead of dropping
out and falling into a cycle of chronic joblessness?
I had lunch yesterday with Secretary Cavazos and talked about some of the problems in the severely disadvantaged areas
and some on reservations and others where
the dropout rates are simply intolerable.
What can we do to make sure America has
the additional 400,000 scientists-the National Science Foundation say that we're
going to need by the year 2000? What can
we do to guarantee that graduates in the
year 2000 have the skills and knowledge to
make this nation competitive in the global
marketplace? And all of these are good
questions. And then there's the one I often
hear when education is the issue and
budget constraints becloud everything on
the horizon. And the question is: Well, what
are you going to do about it? A fair question. We're going to take action to make
excellence in education not just a rallying
cry but a classroom reality. And we can
start by rewarding what works. We can
help those most in need. We can promote
choice and flexibility for parents and school
administrators. And we can raise expectations and hold ourselves accountable for the


362




results.
These four simple ideas-rewarding excellence, helping those in need, choice and
flexibility, and accountability-are at the
heart of the legislation that I'm sending to
the Congress today: Educational Excellence
Act of 1989. And I want to take a moment
to detail this seven-point plan.
First, merit schools-if our aim is excellence in education, we've got to single out
excellence and reward it, whether that
means raising test scores, lowering that
dropout rate, or making progress of another
kind. My merit school proposal will provide
cash awards to schools with a proven formula for success and serve as a powerful incentive to encourage other schools to follow
their lead.
Second, merit awards for our top teachers-I'm asking Congress to fund a President's Award for Excellence in Education,
to recognize first-rate teachers in every
State and reward them for a job well done.
Third, science scholarships for our best
high school seniors-these awards will go to
570 of the best young scientific minds, at
least one from every congressional district
across the country. National Science Scholars will receive up to $10,000 a year for 4
years, to be used at the schools of their
choice.
Encouraging excellence means more than
rewarding successful schools and teachers
and students. It means introducing into our
educational system elements of flexibility,
choice, and competition that will help promote quality education. And that's the idea
behind the next two initiatives: magnet
schools and alternative certification for
teachers.
Magnet schools are an important instrument of choice, a means of promoting
healthy competition to attract students and
create an incentive for educational innovation. My initiative calls for $100 million a
year for each of the next 4 years to help
with magnet school start-up or the expansion costs.
Alternative certification is a way to
expand the pool of talented teachers and
administrators. Not all people who can
teach are teachers by training. Whether
you're an acclaimed author like Alex Haley
or John Updike, who aren't certified to


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 5
teach the literature courses in which their
books are read, or a businessman from
Odessa, Texas, anxious to go into the classroom to share what you know, our schools
ought to offer that opportunity. And that's
why my education package includes $25
million to fund State efforts to encourage
more flexible certification systems for teachers and principals.
Above all, our children deserve a chance
to learn, especially the least advantaged
among us. And the final two initiatives,
then, are aimed at securing that change for
children in schools plagued by the drug
problem and for college-age minority youth.
Drug-free schools-now, this initiative involves funding urban emergency grants to
help our hardest hit school districts rid
themselves of drugs. The plain fact is kids
can't succeed in the classroom if there's
drug dealing in the corridors. Our aim must
be to get the drugs out, get back to basics,
and let students and teachers get down to
the business in an environment where
learning can take place.
And the last and not the least of initiatives is expanded Federal help to these historically black colleges and universities in
the form of matching grants to build the
endowments at these vital institutions, endowments that are lagging far behind many
other schools. Historically black schools
have served as an avenue of opportunity for
millions of young men and women, and
they do deserve Federal help.
Each of these seven initiatives are going
to make a difference. Let me just mention
quickly three more efforts: one, Head Start
program for disadvantaged preschool children; the tax-free college savings bond program to help our low- and middle-income
families cope with the costs of sending a
child to college; and the reauthorization of
the Carl D. Perkins Vocational Education
Act.
The budget I introduced a couple of
months ago calls for a $250 million increase
to expand Head Start so that more children
from disadvantaged backgrounds enter
school ready to learn. I'm pleased to say
that the House has moved very swiftly to
approve the increase. The college savings
bond plan that I called for over a year and


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Apr. 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


a half ago is already on the books, and that's
a tribute to the foresight of many of the
Members of Congress that are here today.
And the legislation we will soon propose for
voc-ed, for vocational education, will advance the principles of accountability and
flexibility and excellence. Good work was
done in the 100th Congress. The 101st can
build on that work and advance education
reform another step.
These education initiatives don't constitute a cure-all, a quick fix for whatever ails
our education system. Real reform, lasting
improvement, occurs one step at a time,
one student at a time.
And I don't have to tell you about the
current Federal budget situation. Money is
tight. And we wish that more funds were
available to spend on all levels of education.
I'm one who recognizes the Federal role
and, I think, got it properly in my mind
that the States and local governments and
private institutions across the country bear
the significant responsibility. But the Federal Government has a role. It's important
that we measure our success, though, not
simply by the resources that we put into
the effort but by the kind of students that
our schools turn out. For our schools, that's
the only test that counts.
I've said before that education is longterm planning at its best. And we'll see the
payoff from the work we do in schools
today years from now. But there are few
tasks that demand more urgent attention
than the education of our kids.


Let me share a story with you, a story
about two ways to look at the future, told
by the French. The master of a house was
planning his garden and told his gardener
to plant a certain kind of tree. And the
gardener objected. And he explained that
the tree was slow growing and would take
100 years to reach its full growth. It's the
master's response that I find interesting. "In
that case," he said, "there's no time to lose.
Plant it this afternoon." [Laughter]
And that's why I really do believe that's
the way we ought to look at education. As
the teachers here today know, the work you
do, the seeds you plant, bear fruit across a
lifetime. And there's no time to lose in
shaping the next generation and no better
time to begin than today. And so, we're
taking a step forward, and I ask all of you to
work with me to advance excellence in
education in every possible way.
Secretary Cavazos, why don't you, if you
would, sir, bring Senator Kassebaum and
Congressman Goodling and our distinguished Governors up here. And Mrs. Bic, if
you'll join us, too. And we will sign this, and
then I'll have a chance to say hello.
Note: The President spoke at 11:41 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Governors Thomas
H. Kean of New Jersey, Michael N. Castle of
Delaware, Rudy Perpich of Minnesota, and
Gerald L. Baliles of Virginia. At the close
of his remarks, the President signed the
message transmitting his legislative proposal to the Congress.


Message to the Congress Transmitting Proposed Legislation on
Educational Excellence
April 5, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I am pleased to transmit today for your
immediate consideration and enactment the
"Educational Excellence Act of 1989," a bill
to provide incentives to attain a better-educated America. I believe that greater educational achievement promotes sustained economic growth, enhances the Nation's com

petitive position in world markets, increases
productivity, and leads to higher incomes
for everyone. The Nation must invest in its
young people, giving them the knowledge,
skills, and values to live productive lives.
The "Educational Excellence Act of 1989"
would move us toward this goal.
The initiatives included in this bill


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 5


embody four principles central to my Administration's policies on education and essential for further education reform. These
principles are:
1) Recognition of excellence. Excellence
and achievement in education should be
recognized and rewarded.
2) Addressing need. Federal dollars
should be targeted to help those most in
need.
3) Flexibility and choice. Greater flexibility and choice in education-both for parents in selecting schools for their children
and local school systems' choice of teachers
and principals-are essential.
4) Accountability. I support educational
accountability, and toward this end, I am
committed to measuring and rewarding
progress toward quality education.
This legislation builds on the accomplishments of the last Congress, which enacted
into law the Augustus F. Hawkins-Robert T.
Stafford Elementary and Secondary School
Improvement Amendments of 1988. That
law took significant steps toward improving
elementary and secondary education by improving program accountability, reauthorizing the magnet school program and expanding parental choice, providing greater flexibility to local school districts in the implementation of bilingual education programs,
enhancing parental involvement in programs for disadvantaged children, and stimulating education innovation and reform.
My proposals have distinct differences from
current law, but complement in numerous
ways the important work of the 100th Congress in pursuing educational excellence.
The Educational Excellence Act of 1989
includes seven specific legislative initiatives
aimed at fulfilling these important principles:
(1) The Presidential Merit Schools program would reward public and private elementary and secondary schools that have
made substantial progress in raising students' educational achievement, creating a
safe and drug-free school environment, and
reducing the dropout rate. This program
would provide a powerful incentive for all
schools to improve their educational performance.


(2) A new Magnet Schools of Excellence
program would support the establishment,
expansion, or enhancement of magnet
schools, without regard to the presence of
desegregation plans in applicant districts.
Magnet schools have been highly successful
at increasing parental choice and improving
educational quality.
(3) The Alternative Certification of
Teachers and Principals program would
assist States interested in broadening the
pool of talent from which to recruit teachers and principals. Funds would assist States
to develop and implement, or expand and
improve, flexible certification systems, so
that talented professionals who have demonstrated their subject area competence or
leadership qualities in fields outside education might be drawn into education.
(4) President's Awards for Excellence in
Education would be given to teachers in
every State who meet the highest standards
of excellence. Each award would be for
$5,000.
(5) Drug-Free Schools Urban Emergency
Grants would provide special assistance to
urban school districts that are disproportionately affected by drug trafficking and
abuse. These funds would be used for a
comprehensive range of services appropriate to the needs of individual communities.
(6) A National Science Scholars program
would provide scholarships to high school
seniors who have excelled in the sciences
and mathematics. These scholarships, of up
to $10,000 a year, would recognize recipients' academic achievement and encourage
them to continue their education in science,
mathematics, and engineering. The President would select recipients after considering recommendations made by Senators
and Members of the House of Representatives.
(7) I am proposing to provide additional
endowment matching grants for Historically Black Colleges and Universities, institutions that occupy a unique position and
have a major responsibility in the structure
of American higher education.
I urge the Congress to take prompt and
favorable action on this legislation. Taken
together, these seven initiatives, for which I
have proposed adding $422.6 million in the


365




Apr. 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


1990 budget, would help us advance toward
the goal of a better-educated Nation.
In addition to these initiatives, I have
proposed a budget amendment for $13 million in new funds for experiments and data
collection in support of education reform. I
am also asking the Congress to fund fully
the authorization in the Stewart McKinney
Homeless Assistance Act. This includes $2.5


million to fund for the first time the Exemplary Grants program and $2.7 million in
additional funding for literacy programs for
homeless adults.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
April 5, 1989.


White House Fact Sheet on Proposed Educational Excellence
Legislation
April 5, 1989


The President outlined today a program
for fostering excellence in education. The
need for reform is evident:
* America is in an increasingly competitive world, where investment in people, in
human capital, is becoming a critical factor
in a country's potential for economic
growth and prosperity.
* Many of our young people are performing well below their capacity and
below the levels of young people in other
countries in such important subjects as science and math.
* Outstanding achievement by schools,
teachers, and principals too often goes unrecognized and unrewarded.
* Achieving excellence in education requires high expectations, low dropout rates,
and safe and drug-free schools.
* Parents lack adequate choice in the
education of their children.
* Schools often find that it is difficult to
hire capable teachers and administrators,
even though many people possess outstanding subject matter knowledge and management skills.
* Projections of the future indicate an
increasing shortage of people with advanced training in science and mathematics.
* Our country's historically black colleges and universities struggle to maintain
their commitment to educational excellence.
The Educational Excellence Act would au

thorize several initiatives designed to address these problems.
This legislation builds on the accomplishments of the last Congress, which enacted
into law the Augustus F. Hawkins-Robert T.
Stafford Elementary and Secondary School
Improvement Amendments of 1988. That
law took significant steps toward improving
elementary and secondary education by improving program accountability, reauthorizing the magnet school program, and expanding parental choice, providing greater
flexibility to local school districts in the implementation of bilingual education programs, enhancing parental involvement in
programs for disadvantaged children, and
stimulating  education  innovation  and
reform. The President's initiative proposes
new efforts, but complements in numerous
ways the important work of the 100th Congress in pursuing educational excellence.
This legislation is based on four basic
principles. These are:
1. Recognition of Excellence. Recognizing
and rewarding our best schools, teachers,
and students will serve as an incentive for
all schools, teachers, and students to improve their performance.
2. Addressing Need. This administration
believes that Federal dollars should assist
those most in need.
3. Flexibility and Choice. Greater flexibility and choice in education, both parental
choice in selecting schools for their children
and local school systems' choice of teachers
and principals, are important to providing


366




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 5


the means and incentives for achieving educational excellence.
4. Accountability. The administration
supports  objective  measurement   and
reward of progress toward quality education.
The Educational Excellence Act includes
seven legislative initiatives aimed at fulfilling these important principles. Highlights of
the individual initiatives follow.
PRESIDENTIAL MERIT SCHOOLS
Program
* The Presidential Merit Schools program would provide cash awards to public
and private elementary and secondary
schools that have made substantial progress
in raising student educational achievement,
creating a safe and drug-free school environment, and reducing the dropout rate.
This program would provide a powerful incentive for all schools to improve the educational achievement of their students.
Funding
* The legislation would authorize $250
million for fiscal year 1990, increasing to
$500 million by 1993. These funds would be
allocated by formula to the States, with
State allocations based on school-aged population and State shares of funding under the
Chapter 1 Basic Grants program.
* The amount of each merit award
would depend on State-established criteria,
including criteria related to the size of the
school and the composition of the student
body.
Implementation
* Presidential Merit Schools would be selected by the State, assisted by a special
State review panel, using State and Federal
criteria. These criteria would focus on
schools' progress in improving students'
educational performance, creating or maintaining a safe and drug-free environment,
reducing the dropout rate, and other Statedetermined factors. States could also give
special consideration to schools enrolling
substantial numbers or proportions of children from low-income families.
* A school selected as a Presidential
Merit School would use its award for any


purpose that furthers its educational program, including development or implementation of special educational programs, purchase of computers and other materials and
equipment, and bonus payments to teachers
and administrators. Private schools would
be prohibited from using Presidential Merit
Schools funds to provide religious instruction or for other sectarian purposes.
* The bill would also prohibit the reduction of other Federal, State, or local support
to a school because of its receipt of a Presidential Merit Schools award.
MAGNET SCHOOLS OF EXCELLENCE
Program
* Currently, the Department of Education makes Magnet Schools Assistance
grants to school systems undergoing courtordered or voluntary desegregation. Because of the success of magnet schools in
increasing parental choice and improving
educational quality, the bill would create a
Magnet Schools of Excellence program to
support the establishment, expansion, or enhancement of magnet schools, without
regard to the presence of desegregation
plans.
Funding
* The bill would authorize $100 million
for Magnet Schools of Excellence for fiscal
year 1990 and each of the 3 succeeding
fiscal years.
Implementation
* Local educational agencies, intermediate educational agencies, or consortia of
such agencies would apply directly to the
Department for competitive grants. Applications would be selected for funding on
the basis of the quality of the proposed
project, the likelihood of its successful implementation, and the likelihood of its
strengthening the educational program of
the district or districts.
* The Department would encourage applications that recognize the potential of
educationally disadvantaged children to
benefit from magnet school programs and
applications to establish, expand, or enhance magnet schools which enhance the
diversity of educational offerings to students.


367




Apr. 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


* No magnet school could be supported
under the program for more than 2 years or
if the award would result in segregation or
impede the process of desegregation.
ALTERNATIVE CERTIFICATION OF TEACHERS AND PRINCIPALS
Program
* The bill would provide assistance to
States interested in expanding the pool of
talent from which to draw teachers and
principals. Funds would support such activities as training, program development, and
evaluation. The bill would provide incentives for States to develop, expand, or improve flexible certification systems designed
to draw into education talented professionals with demonstrated subject-area competence or leadership qualities.
Funding
* The legislation would authorize $25
million for fiscal year 1990 only, for onetime grants to the States. States would
apply for the amount of funds they need or
an amount that is proportional to their
school-aged population, whichever is less;
excess funds would be reallocated on the
basis of demonstrated need.
Implementation
* Grants could support the design, development, implementation, testing, and evaluation of strategies for the alternative certification of teachers and principals, as well as
training and recruitment activities.
* States would be required to consult
with teachers, principals, parents, and
others in developing their applications. Subgrants to school districts, intermediate educational agencies, colleges and universities,
and consortia of these agencies would be
authorized.
PRESIDENT'S AWARDS FOR EXCELLENCE IN
EDUCATION
Program
* The success of American education depends heavily on the Nation's teachers. Because teachers who meet the highest standards of excellence deserve public recognition, respect, and appropriate financial re

wards, our bill includes authorization for a
new program of Presidential awards for excellent public and private school teachers.
The amount of each Presidential award
would be $5,000. Teachers receiving awards
would be permitted to use their awards for
any purpose.
Funding
* The bill would authorize $7.6 million
for each of the fiscal years 1990 through
1993. Funds would be allocated to the
States on the basis of the number of fulltime equivalent public school teachers in
each State.
Implementation
* In each State, winners of Presidential
awards would be selected by a statewide
panel, selected by the Governor, from
nominations made by local educational
agencies, public and private schools, parents, teachers, teacher associations, associations of parents and teachers, private businesses, business groups, and student groups.
In making selections, the panel would use
selection criteria developed by the State,
subject to approval by the Secretary.
* Each State would be permitted to use
up to 5 percent of its allocation for administrative expenses, including the cost of convening the statewide panel.
NATIONAL SCIENCE SCHOLARS
Program
* The National Science Scholars program
would encourage achievement in the sciences by providing scholarships to graduating high school students who have excelled
in the sciences and mathematics and engineering. The scholarships would recognize
the academic achievement of these students
and would encourage them to continue
their education in these academic areas at
the postsecondary level.
Funding
* The bill would authorize $5 million for
fiscal year 1990. The amount authorized
would increase in increments of $5 million
per year to a total authorization of $20 million for fiscal year 1993. These funding
levels would ensure that the scholars would


368




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 5


be supported throughout their undergraduate study and that a new group of 570
scholars would be selected each year.
Implementation
* National Science Scholars would receive up to $10,000 a year for each year of
undergraduate education.
* Each State would nominate between 4
and 10 students per congressional district to
receive scholarships. The President would
select a total of 570 scholars, after considering the recommendations of an advisory
board (30 scholarships) and the recommendations of Senators and Members of the
House of Representatives (540 scholarships).
The scholars would be nominated in accordance with specific academic achievement
criteria that would be developed by the
Secretary in consultation with a panel of
experts in the sciences, mathematics, and
engineering.
DRUG-FREE SCHOOLS URBAN EMERGENCY
GRANTS
Program
* Prevention and education programs
are frequently inadequate in urban areas
with the most severe drug problems. More
concentrated and comprehensive approaches are required. The bill would amend the
Drug-Free Schools and Communities Act of
1986 to authorize a program of Urban
Emergency Grants.
Funding
* The bill would authorize $25 million
for each of the fiscal years 1990-1993 for
Urban Emergency Grants.
Implementation
* This amendment would authorize a
small number of special, competitive grants


to urban districts that have the most severe
drug problems so that these districts can
develop and implement comprehensive approaches to solving those problems.
HISTORICALLY BLACK COLLEGES AND
UNIVERSITIES
Program
* Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU's) play a vital role in the
American system of higher education. In
the past, these institutions offered many
Black Americans their only opportunity for
a higher education. Today HBCU's enrich
the range of educational choice. These institutions enroll approximately 220,000 students.
* Many HBCU's are financially weaker
than comparable institutions. This bill
would strengthen HBCU's by providing additional support for endowment matching
grants. Endowment building is an especially
effective way to create financial strength
and  long-term  financial  security  for
HBCU's.
Funding
* The bill would provide additional authorizations of $10 million for fiscal year
1990, $20 million for both fiscal year 1991
and fiscal year 1992, and $10 million for
fiscal year 1993.
Implementation
* Federal funds would be available to
match private sector contributions to the
school's endowment fund. Income from the
endowment fund could be used to improve
academic programs as well as administrative management.
* All HBCU's currently eligible under
title III of the Higher Education Act of
1965 would be eligible to apply for grants.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Annual Report on
International Activities in Science and Technology
April 5, 1989
To the Congress of the United States:    Relations Authorization Act for Fiscal Year
In accordance with Title V of the Foreign 1979 (Public Law 95-426), I am transmit

369




Apr. 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ting the annual report on international activities in science and technology (S&T) for
Fiscal Year 1988.
I firmly believe that the economic advances of the 21st century are rooted in the
research and development (R&D) performed in laboratories around the world
today. Innovation and dedication of resources and people, both public and private, to scientific and technological advances are essential to economic progress.
Our future well-being as a nation is dependent upon the continuous transfer of technology from basic science into commercial
goods and services.
Over the past 5 years, this concept-the
linkage of our science and technology enterprise to our future global competitiveness-has become a dominant theme in the
United States. Because of this linkage, some
have challenged our historical subscription
to an open, unimpeded R&D system, claiming that such a system transfers valuable
R&D results to other countries for commercialization and eventual sale in the United
States. I, and President Reagan before me,
believe that the United States benefits, and
our global competitive position is improved,
by international cooperation in research
and development based on balance, reciprocity, and comparable access. We have
actively promoted this policy through multilateral fora and bilaterally with our trading
partners and advanced developing countries.
For example, a major accomplishment of
FY 1988 was winning multilateral endorsement for key themes of President Reagan's
Executive Order No. 12591 of April 10,
1987, on "Facilitating Access to Science and
Technology." At the Ministerial Meeting of
the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD) in Paris in May
1988, the ministers endorsed a new framework of common principles for international S&T cooperation, originally introduced
by the President's Science Adviser, Dr. William R. Graham. The framework endorses
adequate investment and excellence in
basic sciences; reciprocity and balanced
access as a solid foundation for science and
technology cooperation; improved universal
protection of intellectual property rights
(IPR); and effective protection of sensitive


knowledge. I am convinced that the new
OECD framework establishes a firm,
future-oriented foundation for sustainable
cooperation in science and technology.
On the bilateral front, under the guidance of the Economic Policy Council, the
Administration developed a coordinated
policy to reshape our S&T relationship with
Japan based on the principles of shared responsibilities, equitable contributions, adequate protection and fair disposition of intellectual property rights, acknowledged security obligations, and comparable access to
government-sponsored  and    -supported
R&D facilities and programs. The culmination of this effort came in Toronto in June
1988, when President Reagan and Prime
Minister Takeshita signed the new umbrella
S&T Agreement. We view this as a model
agreement and now are incorporating its
principles into all our science and technology bilateral agreements.
Maintenance of our global competitiveness requires adequate and effective protection and equitable allocation of intellectual
property rights. The commercial development of a new technology requires large
investments of time, money, and talent.
Continued investments in research and development require the ability to derive economic benefits from the new technology.
Therefore, in FY 1988, we initiated numerous bilateral and multilateral dialogues on
the benefits accruing to all partners from
effective protection and equitable disposition of IPR.
With the view that balanced and reciprocal cooperation in S&T benefits the United
States and the world at large, at the December 1987 Washington Summit, President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev agreed to further cooperation in the
areas of transportation, global climate
change, ocean studies, and nuclear reactor
safety, as well as to continue a multilateral
conceptual design effort in thermonuclear
fusion. As a result, in April 1988, we signed
a protocol with the Soviets on cooperation
in maintaining the safety of civilian reactors. This agreement, which was stimulated
by Chernobyl, covers the design and operation, health, environmental, and regulatory
aspects of the reactor safety problem. In


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 5


addition, in January 1989, we signed a U.S.USSR Framework Agreement for Cooperation in Basic Scientific Research, which is
serving as the model for other U.S.-USSR
agreements to ensure policy consistency
among all our extensive interactions with
the Soviets in science and technology.
Sustainable international cooperation in
science and technology is good for the
Nation, particularly when projects that are
in the national interest are enhanced by or
intrinsically require multilateral effort. Examples are the Space Station Freedom, the
superconductor super collider (SSC), AIDS
research, and global climate change.
In December 1987, the Secretary of
Energy invited our major allies to contribute to building the world's most advanced
high-energy particle accelerator, the SSC,
and to participate in its utilization. We now
look forward to extensive collaboration in
the project.
In September 1988, a final agreement
was signed among the United States,
member states of the European Space
Agency (ESA), and the Governments of
Japan and Canada on the Space Station
Freedom's design, development, and operation.
AIDS is a major worldwide public health
concern. The United States Government,
particularly the Agency for International
Development and the Public Health Service, is engaged in a substantial international
program working with the World Health
Organization and others to develop national
plans to combat AIDS and to utilize research findings and technologies as they
become available.
The policy question of human impact on
the global environment in the past few
years has moved out of the confines of scientific papers and conferences to become a
front-page issue. Recent events, such as the
1985 discovery of the Antarctic "ozone
hole" and the 1988 North American
drought, have created much debate regarding the relative contributions of human-induced and natural processes on global climatic and environmental change. Bearing
these concerns in mind, in April 1988, the
United States ratified the Montreal Protocol
on Substances that Deplete the Ozone
Layer, which provides for reductions in pro

duction and consumption of principal
ozone-depleting chemicals.
Significant uncertainties remain about the
magnitude, timing, and regional impacts of
global climate change. During FY 1988, the
United States has made major contributions
to international plans to reduce those uncertainties. The FCCSET Committee on
Earth Sciences prepared a strategy for the
U.S. Global Change Research Program,
which I have endorsed. Prepared in close
collaboration with other national and international planning groups and activities, the
U.S. research strategy calls for an integrated
approach in partnership with international
organizations such as the World Meteorological Organization, the United Nations
Environment Programme, and the International Council of Scientific Unions. The
Intergovernmental  Panel  on   Climate
Change launched its multilateral effort in
November 1988 with U.S. participation and
support.
Believing that the R&D of today is the
goods and services of tomorrow, and believing that further discoveries in superconductivity hold enormous potential for applications, President Reagan signed into law on
November 19, 1988, the "National Superconductivity and Competitiveness Act of
1988," which establishes a framework for a
national program in superconductivity. He
also named a National Commission on Superconductivity to provide guidance over
the long term, as the real benefits from
superconductivity may take years or decades to fully realize. Our goal as a nation is
to lead the world in superconductivity R&D
and in translating this new technology into
useful products.
Strong U.S. involvement in international
S&T requires excellence in the administration and implementation of our S&T policies around the world. Therefore, in response to President Reagan's Executive
Order No. 12591 of April 10, 1987, the Department of State has sought to strengthen
the technical expertise of its S&T officer
corps by intensified recruitment from
United States Government technical agencies, academia, and industry, and has recently established a specific career track for
S&T officers. In addition, the Department


371




Apr. 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


of State, in cooperation with the National
Science Foundation and the Department of
Commerce, initiated the S&T Reporting
and Information Dissemination Enhancement Project (STRIDE) in order to improve
international scientific reporting.
As President, I intend to continue to
build on the solid foundation in science and
technology laid by President Reagan and
his Administration. I believe that sustainable cooperation in science and technology
is good for America and good for the world.
Therefore, as the technology gap narrows,
as internationalization of scientific and technological progress becomes the accepted
norm, we must be concerned that the com

petitive drive for technological leadership
not lead to protectionism in science, even
as we are removing barriers to free and
open trade. The challenge facing us in the
years ahead is how to maintain and expand
an open, mutually beneficial world system
of exchange and cooperation in science and
technology without undercutting our national competitiveness or jeopardizing our
security interests and responsibilities. Articulating and responding to that challenge
is a high priority of my Administration.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
April 5, 1989.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Polish Roundtable
Accords
April 5, 1989


Seven years ago, Americans lit candles in
support of Poland's freedom in the hope
that darkness of repression would someday
be lifted. Today Solidarity signed accords
which will lead to its relegalization and
which will allow it to resume its rightful
place in Polish life.
This is a great day for the Polish people
and for freedom. The discussions have been
long and arduous. We welcome the roundtable accords and see them as an historic
step towards pluralism and freedom which
we hope will eventually take Poland far
from totalitarianism and towards a better
political and economic future.
We are following the developments in


Poland closely and are consulting with Congress and our friends and allies on this issue.
In September 1987, then Vice President
Bush visited with Lech Walesa and General
Jaruzelski concerning the Polish political situation. The Vice President at that time
urged dialog and reconciliation to bring
about economic growth and political freedom.
The President today is very pleased by
the accords that started Poland on this new
path of reconciliation.
Note: Marlin Fitzwater read the statement
to reporters at 1:32 p.m. in the Briefing
Room at the White House.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on Soviet Policy in Central
America
April 5, 1989


We listened carefully to what President
Gorbachev had to say in Havana yesterday.
While his words about not exporting revolution are welcomed, they are not matched


by deeds which would give those words credence.
Today we call upon the Soviets to cut off
their half-billion-dollar annual military aid


372




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 5


to Nicaragua. The Soviets continue to pour
arms into Nicaragua, a country whose army
is already larger than those of all their
neighbors combined. This is hard to fathom.
It is a key issue in resolving the conflict in
Central America. Our bipartisan plan for
peace in Central America has the support
of the Central American democracies. It is
time for the Soviet Union to join us in supporting that plan.
If President Gorbachev means his words,
the Soviets should demonstrate through
their behavior that they are adhering to this
principle, and they should pressure their
client states and revolutionary groups that
they support to do the same. We note that
the Soviets and Cuba have concluded a
friendship treaty that apparently commits
both parties to the peaceful resolution of
conflicts in the region. We trust that the
Soviets will follow these words with concrete actions.
We believe, however, that to demonstrate
his commitment to Esquipulas, President
Gorbachev could have proposed a cutoff of


military supplies to all irregular forces in
the region. That is what Esquipulas calls for:
an end to outside support to the guerrilla
forces. This would have suggested a "new
thinking" in Central America.
The United States is in compliance with
Esquipulas. We are not providing military
aid to the Nicaraguan resistance. The Soviet
bloc, particularly Nicaragua and Cuba, continue to supply military and logistical support to the FMLN [Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, El Salvador] and
other irregular forces in Central America.
As the President and the Secretary of
State have said, we reject the idea of
equivalence between legitimate U.S. interests and the Soviet presence in Central
America. We provide support, including
military assistance, to the democratic Governments of Central America. These governments are not involved in subversion of
their neighbors.
Note: Marlin Fitzwater read the statement
to reporters at 1:32 p.m. in the Briefing
Room at the White House.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Suspension of
Semiautomatic Weapons Imports
April 5, 1989


I want to announce an action that the
Treasury Department is taking today with
regard to suspension of imports of certain
semiautomatic weapons.
In recently approving a temporary suspension of imports of certain semiautomatic
weapons, the President sought to foster a
climate in which reasonable, well-intentioned people on all sides of the firearms
issue could work out a solution without infringing on the rights of law-abiding hunters and sportsmen. In an effort to ensure
that existing laws are being enforced to the
fullest extent possible, he ordered the
Treasury Department to review the suitability of these weapons for sporting purposes. To date, the Treasury review has disclosed 24 additional types of imported firearms which, by virtue of their general ap

pearance and capabilities, compete directly
with those firearms for which import permits were previously suspended. To ensure
an orderly and fair review process, the
President has authorized the Secretary of
the Treasury to expand the temporary
import suspension to include these additional 24 types of weapons.
This action will accomplish two things.
First, those importers whose permits have
already been suspended will not suffer a
loss of market to importers of similar weapons during the review period. Second, this
action will preclude imports of firearms
which might later be found unsuitable for
sporting purposes.
The President believes that by working
closely with law enforcement groups,
sportsmen, concerned citizen groups, and


373




Apr. 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the Congress, we can reach a solution to Note: Marlin Fitzwater read the statement
these problems.                           to reporters at 1:32 p.m. in the Briefing
Room at the White House.
Remarks Following Discussions With Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir
of Israel
April 6, 1989


The President. Well, the Prime Minister
Shamir and I have had a very productive
meeting. My message to him and, through
him, to the Government and the people of
Israel was clear: We are friends, strategic
partners, and allies. And the mutual interests that bind together the people of the
United States and Israel are broad and
deep. The Prime Minister and I dedicated
ourselves to maintaining and, where possible, improving the relationship between our
two countries. Both of us are committed to
this goal.
Throughout the world, old enemies are
finding ways to talk to one another and to
end conflicts in a manner that preserves the
basic interests of all concerned. This can
and must happen in the Middle East. The
Arab-Israeli conflict can be resolved. Peace,
security, and political rights can be attained
through direct negotiations. The status quo
serves the interests of no one. In this spirit,
I reiterated to Prime Minister Shamir the
resolve of the United States to assist the
parties of the Middle East in their pursuit of
a comprehensive settlement of the ArabIsraeli conflict. Our responsibility as friends
and as partners in the search for peace is to
help develop approaches that enhance
peace prospects. Problems do not resolve
themselves; leaders acting with courage and
vision solve problems. Menachem Begin
and Anwar Sadat demonstrated this truth a
decade ago at Camp David. Today's leaders
can afford to do no less.
I reassured the Prime Minister that the
fundamental basis of our approach to a
Middle East settlement has not changed.
The United States is committed to a comprehensive peace achieved through direct
negotiations based on U.N. Security Council
Resolutions 242 and 338. This remains the


building block for a viable negotiation for a
durable settlement. This is our goal. With
regard to final status issues, I reaffirmed to
the Prime Minister that we do not support
an independent Palestinian state nor Israeli
sovereignty or permanent occupation of the
West Bank and Gaza.
To move the peace process forward, I discussed with the Prime Minister, as I had
earlier this week with President Mubarak,
an   ambitious  but   realistic  approach.
Progress will require meaningful steps to
reduce tensions, political dialog between
Israel and Palestinians, and clear indications
that all concerned are prepared to think
creatively about key substantive issues.
Israel has an obligation to contribute to this
process, but it cannot be expected to
assume the entire burden. The Palestinians,
the Arab States, and other interested parties
must demonstrate that they, too, are willing
to make peace a reality.
I stressed that no peace process can succeed in a political vacuum. I believe it is in
Israel's interest to engage in a serious dialog
with Palestinians that address their legitimate political rights. The United States believes that elections in the territories can be
designed to contribute to a political process
of dialog and negotiation. We urge Israel
and the Palestinians to arrive at a mutually
acceptable formula for elections, and we
plan in the days and weeks ahead to work
toward that end.
In negotiations, Israel understands that
Palestinians will be free to bring their own
positions and preferences to the bargaining
table. The Prime Minister assured me that
Israel is committed to negotiating an agreement on final status that is satisfactory to all
sides. And he made it clear that interim
arrangements on Palestinian self-rule are


374




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 6


not the end of the road but are directly
linked to a broader political process that
includes negotiating and concluding an
agreement on final status.
I'm encouraged by the Prime Minister's
assurance that all options are open for negotiation. The Prime Minister and I agreed
that our governments would remain in
close touch to ensure that everything possible is being done to promote the prospects
for peace in the Middle East. And speaking
for myself and for the American people, I
want to assure everyone that the United
States is committed to promoting this goal.
Mr. Prime Minister, we're delighted
you're here. The floor is yours, sir.
The Prime Minister. Thank you, Mr. President. I am honored to be here today. Let
me first, on behalf of the people of Israel
and on behalf of my wife and myself, express our warm wishes on your assuming
the mantle of leadership of the United
States and the free world. We have cherished your personal friendship and warm
humanitarian concern for many years. We
shall never forget the help you have extended our brothers and sisters in distress,
just as we shall always remember the role
the United States has played in our history.
Our alliance is based on common values
and shared interests. Our agreements on
strategic cooperation and free trade area
benefit both countries. They help us continue as a vanguard of democracy in the
Middle East. I am confident that under
your administration our bonds of friendship
and cooperation will grow even stronger.
Our two nations share the values and
ideas of the free world and the ideals of
democracy and freedom. What we do not
share is a neighborhood. For us the carnage
in Beirut, the use of poison gas against civilians, and acts of terrorism and fanaticism
are not news from afar, for as they are
events happening around the corner, they
are our daily reality. If there is one mistake
Israel cannot afford to make, it is the mistake of forgetting where we live.
I would like to reiterate here what I said
to you in private: We shall make the greatest possible efforts to achieve peace, short
of endangering the security of our state. We
consider the establishment of a Palestinian
state west of the Jordan River, which is an


objective of the PLO [Palestine Liberation
Organization], a mortal threat to our security. I have assured you that we would sit
with anyone, anytime, anywhere, without
preconditions if we thought it would advance the cause of peace. But we cannot
lend ourselves to any steps that will result
in a Palestinian state, which is a prescription not for peace but for war. I can assure
you we will be forthcoming. We believe the
Camp David accords based on Resolutions
242 and 338 are the cornerstone of peace in
our region. We faithfully abide by your
agreements, and we expect others to do so
as well.
Mr. President, to advance the cause of
peace, we have put forward a four-point
peace initiative. First, we propose an effort
to make the existing peace between Israel
and Egypt based on the Camp David accords a cornerstone for expanding peace in
the region. We call upon the three signatories of the Camp David accords at this 10th
anniversary of the treaty of peace to reaffirm indeed their dedication to the accords.
Second, we call upon the United States
and Egypt to make it clear to the Arab
Governments that they must abandon their
hostility and belligerency toward Israel.
They must replace political warfare and
economic boycott with negotiations and cooperation.
Third, we call for a multinational effort
under the leadership of the U.S. and with
substantial Israeli participation to finally
solve the Arab refugee problem perpetuated by Arab Governments, while Israel absorbs hundreds of thousands of Jewish refugees from Arab countries. All these refugees
should have decent housing and live in dignity. This process does not have to await a
political solution or to substitute for it.
Fourth, in order to launch a political negotiating process, the proposed free democratic elections, free from an atmosphere of
PLO violence, terror, and intimidation
among the Palestinian Arabs of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza-their purpose is to
produce a delegation to negotiate an interim period of self-governing administration.
To shape modalities and participation in the
elections will have to be discussed. The interim phase will provide a vital test of coex

375




Apr. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


istence and cooperation. It will be followed
by negotiations for a permanent agreement.
All proposed options will be examined
during these negotiations. This is an outline
of our comprehensive plan for peace. It is
based on democratic principles. It addresses
the real issues. Together, I believe we can
achieve these goals.
Notice of the Continuation of the
Respect to Panama
April 6, 1989
On April 8, 1988, by Executive Order No.
12635, the President declared a national
emergency to deal with the unusual and
extraordinary threat to the national security
and foreign policy of the United States constituted by the actions and policies of the
Noriega/Solis regime of Panama. Because
the Noriega/Solis regime has continued its
actions and policies, the national emergency
declared on April 8, 1988, must continue in
effect beyond April 8, 1989. Therefore, in
accordance with section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)),


May God lead us to the right decision.
Thank you, Mr. President.
Note: The President spoke at 12:15 p.m. at
the South Portico of the White House. Prior
to their remarks, the President and the
Prime Minister met in the Oval Office.
National Emergency With
I am continuing the national emergency
with respect to Panama. This notice shall be
published in the Federal Register and transmitted to the Congress.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
April 6, 1989.
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 2:36 p.m., April 6, 1989]
Note: The notice was printed in the Federal
Register of April 7.


Message to the Congress on the Continuation of the National
Emergency With Respect to Panama
April 6, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
Section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) provides for the
automatic termination of a national emergency unless, prior to the anniversary date
of its declaration, the President publishes in
the Federal Register and transmits to the
Congress a notice stating that the emergency is to continue in effect beyond the anniversary date. In accordance with this provision, I have sent the enclosed notice, stating
that the Panamanian emergency is to continue in effect beyond April 8, 1989, to the
Federal Register for publication.


The actions and policies of the Noriega/
Solis regime in Panama continue to pose an
unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the
United States. If the Panamanian emergency were allowed to lapse, the current sanctions imposed against the Noriega/Solis
regime, including the blocking of Panamanian governmental assets, would also lapse,
impairing our Government's ability to apply
economic pressure on the Noriega/Solis
regime. In these circumstances, I have determined that it is necessary to maintain in
force the broad authorities that may be


376




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 6


needed to deal with the situation in The White House,
Panama.                              April 6, 1989.
GEORGE BUSH
Message to the Congress Reporting on the Economic Sanctions
Against Panama
April 6, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
1. I hereby report to the Congress on
developments since the last Presidential
report of October 14, 1988, concerning the
national emergency with respect to Panama
that was declared in Executive Order No.
12635 of April 8, 1988. This report is submitted pursuant to section 401(c) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1641(c)),
and section 204(c) of the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act (50
U.S.C. 1703(c)).
2. Since the last report of October 14,
1988, there has been one amendment to
the Panamanian Transactions Regulations,
31 C.F.R. Part 565 (the "Regulations"), administered by the Office of Foreign Assets
Control ("FAC") of the Department of the
Treasury. Effective January 3, 1989, persons
owing funds to the Government of Panama
may apply for a specific license authorizing
the crediting of the amounts owed, plus applicable interest, to a blocked reserve account on their books or with a commercial
bank. These procedures are designed to
serve as alternatives to payment of the
amounts owed into a blocked account at the
Federal Reserve Bank of New York (the
"FRBNY"). At the same time, they will
enable FAC to maintain a record of payments withheld from the Noriega/Solis
regime. Any persons who have already
made payments into the FRBNY and who
wish to credit the funds instead to a
blocked reserve or bank account may also
apply for a license authorizing such a transfer.
With this report, I am enclosing a copy of
the amendment to the Regulations. 54 Fed.
Reg. 21 (Jan. 3, 1989).
3. FAC continues to monitor compliance
with the Regulations and advise affected
parties of their provisions. FAC is currently


in the process of notifying by letter over
170 companies with subsidiaries in Panama
of the latest amendment to the Regulations
permitting the establishment of blocked reserve or bank accounts and advising them
that they must either establish such an account on their books or with a commercial
bank by license from FAC or transfer
monies owed to the Government of Panama
to the FRBNY. Information received from
Panama indicates that certain U.S. firms
with operations in Panama may have failed
to withhold Panamanian taxes from employee paychecks in possible violation of the
Regulations. FAC has notified the responsible corporate officers that a written explanation of company practices would be required. Responses are due in the near
future.
4. The objective of Administration policy
remains support for a return to civilian constitutional rule and the development of an
apolitical military establishment in Panama.
In furtherance of our policy, the Administration has imposed economic sanctions
against the Noriega/Solis regime. Our judgment remains that the root cause of the
current crisis is the fact that the Panamanian people have lost confidence in a political
system widely perceived as corrupt, repressive, and inept. A genuine Panamanian resolution of the political crisis is necessary to
restore confidence in the Panamanian economy, a precondition to the return of economic stability and growth in Panama. Accordingly, our efforts have been directed at
supporting Panamanian efforts to resolve
the underlying political crisis as rapidly as
possible.
5. The expenses incurred by the Federal
Government in the 6-month period from
October 14, 1988, through April 1, 1989,


377




Apr. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


which are directly attributable to the exercise of powers and authorities conferred by
the declaration of the Panamanian national
emergency are estimated at $411,960, most
of which represents wage and salary costs
for Federal personnel. Personnel costs were
largely centered in the Department of the
Treasury (particularly in the Office of Foreign Assets Control, the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Enforcement, the Office
of the Assistant Secretary for International
Affairs, and the Office of the General Counsel), the Department of State, the Federal
Reserve Board, the National Security Council, and the Department of Defense.


6. The policies and actions of the Noriega/Solis regime in Panama continue to
pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to
the national security and foreign policy of
the United States. I shall continue to exercise the powers at my disposal to apply economic sanctions against Panama as long as
these measures are appropriate and will
continue to report periodically to the Congress on significant developments, pursuant
to 50 U.S.C. 1703(c).
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
April 6, 1989.


Appointment of Mary McClure as Special Assistant to the President
for Intergovernmental Affairs
April 6, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Mary McClure to be Special
Assistant to the President for Intergovernmental Affairs with responsibility for liaison
with State legislators.
Senator McClure was elected to the State
senate of South Dakota in 1974. She was
the first woman to serve as senate president
pro tempore, as well as national chairman
for the Council of State Governments, since
1979. Senator McClure has served on the
executive board of the Legislative Research
Council since 1977, and was on the executive committee of the National Conference
of State Legislatures (NCSL), 1982-1985


and in 1988. She also chaired the NCSL
education committee in 1986 and the NCSL
government operations committee in 1987.
Prior to her service in the South Dakota
legislature, Senator McClure was a teacher.
Senator McClure received a bachelor of
arts degree from the University of South
Dakota; a Fulbright Scholarship to the University of Manchester, England; and a master's of public administration in 1980 from
Syracuse University. She was born April 21,
1939, in Milbank, SD. She is married to
Donald James McClure, and they have one
daughter.


Continuation of Leonard H.O. Spearman, Sr., as United States
Ambassador to Rwanda
April 6, 1989


The President today announced that
Leonard H.O. Spearman, Sr., will continue
to serve as Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to the Republic of Rwanda.
Since 1988 Ambassador Spearman has
been the United States Ambassador to the


Republic of Rwanda. Prior to this he was a
distinguished professor of psychology at
Texas Southern University, 1986-1988. He
was president of Texas Southern University,
1980-1986, and a professor of psychology at
Southern University, 1960-1970. From 1970
to 1980, Ambassador Spearman worked for


378




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 6


the U.S. Office of Education, Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare in the following capacities: Associate Deputy Assistant Secretary for Higher and Continuing
Education, 1980; Associate Deputy Commissioner for Higher and Continuing Education, 1978-1980; Acting Deputy Commissioner for Higher and Continuing Education, 1976-1978; Associate Commissioner
for Student Assistance, 1975-1978; Director


of the Division of Student Financial Assistance, 1972-1975; Director of the Division
of Student Special Services, 1970-1972.
Ambassador Spearman graduated from
Florida A&M University (B.S., 1947) and the
University of Michigan (M.A., 1950; Ph.D.,
1960). He was born July 8, 1929, in Tallahassee, FL. He is married and has three
children.


Toasts at a Dinner Honoring Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir of
Israel
April 6, 1989


The President. Mr. Prime Minister, it has
been my pleasure-our pleasure-to welcome you to Washington and to renew a
friendship that I cherish-that we all cherish-and to reaffirm, more importantly
even, the friendship between our two nations. And the value of these visits goes
beyond the meetings of state to the experience we gain from the time spent among
the people of Israel and America.
I recall the trips that I've made to your
country-first, I think, Barbara and I in
1979 and then in the summer of 1986. And
I recall the deep longing for peace that I
found on the part of the people there in
Israel. And I'm grateful for your visit now
in the first days of our brand new administration; and also, because you see Washington in springtime, which some say is its
most beautiful season, and because you had
a chance to go to the Air and Space
Museum today, where we saw many American tourists. And for those of you who
weren't with us, it was a wonderful thing,
because you heard people saying to the
Prime Minister, Shalom. You know, I
thought they were all tourists from Texas.
But no-[laughter]-they knew that much.
And I think they expressed the affection
that we all feel for Israel and for you, sir.
But the friendship, the alliance between
the United States and Israel is strong and
solid-built upon a foundation of shared
democratic values, of shared history and
heritage that sustain the moral life of our


two countries. The emotional bond of our
peoples goes-it transcends politics. Our
strategic cooperation-and I renewed today
our determination that that go forward-is
a source of mutual security. And the United
States' commitment to the security of Israel
remains unshakable. We may differ over
some policies from time to time, individual
policies, but never over this principle.
Mr. Prime Minister, the great unsolved
challenge that concerns us both is peace in
the Middle East, and we know peace is possible. Last month we marked the 10th anniversary of the treaty between Israel and
Egypt, and that treaty was the product of
the remarkable courage and leadership of
two men-and also-I want to say right
here in this White House-and also will
give credit to the strong-principled, mediating efforts of President Carter, too. Those
qualities, courage and leadership, are no
less necessary today in the effort to advance
the cause of peace in the Middle East. We
also know there's much more to do. Mr.
Prime Minister, the discussions that we've
had and then those I had earlier this week
with President Mubarak give me reason to
hope that in the Middle East today, there is
leadership, courage, and vision, capable of
transcending the historic animosities that
have long stood as obstacles on the path
towards peace. The United States is proud
of the role it has played in the search for
peace. We know a partnership with Israel
in peace can work, and we stand ready


379




Apr. 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


today to take another step for the cause of
peace in the Middle East.
Mr. Prime Minister and Mrs. Shamir., I
raise my glass to the abiding friendship between our two nations and lasting peace
among the peoples of the Middle East, and
to life-L'Chaim.
The Prime Minister. Mr. President, Mrs.
Bush, distinguished Secretaries, Members of
the Senate, the House of Representatives,
judges, ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen.
It is almost exactly a year ago since you, Mr.
President, graciously entertained my wife
and me and my colleagues at dinner in your
previous capacity as Vice President. At that
time we were both facing elections.
[Laughter] You were already very much on
the campaign trail, and I was preparing to
set out on mine. It was a demanding but
interesting experience. And here we both
are. [Laughter]
Permit me, Mr. President, to extend the
heartfelt congratulations of all the people of
Israel on your election to the most important office in your country and, I venture to
suggest, in the world. The people of Israel
know you and Mrs. Bush. They respect and
admire you. They are grateful for your
longstanding friendship, support, and efforts
for our people, especially those who have
been struggling for the right to leave the
Soviet Union and return to their homeland.
And, Mr. President, your name is permanently linked with the saga of the rescue of
many thousands of Ethiopian Jews who 5
years ago started out on an exodus and returned to their ancient homeland after a
very long separation. But several thousand
Ethiopian Jews remained behind, and we
must solve their problem and especially the
human tragedies of family separation. I
hope that we will soon find an answer.
Mr. President, an awesome responsibility
rests upon you as you set out on the new
road that lies before you. As leader of the
United States of America, you are the
leader of the free world who has to find a
way to prevent global conflicts. We acknowledge and applaud your efforts to
ensure that the great advances in technology are not abused and exploited for evil
designs that could cause devastation to millions of people. In your Presidency, it will
be necessary, I am sure, to reach further


agreements on the elimination of the new
and growing threat of gas, chemical, and
biological weapons which are being developed at an alarming pace, especially in our
part of the world.
My responsibility is more limited, but
equally awesome. I must find a way to
achieve comprehensive and lasting peace
for my nation and country. That is my overriding goal and ambition. We are not content with the status quo, because we firmly
believe that peace is achievable.
Mr. President, 10 days ago, we completed
a decade of peace between Israel and the
leading Arab country, Egypt. That peace
was the first and, so far, still the only breakthrough in the otherwise ongoing hostility
of Arab States against Israel. Ten years ago
not many believed that we would be standing here today and looking back on a
decade of peace with all its shortcomings
and deficiencies. Our relationship with
Egypt is not yet regular and normal. It
must be deepened. It must be enriched.
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, it is
now almost 50 years since the start of
World War IIL in which we were the principal victims and paid relatively the highest
price. And it is now 40 years since we renewed our national life in our ancient
homeland. In that period, six wars were
forced upon us, and we have faced permanent terrorism against our civilian population. Few nations in the annals of humanity
had to endure such perils and to pay such a
price. It is, therefore, only natural that we
never stop searching for the road to peace.
The yearning for peace is ingrained in
the national tradition and character of our
people. We pray for peace three times
every day. We despise violence and war.
We refuse to believe that a military confrontation is a valid way to solving disputes,
but we cannot permit our abhorrence of
war to be used against us by terrorists and
dictators to force us to submit to their demands. We want to devote and utilize the
talents and skills of our people for creativity, for scholarship, for science, for medicine-not for developing more and more
sophisticated instruments of war. But until
today we have had no choice. Therefore, in
the absence of peace, we must be strong as


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 7


you are.
In one of our prayers we use the words,
"The Lord will give His people strength.
The Lord will bless His people with peace."
First strength, then peace.
We are grateful to the United States for
its great contribution to enable our small
nation to develop a deterrent capacity in
the face of a bloc of 20 Arab countries with
a population of 120 million people and a
land mass twice the size of the United
States. In our view the United States can
play a useful role in advancing the search
for peace because it enjoys the confidence
of the parties in the Middle East. We are
ready at all times to explore new ideas and
study new proposals together with you and
to reach understanding on how to proceed.
Mr. President, today we celebrate the beginning of the month of Nisan. Nisan is the
month of miracles, the month of deliverance, because it was established in the
Jewish calendar some 3,500 years ago, on
the eve of the great Exodus of the 12 tribes
of Israel from bondage in Egypt. Since then
our people have carried an eternal message
to humanity. The message is that all human
beings are equal and were created in the
image of God, that no man should be enThe President's News Conference
April 7, 1989
The President. I have a statement, and
then would be glad to take a few questions,
and then refer them to our experts here.
But virtually every American is familiar
with the tragic environmental disaster in
Alaskan waters. And more than 10 million
gallons of oil have been spilled, with deadly
results for wildlife and hardship for local
citizens. We all, share the sorrow and concern of Alaskans and a determination to
mount a sustained cleanup effort. Our ultimate goal must be the complete restoration
of the ecology and the economy of Prince
William Sound, including all of its fish,
marine mammals, birds, and other wildlife.
The Exxon Corporation has acknowledged responsibility for this spill and its li

slaved by his fellow men, that human life is
sacred, and that peace on Earth is the loftiest of goals. Our people have lived by
these principles through triumph and exile,
from Babylon to Auschwitz. We were ravaged but never destroyed, because our message and our spirit are eternal and indestructible. And now, in our renewed homeland, we aspire to nothing more than the
total achievement of these same principles.
Our two democracies, our two peoples,
share these values, cherish these ideals, long
for similar objectives.
Mr. President, I wish you a successful
term of office. May the United States prosper under your leadership. May it enjoy
peace and avoid conflict. May it continue to
stimulate and lead the free world and stem
the tide of evil. We pray, Mr. President,
that under your leadership the relationship
between our two countries will continue to
be solid, strong, deep, and enduring.
Ladies and gentlemen, please join me in
this toast to the President of the United
States and Mrs. Bush, and the people of this
great country: L'Chaim.
Note: The President spoke at 9:35 p.m. in
the State Dining Room at the White House.


ability for the damages. Exxon should
remain responsible for both damages and
for employing civilian personnel necessary
to control further damage. However,
Exxon's efforts standing alone are not
enough. And after consulting with the congressional delegation-Senator Ted Stevens,
Senator Frank Murkowski, Congressman
Don Young-I have determined to add additional Federal resources to the cleanup
effort, in addition to the considerable Federal personnel and equipment already on
the scene. And this new effort will focus on
the job of helping recover oil now in the
water and restoring beaches and other damaged areas. This effort should not in any
way relieve Exxon from any of its responsi

381




Apr. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


bilities or its liabilities.
I've asked Sam Skinner, our Secretary of
Transportation, to serve as the coordinator
of the efforts of all Federal agencies involved in the cleanup and to work with the
Alaskan authorities and Exxon. Admiral
Paul Yost, the Commandant of the Coast
Guard, will return to Alaska to assume the
personal oversight of developments. As we
all know, the Coast Guard has many assets
in place right now. Also at my direction,
Defense Secretary Dick Cheney will make
available U.S. Armed Forces personnel and
equipment to assist in the cleanup. The
military will provide personnel for direct
cleanup activities, as well as assisting with
the needs of logistics related to the cleanup.
And of course, these efforts must be undertaken carefully, so that further damage
to fragile areas will not occur. Intensive
planning now going on, as well as appropriate cleanup training, will be completed
before ground units are actually deployed.
In addition to the Department of Defense
personnel, I've asked my staff to develop
plans to enable volunteers to participate in
cleanup activities. By summer we hope to
have developed facilities to enable us to accommodate a corps of Alaskan volunteers.
And when I say develop facilities, as these
gentlemen will tell you, we're dealing with
very remote areas in some cases here.
I've asked EPA Administrator Bill Reilly
to coordinate the long-range planning to restore the environment of the Sound. EPA
will draw on the expert of leading scientists
and oil spill experts in this work, and it will
also consult with other Federal agencies
that are assessing scientific data regarding
the effects of the spill.
We'll not forget the residents of Alaska
who have suffered extraordinary economic
loss. And when you talk to these Congressmen, as I have, and get it brought home on
a case-by-case basis, we have to be concerned, and we are concerned. In addition
to paying damage claims against it, we encourage Exxon to increase its local hiring
for the cleanup efforts. Secretary Skinner
will also work with Exxon and appropriate
agencies to develop appropriate loan assistance programs to assist those who have suffered economic injury. This situation has
demonstrated the inadequacy of existing


contingency plans. And consequently, I
have directed a nationwide review of contingency plans of this type to determine
improvements that may be necessary.
In describing these measures, we should
not be under any illusions. The job of cleaning up the oil from both the sea and the
affected land areas will be massive, prolonged, and frustrating. Nothing we can do
will totally resolve this problem in the short
term. Rather, we must be prepared for a
long, sustained effort.
Learning from this experience, we also
rededicate ourselves to transportation safety
and to realistic planning for accidents that
do occur. At the same time, our national
security interests in the domestic energy
supplies should not be forgotten. The excellent safety record that was recorded prior
to this incident must be restored and maintained consistently into the future.
Secretary Skinner and Administrator
Reilly will make brief statements and they,
Secretary Cheney, and others will be available to answer questions. Prior to that, let
me just take a couple of questions, and then
I want to keep the focus, if possible, on this.
So, fire away.
Q. Mr. President, ifThe President. My protocol-sorry, about
that.
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. If I could
try another subject: How do you reconcile
your efforts to arrange third-country military aid for the contras with the spirit of
the ban by Congress on aid to the rebels?
The President. Look, I am not going to
comment on any aspect of the North trial
while it's in progress. If I even commented
on your question, it could prejudice the
trial. That would be totally unfair. And I
would note that of all the material that you
seem to be referring to and has been introduced, all the material that was introduced
yesterday, material you'11re referring to, has
been available to the Independent Counsel
and the Iran-contra committee and has
been reviewed by them for any special significance. So, I believe the legal process
ought to run unfettered, without you or me
endangering the trial process that's going


382




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 7


on right now. And that's the last question
I'll take on that subject.
U.S. Foreign Policy Review
Q. Do you have any reply to Mr. Gorbachev's contention that the foreign policy
review is taking too long?
The President. This is an environmental
briefing here, and we're concerned about
the Alaska oil spill. But the answer is no.
Let me simply say we're the United States
of America; we're making a prudent
review, and I will be ready to discuss that
with the Soviets when we are ready. And
Mr. Gorbachev knows that there is no footdragging going on, so I am not concerned
in the least.
Alaskan Oil Spill
Q. A number of local officials in Alaska, as
well as Alaskan residents, have been complaining, virtually since this spill took place,
for a greater Federal role. I guess my question would be, why has it taken so long to
reach this conclusion, and hasn't valuable
time been lost during your deliberations?
The President. Well, as you may recall,
action started immediately. The big thing
was to stop the hemorrhaging and get that
ship moved. I immediately asked the head
of the Coast Guard, the head of the Department of Transportation, and Bill Reilly to
go up there. They came back and, upon
sound advice, recommended that we not
federalize. And let me be clear: We are not
federalizing this operation. There is no
demand from reasonable people to federalize this operation. And that is not going to
be done.
So, what have we done? The flow was
stopped. And let me be very clear: I give
great credit certainly-and some of those
that are working out there-volunteers, private side, local citizens, company and everything else-for stopping. But I also give
great credit to the Coast Guard and to military assets that have already been used in
moving equipment thousands of miles to
stop the flow. And I'll tell you, a lot has
been done. I've had a talk here with Bill
Reilly about protecting the hatcheries. And
I don't want to make premature judgments
on this, but it looks like the five hatcheries
may have been saved. And now-is that an


overstatement? And now the cleanup phase
comes, and it's the time when we can step
up some activity.
So, something has gone on. I'm not about
to defend the status quo, but there is no
desire on our part to federalize. We're not
going to do it. And I think it's fair to point
this out: I think the priorities were right.
There is four times as much oil in that ship
as spilled out of that ship. And it was important to guarantee, even in rough elements
up there, that no more escape. And so,
some things have happened. It was prudent
to contain that spill. And so, the process is
going forward.
Q. Mr. President, do you have a sense yet
of how much this Federal effort is going to
cost? And will you try to recover from
Exxon that amount?
The President. As I said, Exxon is liable,
and they will continue to be liable. And we
don't, at this point, have a full assessment.
Q. Are you going to take them to court
on that, sir?
The President. Sir?
Q. Does that mean you're going to follow
up-you would take them to court or do
whatever
The President. I think Exxon has assumed
liability, and I'm not going to stand here
and suggest otherwise.
Q. Mr. President, Mr. Gorbachev today
made another arms control gesture, saying
that he'll stop production of weapons-grade
uranium and shut down two plutonium
plants. What's your response or reaction?
The President. I've given you my response. We'll be ready to react when we
feel like reacting and when we have prudently made our reviews upon which to act.
Q. I meant: What do you think of his
proposal or his offer? Is this a big step forward? Are you impressed?
The President. I haven't seen it analyzed,
Lesley [Lesley Stahl, CBS News] so I honestly can't tell you that I know the full significance.
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. Sir, I know you don't want to talk
about it, but former Senator Muskie, who
was a member of the Tower commission,
says he was not aware of this effort to in

383




Apr. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


volve the Hondurans or of your role. You
have said this was available to the Tower
commission. Do you want to reply to that
without prejudicing Oliver North?
The President. No, because I don't want
to prejudice a trial, John [John Cochran,
NBC News]. It would be imprudent for us
to do that, and we're not going to do it.
And I stand by my statement about the
Iran-contra Committee.
Q. Will you speak after the trial, then?
The President. That's it.
Middle East Peace Process
Q. Mr. President, the conventional
wisdom is that an American President
never has much to gain by getting personally involved in the Middle East. But I was
thinking that maybe you were an exception,
given your initial round this week. Can you
tell us what's in your mind about the
Middle East, if you see yourself getting very
personally involved over the course of your
Presidency in trying to solve this?
The President. Look, if I felt that being
immersed in it would help solve the problem of peace in the Middle East, I would do
that. And I think you're right: there have
been times when it appears that the President shouldn't be fully involved. But we've
had two visits here now this week-President Mubarak [of Egypt], Prime Minister
Shamir [of Israel]. We'll have a forthcoming
visit from King Hussein [of Jordan]. And
I'm going to give the same assurances to
him I've given to Mubarak and Shamir, and
that is that if I personally can be helpful, I
want to do it. And in the meantime, why, I
will say that-I can't say I'm elated, but in
the Middle East, a little step sometimes can
prove to be fruitful. And I think the climate
is better than it's been in a while. But I
would simply say it is not a time where a lot
of high-visibility missions on the part of the
President can be helpful in the process. But
I want to leave you with the view that it is
of deep concern to us, particularly the violence in the West Bank. And so, I think
both leaders that I've talked to so far know
my personal feelings on this, and we're not
despairing. In fact, I hope the two visits
have moved things forward a little bit.
Saul [Saul Friedman, Newsday]?


Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. Yes. Do your statements today mean
that you won't discuss this contra affair
The President. Yes, it means I've said all I
want to say about it. Look, we're having a
briefing on Alaska, and with all respectdid I cut you off? [Laughter]
Q. Mr. President, does this mean —
The President. Come on, Saul. [Laughter]
Q. Does this mean you won't discuss it
until the end of the Ollie North trial or
The President. It means I've said all I
want to say about it, because I really believe, on the advice of lawyers, that that's
the last thing we ought to do-is even be
kicking it around to this end. So, please
accept it when I said I don't want to talk
about it anymore. And I'm not going to. So,
nice try. [Laughter]
Q. Until after
The President. No, just let it stand. Go
back and interpret what I said.
Middle East Peace Process
Q. Do you believe the PLO [Palestine
Liberation Organization] should have a role
in those independent elections in Israel-or
in the West Bank?
The President. I think that the answer is
to get on with the elections. And I'd like to.
We haven't fully resolved exactly who's
going to have a role, but I think that's a
matter to be determined between the parties. But I'd leave it right there. I'd leave it
right there. The PLO has people living on
the West Bank, as you know, and we want
to see elections that are free and fair there.
Yes, David [David H. Hoffman, Washington Post]?
Q. Mr. President, was your statement this
week about Israel ending the occupation intended as sort of a diplomatic nudge to
Prime Minister Shamir? Should we read
something into that?
The President. I wouldn't read anything
into it. I do not feel that the provisions of
Security Council Resolution 242 and 338
have been fulfilled, and I wanted to be
clear to all the parties in the Middle East
that that is my view. And I will hold the-as
best the U.S. can-hold the parties to a full
implementation of those resolutions. And
so, what I was signaling is that the territory


384




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 7


that has been ceded for peace is not the
end; it simply isn't.
Yes, Ellen [Ellen Warren, Knight-Ridder
Newspapers]? And then Tom. And then
we'll go up here.
Oil Drilling and Exploration
Q. Mr. President, you've used words like
"deadly," "tragic," "disastrous" to describe
the oil spill. During the campaign you said
you were an environmentalist. Have you
had any opportunity to rethink your commitment to drilling in the Arctic Wildlife
Refuge as a result of this disaster?
The President. Yes, I've had the opportunity.
Q. And what have you decided, sir?
The President. No, I don't think that you
compromise the genuine national security
interests of this country. And I don't think
that you can predicate a sound national
energy policy on an aberration that seemed
to have taken place in Prince William
Sound. And my-if for those that do, I say,
please let me follow logically: Are you suggesting, because of the alleged human error
of a pilot of a ship in Prince William Sound,
that we shut down all the offshore production in the Gulf of Mexico? Is that the suggestion? If so, I oppose it. And I think we've
got to do what I said in this statement: do
everything humanly possible here and elsewhere, on land and on sea, to see that we
have the soundest environmental practice
and reserve in terms of putting out fires or
stemming the flow of oil that leaks out, gets
away. But I am not going to suggest that
because of this we should rethink a policy
of trying to get this country less dependent
on foreign oil.
Alaskan Oil Spill
Q. Mr. President, you said earlier that
you don't want to defend the status quo in
Alaska. You sounded sometimes like you're
defending Exxon. Are you satisfied with
their performance since the spill?
The President. No.
Q. What have they done wrong? What
could they have done better?
The President. Let these experts tell you.
Q. Mr. President, you have said~
The President. I'm not satisfied with anything about it when we have a risk to the


environment like this. Because Ellen was
telling you correctly: I feel very, very
strongly about the damage to our environment there-to the fisheries, to the lives of
people involved there, and to all of that. So,
I am not totally satisfied.
Yes. I'm going to take two more. We're
taking too much time away from the people
that are really most thoroughly involved
with this. And besides that, we're getting
off Marlin's schedule.
Q. oh.
The President. Thank you for your understanding. [Laughter] Go ahead.
Minimum and Training Wages
Q.- Let me make one more subject
change, if I may, sir. You've said a couple of
times your minimum wage offer is your last
and best. Does that mean you feel that the
package being debated on the Hill now, the
Democrats' package, is worse than no bill at
all, sir?
The President. Well, there are several
packages being debated. But I've told you,
in terms of the increase and the length of
time for the training wage, we did something unusual. We fired our best shot and
last shot and only shot first. And I'd like to
take this opportunity to say what I heard
several of our leaders saying yesterday after
the meeting: I have no intention of budging
1 inch on this, and I've got too much at
stake to change right now, and I'm not
going to. And so, that's what we've done,
and I know it's an unusual procedure. The
Secretary of Labor made her position very,
very clear in this, and there we are.
Alaskan Oil Spill
Q. I was just going to ask one last question on this spill. You said that the cleanup
would be protracted. How long do you
think it's going to take-number of yearsand is there any real expectation this will
ever be cleaned up?
The President. Well, I think we've got to
hope that it is. I think Santa Barbara, I
would say, has been pretty well cleaned up.
I'd say that the spill, the Amoco Cadiz,
which was six times as big as this, has been
cleaned up. And so, we'Ive got to aspire to
standards that make me able to tell the


385




Apr. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


people of Alaska and people that are concerned all over this country: Yes, we can
shoot for that standard, and we have history
to point to. But I think what we do now
will determine how fast we can say that it
has been done. And that's why we want to
move as quickly as-we've got to.
All right, last one. In the middle. Owen
[Owen Ullmann, Knight-Ridder Newspapers]? Sorry, Tom.
Polish Roundtable Accords
Q. Can you tell me if you believe the
political agreement reached in Poland this
week could be a model for political reforms
throughout Eastern Europe? And can we
anticipate another visit to either Poland or
Eastern Europe by you this summer or this
spring?
The President. No two Eastern European
countries are the same. The striving for
change in some, if not all, of these countries
is the same. But I would say that the roundtable development there in Poland is very
positive, and I would certainly commend
the parties getting together there. I go back
to when we were there not very many
months ago, and many of you were with me


on that trip. I think the situation has moved
so fast since that trip that I took a year or
two ago that it's mind-boggling.
And to think that you'd see Jaruzelski
[Chairman of the Council of State] shaking
hands with Lech Walesa [Solidarity
leader]-we couldn't have predicted that a
couple of years ago. Why? Because I was
lectured very firmly about the Solidarnosc
being "outlawed." So, things are moving.
And I think it's a sign of the change that
democracy and democratization, if you
will-and elections and parliaments and
congresses-is on the move. And this is recognition of a trade union's rights to bargain.
This is all very encouraging. But what it
means to the other Eastern European countries, Owen, I simply can't tell you. In
terms of my own plans, we have not formulated any plans yet. I'd love to go back to
Poland sometime. I'd love to go back there,
but there's no such plans.
I really do have to run. And I'll just turn
this over now to Sam Skinner and the Congressmen and Senators.
Note: The President's 10th news conference
began at 10:50 a.m. in the Briefing Room at
the White House.


White House Fact Sheet on Federal Assistance for the Alaskan Oil
Spill Cleanup
April 7, 1989


The oil spill in Prince William Sound,
simply put, is one of the greatest environmental tragedies in American history. More
than 10 million gallons of oil went into the
waters of the Sound. The spill has been
deadly to marine life, mammals, and birds
on a substantial scale. Adding to the threat
of the situation was the possibility that
more than 40 million additional gallons of
oil still in the ship might have been discharged if further damage to the ship, still
on the reef in exposed waters, had occurred.
The remaining oil on the Exxon Valdez
has now been unloaded to the extent possible and the tanker refloated. Thus, the


danger that this tragedy could have been
magnified by several times in size has now
been removed. Now it is time to focus private and public resources on the job of
cleaning up the oil, protecting fragile areas
from the spreading pollution, and restoring
damaged areas.
The Exxon Corp. has acknowledged its
responsibility, and it will be held strictly
accountable for all damages caused by this
incident to the maximum extent of the law.
Exxon is currently conducting extensive operations designed to recover spilled oil. In
addition to Exxon's current efforts, a substantial Federal response has been mounted, coordinated by the United States Coast


386




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 7


Guard. At present, this effort involves
almost 400 Coast Guard personnel, as well
as vessels, aircraft, helicopters, and large
quantities of equipment.
The President has determined, however,
that this effort should be expanded; and he
has today directed a series of additional
measures.
Accelerating Cleanup
1. The President has asked Secretary of
Transportation Samuel Skinner to serve as
the President's personal liaison to the cleanup efforts. Secretary Skinner will be responsible for mobilizing and coordinating all
Federal Government Departments and
Agencies as necessary. Adm. Paul Yost,
Commandant of the U.S. Coast Guard, and
Vice Adm. Clyde Robbins will assume personal oversight direction of the cleanup
effort, working with Exxon and the Governor of Alaska.
2. The Department of Defense has been
directed by the President to make available
all facilities, equipment, and personnel that
can be effectively utilized in assisting the
cleanup of spilled oil. Planning for this
effort, which will be coordinated by Maj.
Gen. J.D. Smith, the Director of Military
Support, has already begun. Elements of all
military services will be available as necessary to support oil cleanup operations.
* The operations that are anticipated
will include utilization of Armed Forces
ground personnel in the cleanup of affected
beach areas, additional personnel and
equipment to assist in skimming and booming activities related to oil in the Sound,
and construction of facilities for civilian and
military personnel participating in the
cleanup efforts.
* As on-site coordinator of cleanup efforts, the Coast Guard has been assured of
the availability of necessary Department of
Defense assets. It has been charged by the
President with the responsibility of utilizing
the maximum practicable effort to begin
the restoration of affected land and water
areas.
* Use of military forces will not displace
civilian employment by Exxon or by Federal Agencies. By constructing facilities in
remote areas, the military effort will facilitate future use of civilian personnel in


cleanup-related work.
3. The President calls on Exxon to increase the number of civilian employees
and locally owned vessels employed in oil
cleanup operations. The President believes
that simple, expeditious, and nonexclusive
claims procedures should be established by
Exxon for those damaged as a result of the
spill. This assistance should include temporary funds pending resolution of permanent
claims.
4. The President has directed that a program for volunteers willing to assist cleanup
efforts be established during the coming
summer months. Volunteers and other civilian assistance will supplement military personnel in cleanup operations.
Promoting Recovery
5. In addition to these immediate cleanup
efforts, the President has named EPA Administrator William Reilly to coordinate efforts to promote the long-term revival of
the ecology of Prince William Sound. EPA
will draw on the expertise of leading scientific and oil spill experts in developing longterm recovery plans.
6. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration (NOAA) of the Department
of Commerce, the Department of Interior,
and the Department of Agriculture have
already commenced a scientific assessment
of the ecological damage from the oil spill
and the development of a plan for long-run
restoration, rehabilitation, and replacement
of the damaged natural resources. As a part
of this effort, the Departments will assist in
the development of plans for restoring fish
and wildlife stocks and habitats.
7. The President will shortly submit comprehensive oil spill liability and compensation legislation, and he urges Congress to
consider and act upon such legislation
promptly. In addition, the President believes ratification of pending international
oil spill agreements should receive priority
attention by the Senate.
8. The President has directed Secretary
Skinner, working with Exxon, the Alaskan
congressional delegation, State authorities,
and other agencies, to develop appropriate
loan programs to assist those who have suffered economic losses, and to report back to


387




Apr. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the President on such programs within 10
days.
9. Finally, the tragic consequences of the
Exxon Valdez situation have demonstrated
the inadequacy of contingency planning for
emergencies of this type. As a result, the
President has directed a review of contingency plans of this type nationwide to determine their adequacy in light of the lessons of this situation and the critical impor

tance of an adequate capacity for a timely
response. The National Response Team, established pursuant to the Clean Water Act
and the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act,
has been directed to undertake this reevaluation of existing planning and to report
findings and recommendations within 6
months.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on President Bush's
Meeting With President-Elect Alfredo Cristiani of El Salvador
April 7, 1989


President Bush met with Salvadoran
President-elect Alfredo Cristiani and Vice
President-elect Francisco Merino in the
Oval Office for 30 minutes today. The
President again congratulated Mr. Cristiani
for his first-round electoral victory on
March 19. The President said he looked forward to establishing the same sort of working relationship that he and President
Reagan had with President Duarte. In furtherance of that goal, the President issued
an invitation to Mr. Cristiani to come to
Washington in late summer for an official
working visit. Mr. Cristiani accepted the
President's offer and expressed his hope of
enhancing our mutual cooperation.
The President stated in strongest terms
his commitment to support Salvadoran democracy and his admiration of the commitment of the Salvadoran people who risked
death or injury by guerrilla threats to interrupt the vote. A U.S. observer team from
both political parties, as well as electoral
observers from other countries, have certified the election as free and fair. The President noted that El Salvador's democratic
institutions stand in marked contrast to
those of Nicaragua. The Salvadoran press is
free. Political groups mount demonstrations


without government interference. And the
Government has granted a total amnesty.
For the past 8 years, our commitment to
El Salvador has reflected a bipartisan consensus. Nevertheless, there have been some
voices that have prejudged Mr. Cristiani
and who are pessimistic about the future.
The President stated his view that Mr. Cristiani should be given the chance to prove
his dedication to democracy, peace, and
human rights. Mr. Cristiani has already
proven his ability to run a fair campaign,
which inspires our confidence about the
future.
The President and Mr. Cristiani noted the
importance of human rights in El Salvador.
The President noted with satisfaction Mr.
Cristiani's role in helping to overturn the
decision of a judge who released rightwing
elements accused of involvement in kidnapings. The President offered continued U.S.
assistance to improve Salvadoran judicial institutions.
Mr. Cristiani warmly endorsed the bipartisan accord on Central America as a contribution to peace and said that the focus must
remain on Nicaraguan democratization. The
President indicated that we would consult
El Salvador, as well as the other Central
American democracies, on peace issues.


388




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 10


Letter to Congressional Leaders on the Release of Additional Funds
for the ICBM Rail Garrison Program
April 7, 1989


Dear Mr. Chairman:
As you know, I am committed to an open
and full review of the ICBM modernization
issue. I am confident the review will provide the basis for development of consensus
on ICBM modernization. To this end, I
want to ensure nothing is done to prejudge
the results of the review by favoring one or
the other of the alternatives.
As I indicated in my February 17, 1989
letter regarding the ICBM modernization
program, we have ensured obligations for
the Rail Garrison program will not exceed
$250 million before April 3, 1989. Since the
national security strategy review will not be
completed by that date and since the FY
1989 Authorization and Appropriations Acts
allow release of additional ICBM modernization funds after February 15, 1989, I
intend to release $120 million to the Rail
Garrison program in April.
This will ensure the viability of the Rail
Garrison program while not affecting the


Small ICBM program, which can proceed
without additional funds until the national
security strategy review and amendments
to the FY 1990/1991 budget are completed.
This obligation of additional funds for Rail
Garrison must occur in order to prevent
program disruption, substantial cost increases, or significant schedule delays.
This action keeps both programs viable
and provides us the flexibility to proceed
with the programs as deemed appropriate
after completion of the strategy review.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Robert C.
Byrd and Jamie L. Whitten, chairmen of
the Senate and House of Representatives
Committees on Appropriations, respectively,
and Sam Nunn and Les Aspin, chairmen of
the Senate and House of Representatives
Committees on Armed Services, respectively.


Remarks on Signing the National Volunteer Week Proclamation
April 10, 1989


Well, what a great privilege it is to have
you here in the Rose Garden. You're taking
on the most difficult challenges that we face
as a nation. You're fighting poverty, drug
abuse, illiteracy, teen pregnancy, the alienation of young and old. And you're winning
because you refuse to believe that it can't
be done. And so, I'm here to thank you.
You've lived up to an ideal, once given
voice by Horace Mann, that I've always admired: "Be ashamed to die," he said, "until
you have won some victory for humanity."
Well, recently I received a letter from a
man in Indiana who was forced to retire on
disability because of heart problems. He
was only 45 years old. And he wrote to
explain that, while he couldn't take a job,
he was giving his time to a nearby mental


health center, a local school, and his county
environment department. And he wrote
this: "I guess what I'm trying to say is this:
I'm disabled, but not an invalid. And I
enjoy being able to be of help." Then he
went on, "I hope in some small way that
I'm still able to make a contribution to this
great nation of ours and, indeed, to the
world as a volunteer. I hope and pray that
you and I and, indeed, millions of others
will strive to truly make this a kinder and
gentler nation. We need that very much."
What an inspiration! The good that voluntarism does in this country every year wins
countless victories for humanity, large and
small. And here at the White House, we
benefit from the tireless efforts of volunteers. And seated to my right are people


389




Apr. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


motivated much the way you are. And I
include my wife, Barbara, in that. And then
there's Ella Miller sitting in the front row,
who continues to serve her community, her
church, and in local schools. And she is 108
years old.
And I'm told that over half of adult
Americans, 80 million, actively volunteer in
some way in their communities. And last
year that was worth almost $150 billion in
man- and woman-hours. But what you're
doing goes above and beyond dollars and
cents. Your work and the work of many
others as motivated as yourselves is a testament to a powerful idea: that along with
the many rights and privileges that distinguish us as Americans is the shared responsibility to look after one another. I always
like to remember that there is no exercise
better for the human heart than reaching
down and lifting someone else up. You understand that helping the less fortunate is in
everyone's best interest; that the most powerful gift we can offer anyone is a sense of
purpose, a path to self-esteem; that the
fabric of the family, like that of society,
must forever be renewed and rewoven.
At the Inaugural, I spoke of a new engagement in the lives of others. We must
seek common points where the practical
and the compassionate converge. Yours is
an example we seek to spread across every
community, every town, every city in
America.
This week I challenge every American
who cares about the future of this country
to get involved. Find a place or an organization or even a single life where you can
make a difference for someone else. From
now on in America, any definition of a successful life must include serving others. It's
not simply volunteering but the personal
act of helping another individual in need
which gives us membership in a community. Giving and expecting nothing in return
is what it means to be a citizen. When you
volunteer, you confirm your citizenship.
Volunteering is an act-it's an act of heroism on a grand scale, and it matters profoundly. It does more than help people beat
the odds; it changes the odds. You might


say it puts the unity in community.
And today I'll be signing a proclamation
to make this National Volunteer Week. But
week in and week out, it will be people like
you who bring the era of the offered hand
to life. And I'll be establishing a program
encouraging youth enterprise and service to
America. But it will be your challenge to
open your organizations to young people
seeking meaningful service to their communities; to match need with need; to find a
calling for every volunteer; and to keep reminding us that each one of us has something to give, each one of us has a gift to
give-which reminds me of an old story
that Barbara likes to tell about a minister
who was given a jar of peaches soaked in
brandy by one of his admiring parishioners.
This minister opens the jar, takes a whiff,
and says, "Oh, dear lady, you don't know
how grateful I am for this gift." "Really,"
says the lady, "it's such a small present."
"Ah," says the minister, "it's not the gift
that counts. It's the spirits in which it's
given." [Laughter]
Well, the spirit of voluntarism in America
is stronger than ever-stronger than it's
ever been. You know, Alfred North Whitehead once said, "With all its limitations, life
in America is better and kinder than anywhere on Earth that I've ever heard of."
And that's true, but we can make it better
still. We must lift away more of the limitations that remain and tap the limitless potential of the American people through
countless small victories for humanity. Together, let us give honor to the phrase, "I
volunteered."
And now I'd like to ask Barbara and the
group of kids and volunteers on the dais
here to join me as I sign the proclamation
making this National Volunteer Week. And
I do it with great respect for everybody
here and gratitude in my heart, as well.
Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 11 a.m. in the
Rose Garden at the White House. The proclamation is listed in Appendix E at the end of
this volume.


390




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 10


Remarks on Signing the Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989
April 10, 1989


Well, today I am pleased to sign S. 20, the
Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989. We
used to think of a whistleblower as some
guy in a funny hat running around on a
field with a black and white shirt on, always
throwing down the flag. But that might
well be an apt comparison for the business
at hand because whistleblowing is, after all,
the one who cries foul to waste, to fraud,
and to abuse. And in short, a true whistleblower is a public servant of the highest
order. And I share the determination of the
Congress that we do everything possible to
ensure that these dedicated men and
women should not be fired or rebuked or
suffer financially for their honesty and good
judgment.
This bill will go a long way toward this
goal by strengthening the protections and
procedural rights available to those Federal
employees who report misdeeds and mismanagement. Toward this end, the bill I am
signing today is a significant improvement
over legislation enacted by the Congress
last year. Indeed, the fact that the legislative and executive worked together to
eliminate major constitutional flaws in this
bill is, indeed, a reflection of our joint commitment to good government.
Through their diligence and hard work,
the Attorney General, along with Senator
Levin and Congressman Frank Horton and
others in the Congress, were successful in
clarifying the burden of proof on employees; eliminating independent litigating authority in the Office of Special Counsel; and
then, thirdly, retaining current law which


provides that the Special Counsel may only
be removed for inefficiency, neglect of
duty, or malfeasance. These three issues
were at the root of last year's disagreement
over this legislation. And I am tremendously pleased that these valid constitutional
concerns were addressed in the bill that I
am signing here today. As a result, this legislation will enhance the authority of the
Office of Special Counsel to protect whistleblowers and other employees victimized by
prohibited personnel practices. Whistleblowers will also now be allowed to take
their cases to the Merit System Protection
Board.
Let me also reaffirm my confidence in
the competence and skill of our senior executive and career managers and supervisors,
both civilian and military. And let us remember that most government managers
respond promptly and effectively to problems like those disclosed by whistleblowers,
even without special provisions of the law.
And finally, this bill is an example of how
the Congress and the administration can
work together to sharpen and to improve
legislation.
For this and many other reasons, I am
delighted to now sign S. 20, and I would
invite the members of the Congress that
are with us today to come forward as I do
so. And I appreciate very much you all
being here.
Note: The President spoke at 2:05 p.m. in
Room 450 of the Old Executive Office
Building. S, 20, approved April 10, was assigned Public Law No. 101-12.


Statement on Signing the Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989
April 10, 1989
Today I am pleased to sign S. 20, the   employees, often called "whistleblowers,"
"Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989."   who report waste, fraud, or abuse in FederThis bill will strengthen the protections and  al programs. It will ensure that those emprocedural rights available to those Federal  ployees will not suffer adverse personnel ac

391




Apr. 10 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tions because of their whistleblowing activities.
Federal employee whistleblowers can
make a valuable contribution to the Administration's commitment to ensure effective
and efficient use of tax dollars by the Government. My Administration shares the
view in the Congress that whistleblowers
should be protected from punitive action
against them in reprisal for their disclosures.
The bill I am signing today will enhance
the authorities and responsibilities of the
Office of Special Counsel to protect whistleblowers and other employees victimized by
prohibited personnel practices. It also provides whistleblowers with a new independent right to take their cases to the Merit
Systems Protection Board.
S. 20 addresses the chief constitutional
concerns raised by earlier versions of this
legislation. The most substantial improvement in the bill is the deletion of provisions
that would have enabled the Special Counsel, an executive branch official, to oppose
other executive branch agencies in court.
Under our constitutional system, the executive branch cannot sue itself. Article II and
Article III of the Constitution require that
disputes between executive branch officials
or agencies be resolved within the executive branch.
The second major improvement in the
bill is its clarification of the burden of proof
that an employee must meet in establishing
a claim that an adverse personnel action
was taken because of whistleblowing. The
bill clarifies that an employee must show
that whistleblowing activity was a "contributing factor" in the decision to take the
personnel action. The employee must demonstrate that his or her whistleblowing actually contributed to the agency's decision to
take the adverse personnel action. The
agency may rebut proof that whistleblowing
was a "contributing" factor in the decision
by showing that it would have taken the
action in the absence of any whistleblowing.
Several provisions of the bill must be con

strued carefully in order to avoid constitutional problems. Among these is new section 1217 of title 5, United States Code,
which provides that information transmitted by the Special Counsel to the Congress
"shall be transmitted concurrently to the
President and any other appropriate agency
in the executive branch." New section
12130) similarly provides that certain information that comes into the hands of the
Special Counsel shall be transmitted to the
President's National Security Advisor as
well as specified committees in the Congress. I do not interpret these provisions to
interfere with my ability to provide for appropriate prior review of transmittals by
the Special Counsel to the Congress.
In signing S. 20, I wish to reaffirm my
confidence in the competence and skills of
our senior executive and career managers
and supervisors, both civilian and military.
These individuals' day-to-day devotion to
duty is what makes the Government work.
Although whistleblowers clearly can and do
contribute to better government, these
managers respond regularly to a variety of
problems, including those disclosed by whistleblowers, without special statutory provisions and procedures.
I also have confidence that agency heads
and the Special Counsel will help address
the problems of fraud, waste, or abuse by
ensuring that reprisals for whistleblowing
will not be tolerated.
S. 20 will contribute to this effort, and I
believe it is a constructive measure that will
serve the public interest. I am pleased that
the Administration was able to work in a
spirit of cooperation and bipartisanship with
both Houses of Congress to resolve our differences and enact this important legislation.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
April 10, 1989.
Note: S. 20, approved April 10, was assigned Public Law No. 101-12.


392




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 11


Designation of John Charles Gartland as Chairman of the National
Commission for Employment Policy
April 10, 1989


The President today designated John
Charles Gartland as Chairman of the National Commission for Employment Policy.
He would succeed Trudy McDonald. Mr.
Gartland has served as a member since
March 3, 1987.
Since 1979 Mr. Gartland has served as
director of Washington affairs for the
Amway Corp. in Washington, DC. From
1974 to 1976, he served as Executive Assist

ant to the Secretary of the Treasury, and as
a congressional administrative assistant,
1977. He currently serves as chairman of
the Jefferson Foundation.
Mr. Gartland graduated from Villanova
University (B.S., 1963) and received a
master of arts degree in financial management from George Washington University.
He is a native of Cleveland, OH.


Nomination of Diane Kay Morales To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Energy
April 10, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Diane Kay Morales to be
an Assistant Secretary of Energy (Environment, Safety and Health). She would succeed Ernest C. Baynard.
Most recently, Ms. Morales has served as
head of her own firm, analyzing legislative
and national policy issues concerning complex weapons systems and arms control
issues. She has also coauthored a long-term
acquisition plan for ICBM modernization.
From 1986-1988, Ms. Morales has served as
vice president for government affairs for
the Earth Technology Corp., a geotechnical
and environmental services firm in Alexan

dria, VA, and Los Angeles, CA. Between
1981 and 1986, she was a Board Member of
the Civil Aeronautics Board and Committee
Chairman of the Native Hawaiian Study
Commission. She has served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy at the Department of the Interior, and was a consultant
for the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs in the Office of Management
and Budget and for the Consumer Product
Safety Commission.
Ms. Morales graduated from the University of Texas at Austin (B.A., 1968). She was
born in Houston, TX.


Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony for the President's
Volunteer Action Awards
April 11, 1989


The President. Welcome, honored guests,
ladies and gentlemen. First, I'm pleased to
see so many members of our Cabinet
present here today, Members of the United
States Congress, Senator. And welcome to
all of you, our most honored guests.


Let me add that I have a slight confession
to make. It's been said-and I know this
will shock you-that sometimes I don't
speak in very good English and that I have
a hard time being understood. I'll admit it;
it's true. And all I can say is that I'm in


393




Apr. 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


pretty good company, though. Look at Yogi
Berra. [Laughter] When asked if he had
seen "Dr. Zhivago," he said, "No, I feel
fine." [Laughter] And Danny Ozark, baseball's master of the malaprop, once observed of his ballplayers, "Contrary to popular belief, I've always had a wonderful repertoire with them." See what I mean? It's
not just me. Everybody does it; even these
silver-tongued orators have the meaning
blurred.
But today this group here makes me realize the message isn't blurred-certainly not
the message that brings us together. Let it
ring loud and clear: America is great because America is good. And America's
greatest deeds come from the basic decency
and compassion of her people, each of you
here today. And we see that decency and
compassion everywhere-in a child-care
center, the Rotary, the Little League, synagogue or church. It means lending a hand,
tending a wound, and helping the less fortunate.
And this is Volunteer Week, a time to
celebrate those qualities. And it's my honor
today to present the 1989 President's Volunteer Action Awards. These awards were
first presented in 1982, and since then 148
Americans have been recognized and honored. And I've said that from now on any
definition of a successful life must include
serving others. And today's award recipients
embody that definition.
Eleven years ago, Rose Tichy began tutoring adults through a church-sponsored
literacy program in Middleburg Heights,
Ohio. And she loved her work, but there
weren't enough adult-level books to fit her
students' needs. So, she got out her pen and
enriched the printed page, and since 1978
she's written 32 books and edited the more
than 100 books developed by her writers
group.
Down in Huntsville, Alabama, my dinner
partner, my very same Chessie Harris, once
took several abandoned children into her
two-bedroom home. And when the welfare
department demanded a boarding license,
the Harrises built a house on land purchased with money from the sale of a
family farm. And since 1958, that site has
been a home for more than 800 children, or
about 10 for each of Chessie's 82 years.


Eight hundred children-sounds like a
weekend with my grandkids in Kennebunkport, Maine, but nevertheless-[laughter].
Allison Stieglitz, 15 years old-listening to
her at lunch, sounds a little older than that.
But nevertheless, she was only 12 when she
asked her parents to use the money they
had planned to spend on her Bat Mitzvah
to provide Thanksgiving baskets for needy
families. And that first year, she gave out
15. In 1980, she donated 75. And in Miami,
Allison has begun a Sunday breakfast and
bag lunch program in two local temples.
Rose and Chessie and Allison and this
year's 15 other President Award winners
were chosen from nearly 1,500 nominations. And let's face it, the 15 just barely
scratched the surface of people that are volunteering and helping all across the country. You know that prosperity without purpose means nothing. Instead, you revere
what matters: simple, fundamental values
like decency, goodness, self-discipline, compassion, caring.
And as President, I want to promote
those basic values because they form the
heart of voluntarism and of these President's Awards. And that is why we have
opened the Office of National Service,
which is leading our administration's national service movement. This Office will encourage partnerships between all levels of
government, private enterprise, and the
voluntary organizations. It's going to take
things that work and carry them to the
Nation. And it will enlist new volunteers in
community-based efforts to combat urgent
social needs. And toward that end, soon I
will announce our administration's Y-E-S, or
YES to America program-Youth Entering
Service. Here American youth can give of,
not to, themselves. By saying yes to America, they can define a successful life.
Of course, that's what you already have
done. And you know that voluntarism never
asks, "What can I do for myself?" It asks,
"What can I do myself for others?" And,
yes, government can and should be a catalyst of caring. Its role is critical. But we
have surpassed-far surpassed-the limits of
what government alone can do. Voluntarism says that it is the private sector which
has the responsibility, the understanding


394




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 11


and, yes, the resources to confront issues
like hunger, health care, homelessness, illiteracy, teen pregnancy, and drug abuse. Our
challenge is to use that understanding and
those resources to meet our responsibility.
For we are a nation and a family, helping,
enriching, and caring for each other. And as
a family, we are committed to a nationwide
effort. Voluntarism says that individuals,
like communities, can join hands and exchange talents for the good of America.
One person can tutor an inner-city student.
That boy or girl can someday become an
engineer or an artist. The child-turned-adult
will then become a role model to others.
Fellow volunteers, each of you has been a
role model. You have enriched the American spirit. And in that spirit, let me close on
a personal note-about a hero, if you will.
Lou Gehrig was a Hall of Fame first baseman in the 1920's and the 1930's. He
played in 2,130 straight games, a record
which still stands. But more than that, he
was a good and decent man about whom a
teammate said, "Every day, any day, he just
went out and did his job." Fifty years ago,
Lou Gehrig was stricken by a form of paralysis which today bears his name: Lou Gehrig's disease. And even so, he told the
crowd at Yankee Stadium, "I consider
myself the luckiest man on the face of the
Earth."
This story has become-certainly among
sportsmen and, I think, even more widelyan American parable. But less known is that
after he left the Yankees, for much of the
last 2 years of his life, he served his fellow
man. He was dying, weaker by the day; he
could barely move his body. But as a parole
commissioner for the City of New York, he
counseled and inspired kids. And they
called him the Iron Horse, the Pride of the
Yankees. And he was a hero.
To serve others, to enrich your community-this truly defines a successful life. For
success is personal, and it is charitable, the
sum not of our possessions but of how we
help our neighbors. My friends, on that
score, you all have hit a grand-slam home
run. Congratulations to each of you, the
award-winners, and thank you for coming
today. And may your example inspire and
uplift others.
And now it is my distinct pleasure to


present the 1980 awards. And to help me is
another real volunteer, certainly the lead
one in our family, Barbara Bush.
And I'd like to ask Donna Alvarado, the
head of ACTION, and my dear friend, Mr.
Volunteer  himself,  Governor  George
Romney, to come forward to help Barbara
with these presentations. And then to all of
you, our most heartfelt thanks.
Mrs. Bush. The United Auto Workers,
Local 31, of Kansas City, Kansas-Bud Carroll, Local 31 president, accepting. The
United Auto Workers, Local 31, of Kansas
City, Kansas, joined forces with General
Motors, the city council, and other union
locals to raise $100,000 and remodel its
former union hall into a facility for the
homeless. UAW members and retirees now
volunteer at the center.
Samuel and Nanette Evans. Samuel and
Nanette Evans, of Arlington, Virginia,
formed the Northern Virginia Patriots, an
award-winning marching band whose 450
young members perform in colonial costumes at many nationally known parades
and events.
Senior Master Sergeant Apolonio E. (Ed)
Garcia, of Enid, Oklahoma, tutors Spanishspeaking immigrants in English as a second
language and has assisted over 50 Hispanics
to get their temporary resident papers.
Chessie Harris. Chessie Harris, of Huntsville, Alabama, founded Harris Home for
Children in 1958, a facility which has provided a home for over 800 abandoned children. She and Mr. Harris, who died in 1988
at the age of 93, raised the building and
operating funds and managed the home.
The Judeo Christian Health Clinic-Rhea
Hurwitz accepting. The Judeo Christian
Health Clinic, Tampa, Florida, organized in
1972 by a Presbyterian church and now
managed by a group of local churches, involves over 400 volunteer physicians and
other professionals in providing health care
to low-income people who do not qualify
for public assistance.
The Great American First Savings Bank,
You Miss School-You Miss Out programJames Schmidt, vice chairman, accepting.
The Great American First Savings Bank,
You Miss School-You Miss Out program,
San Diego, is designed to increase school


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Apr. 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


attendance by involving bank employees in
school activities through Adopt a School
programs, drawings for cash incentives for
perfect attendance, and special community
events.
Walter Maddocks, of Lancaster, Kentucky. Walter Maddocks headed Rotary International's Polio Plus program, a longterm commitment to eradicate polio in developing countries. Polio Plus has raised
over $168 million in cash and provided vaccines for children in 79 countries to date.
The Association of Junior Leagues, New
York City-Maridel J. Moulton accepting.
The Association of Junior Leagues, New
York City, founded in 1921, provides personal development and issues training for
members, advocacy at the national level on
subjects of interest to women and children,
and special programs emphasis on such
topics as teen pregnancy and women and
alcohol.
Habitat for Humanity, InternationalAmy Parsons accepting. Habitat for Humanity, International, based in Americus, Georgia, involves over 35,000 volunteers in 324
sites, who develop simple, decent, affordable housing for low-income families. Habitat provides no-interest loans, and the
buyers provide sweat equity.
Inner City Development, IncorporatedPatti and Rod Radle accepting. Inner City
Development, Incorporated, organized to
offer hope to the Hispanic residents of San
Antonio's inner city, provides a food and
clothing bank, a tutoring program, family
counseling, the city's largest recreation program, and a Christmas toy program that
allows parents to purchase toys for 10 percent of their actual price.
The Virginia Power Volunteer ProgramDr. James T. Rhodes, president and chief
executive officer, accepting. The Virginia
Power Volunteer Program provides an organized way for company employees and
retirees to volunteer in community activities through 60 volunteer team councils.
Employees participated in more than 1,500
projects, totaling over 100,000 hours of
service in 1988.
Covenant House-Father Bruce Ritter accepting. Covenant House, founded in New
York in 1968 by Father Bruce Ritter to provide shelter to runaway and abandoned


children, involves over 300 volunteers a
month as tutors, staffing recreation programs, providing counseling and operating
outreach programs, There are also Covenant Houses in Houston, Fort Lauderdale,
New Orleans, and Toronto.
Compeer, Inc.-M. Norton Rosner, chairman of the board, accepting. Compeer,
Inc., based in Rochester, New York,
matches training caring volunteers in oneto-one relationships with over 10,000
mental health clients in 120 communities.
REACH-David Schaff, vice president of
REACH program accepting. REACH-Responsible,  Educated  Adolescents  Can
Help-of Scottsbluff, Nebraska, involves 30
junior and senior high school students who
develop and deliver a strong drug and alcohol abuse message to elementary school students.
The California Marine Mammal CenterMary Jane Schramm accepting. The California Marine Mammal Center, based in Sausalito, involves over 330 volunteers out of a
staff of 350 in rescuing, rehabilitating, and
returning to their environment sick, injured, and distressed marine mammals.
The Clothing Bank: New Clothes for the
Homeless-Edward Shapiro accepting. The
Clothing Bank: New Clothes for the Homeless was developed in 1986 by the J.M.
Kaplan Fund and New York City Mayor's
Voluntary Action Center. The Clothing
Bank has provided over 1.25 million items
of new clothing worth over $6 million to
the city's homeless through 250 nonprofit
agencies.
Allison Stieglitz. Allison Stieglitz, of
Miami, Florida, developed the Thanksgiving
Basket program when she was 13 years old,
a program that now provides 75 baskets
each Thanksgiving. She also helped to develop a Sunday breakfast program that
feeds 250 homeless people each week.
Rose Tichy. Rose Tichy, of Middleburg
Heights, Ohio, began her work in literacy as
a tutor and has since written 32 books
geared to the skills of a beginning adult
reader on topics such as obtaining a driver's
license, AIDS, and books of interest to Ohio
readers.
The President. Congratulations, but much
more important, thanks for what you do to


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 12


set this example in our great country.
But finally we come to a man I'm pleased
to honor now. Twenty-two years ago,
having moved to the East Village in New
York to help the urban poor, Father Ritter
opened his door one night to see six children; and they were asking for a place to
stay. And eventually, as you heard, Father
Ritter founded Covenant House to provide
a shelter for abandoned and runaway children. Today his program involves over
1,200 volunteers each month, and it offers
shelter to more than 25,000 children each
year. My friends, because of Covenant
House, a child has escaped heroin addiction;
another no longer yearns for a decent meal;
still another views the world as a warm, not
sullen place. And it is an American success


story almost without parallel.
Last year a new award was created to
honor the individual or organization whose
contribution to voluntarism is greatest
among those winning the Volunteer Action
Awards. And so, I am pleased to announce
Father Ritter as this administration's first
recipient of an award named for a great
President and our dear friend, the Ronald
Reagan Award for Volunteer Excellence.
And to Father Ritter and all of you, our
warmest congratulations. Thank you all
very much for coming.
Note: The President spoke at 1:20 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House. In his
opening remarks, he referred to Senator
Dave Durenberger of Minnesota.


Continuation of Eugene J. McAllister as an Assistant Secretary of
State
April 11, 1989


The President today announced that
Eugene J. McAllister will continue to serve
as Assistant Secretary of State (Economic
and Business Affairs) at the Department of
State. He was appointed on April 1, 1988.
Mr. McAllister was an Assistant to the
President at the White House in Washington, DC, 1986-1988, and Executive Secretary for the Economic Policy Council, 1985 -1988. Prior to this he was Deputy Assistant
Director for Economic Affairs at the Office


of Policy Development, 1983-1985. He was
senior policy analyst at the Office of Management and Budget, 1981-1982. Mr. McAllister has also served as a Walker fellow in
economics at the Heritage Foundation in
Washington, DC.
Mr. McAllister graduated from Loyola
University of Los Angeles (B.A., 1974) and
the University of California at Davis (M.A.,
1976). He was born May 20, 1952, in Bronx,
NY.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on President and Mrs.
Bush's 1988 Income Tax Return
April 12, 1989


The President and Mrs. Bush's 1988 tax
return shows that they paid $62,106 in Federal income tax on an adjusted gross income
of $287,171, of which $115,000 was the
President's salary as Vice President. In addition to the Vice Presidential salary, the
Bushes also reported $155,662 in income


from their blind trust: $7,147 in interest
income and $12,362 in income from other
sources. A capital loss from the blind trust
of $3,000 also was reported.
The President and Mrs. Bush claimed
$65,365 in itemized deductions, which included $12,250 in contributions to 39 char

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Apr. 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ities and $218 to charities through the blind has been reviewed by the Office of Governtrust. The blind trust is managed by Besse- ment Ethics and will be filed in the Philamer Trust Company, N.A., New York City. delphia Regional Office of the IRS.
The President and Mrs. Bush's tax return
Remarks Congratulating the University of Michigan Wolverines on
Winning the NCAA Basketball Championship
April 12,1989


The President. Where's Bo? Is your Athletic Director here?
Coach Fisher. Bo's not here. We have our
Associate Athletic Director.
The President. All right. Please, be seated.
My briefing paper was wrong. [Laughter]
Glad to see you back.
Well, President Duderstadt and Coach
Fisher and all you Wolverine players and
staff; and members of the Michigan congressional delegation; and players and
coaches of the Dunbar, Highpoint, and
Archbishop Carroll High School teams;
above all, friends, welcome to the White
House. Let me recall, first, that this was
once the home of a Michigan alumnus-the
home court, you might say. [Laughter] And
I know that this morning-that Gerald Ford
would join me in saying that Michigan basketball, like America, is truly number one.
And secondly, let me welcome you here to
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. For nearly 200
years, this has been America's house. And in
1989, you have become America's sports
heroes.
And you know, it was another sports
hero, Yogi Berra-I love to quote Yogiwho once said at a state dinner right here
in this building: "How could you get a conversation started in there? Everybody was
talking too much." [Laughter] Well, today
America is talking, and they're talking
about you all and your incredible championship. And they're calling it Wolverine
Wonder or the Michigan Miracle or basketball's Impossible Dream. And the 1989 Wolverines, indeed, had it all: depth and quickness, shooting and intelligence, and that
strength of character which embodies a
champion.
For example, there's Terry Mills and Loy


Vaught and Mark Hughes, who combined
for 27 points in that great semifinal game
against Illinois; or Sean Higgins, who scored
the winning basket against the Fighting
Illini; and, yes, Bo Schembechler, you did
get Illinois, and I wish you were here to
join us today. [Laughter] And then there's
Rumeal Robinson, of whom Sports Illustrated said-and Jerry Ford would love this
one-"He looks and plays like a fullback."
And against Seton Hall, your two free
throws-I expect the sports fans in the
country will never forget them-those two
free throws with 3 seconds left won Michigan's first-ever national basketball championship.
And don't worry. I'm not forgetting Glen
Rice. [Laughter] This year he became the
Big Ten all-time leading scorer and the
NCAA tournament's most valuable player.
And, Glen, in the tourney's 6 games, you
scored 184 points to break the old record
held by a guy who works up the Hill here:
Princeton's Bill Bradley.
And finally there's Steve Fisher, new permanent coach at Michigan. Steve, compared with you, Walter Mitty was a humdrum existence-[laughter]-and your success even Ripley would disbelieve. But in 3
amazing weeks, you became the first rookie
coach to win a national basketball championship. And you helped Michigan become
the first school to win the Rose Bowl and
NCAA basketball title in the same year.
And last Monday night, surrounded by your
wife and two boys, you showed that nice
guys can finish first. And Thursday night,
Steve and his wife were here walking the
dog at the White House-[laughter]-and
he did a good job on that. [Laughter] So,
we're glad you're back. And 8 weeks ago,


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 12


following a last-second loss to Indiana-forgive me-Dan Quayle insisted that I bring
that one up. [Laughter]
The Vice President. Yes, you guys remember that? [Laughter]
The President. Glen Rice said that every
Michigan player was "going on a mission."
Well, last week, in Steve Fisher's words,
that mission reached basketball's "promised
land." And today, schools from Syracuse to
North Carolina to UCLA salute your story.
And today, "Hail to the Victors" is the
number one basketball hit parade song. Mission impossible? Yours has been a mission
accomplished.
And thanks for coming here. God bless
you all, and God bless the United States.
And now, Rumeal, I have a prop for
you-a basketball. And where is it? Here.
All right. Go for it. Right here, we've got a
little demonstration. [Laughter] You want
to fire one off? Oh, wait a minute, hold off.


I'm getting something, don't go away.
[Laughter]
[At this point, Rumeal Robinson and the
President each shot basketballs into a
hoop.]
That pressure must have been something.
Coach Fisher. Mr. President, it's with
great pride that our basketball staff, coaches, and administrators present you with a
Michigan Number One jersey to join us and
these high school athletes to let you know
how proud we are to be here. And we are
all number one today alongside you. Thank
you very much.
The President. Thank you, Steve.
Note: The President spoke at 11:05 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. Dr.
James J. Duderstadt was president of the
university.


Remarks Announcing the Nomination of Richard Harrison Truly To
Be Administrator of the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration
April 12, 1989


The President. Mr. Vice President and distinguished Members of the Congress and
Admiral Truly and Dr. Fletcher and Dale
Myers and NASA officials: today I'm pleased
to announce my intention to nominate Admiral Dick Truly to serve as the Administrator of NASA.
This marks the first time in its distinguished history that NASA will be led by a
hero of its own making, an astronaut who
had been to space, a man who has uniquely
experienced NASA's tremendous teamwork
and achievement. And Dick has given 20
years of his life to NASA's work. In April
'81, he piloted shuttle Columbia in America's first shuttle flight. And since 1986 he
served as the Associate Administrator for
Space Flight. He led the recovery team immediately following the Challenger accident and headed the return to flight team
that redesigned the solid rocket boosters
and then revamped NASA's safety and qual

ity assurance efforts.
I am fully mindful that because Dick
Truly is an active duty naval officer that I
will need the assent and cooperation of the
Congress to make this appointment. And I
would like to say thanks in advance to the
congressional leaders here today for their
willingness to assist in moving this important nomination forward. Dick is already a
busy fellow. He's going to leave this ceremony to go down to the flight readiness
review for the next shuttle launch. He's
going to the Cape, I believe.
Admiral Truly. Yes, sir.
The President. And on that mission, the
shuttle Atlantis will carry the Magellan
Venus Radar Mapper which will revolutionize knowledge about Earth's sister planet.
The launch of Magellan is the first in a
series of long-planned space science missions scheduled for 1989. I personally place


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Apr. 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


a great deal of importance in our nation's
civil space program. And NASA's scientific
achievements have been enormous, and its
future promises equally important discoveries. NASA's work is a source of inspiration
and a challenge to the young people in this
country. And the excitement and interest of
space exploration has encouraged many
young Americans to study technical fields.
NASA's accomplishments are a source of
pride to all Americans.
And in closing, I would be remiss, indeed,
if I didn't thank Dr. Fletcher once again for
an outstanding job as NASA Administrator.
I can tell you, I seldom speak for the Congress, but he has been an inspiration to all
of us. Jim, your return there gave NASA the
stability and leadership that it needed to
believe in itself again. And for your sacrifices and those of your family, too, we thank
you.
So, Dick, you know you've got a tough act
to follow, and I certainly know something
about following a class act myself. [Laugh

ter] But you are going to do a terrific job.
And we are very, very grateful at your willingness to undertake this. And Dan and I
look forward to working with you. Congratulations!
Admiral Truly. Mr. President, let me first
just thank you for the faith you show in me
to take over from a person of Jim Fletcher's
caliber in running NASA. NASA is premier
in aeronautics and space science and exploration and taking men and women to space
to do important jobs for our country. And I
really look forward to-with your leadership, in working with the Vice President at
the space council and contributing what I
can. And thank you so very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:35 p.m. in
the Roosevelt Room at the White House. In
his opening remarks, he referred to James
C. Fletcher and Dale D. Myers, former Administrator and Deputy Administrator, respectively, of the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration.


Nomination of Richard Harrison Truly To Be Administrator of the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration
April 12, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard Harrison Truly to
be Administrator of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. He would
succeed Jame C. Fletcher.
Since 1986 Rear Admiral Truly has
served as Associate Administrator for Space
Flight at the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration in Washington, DC.
Prior to this he was first Commander of the
Naval Space Command in Dahlgren, VA,
established on October 1, 1984. Rear Admiral Truly began his career in 1959 as a Navy
ensign and was designated a naval aviator
in 1960. From 1963 to 1965, he was first a
student and later an instructor at the U.S.
Air Force Aerospace Research Pilot School
at Edwards Air Force Base in California. In
1965 he was among the initial military astronauts selected to the USAF manned orbiting laboratory program in Los Angeles,


CA. He became a NASA astronaut in
August, 1969 and was a member of the astronaut support crew and capsule communicator for all three of the manned Skylab
missions in 1973 and the Apollo-Soyuz test
project in 1975. In 1977 he was a pilot for
one of the two-man crews that flew the
747/Space shuttle Enterprise approach and
landing test flights. His first flight in space
was November 12-14, 1981, as the pilot of
the space shuttle Columbia, the first
manned spacecraft to be reflown in space.
August 30, 1983, to September 5, 1983, he
was commander of the space shuttle Challenger, the first night launch and landing in
the shuttle program.
Rear Admiral Truly has received the
American Astronautical Society's Flight
Achievement Award, 1977; the Air Force
Association's David C. Shilling Award, 1978;
and the Society of Experimental Test Pilots'


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 12


Ivan C. Kincheloe Award, 1978. He has also
received the Defense Distinguished Service
Medal, the Defense Superior Service Medal,
the Navy Distinguished Flying Cross and
the Meritorious Service Medal; and the
NASA Distinguished Service Medal.


Rear Admiral Truly received a bachelor
of aeronautical engineering degree from
the Georgia Institute of Technology in
1959. He was born November 12, 1937, in
Fayette, MS. He is married and has three
children.


Nomination of James R. Thompson, Jr., To Be Deputy Administrator
of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration
April 12, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate James R. Thompson, Jr., to
be Deputy Administrator of the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration. He
would succeed Dale D. Myers.
Since 1986 Mr. Thompson has served as
Director of the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration's Marshall Space
Flight Center in Huntsville, AL. He has
served in various positions with NASA at
the Marshall Space Flight Center, including
associate director for engineering in the science and engineering directorate; manager
of the space shuttle main engine project in
the shuttle projects office; liquid propulsion
system engineer, 1963; lead engineer in the
space engine section; and chief of the space
engine section, 1968. He was chief of the


man/systems integration branch, 1969 -1974; manager of the main engine project
of the shuttle projects office, 1974-1982;
and associate director for engineering directorate, 1982-1983. He was deputy director
for technical operations at the Princeton
Applied Physics Laboratory, 1983-1986. He
served as the vice chairman of the NASA
task force inquiring into the cause of the
space shuttle Challenger accident.
Mr. Thompson graduated from the Georgia Institute of Technology (B.S., 1958) and
the University of Florida (M.S., 1963). He
received the NASA Medal for Exceptional
Service in 1973, and the NASA Medal for
Distinguished Service in 1981. He was born
in Greenville, SC.


Message to the Congress Transmitting Proposed Legislation on
Government Ethics
April 12, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I am pleased to submit for your consideration and enactment a bill entitled the
"Government-Wide Ethics Act of 1989."
This legislation reflects my commitment to
ensuring the protection of the public interest in the integrity of the Government.
The "Government-Wide Ethics Act of
1989" would constitute the first major revision of the Ethics in Government Act of
1978 and covers a broad spectrum of ethics
issues. Federal personnel financial disclosure reporting requirements would be re

vised to strengthen the public disclosure
process. The general conflict-of-interest and
post-employment restriction statutes would
be strengthened and expanded to cover,
with stated exceptions, officers and employees in all three branches of Government.
The bill also includes numerous other important provisions addressing such matters
as: deferral of tax liability associated with
divestiture of assets in order to avoid conflicts of interest; outside earned income limitations for senior officials; extension to the
Congress of the independent counsel stat

401




Apr. 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ute; and restrictions on the use of excess
campaign contributions.
The proposals represent an effort to communicate definitive ethical standards to
Federal employees throughout our Government. The people who dedicate their lives
selflessly to serving this country and the


citizens who rely on the integrity of their
public servants deserve no less.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
April 12, 1989.


White House Fact Sheet on the President's Ethics Reform Proposals
April 12, 1989


Today the President sent to the Hill his
ethics reforms legislation and signed an Executive order establishing strict ethical
standards for the executive branch. The bill
and order reflect the President's strong
commitment to integrity in government
and incorporate many of the recommendations of the President's Commission on Federal Ethics Law Reform, established by
President Bush in January 1989. These proposals follow the four principles the President had set forth to guide the Commission:
1. Ethical standards for public servants
must be exacting enough to ensure that
the officials act with the utmost integrity and live up to the public's confidence in them.
2. Standards must be fair, objective, and
consistent with common sense.
3. Standards must be equitable all across
the three branches of the Federal Government.
4. We cannot afford to have unreasonably
restrictive requirements that discourage able citizens from entering public
service.
The President recognizes that the order
may need to be amended, depending on
what is ultimately enacted as law, but he
signed the order today to avoid any delay in
implementing ethics reform in the executive branch.
In separate legislation sent to the Hill
today, the President proposed a 25-percent
pay increase for judges, and the proposed
ethics bill itself includes a limitation on receipt by judges of honoraria. The President
will be working with the Congress separately on the questions of honoraria for Mem

bers of Congress, a possible congressional
pay raise, and a pay raise for certain executive branch positions, including specialized
jobs like those at the National Institutes of
Health.
GOVERNMENTWIDE ETHICS ACT OF 1989
Financial Disclosure
* Financial reporting and review requirements would be uniform across the
three branches of government.
* In place of the current system in which
individuals disclose only the category of
value of their assets and income, the bill
would require individuals to disclose the
actual value of each asset and source of
income rounded to the nearest thousand
dollars. (Where the actual valuation is unknown or not easily determined, a good
faith estimate could be supplied. In the case
of stock, an individual could report the
number of shares held.)
* Employees would no longer be exempted from reporting liabilities for home
mortgages and loans from relatives other
than spouses, parents, brothers, sisters, and
children.
* Commissioned officers in the Executive Office of the President (not including
advisory committee members) would be
added to the list of those required to file
public financial disclosure reports.
* To reinforce the independence of the
trustee of a qualified blind trust, such a
trustee could not be an individual or an
entity owned in its entirety by an individual.
* The legislation would create an advisory commission to study ways of simplifying


402




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 12


the forms that need to be filled out in the
Presidential appointment process and to
report back to the President within 90 days.
Conflicts of Interest
* The proposal would extend coverage of
the general conflict-of-interest statute, 18
U.S.C. 208, to the judiciary and to nonMember officers and employees of the Congress (but not to Members themselves).
* Members of Congress would be included in the portion of 18 U.S.C. 208 that prohibits an official from taking actions that
affect entities with which he is negotiating
for employment.
* The Internal Revenue Code would be
amended to authorize deferral of tax liability when an individual is required by his/
her agency to divest assets in order to avoid
conflicts of interest.
* The President would be given the authority to grant conflict-of-interest waivers
when the national interest so requires.
* Advisory committee members would
be allowed conflict-of-interest waivers if the
appointing official determines, after review
of confidential financial disclosure reports,
that the need for a member's expertise outweighs the potential of conflict of interest.
The proposal would require public disclosure of the waiver and the information from
the report about the financial interest necessitating the waiver.
* The Office of Government Ethics
would receive the authority to issue regulations providing for waivers, across-theboard, for inconsequential and remote financial interests.
Honoraria, Outside Activities, and Gifts
* The current statute barring supplementation of the salaries of executive
branch officials would be extended to the
judicial branch; this would have the effect
of barring the receipt of honoraria for
speeches, writings, and other appearances
in their official capacity by judges and other
judicial branch employees.
* The legislation would impose a capset at 15 percent of an Executive Level I
salary-on the outside income that could be
earned by senior officials in all three
branches. (In view of the pending discussion


with Congress regarding honoraria, congressional honoraria would not count
against the cap.)
* The legislation would bar senior officials in all three branches of government
from serving on the board of directors of a
for-profit enterprise. Requests by such employees to serve on the boards of nonprofit
organizations would be subject to case-bycase review to avoid conflicts of interest.
* The legislation would include uniform
governmentwide rules for agencies and individuals concerning the acceptance of reimbursement of travel expenses.
* The legislation would prohibit employees in all three branches, except pursuant
to reasonable exceptions provided by regulation, from accepting a gift or other item
of monetary value from anyone seeking official action from their agency or whose interests may be substantially affected by the
performance or nonperformance of the employee's official duties.
Postemployment Restrictions
* The    lifetime  prohibition  against
making representations to the Government
in a particular matter involving specific parties would be extended to the judicial
branch.
* The bill would abolish "compartmentalization" of the Executive Office of
the President (EOP) for postemployment
purposes. Thus a senior employee leaving a
job in any agency within the EOP would be
subject to a 1-year cooling-off period before
he or she could attempt to influence any
official anywhere within the EOP.
* The existing 1-year postemployment
cooling-off period for senior executive
branch employees would be extended to
cover senior personnel in the legislative and
judicial branches. (During the cooling-off
period, former employees are generally not
permitted to contact their former agencies.)
Members of Congress and legislative staff
would be barred from contacting Members
or staff in either House of Congress during
the cooling-off period. Compartmentalization rulings would be possible for legislative
staff, but not for Members.
* A proposed new provision would limit
damaging "side-switching" by Government


403




Apr. 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


employees by prohibiting former executive
and legislative personnel, for 2 years after
leaving the Government, from disclosing
specified nonpublic government information, including specified information pertaining to U.S. strategy in international negotiations.
Enforcement and Structure
* The independent counsel statute
would be extended to cover the Congress.
Other changes to the statute would include
the selection of an independent counsel
from a list of 15 individuals submitted by
the Attorney General.
* Misdemeanor and civil penalties would
be included as sanctions for violations of the
criminal conflict-of-interest statutes, while
retaining and enhancing felony sanctions
for willful violations of these laws.
* The Attorney General would be given
authority to seek injunctive relief for violations of these laws, and administrative debarment authority against former Government employees who violate the postemployment restrictions would be expanded.
* The bill would authorize an exemption
from the Federal Advisory Committee Act
facilitating the creation of a White House
Ethics Council to advise White House and
Cabinet officials, in conjunction with the
Counsel to the President, on ethics matters.
Campaign Financing
* The bill would prohibit the use of
excess campaign contributions for personal
use and office expenses.
EXECUTIVE ORDER
* The new Executive order would set
forth 14 fundamental principles of ethical
conduct for the executive branch.
* Full-time noncareer Presidential appointees in the executive branch would be
prohibited from receiving any earned
income for outside employment during
their Presidential appointments.
* The Office of Government Ethics
would be responsible for administering the
order by:
Consolidating all executive branch
standards of conduct regulations into
a single set of regulations, and devel

oping and periodically updating a
comprehensive   executive  branch
ethics manual.
Issuing regulations (with the concurrence of the Attorney General) interpreting the general statute prohibiting actions in matters in which employees have financial interests (18
U.S.C. 208) and the statute prohibiting supplementation of salaries (18
U.S.C. 209).
-Issuing regulations (as previously authorized) setting forth a system for
nonpublic (confidential) financial reporting for executive branch employees to supplement the public disclosure system.
Agency responsibilities include:
Supplementing the standards provided by law, the Executive order, and
the comprehensive regulations issued
by the Office of Government Ethics.
Any supplements must be prepared
as addenda to the comprehensive
branch-wide regulations, and be approved by the Office of Government
Ethics.
Consulting with the Office of Government Ethics, where practicable,
prior to granting waivers of conflictof-interest requirements, and providing that office with a copy of any
waiver granted.
-Obtaining approval from the Office
of Government Ethics for annual
plans for training and awareness activities.
Providing mandatory annual training
briefings on ethics for all senior officials as well as other designated employees. All Executive Office of the
President staff would be included.
Assessment of the ethics program in
each agency and provision of adequate support, including the use of a
separate line item in the budget,
where practicable.
* The order would provide that the Executive Office of the President may not be
compartmentalized for the purpose of the
1-year postemployment cooling-off restriction.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 12


* The order reaffirms existing delegations of authority to issue conflict-of-interest
Remarks to the American Society
April 12, 1989
The President. Thank you all very much.
John, thank you-please. Well, I'm delighted to be here and look forward to taking a
few questions. I've been getting such a ribbing about my highly stylized prose; I
thought it only appropriate for me to share
a few recent headlines with you. [Laughter]
I'm sure nobody here would write things
like this, but-"Dentist Receives Plaque"that was one-[laughter]-"Actor Sent to
Jail for Not Finishing Sentence"-[laughter]-and "The Rest of the Year May Not
Follow January." I'm tempted to gloat. If
that's the standard, I'm not doing too bad.
[Laughter]
Adlai Stevenson said: "An editor is a
person who separates the wheat from the
chaff and prints the chaff." [Laughter] So, I
know I'm probably responsible for providing my fair share of chaff, but after all, I am
the guy that said during the campaign, "A
kitchen in every pot"-[laughter]-and also
that "America's freedom"-I was reminded
by some of these back here-"America's
freedom is the example by which the world
expires." [Laughter]
So, let no one miss the message: As editors you uphold a certain ethical standard in
your newsrooms, and you've got to do that
because a newspaper is only as good as its
word. And I think this is no less true of
government. High ethical standards are
central to this administration, and we're
going to enforce them strictly, comprehensively, fairly, and to the letter and spirit of
the law.
And we've got to work together to
reform a public code of conduct that at
times appears to be in disarray. And it's not
logical or fair-a code-it's both too harsh
and too lenient. And it elevates detail over
substance, precept over principle.
And so, today I want to talk to you about
some proposals of our administration, be

waivers for certain Presidential appointees.
of Newspaper Editors
cause such a system as now constituted ultimately breeds cynicism and contempt for
the law. To truly reform it, we must remember that standards of trust and honesty
are not dictated from regulations written in
Washington, DC. Ethics in public service
derive from the natural integrity of the
American people. They are to be found in
the everyday conduct of working men and
women, in the postman checking up on the
elderly resident at home or in the cashier
who runs after the customer that's been
overcharged. The millions of Americans
who meet their obligations honestly and
teach their kids to do it the same way see
nothing extraordinary about asking the
same of their government. The American
people are troubled when they hear of officials in every branch of government, at
whatever level of government, who show a
brazen contempt for the letter or spirit of
the law. And the American people do not
understand why certain behavior is considered criminal when committed by an executive branch official-are perfectly legal
when committed by someone in another
branch of government. Is not a crime a
crime? Should there not be an underlying
standard of integrity for all?
And as President-elect, I heard about talented men and women who, though perfectly honest, declined to come to serve in
government out of fear-fear of the sheer
complexity of Federal ethics laws, fear that
a simple, honest mistake could lead to a
public nightmare. And these concerns led
me to issue an Executive order [No. 12668]
creating the President's Commission on
Federal Ethics Law Reform. And I asked its
members to recommend steps to foster full
confidence in the integrity of all Federal
public officials and employees.
And on March 9, as you may remember,
this Commission filed its report and its rec

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Apr. 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ommendations. It was chaired by Judge
Wilkey, co-chaired by former Attorney
General Griffin Bell. In fact, the legislation
now resulting from their recommendations
and other ideas that I have-the legislation
is being sent to the Congress today. And
just this morning, I issued an Executive
order [No. 12674] announcing ethical principles for the conduct of executive branch
employees.
Both actions seek a common end: to raise
ethical standards, to avoid conflicts of interest, and to ensure that the law is respected
in fact and in appearance.
There are those, of course, who say that
public ethics and values cannot be legislated-and I'm inclined to agree. You're never
going to legislate away impropriety or
through legislation guarantee that everybody lives beyond the, you know, perception of criticism -but these values and
ethics can be encouraged, respected, and
adhered to in government. Public service
must reflect the best values of America.
And let me add that most public servants,
in my view, do that. And I have served in
the Congress, and I have served in the executive branch as well.
Jefferson said: "The whole art of government consists in being honest." And yet too
often, simple honesty is not enough. Government rules have worked at cross-purposes. Our regulations have been complicated and unequally applied. Our laws have
been contradictory and unclear. And we've
spent more time trying to understand Federal ethics laws than we have trying to live
by them.
My ethics program seeks to remedy these
defects. How? By setting four objectives:
first, to establish clear ethical principles;
second, to ensure uniform standards among
all three branches of government; third, to
insist that these standards be fair and reasonable; and fourth, to ensure that these
standards attract, not drive out, talented
men and women to government.
My ethics program first insists that ethical
standards must be exacting enough to
ensure that officials act with the utmost integrity, for the public's confidence is not
ours to inherit. We must earn that confidence, and it must be constantly renewed.
With this in mind, I have placed a ban on


outside income for noncareer Presidential
appointees in the executive branch, including all employees in the immediate White
House Office. I am proposing expanded financial disclosure for all three branches of
government. And I have instructed my staff
to perform a comprehensive review of Federal campaign finance laws.
Regarding the last, I have already
reached  one   determination.  Congress
should extend for all Members the prohibition against the conversion of political contributions for personal or office use. Political
donations should not become a sort of individual retirement account for Members of
the United States Congress. And I call on
Congress to close this loophole, and to close
it this year.
Modern democratic government works
best when organized by strong political parties. And yet we've allowed our parties to
become weakened and overshadowed by
special interests. And we can best restore
the role of the parties by limiting political
action committees. PAC's weaken the parties, restrain competition, and deaden the
political debate. And I believe we should
eliminate contributions to candidates by political action committees, and I'll be consulting with the Congress about that. And I also
oppose Federal funding of congressional
campaigns. My legislative proposal also
strengthens the rules against abusing the
revolving door for private gain at the expense of public trust. These rules must not
make Government service a bar to productive work in the private sector, but they
must prohibit the appearance of profiting
from Government service, and this must include the legislative branch as well.
I'm proposing a 25-percent pay raise for
Federal judges, while restricting their acceptance of honoraria. I also believe that
honoraria for Members of Congress should
be banned. And I believe Congress should
have a pay increase. And I will not make a
formal proposal on Congress until after I
consult with the leaders of Congress on the
issue of congressional pay. There is no
point, absolutely no point, in putting Congress through another traumatic bashing
like the one just completed. And I will include in those consultations the question of


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 12


a pay increase for certain executive branch
positions, including specialized jobs like
those out there at the National Institute of
Health. And I will strongly support pay increases for these jobs which are so important to this country.
My ethics program's second goal recognizes that ethical consistency demands equitable standards across all three branches of
government. And under our Constitution,
every branch of government is equal and
none warrants preferential treatment. The
same standard that applies to a staff person
at HUD should also apply to housing subcommittee staff on Capitol Hill. And a practice is either ethical or it is not. And if
Washington is to be a level playing field,
then every player should be treated the
same. And therefore, I am proposing that
we must extend the independent counsel
statute to cover the Congress. I am also
proposing that the Federal statute that prohibits employees from taking actions that
enhance their own financial interest be extended to cover legislative and judicial
branch employees. There should also be an
independent ethics office for Congress, to
be headed by a clearly nonpartisan official,
confirmed by both Houses. And I ask that
the existing 1-year postemployment coolingoff period for the senior executive branch
employees also apply to the legislative and
judicial branches.
And then there's the third objective of
this ethics program. It insists that standards
be reasonable and reflect good old-fashioned common sense. Some financial interests, for example, are too minor to create
any meaningful conflict of interest at all. So,
I want the Office of Government Ethics to
have the authority to issue regulations authorizing waivers from these conflict of interest statute. But at the same time, we're
urging tougher penalties when intentional
violations of criminal conflict of interest
laws occur. We're asking officials from all
three branches to simplify the forms that
must be completed by prospective appointees. And I'm also requiring mandatory
annual briefings on ethics for Presidential
appointees.
My program's fourth objective is to attract and keep the best people in government by keeping Federal ethics laws fair


and balanced.
An ethics law is not a weapon-a blunt
instrument with which to pound a public
servant. It's not a gag with which to silence
the outspoken. It's a tool to ensure a government as honest as the American people.
We must not allow overly restrictive requirements to be abused or to keep talented people from entering public service.
And that is why we have carefully crafted
new postemployment restrictions. And
that's why we want to allow persons who
are required to divest assets to defer their
tax liability.
My ethics program shows exactly where
we are going and why. We seek to attract
and keep the best and brightest in government. And by helping others, by building a
better America-honorably, ethically-we
seek to show how public service is not the
sum of our perks or possessions but a measure of how we conduct ourselves and what
we achieve.
Come to think of it, this is a good code
for all occupations, from high school to the
highest callings in journalism and government. I am delighted to have the opportunity to present to you the principles of this
ethics package and obviously-I don't want
to see this powerful crowd escape without a
pitch-I'd like to have your editorial support for the objectives that I've outlined
here today.
Thank you all very much, and I'd be glad
to take your questions.
Political Opportunities for Minorities
Q. Mr. President, my daughter thanks
you for the autograph you gave us last
week, and I'm asking this question on her
behalf. She is a 12-year-old 6th grader-and
I'm a little nervous here-12-year-old 6th
grader at Shepherd Elementary School.
And she asked me after I left the White
House, "Daddy, will I ever be President?
Will I have a chance to be President like
Mr. Bush?" She's black and also female. Do
you envision, sir, a time when this country
might be prepared to elect a black and/or
female as President?
The President. Yes, I do. I'd say to her: If
I can make it, she can make it. But nevertheless-[laughter]-no, but seriously, Ben


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Apr. 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


[Benjamin Johnson, Jr., managing editor of
the Columbia-Missourian], of course we're
in changing times here; and the great thing
is that she might, by her question, aspire to
be President. And I hope that I can keep
alive, for at least the time I'm in the White
House, the concept-the honor of public
service, the obligation to put something
back into the system, and also the fact that
if you get into the arena you get a very
different perspective than when you're sitting outside.
I'll always love what Sam Rayburn said.
And this is a little off your question for your
daughter. But as he was listening to some
debate with a bunch of staffers, I think it
was, up on the Hill, he said, "Well, the
problem is they never ran for sheriff." And
it makes a difference. So, I hope that the
question means she is interested, and I
hope that the progress this country has
made and will make in the future will guarantee that a black teenager today, female,
might well be President of the United
States.
Secretary of Defense-Designate Tower
Q. How do you square that excellent program you've just outlined to us, sir, with the
Tower nomination and your support right
to the end?
The President. I see no contradiction
whatsoever. As you know, I don't want to
relive the Tower question, but I believe
that judgments should be made on reality,
not on perception. I didn't like what happened, and I don't think that it is any conflict at all with any of the four points I
made here today. So, I'd simply-and nothing convinced me from the hearings of that,
because I don't think that there was anything that was pointed out to definitivelythat conflicts with what we've talked about
here. So, I just would respectfully disagree
with the conclusion that the United States
Senate reached. And I'm going to work
with them. We're going forward now. And
they promptly confirmed Dick Cheney. But
I just don't see any there at all.
Fairness Doctrine
Q. Mr. President, this week the House
committee reported out a bill which most
of the people in this room think would se

verely limit and hamper the first amendment. It would pass into law the so-called
fairness doctrine. The head-counters say
that it will probably go through both chambers quite comfortably. Will you stand with
your predecessor in vetoing that bill should
it come to you?
The President. Well, I don't want to indicate a veto would be necessary, but I will
stand with the previous position that I was a
part of in the last administration.
Press Coverage of Presidency
Q. Mr. President, since you've taken
office, you've greatly increased the access to
the Presidency on the part of the press, and
you've taken such initiatives as hosting
small dinners in your private residence with
reporters and editors. This has sparked
some debate, and if I can frame it, if you'll
permit me to frame it in the spirit of our
morning session with Morton Downey and
Geraldo Rivera [television talk-show hosts]
and others: Is he trying to woo us, and may
he succeed in seducing us? Mr. President, if
you would explain your philosophy to press
coverage of the Presidency and the relationship with your administration? I realize
that some of the debate is probably our
ability to complain, no matter what kind of
access we get. But I'd like to hear your
views of your relationship to the media.
The President. Well, in the first place,
when Barbara and I invite a reporter and
her spouse or a reporter and his spouse to
the White House for an upstairs dinner,
we're doing that not to seduce the press[laughter]-treating them as human beings.
And one of the reasons-you've asked my
press policy-one of the reasons I don't take
questions over the sound of the helicopter
blades out there is: I want to treat the press
with the dignity to which it is entitled. And
if you have to get your question answered
by screaming at me when I don't want to
answer it, you don't look very good. And I
don't think it's very good for the White
House.
And so, what I've tried to do is have
enough availability. In fact, I'm going to
cross this one up as a press conference for
the record. One more notch so I can go to
those doubters-[laughter]-and say, look,


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 12


we want to be accessible. But I would separate out-you know, I don't know what
we'll do at Christmas. So, what Barbara and
I try to do at our house is say, hey, you and
Joan and Gene, or whoever it is, come on to
the Christmas party-and not have to have
it all categorized and so afraid that somebody thinks I'm trying to seduce some reporter that you have to be treated as something so different than anybody else. And
so, availability-don't get mad when they
ask stuff you don't like, and treat people as
you would whatever walk of life or whatever occupation they come from. And if it's
misinterpreted, fine. You don't have to
come.
And so, I understand. I remember back a
few years ago when one of the great news
organizations said, "Okay, we're no longer
going to be used. We're not going to any
backgrounders or off the record." It lasted
about 30 seconds, and those reporters came
trooping back in. [Laughter] But I respected that if they want to do it; but please
believe me that when we do it this way, it's
what we feel is appropriate. And if it's not,
I'll sure-I think we'll take a hit, but I'm
unpersuaded by the gentle logic of Morton
Downey-[laughter]-and whoever that
other guy was that was here.
Speaker of the House Wright
Q. Mr. President, since you've announced
this ethics program for the executive
branch, I'd like to ask your comments about
another situation involving ethics.
The President. Oops. Nice try, Jack [Jackson B. Tinsley, editor and vice president of
the Fort Worth Star-Telegram]. [Laughter]
Go ahead.
Q. That is the long running Ethics Committee investigation of House Speaker Jim
Wright. The Washington Times reported
this morning that the findings of this committee would be turned over to the Justice
Department for investigation of possible
Federal law violations. And also, there is a
belief by some in Texas that since the rejection of John Tower as your first nominee for
Secretary of Defense, that there might be
an attempt by the Republican Party to retaliate against Speaker Wright. Would you
comment on that, please?
The President. Well, let me comment on


the last part first, and I know of no such
retaliatory action. I think it would be impossible to do anyway. And it would be wrong,
and certainly I would condemn anyone in
our administration that had any hand in
anything of that nature. Secondly, there is
nothing in this ethics package-when I call
for an even playing field-Congress, executive branch, and judicial branch do have
the same standards that should in any way,
directly or indirectly, be interpreted as intervening in the matter now before the
House Ethics Committee. And surely,
Jack-and I know there's this interest, particularly in your area and in my State. And
I think it's wider than that now in the matters that are going forward there. But the
last thing I want to do is involve myself in
any way.
And please believe me, there is no-on
my view, I answered the first question as
frankly as I could about the John Tower
matter. But in terms of getting even or
something of that nature by unfairly intervening into a process that is now being handled by the Ethics Committee in the House,
I simply wouldn't condone that at all, and I
would condemn it. So, I want to separate
out what's happening there from this package, and certainly, in response to your question, from any politics of retaliation because
of my view that the Tower matter was not
handled the way I would like to have. seen
it handled.
Oliver North
Q. At this point in time, would you call
Ollie North a real American hero?
The President. Anybody that gets a
Purple Heart and sheds his blood fighting
for his country deserves to be called an
American hero. And it was in that context
that I made those claims, and in that context that I will repeat them. And the last
thing I want to do is intervene in that
matter that is now before the courts. But
that's how I feel about those who risk their
lives to save this country.
Texans in Government
Q. In view of the fact that there's a program on the table to put a space establishment in Houston and the supercollider is


409




Apr. 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


going to be built in Jack's backyard, or has
been selected to be built in Jack's backyard,
and two or three of the top administrative
officials are from Texas, is there a real backlash developing because of that? We saw
the Georgia Mafia. We saw the California
Mafia talked about by the press. Is this
going to happen? And is it going to hurt
your program?
The President. No. [Laughter] No, we've
made appointments that are excellent in
my view, men and women of standing. And
the fact that some of them come from my
home State-hey, what's wrong with that?
And the supercollider decision was made by
President Reagan. It's a good decision. I
want to support it. The space center was
made by-I guess when President Johnson
was in office, or maybe under President
Kennedy-I'm not sure. And it should have
strong support. But I don't see any risk of
backlash at all, provided you get people
that measure up. And that's what I'm trying
to do.
Q. Mr. President, I apologize. I've neglected the far left, which some would say
is out of character for me. [Laughter]
The President. Note that he said that, not
I. [Laughter] Go ahead.
Alaskan Oil Spill
Q. Mr. President, I live and work in a
State with a 2,500-mile coastline, a coastline
that includes an oil terminal as well as the
village of Kennebunkport. I'm wondering
why it took so long for the Government to
move on the Alaskan oil spill. Why didn't
the Government-the Federal Government-move more boldly, more quickly to
clean up the spill?
The President. I think the Federal Government moved much more quickly and
more boldly than it gets credit for. I consider the United States Coast Guard a part of
the United States Government. And the
Coast Guard moved very rapidly. What we
did not want to do-and I'm convinced
now, even in retrospect, that this decision is
correct-was to relieve the Exxon Corporation of its liability by federalizing. And
when I promptly sent our able EPA Administrator [William K. Reilly] and our head of
the Coast Guard, Admiral Yost, and Sam
Skinner, the Secretary of Transportation, up


there, they came back with the unanimous
recommendation that federalizing wasn't
appropriate. The Federal assets-we have
moved forward now on the cleanup. The
first was containment, and now it's mainly
in the cleanup phase, although there still
are some containment problems.
Subsequently-and   maybe   I  should
accept some criticism on whether I should
have done this a week before we did, or
something of that nature; I'm giving you
the reasons-but I think that the Federal
Government is properly involved, but we
should not have done what some are urging
upon us: federalize that whole cleanup. And
you know, it's a tough one. I do know the
corner of the Maine coast you're talking
about and something about the pristine
nature of Prince William Sound. And I do
have a great concern about the environment. I want to do better. I want to do
better and set higher standards in the environment. But I also happen to believe that
the national security needs of this country
are served by having a production offshore
and by producing oil from the North Slope.
And it is awful hard to guarantee against a
contingency in a 10-mile-wide channel after
thousands and thousands and thousands
are-put it millions of barrels have gone
through there safely, and now, apparently,
what human error seems to have caused
this aberration. It's hard to have a contingency plan against that.
And the other day, they asked me about
that and said-well, you know, because
there were some saying, "Well, you ought
to shut down the oil coming out of Prince
William Sound, coming out of the Port of
Valdez." And I said, "Well, to guarantee
against what happened, should shut down
all the production off of Louisiana and
Texas." I'm not sure I understand the difference. And I think we have got to do
everything we can to learn from this. We've
got to do everything we can to have a plan
that is based not on a third of this bill but
on the totality of this bill in terms of recovery. But I simply do not want this disaster
to-this isn't all your question, but projecting a little-to weaken the national security
interest by making us further and further
dependent on foreign oil. We're about up to


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 12


50 percent now, and that is not a good
enough standard. So, let's learn from this;
let's do better in protecting the environment. If there's a lesson here that one
agency or another might have moved
faster, I will be the first to learn from that.
But we've got to keep a certain perspective.
And I am very pleased that the Federal
Government is as involved as it should be
now. I also would like to see more volunteers involved. And therein, I would make a
pitch for strong support for revision of our
liability laws. Some, I am told, in volunteer
groups, are kept from helping out-maybe
not on this one but in many other areasbecause of the fear-outrageous liability
claims. So, this is a good-we can maybe
learn that much from this disaster up there.
But I think maybe we should take some
blame. But I think we've had prudent
action, and I hope it's been timely.
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. Mr. President, when the North trial is
over, will you tell the American people if
you were the so-called discreet emissary
sent to Honduras during the Iran-contra
affair and, if you were, give a full accounting of what you did there?


The President. I think I've given a full
accounting. I would refer you, sir, to whatincidentally, in today's paper-to what was
said by Ambassador Negroponte [U.S. Ambassador to Mexico] and also Tony Motley
[former Assistant Secretary of State for
Inter-American Affairs], who sat in on that
meeting. And having said that, every attorney that advises the President has advised
me not to do something that inadvertently
would cause a mistrial or would disturb the
process that is underway. And so, I don't
like reading charges that I happen to feel
are untrue, but I have to stand on that. And
that just goes with the territory. And I am
confident that the process that has gone on,
and the process that undoubtedly will go on
after this trial is over, will say that anything
I have heretofore said is correct. But I do
not want to be pushed into doing something for self-aggrandizement that would be
ruled by some judge to have aborted a trial
that is underway.
Well, thank you all very much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:35 p.m. in
the Grand Ballroom at the J W Marriott
Hotel. He was introduced by John Seigenthaler, president of the American Society of
Newspaper Editors.


Remarks at the Congressional Fire Services Institute Dinner
April 12, 1989


The President. Members of the fire service community and ladies and gentlemen
and friends, what a wonderful evening this
is. Let me say, it's a great privilege to be, as
Yogi Berra might say, in such extinguished
company-[laughter]-all fired up. [Laughter] I want to thank you, though, for that
warmth of your reception here and for your
kindness. And let me just first congratulate
some who are responsible for this first, massively successful event. I'm referring, of
course, to the International Associations of
Fire Chiefs and Fire Fighters, the International Society of Fire Service Instructors,
the National Fire Protection Association,
the National Volunteer Fire Council, and


the Volunteer Firemen's Insurance Services.
And I want to also salute the individual
representatives of the fire service community and then the members of the Congressional Fire Service Caucus, now the thirdlargest, I believe, technically. But if I know
Congressman Curt Weldon, you're going to
be number one. Let me salute the members
of Congress that are gathered here, and
particularly singling out not only the firefighter's best friend, Congressman Curt
Weldon-he talked about a sleeping giant
awakened; you try sleeping-[laughter]with Curt Weldon on your case, giving you
a hot foot-but Congressman Doug Wal

411




Apr. 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


gren here and Sherry Boehlert on this side
here at the head table. I single them out for
their special leadership and interest in the
affairs that bind us all together tonight
here.
And finally, I want to say that you've
chosen a wonderful time of year to hold this
first annual Congressional Fire Services Institute dinner. After all, just think of it.
Spring is in the air. Washington is alive with
visitors. Baseball's Orioles are still in the
pennant race-something we couldn't have
said last year at this time-[laughter]-the
season's a week old. [Laughter] Our dog has
had her puppies. [Laughter] And my wife
got a nice clean bill of health today out of
Walter Reed Hospital.
So, we meet together in a special week,
for this is Volunteer Week, a time which
celebrates the selfless character of the
American people. And looking toward tonight, I was struck by the fact that 85 percent of our nation's fire protection is indeed
supplied by volunteers. And it occurred to
me that both you and your paid colleagues-professionals-for both give time
and of yourselves-provide the definition of
a successful life. For any definition of a successful life, it seems to me, must include
serving others. A successful life means that
we're partners, not islands unto ourselves,
the sum not of our possessions but of how
we treat our neighbors. For more than 200
years, firefighters have been this nation's
neighbor in word and deed, the backbone
of America. And you've met local emergencies through volunteer and paid fire and
emergency service networks. And today,
you meet them still-three million members strong.
And you know, being here tonight reminds me of a story that I heard which
happened back in Prohibition days. It seems
that 25 of Boston's top bootleggers were
rounded up in a surprise raid. And as they
were being arraigned, the judge asked the
usual question about occupation. And the
first 24 men were engaged in the same profession: each claimed to be a firefighter.
Well, naturally, the judge asked the last
prisoner, "And what are you?" And "Your
Honor," he replied, "I'm a bootlegger."
And surprised, the judge laughed and
asked, "Well, how's business?" The guy said,


"Well, it'd be a hell of a lot better if there
weren't so many firefighters around."
[Laughter]
What I'm getting at-even back in Prohibition, your numbers turned the tide.
[Laughter] And so, they can today, and
must, too, in the future. We've come a long
way since Benjamin Franklin founded one
of the first volunteer fire companies in
1736. And now, let's go forward and help
achieve your goal: a better, more secure,
more firesafe America.
Let me just share a few thoughts with
you, and then you can get on with the
dinner. First, this administration believes
the fire service network deserves a Federal
Government which understands and values
its place in the American community.
Almost every municipality has some sort of
emergency fire organization. At the 4th of
July celebration or Memorial Day parade,
the fire service is there. At senior citizens
centers and service clubs, the fire service is
there. And when fire raged at Yellowstone,
the fire service was there. And so, too,
when you become the first responder not
only to fire but to accidents and floods and
cave-ins and collapsed buildings, you deserve the Government's respect. And in my
administration, you have it.
Second, this administration believes that
you deserve the Government's support. Fifteen years ago, the National Fire Prevention and Control Administration was created to ensure that your concerns would be
heard by every level of government. I
intend for those concerns to be heard. And
tonight, I commend the U.S. Fire Administration for pursuing with vigor its rightful
role as the fire services Federal advocate
and for providing a national clearinghouse
to deal with these fire service issues. We
want the National Fire Academy to retain
its prominence as a national training center.
And like the previous administration, we
want the original intent of the Federal Fire
Act of 1974 to be maintained.
You know, every profession-you know
this and I know it-every profession has its
ups and downs. And perhaps former hockey
coach Harry Neale put it best: "Last season
we couldn't win at home, and we were
losing on the road." He said, "My failure as


412




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 13


a coach was that I couldn't think of anyplace else to play." [Laughter]
Well, the difference is that few professions display that special brand of skill and
heroism that is found in the fire service. I'm
thinking, for example, of how last May,
Richard Shiah, an off-duty battalion chief,
arrived at the scene of a burning pickup
truck that was overturned in a ditch. And
with no protective clothing on, risked his
life-suffered second-degree burns on his
face and wrists-to save a father and two
sons. Chief Shiah shows, like every firefighter, that heroism American-style is not going
out of style, and tonight let us pledge that it
never will. And to achieve that goal, let us
act specifically to help the fire services in
protecting our citizens from loss of life and
property.
Each year, more than 6,000 lives are lost
in fires, and over $10 billion lost in property damage. And to combat such tragedy, we
must foster greater public awareness of fire
problems by supporting the Federal fire
safety program. But we must also act when
tragedy does occur. And toward that end,
last year, as part of the Omnibus Drug Act
of 1988, we raised the death benefit for
fallen firefighters from $50,000 to $100,000.
We've done much, but we must do more.
And as we do, we'll show how voluntarism
can join hands with government to renew
the promise of America. And that's why I
have opened at the White House the Office
of National Service. This office is leading
my administration's community and national service efforts. And yesterday, I saluted
the 18 recipients of the 1989 President's


Volunteer Action Awards. And soon, I will
announce our administration's Y-E-S, or
YES Program, Youth Entering Service. And
this program will encourage all young
Americans to get involved in community
service, to reignite the concept of one
young person helping another.
And I have said I like what works. Well,
voluntarism works. In a recent Gallup Poll,
nearly 50 percent of the population was involved in community service. And today
millions of people are lending a hand, tending a wound, helping the less fortunate, in a
homeless shelter, in an inner-city school, or
in our fire and emergency services.
And some of you may know, Teddy Roosevelt is among my favorite Presidents. Let
me relate what his dad said to him on the
eve of his 16th birthday: "All that gives me
most pleasure in the retrospect is connected
with others. We are not placed here to live
exclusively for ourselves." And my friends,
you, as well as anyone, embody those
words. By saving lives, you have defined a
successful life. And for that, I thank you.
And yet I challenge you, too. And so, let us
build on our beginnings. Let us continue to
strive for a firesafe America. And as we do,
all Americans will say, as I do tonight: The
horizons of America have no limit. The best
for America still does lie ahead.
Thank you for this evening. Thank you
for inviting me. God bless you, and God
bless the United States of America. Thank
you all very much.
Note: The President spoke at 7:08 p.m. in
the Sheraton Washington Ballroom at the
Sheraton Washington Hotel.


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on the
Continuation of Arms Sales to Saudi Arabia
April 12,1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. Chairman.)
I am writing to you with respect to Section 1307 of the National Defense Authorization Act, Fiscal Year 1989, which prohibits the sale of any defense articles subject to


Section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control
Act to any nation which has acquired intermediate-range ballistic missiles made by the
People's Republic of China. Section 1307(b)
includes a provision that this restriction will


413




Apr. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


cease to apply if the President certifies to
the Congress that the nation which has purchased the missiles does not have chemical,
biological, or nuclear warheads for those
missiles.
After a review of the information available to the United States Government, I
have certified that Saudi Arabia does not
possess chemical, biological, or nuclear warheads for its intermediate-range ballistic
missiles purchased from the People's Republic of China.
A copy of my certification pursuant to
Section 1307 of the National Defense Au

thorization Act, Fiscal Year 1989, is enclosed. Additional information concerning
this action is contained in the enclosed justification.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Claiborne Pell, chairman of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The
letter was released by the Office of the
Press Secretary on April 13.


Presidential Determination No. 89-13-Arms Sales to Saudi Arabia
April 12, 1989


Memorandum for the Secretary of State
Subject: Certification with Respect to Section 1307 of the National Defense Authorization Act, Fiscal Year 1989
Pursuant to Section 1307 of the National
Defense Authorization Act, Fiscal Year
1989, I hereby certify that Saudi Arabia
does not possess biological, chemical, or nuclear warheads for the intermediate-range
ballistic missiles purchased from the Peo

ple's Republic of China.
You are hereby authorized and directed
to publish this certification in the Federal
Register.
GEORGE BUSH
Note: The Presidential determination was
released by the Office of the Press Secretary
on April 13. It was printed in the "Federal
Register" of April 25.


White House Statement on Arms Sales to Saudi Arabia
April 13, 1989


Although Saudi Arabia has acquired intermediate-range ballistic missiles from the
People's Republic of China, based on information available to the U.S. Government,
there is no credible intelligence reporting
indicating that Saudi Arabia possesses nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons. We are
not aware of production facilities for chemical munitions, chemical warfare agents, or
biological warfare agents in Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia possesses no significant nuclear facilities. In addition, the Saudis and the
Chinese have told us that the missiles will
not be equipped with nuclear warheads.


The Saudis have also assured us that the
missiles will not be equipped with chemical
warheads. This commitment is reaffirmed
by Saudi Arabia's adherence to the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, the 1925 Geneva
Protocol, and the Biological Weapons Convention.
We remain concerned about the possible
proliferation of these types of weapons in
the Middle East and will continue to watch
developments closely. Any evidence that
Saudi Arabia has acquired chemical, biological, or nuclear warheads after the date of


414




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 13


certification will be notified to the Con- the National Defense Authorization Act,
gress, as required by section 1307(a)2) of Fiscal Year 1989.
Nomination of H. Lawrence Garrett III To Be Secretary of the Navy
April 13, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate H. Lawrence Garrett III
to be Secretary of the Navy. He would succeed William Lockhart Ball III.
Mr. Garrett is currently the Under Secretary of the Navy. Prior to this, he served as
General Counsel of the Department of Defense, 1986-1987; Associate Counsel to the
President, the White House, 1983-1986; Regional Director, Merit Systems Protection
Board, 1982-1983; executive assistant to the
president and chief operating officer, U.S.
Synthetic Fuels Corp., 1981-1982; and As

sistant Counsel in the Office of the Counsel
to the President, 1981. Mr. Garrett also
served as a member of the President's Commission on Compensation of Career Federal
Executives, 1987-1988.
Mr. Garrett graduated from the University of West Florida (B.S., 1969) and the University of San Diego School of Law (J.D.,
1972). He enlisted in the U.S. Navy in 1961,
was commissioned in 1964, and retired in
1981. Mr. Garrett was born June 24, 1939,
in Washington, DC. He is married, has two
children, and resides in Oakton, VA.


Nomination of Frank Henry Habicht II To Be Deputy Administrator
of the Environmental Protection Agency
April 13, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Frank Henry Habicht II to
be Deputy Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency. He would succeed A. James Barnes.
Mr. Habicht is currently a principal with
William D. Ruckelshaus Associates and a
senior attorney in the environmental and
natural resources department of Perkins
Coie in Washington, DC. Prior to this he
served as Assistant Attorney General of the
United States for the Land and Natural ReNomination of Eddie F. Brown To
Interior
April 13, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Eddie F. Brown to be Assistant Secretary of the Interior for Indian


sources Division, 1983-1987. From 1982 to
1983, Mr. Habicht was Deputy Assistant Attorney General for the Land and Natural
Resources Division. He was Special Assistant to Attorney General William French
Smith, 1981-1982, and an associate with
Kirkland and Ellis, 1978-1981.
Mr. Habicht graduated from Princeton
University (A.B., 1975) and the University of
Virginia (J.D., 1978). He was born April 10,
1953, in Oak Park, IL. He is married and
has two children.
Be an Assistant Secretary of the


Affairs. He would succeed Ross O. Swimmer.
Since 1987 Dr. Brown has been director


415




Apr. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


of the Arizona Department of Economic Security in Phoenix, AZ. Prior to this he was
director of community affairs and associate
professor for Arizona State University in the
office of the vice president of academic affairs and the school of social work, 1986 -1987. From 1985 to 1986, he was Division
Chief for the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Division of Social Services, at the Department
of the Interior. He has also served as assistant director for the Arizona Department of
Economic Security, 1979-1985; an associate
professor for the graduate school of social


work for Arizona State University, 1975 -1979; and an assistant professor for the
school of social work and Native American
studies at the University of Utah, 1972 -1975. He has also served as director of the
United Council on Urban Indian Affairs in
Salt Lake City, UT, 1972.
Dr. Brown graduated from Brigham
Young University (B.S., 1970) and received
a master of social work degree, 1972, and a
doctor of social work degree, 1975, from
the University of Utah. He was born December 26, 1945, in Ajo, AZ.


Nomination of Martin Lewis Allday To Be Solicitor of the
Department of the Interior
April 13, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Martin Lewis Allday to be
Solicitor of the Department of the Interior.
He would succeed Ralph W. Tarr.
From 1959 to 1988, Mr. Allday has been
with the law firm of Lynch, Chappell,
Allday and Alsup in Midland, TX, and a
managing partner, 1971-1983.
Mr. Allday graduated from the University


of Texas Law School at Austin (J.D., 1951).
He served in the U.S. Army, 96th Division,
1944-1946. He received the Good Conduct
Medal, the Purple Heart, and the Combat
Infantryman's Badge. Mr. Allday was born
May 30, 1926, in Eldorado, AR. He is married, has three children, and resides in Midland, TX.


Nomination of Frank A. Bracken To Be Under Secretary of the
Department of the Interior
April 13, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Frank A. Bracken to be
Under Secretary of the Interior. He would
succeed Earl E. Gjelde.
Since 1987 Mr. Bracken has been chairman of the board of directors for Ball-InCon
Glass Packaging Corp. in Muncie, IN. He
has served in several capacities with the
Ball Corp., including group vice president
for the glass containers division, 1981-1988;
vice president and general manager for the
commercial glass division, 1980-1981; vice
president of administration, 1979-1980; vice


president and general counsel, 1974-1979;
general counsel and assistant secretary,
1973-1974; and associate general counsel,
1972-1973. He was Legislative Counsel at
the Department of the Interior, 1969-1972,
and was in the private practice of law,
1960-1969.
Mr. Bracken graduated from Carleton
College (B.A., 1956) and the University of
Michigan (J.D., 1960). He was born March
29, 1934. He is married, has four children,
and resides in Muncie, IN.


416




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 13


Remarks to Participants in Project
New Jersey
April 13, 1989
Thank you, ladies and gentlemen. Thank
you very much, Secretary Cavazos. Dr. Cavazos is doing an outstanding job as our
Secretary of Education, and I'm so pleased
he came up here with me today.
I want to pay my respects to your Governor, who has been a great inspiration to me,
not just in education but in many other
ways. And when I think of the Governors
across this State, no one has a greater claim
on doing a lot for education than your own
Tom Kean. He has been outstanding, and
I'm delighted to have him here today.
I want to salute the three Members of
Congress who are here today and those
who are actively involved. I know some are
here who are actively participating in the
political process-Democrats and Republican alike. You have a Governors' race up
here, and several of those candidates-here
with us. And I want to congratulate them
and say to the young people here: I hope
when you finish school and then go on and
finish your education that you will save
time for public service and participating in
politics. So, let's welcome those who not
only are Members of Congress but others
who are so-participating right here with us
today. [Applause]
And of course, I listened carefully to the
four superintendents who were selected to
represent the point of view of the superintendents. And I can understand why there's
a great new hope in the United States today
for quality education. They did an outstanding job, and thank you, gentlemen. Thank
you very, very much.
You know, when you come here, walking
into the building or being here in the room,
you can't help but feel that you don't really
have to worry about the future of our
young people. I see staunch advocates-met
with some dedicated professionals and determined students-who know what an
education in America can be. And today is
about excellence-and I am told that the
brightest and best achievers, many of them
in the school level, are right here in this


Educational Forum in Union,
room-but it's also about hard work.
And I wanted to mention a little visit we
had on the corner with one of Union's own,
Gina Marie Sisco. She wrote me a letter. It's
a surprise I got the mail. That's the way it's
working these days. [Laughter] But nevertheless, she said, "I'm a resource room student for math and English, and I have a
learning disability. And there are many kids
like me," she goes on, "and we all have to
work harder than most kids." But she said,
"Union is showing you their best in intelligence, but Union also has the best in trying
the hardest, like us kids in resource room."
So, it's excellence, and it is hard work.
I'm delighted that Barbara Bush is with
me today. She got a good, clean bill of
health yesterday from Walter Reed Hospital, I might add. But I'm taking another
look at our doctor. He told her, "It's okay to
kiss your husband, but don't kiss the dogs."
[Laughter] So, I don't know exactly what
that means. [Laughter]
No, America can be the very best in education. I know a few skeptics have doubted
that. For instance, somebody once asked
Mahatma Gandhi what he thought in general about Western civilization, and he said,
"I think it would be a good idea." [Laughter]
You know, this nation was founded by
people who sought out unexplored frontiers. At first that meant, as you history students know, perilous ocean crossings. And
then the West in the United States offered
the challenge of vast., new, uncharted lands,
expanses. And recently, we've found new
directions in space exploration and astrophysics, taking us to the farthest reaches of
the universe. And we've always taught our
children about these frontiers. They're part
of the American world view, part of our
idea of human progress, part of our picture
of ourselves. But we must now draw the
attention of a new generation to a larger,
almost limitless horizon: the frontier of the
mind. Our goal for education must be as
ambitious as it's been for the West or for


417




Apr. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


space or for any other American frontier.
And we have a new manifest destiny: to
develop America's young minds to their
fullest, because if we lose the mind and we
lose the spirit of even one young person, we
will have lost something precious, forever.
Many of our students are among the best
in the world, and I'm told many right here
in this room fit that description. Let's hear
it for yourself. You've got it. [Applause] But
all aren't so fortunate, and Barbara knows
this because of her dedicated work for literacy. Too many still graduate unable to read
their own diplomas. Too many don't get the
skills they'll need to fill the jobs for the
future. And let's not forget, as well, that
there's a lot that's right about American
education, and we heard from four superintendents that spelled that out loud and
clear right here today.
So, how do we build on the good and
eliminate the bad? The way to do it is with
people like you in this room, through partnerships at the State level, with the National Governors' Association, teachers, administrators, parents, private industry councils,
local businesses, and then the students
themselves. And by thinking ahead, by
working creatively, we can build a culture
of high expectations. We can open up the
frontier of the mind to every kid who
enters a classroom.
And you know, somebody once asked
Mae West what she wanted to be remembered for. And she said, "Everything."
[Laughter] Well, my goal is a little more
modest. But I do want to be remembered,
as Secretary Cavazos mentioned, as the
education President-someone who used
the bully pulpit of the White House, the
bully pulpit of the Presidency of the United
States, to help you all improve American
schools. And my ideas about education are
based on four principles-tapping the kind
of creativity that's already at work in local
communities like this one.
First, our administration will reward excellence through awards to schools that
demonstrate significant improvement, rewards for good teachers-and God bless our
teachers-and a new scholarship program
for outstanding math and science students.
Our schools have always recognized athletic
excellence. And that's great. But it's also


good to hear about groups like the Montrose Academic Booster Club and the Presidential Academic Fitness Awards, which
reward excellence in scholarship. Some of
those winners are with us today.
And second, we want to promote flexibility and choice through magnet schools and
by removing some of the overregulation of
education. And I listened to those superintendents as they called for regulatory simplification. We seek alternative certification
for good people who want to teach, but are
now kept out of the classroom by needless
regulations. And we're considering more
school-based management to give the local
control that you heard these superintendents call for. This government will in no
way-the Washington administration will in
no way try to dictate curriculum. Let's not
get too experimental. I worry that somebody is going to produce a new-age
"Hamlet." [Laughter] And the famous oration will start like this: "To be, or what?"
[Laughter] We don't need to set the curriculum in Washington, DC. It's better done
right here.
And third, we want to help those most in
need, targeting Federal resources-restricted and limited though they must be in
these days of budgetary deficit-targeting
those where they can do the most good.
And we want to waive some of the regulations for poorer communities, allowing
them to pool State and Federal funds in
exchange for higher accountability and performance-a kind of performance-driven,
partial deregulation of education, if you
will. And we'll give you the flexibility, and
you show us the results. And I bet they'll be
outstanding.
And fourth, we need to promote accountability in education for everyone. And that
means teachers. Yes, and we want to work
with educators-how to objectively and
fairly measure results. But it's much broader than that. The problems our schools face
won't be solved by assigning blame or applying a puff of smoke here, some bolt of
lightning there. Only a united effort can
lead to the kind of education reform that
lasts.
And this means that all of us are accountable for the quality of American schools.


418




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 13


And that means business leaders, who understand that their ability to compete depends on the quality of the new talent that
they help develop and who set up outstanding public-private ventures, like the SciTech Center in Liberty State Park, where
students will learn about science and engineering, but in a hands-on way. Accountability also extends to superintendents who
can create a clear mandate for improvement and gain support for their priorities.
And parents who get involved through programs like "Books and Beyond" in Paramus,
where reading at home to the kids has cut
time in front of the TV by over 70 percent,
or the "Very Important Parent" award to
Jersey City parents who get involved with
their kids' local schools.
And there are other unexpected sources
of untapped talent that can help improve
our schools. In New York City, where thousands of volunteers are helping in hundreds
of schools, my wife Barbara met with a
group helping Cambodian children learn
English. And while she was there, one older
lady told Barbara how desperately lonely
she had been until she volunteered. And
her eyes filled up with tears at the memory.
Then her face lit up as she told Barbara, "I
have never been lonely a day since." Helping others made this woman's life have so
much more meaning.
One need matches another, and a wonderful thing happens: you come up with an
answer that money simply cannot buy. And
that's one reason we need to rely less on
the collective wallet, and more on our collective will. A society that worships money
or sees money as a cure for all that ails it is
a society in peril. But we're not that kind of
people. And we must do more than wish we
had more to spend, because the challenge
of education reform suggests something
much more fundamental than money.
As a nation-this may surprise you-but
as a nation, we already spend $330 billion a
year on education. And that's more than we
spend on national security, on defense. We
devote more money per capita to education
than any of our most advanced competitors.
That includes France and Germany, Great
Britain, the Soviet Union, and Japan. A billion here, a billion there-as Everett Dirksen once said, "It all someday-pretty soon


adds up to real money." [Laughter]
One lesson I learned in school is that
sometimes there's more than one right
answer. More spending isn't the only right
answer or even the best answer. What we
need is a better value for what we spend.
And what we need, and what this conference is all about, is a shared determination
on the part of every American to get involved with our schools. We must reestablish the value of teaching and learning in
this country.
Like every new landscape we've explored
in American history, the frontier of the
mind will be won by individuals of courage
and determination. And you know, frontier
stories are full of tales about brave individuals. So, let me just share one little story
with you that I heard-a study, if you will,
in determination.
This week I heard about a young woman
who'd been poor and on welfare all her life.
And she enrolled in a program for pregnant
high school girls in Memphis. And things
were going fine until the last day of the
exams, when she realized that her baby had
other plans for her that day. And she
wouldn't leave. And she took her last two
final exams in the nurse's office. And only
then did she let them rush her off to the
hospital. And she made B's on the two
exams. And she had a boy. And she'll graduate in May. And she's landed a job at a
university, with child care, where she's also
going to take classes. Now, if the rest of us
can summon even a fraction of that kind of
courage against the odds, we can make sure
that every young American gets a solid education.
Good schools in America are a social responsibility and, yes, in this competitive age
we're living in, an economic necessity. And
we share the conviction that there is no
such thing as an expendable student. We
will never accept the notion that vast numbers of illiterate and undereducated Americans can be offset by a well-educated elite.
That is not the American way. You know,
every young American deserves the best
chance. And I'm asking you to join me, in
renewed determination, to help this generation-and every generation-develop and
triumph in the frontier of the mind.


419




Apr. 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Thank you for what you are doing, and
thank you for what you will do. And God
bless you all, and God bless the United
States of America. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:40 p.m. in
the gymnasium of Union High School. In
his opening remarks, he referred to Repre

sentatives Marge Roukema, Jim Courter,
and Matthew J Rinaldo; and school superintendents James Caulfield, of Union, NJ;
Harry Galinsky, of Paramus, NJ; James
Wilsford, of Orangeburg, SC; and Edgar
Melanson, of White Mountain, NH. Following his remarks, the President traveled to
Kennebunkport, ME, for a weekend stay.


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
President of the Senate Reporting on the Generalized System of
Preferences
April 13, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
I am writing concerning the Generalized
System of Preferences (GSP) and two current beneficiary countries, Burma and the
Central African Republic. The GSP program is authorized by the Trade Act of
1974, as amended.
I intend to suspend indefinitely Burma
and the Central African Republic from
their status as GSP beneficiaries for failure
to comply with section 502(bX7) of that Act


concerning   internationally  recognized
worker rights. My decision will take place
at least 60 days from the date of this letter.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Dan Quayle, President of the
Senate.


Memorandum on Amendments to the Generalized System of
Preferences
April 13, 1989


Memorandum for the United States Trade
Representative
Subject: Actions Concerning the Generalized System of Preferences
Pursuant to subsections 502(bX4) and
502(bX7) and section 504 of the Trade Act
of 1974, as amended (the Act) (19 U.S.C.
2462(bX4), 2462(bX7), and 2464)), I have determined to modify the application of dutyfree treatment under the Generalized
System of Preferences (GSP) currently
being afforded to certain beneficiary developing countries, to make a determination
concerning the alleged expropriation without compensation by a beneficiary developing country, and to make findings concern

ing whether steps have been taken or are
being taken by certain beneficiary developing countries to afford internationally recognized worker rights to workers in such
countries.
Specifically, after considering a private
sector request for a review concerning the
alleged expropriation by Venezuela of property owned by a United States person allegedly without prompt, adequate, and effective compensation, without entering into
good-faith negotiations to provide such
compensation or otherwise taking steps to
discharge its obligations, and without submitting the expropriation claim to arbitration, I have determined to continue to


420




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 13


review the status of such alleged expropriation by Venezuela.
Second, after considering various private
sector requests for a review of whether or
not certain beneficiary developing countries
have taken or are taking steps to afford
internationally recognized worker rights (as
defined in subsection 502(aX4) of the Act) to
workers in such countries, and in accordance with section 502(bX7) of the Act, I
have determined that Israel and Malaysia
have taken or are taking steps to afford
internationally recognized worker rights,
and I have determined that Burma and the
Central African Republic have not taken
and are not taking steps to afford such
internationally recognized rights. Therefore, I am notifying the Congress of my
intention to suspend the GSP eligibility of
Burma and the Central African Republic.
Finally, I have determined to continue to
review the status of such worker rights in
Haiti, Liberia, and Syria.
In the case of Israel, I did not review
worker rights matters concerning the West
Bank and Gaza Strip because they are not a
part of the "country" of Israel as contemplated in section 502(bX7) of the Act. The
United States has consistently refrained
from formal determinations that would
have the effect of recognizing, either impliedly or expressly, the de jure incorporation of the occupied territories into Israel.
Further, in order to convert and implement prior decisions taken in terms of the
Tariff Schedules of the United States (TSUS)
into the nomenclature structure of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United
States (HTS) and after consideration of a
private sector request for a waiver of the
application of section 504(c) of the Act (19
U.S.C. 2464(c)) with respect to certain eligible articles from Mexico, I have determined
to modify the application of duty-free treatment under the GSP currently being afforded to certain articles and to certain beneficiary developing countries.
Specifically, I have determined, pursuant
to subsection 504(dX)(1) of the Act (19 U.S.C.
2464(dX)(1)), that the limitation provided for


in subsection 504(cX)(1XB) of the Act should
not apply with respect to certain eligible
articles because no like or directly competitive article was produced in the United
States on January 3, 1985. Such articles are
enumerated in the list of HTS subheadings
in Annex A.
Second, pursuant to subsection 504(cX3)
of the Act, I have determined to waive the
application of section 504(c) of the Act with
respect to certain eligible articles from certain beneficiary developing countries. I
have received the advice of the United
States International Trade Commission on
whether any industries in the United States
are likely to be adversely affected by such
waivers, and I have determined, based on
that advice and on the considerations described in sections 501 and 502(c) of the Act
(19 U.S.C. 2461 and 2462(c)), that such
waivers are in the national economic interest of the United States. The waivers apply
to the eligible articles of the beneficiary developing countries that are enumerated in
Annex B opposite the HTS subheadings applicable to each article.
Finally, I have determined, pursuant to
subsection 504(cX2) of the Act and after
taking into account the considerations described in sections 501 and 502(c) of the
Act, that certain beneficiary developing
countries have demonstrated a sufficient
degree of competitiveness (relative to other
beneficiary developing countries) with respect to certain eligible articles. Therefore,
I  have   determined   that  subsection
504(cX2XB) of the Act should apply to such
countries with respect to such articles. Such
countries are enumerated in Annex C opposite the HTS subheadings applicable to each
article.
These determinations shall be published
in the Federal Register.
GEORGE BUSH
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 10:43 a.m., April 14, 1989]
Note: The determinations were printed in
the "Federal Register" of April 18.


421




Apr. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks Announcing the Bipartisan Budget Agreement
April 14, 1989


The President. Well, I'm joined here by
the Speaker, the majority leaders of the
Senate and House; the Republican whips of
the Senate and House; the chairmen and
ranking Republican members of the Appropriations, Finance, and Budget Committees;
and members of the bipartisan budget negotiating group. And we've come together
in support of a bipartisan budget agreement
for fiscal year 1990.
When I presented my budget to the Congress on February 9th, I said we could and
should meet several tests. We should meet
fundamental obligations for protection of
national security and the support of the
needy. We should provide sufficient funds
to advance high priority initiatives. And we
should, at the same time, restrain the overall growth of spending so that we can meet
the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings targets on
time without tax increases. And this plan
allows us to meet those tests.
It would provide for the same revenue
level as I requested in my February 9th
budget. It would provide $299.2 billion in
defense outlays, compared with the $300.6
billion that I requested-very close-and
$17 billion in outlays for international affairs, compared with my request of 17.3 -again, very close. And it would save $7.3
billion through entitlement reforms. And it
would firmly cap domestic discretionary
program growth at an overall growth rate
of 5.9 relative to the previous year. In total,
it would reduce the estimated fiscal year
1990 deficit by about $24 billion, as OMB
would estimate the savings, and $28 billion,
as the CBO [Congressional Budget Office]
would estimate, relative to the GrammRudman-Hollings baseline. It would thus
bring the deficit down to $99.4 billion and
that, of course, would be a $64 billion reduction relative to the current estimate of
the fiscal year 1989 deficit.
The budget agreement does not complete
the whole deficit reduction job that is to be
done by fiscal year 1993, not by a long shot.
But I am convinced that we will only be
able to complete that job if we tackle it in


manageable steps, on an orderly basis, in a
constructive, bipartisan spirit. And this is a
first manageable step, and this budget
agreement is the first such agreement
reached ahead of schedule and not framed
in the context of crisis. This is not an insignificant point; it shows that we can make
the system work, even with the branches of
government controlled by different parties,
and if we approach our jobs responsibly and
are willing to stay with it, to stick with the
task.
On February 9th, I said that we were
prepared to negotiate day and night, in
good faith, in a true bipartisan spirit, recalling that the American people wanted us to
rise above partisan bickering and to
produce. And Mr. Speaker and Mr. Majority
Leader, you have joined us in good faith
and in bipartisan spirit, for which we are
grateful; and I believe the American people
will be grateful. And I'm particularly grateful to the negotiators, the chairmen, the
members, ranking members, who participated in these long, long negotiations. And
I commend them for their spirit of bipartisanship and I'm grateful to each and every
one.
And so, may I ask you, Mr. Speaker and
Mr. Majority Leader, as well as the ranking
Republicans here, the Republican whips,
and the majority leader of the House, to say
a few words; and then the negotiating
group will be glad to take questions inside.
Mr. Speaker?
Speaker Wright. Mr. President, thank
you. This is not an heroic agreement. It's
quite austere. It is not really adequate to
address some of the truly serious domestic
problems of our country, such as affordable
housing, a crumbling public infrastructure,
and a need to revitalize American industry
through encouragements to additional research and development and modernization
of American plant and machinery. But if we
begin with the assumption that there can
be no significant major increase in revenue,
this agreement is probably about as good as
we could do.


422




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 14


It is bipartisan; both ideological extremes
have yielded. It does provide funds for
some of the specific priority initiatives that
the President has recommended and Congress wholeheartedly embraces, things like
day care, Head Start, funding for the drug
war, and a few of those specific priority
initiatives. It does reach the GrammRudman deficit reduction targets. And it
does permit us to stay on schedule and
begin our process immediately for our appropriations bills and pass them again, as
we're determined that we shall, on time.
So, in those ways, it's a very good start in
the direction of better cooperation and
better performance.
Senator Mitchell. The most significant
aspect of this agreement is its existence,
and that is no small accomplishment. For
the first time, early in the process, outside
the atmosphere of last-minute crisis, a genuine, good-faith effort has been made, and an
agreement has been reached on significant
deficit reduction. It does not go as far and
do as much as any of us would like. But in
establishing an atmosphere of cooperation
and bipartisanship, for which the President
deserves great credit, it sets us on the right
course.
No one should be deluded into thinking
that this is the end of a process. It is the
beginning of a process. Very hard choices
lie ahead; much sterner measures will be
required in the future. But if we approach
those difficult tasks with the same positive
spirit that has been exhibited in reaching
this agreement, then we will solve them,
for there is no problem that Americans
cannot solve if they work together in good
faith.
And, Mr. President, we commit ourselves
to implementing this agreement in good
faith and to working with you in the future,
when you and we will face much more difficult decisions.
Representative Foley. Mr. President, I
want to express our appreciation to you, sir,
to the Speaker, to Senator Mitchell, to the
Republican leadership of the Senate and
the House for authorizing the efforts to
come together with a budget negotiating
group. Secretary Brady and Mr. Darman,
the leadership of the Senate and House,
budget committees on both sides of the


aisle have taken several weeks to hammer
out this agreement. It's been said beforeI'll repeat it: It's not as much as each of us
individually might have wished; it does represent a very important movement on the
part of the Congress and the executive
branch, Republicans and Democrats, to establish an early consensus on the budget
resolutions which will make possible the
action on the appropriation bills in a timely
manner.
Beyond that, it represents our continued
determination to work together to deal
with the tough budget issues that lie ahead
that have been mentioned by others before
me. But I particularly want to underscore
the cordiality and cooperation of our efforts,
which I think express a new mood of bipartisan determination to make this government-a Republican administration, Democratic leadership in the House and the
Senate, with their Republican colleaguesprove that we can address serious problems
of the country productively and well.
Thank you, sir.
Senator Simpson. Mr. President, I appreciate your not letting me slip completely
into the tulip patch there. And sometimes
in these kinds of things we forget the
beauty of days like this. This is really an
extraordinary day of beauty in the blossoms
and the Sun, but that's not why I'm here.
[Laughter] I'm just here on behalf of-no,
don't look at your watch, that's all right. It
shouldn't take over 45 minutes. I'd like to
talk about the fate of the domestic uranium
industry in America. [Laughter] No, it's all
right.
Let me say on behalf of Senator Dole,
who could not be present today, that this is
a very significant thing. We take it seriously; it is the beginning. Senator Byrd described it as that this morning. It is a first
step, and that is indeed what it is. So, I'm
very proud and pleased to be a part of it.
The Republicans will be participating and
doing everything they can to see it come to
fruition.
It will take a great deal of pressure off of
us who legislate. We are legislators, that's
our job. And with this pressure off of us, we
can go about our work, as we have done in
recent days, with a bipartisan agreement on


423




Apr. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Central America, other things out there-so
many things need to be addressed. And
every one of us here know exactly what we
have to do with the budget, and this is a
start toward the honesty of doing it-entitlements and things like that that must be
dealt with.
So, thank you, and on behalf of the Republican leader, thanks to all of those who
have worked so hard. It is a daunting and
terrible job and a tremendous physical and
mental drain that it takes on the Democrat
and Republican chairmen of these committees. I thank them.
Representative Gingrich. Thank you, Mr.
President. On behalf of Mr. Michel, the Republican leader in the House, who could
not be here, I want to say that we are very
strongly supportive of this agreement. We
agree with the sentiments that have been
expressed; it is a very important bipartisan
step towards a balanced budget. And I just
want to say, for a moment, for the more
conservative viewpoint, it is very solid on
defense; those who care about defense
should be supportive of this agreement.
It is a major step towards a balanced
budget, recognizing that we're going to
need bipartisan cooperation over the next
several years to get there. It is a very prudent agreement, and I would hope that
most Americans would be grateful for this
kind of bipartisan teamwork which has, in
fact, taken us one more step in the right
direction towards a balanced budget. And
we'll do all we can in the House to help
pass it.


Thank you, Mr. President.
The President. There's been one oversight, and that is that I did not properly
thank Dick Darman and Secretary Brady
for their representing the administration so
effectively in these negotiations.
Again, Mr. Speaker and Mr. Leader, my
thanks to you as leaders of the Congress for
their cooperation. And they will be available for questions in a bit. Many thanks.
Note: The President spoke at 10:24 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Senators George J.
Mitchell, majority leader; Alan K. Simpson,
Republican whip; James R. Sasser, chairman of the Budget Committee; Pete V Domenici, ranking Republican of the Budget
Committee; Robert C Byrd, chairman of
the Appropriations Committee; Mark O.
Hatfield, ranking Republican of the Appropriations Committee; Lloyd Bentsen, chairman of the Finance Committee; and Bob
Packwood, ranking Republican of the Finance Committee; Representatives Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives; Thomas S. Foley, majority leader;
Newt Gingrich, Republican whip; Jamie L.
Whitten, chairman of the Appropriations
Committee; Silvio 0. Conte, ranking Republican of the Appropriations Committee;
Leon E. Panetta, chairman of the Budget
Committee; and Bill Frenzel, ranking Republican of the Budget Committee; Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas F. Brady; and
Richard G. Darman, Director of the Office
of Management and Budget.


White House Statement on the Bipartisan Budget Agreement
April 14, 1989


In March 1989 the President, the Speaker
of the House, the majority leaders of the
Senate and House, the Republican leaders
of the Senate and House, joined by the
chairmen and ranking Republican members
of the Appropriations, Ways and Means, Finance, and Budget Committees, and by the
Secretary of the Treasury, the Chief of Staff
to the President, and the Director of the


Office of Management and Budget, concurred in a recommendation to establish a
special budget negotiating group. The
group was charged to explore the possibility
of reaching an agreement on a budget
framework for fiscal year 1990 and to
report upon its progress to the President
and the joint leadership of Congress. The
group was composed of the chairmen and


424




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 14


ranking Republican members of the Senate
and House Budget Committees, the Majority Leader of the House, the Secretary of
the Treasury, and the Director of the Office
of Management and Budget. The attached
agreement is the product of that negotiating group, as developed in accordance with
the guidance of the leadership group.
BIPARTISAN BUDGET AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND THE JOINT
LEADERSHIP OF CONGRESS
1. The elements of this agreement provide for deficit reduction amounts that, for
fiscal year 1990, are currently estimated to
meet the deficit target of the Balanced
Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Reaffirmation Act of 1987.
2. The budget framework is approved by
the President, the Speaker, and the Majority and Republican Leadership of Congress.
3. The President and the Leadership of
Congress will carry out this agreement.
4. The following procedures will be utilized to implement this agreement: Congressional implementation will follow, as
much as possible, the regular budget and
legislative procedures. The House and
Senate Budget Committees will each report
a concurrent resolution on the budget for
fiscal year 1990 consistent with this budget
agreement. The budget resolution will contain reconciliation instructions and 302(a) allocations consistent with this budget agreement. The House and Senate Committees
with jurisdiction over matters necessary to
implement the agreement will be responsible for developing 302(b) allocations, legislation, and budget levels consistent with this
budget agreement. Regular House and
Senate procedures applicable to the consideration of budget resolutions, appropriations
bills, reconciliation legislation, and other
measures will apply.
5. Congress shall present the revenue
portion of the reconciliation bill to the
President at the same time as the spending
reduction provisions of the reconciliation
bill.
6. Agreed-upon fiscal year 1990 budget
levels are as follows for each of the three
discretionary appropriations categories:


[In billions of dollars] *
Category:           BA       0
Domestic........................ $157.5  $181.3
Defense (050) **........................ 305.5  299.2
International Affairs.....................  19.0  17.0
* Congressional enforcement of these discretionary
levels in the legislative process will be based on CBO
scoring.
** Functional total includes mandatory spending.
7. The Budget Committees, CBO, and
OMB shall use the "Scorekeeping Guidelines for the Bipartisan Budget Agreement
of April 14, 1989," and shall work together
to resolve any new scorekeeping issues that
may arise.
8. Within the domestic discretionary
amount, the budget resolution will provide
sufficient funding for subsidized housing
contract renewals (without prejudice to the
form or length of such renewals).
9. Deficit reduction to be implemented in
accordance with this agreement is specified
in the attached "Deficit Reduction Plan."
For both budget scorekeeping and GrammRudman-Hollings, final scoring will necessarily depend on the review of legislation
by the scorekeepers, as provided in the
Congressional Budget Act and GrammRudman-Hollings.
10. The specific measures composing the
governmental receipts figure will be determined through the regular legislative and
Constitutional process. Agreements reached
between the Administration and the Congressional tax-writing committees on revenue legislation reconciled pursuant to this
agreement will be advanced legislatively
when supported by the President of the
United States.
11. Neither the Congress nor the President shall initiate supplementals except in
the case of dire emergency. When the Executive Branch makes such a request, it
shall be accompanied by a presidentiallytransmitted budget amendment to Congress.
12. Both the President and the Congress
have addressed the need for additional domestic discretionary spending priorities for
the fiscal year 1990 budget. It is agreed that
any funding of priorities will be within the


425




Apr. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


domestic spending levels set forth in paragraph 6 of this agreement.
13. The President and the Congressional
Leadership will continue to consult closely
to seek opportunities for further deficit reduction and to explore policy and process
changes which would reduce the deficit to
meet the deficit targets of the GrammRudman-Hollings law and balance the Federal budget by fiscal year 1993. In order to
facilitate progress toward that objective, the
bipartisan Budget Committee Leadership,
the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Director of Office of Management and Budget
shall continue discussions in consultation
with the bipartisan leadership of the appropriate committees of the House and Senate.
Attachments:
Deficit Reduction Plan
Estimated Budget Levels
DEFICIT REDUCTION PLAN *
[Fiscal Year 1990, in billions of dollars]
CBO      OMB
scoring  scoring


DEFICIT REDUCTION PLAN *
Continued
[Fiscal Year 1990, in billions of dollars]
CBO        OMB
scoring    scoring
Subtotal,  Entitlements/
Mandatory........  -6.8      -7.3
Pay    Offset,  Retirement Contributions....   +0.4       +0.3
Adjustment:      Postal
Budgetary      Treatment ***.................... 1.8   - 2.2
Debt Service...................  -1.1  -1.1
Subtotal, spending...... -13.8     -9.5
Asset Sales..............................  -5.7  -5.7
Total Deficit Reduction
Measures.................... -28.0    -23.7
Final Deficit.......................  99.4  99.4
* Estimates as of April 14, 1989.
** Predicated on IRS compliance funding sufficient to
achieve the additional revenues specified.
*** Predicated on postal reforms.
BUDGET LEVELS
[Fiscal Year 1990, in billions of dollars]
CBO        OMB
estimates  estimates


Baseline Deficit................... $147.3
Adjustment for estimating differences..... -19.9
Adjusted Baseline Deficit.....  127.4
Revenues:
Revenue Measures.........    -5.3
IRS Compliance **.........  -0.5
User Fees and Offsetting Collections...........  -2.7
Subtotal, revenues......   -8.5
Spending:
Defense       (Function
050)..............................  -4.2
International    Discretionary..........................  -0.0
Domestic     Discretionary................................   -0.3
Entitlements / Mandatory:
Medicare..................  -2.7
Agriculture..............  -1.9
Veterans'      Loan
Sales...................  -0.5
Federal     Pension
&          Postal
Reform..................  -1.1
Other       Entitlements...................  -0.6


$126.6


-3.5      Budget Authority:
Domestic    Discretion123.1            ary................................  $157.5
Defense      (Function
-5.3             050)..................... 305.5
-0.5          International   Discretionary.................  19.0
-2.7      Estimated Outlays:
Domestic    Discretion-8.5             ary.................  181.3
Defense      (Function
050)................ 299.2
-1.7           International  Discretionary...............  17.0
+0.1           Entitlement/
Mandatory................. 556.4
+2.4           Net Interest................  181.0
Offsetting Retirement
-2.7             Receipts................   -32.8
-2.2           Fees, Collections, and
Asset Sales...........  -8.4
-0.6               Total   Estimated
Outlays.................. 1,193.8
Estimated Receipts................ 1,074.4
-1.3           Adjustment for    estimating differences..... -19.9
-0Deficit............. 99.4
Deficit..................  99.4


$157.5
305.5
19.0
181.3
299.2
17.0
539.7
173.2
-33.4
-8.4
1,168.7
1,065.7
-3.5
99.4


426




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 14


Nomination of Paul Dundes Wolfowitz To Be an Under Secretary of
Defense
April 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Paul Dundes Wolfowitz to
be Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.
He would succeed Fred Charles Ikle.
Since 1986 Ambassador Wolfowitz has
served as the United States Ambassador to
the Republic of Indonesia. From 1982 to
1986, Ambassador Wolfowitz was Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific
Affairs. Prior to this he was Director of
Policy Planning for the Department of
State, 1981-1982. He was Deputy Assistant
Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs, 1977-1980. He has also served in
several capacities for the Arms Control and
Nomination of David George Ball
Labor
April 14, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate David George Ball to be
an Assistant Secretary of Labor (Pension
and Welfare Benefit). He would succeed
David M. Walker.
Since 1974 Mr. Ball has been with Amex,
Inc., in Greenwich, CT, serving in several
positions, including senior vice president
and president, Amex Central Services,
1987-1988; senior vice president and secretary, 1983-1987; vice president for investor


Disarmament Agency, including Special Assistant for SALT in the Office of the Director, 1976-1977; deputy assistant director for
the Verification and Analysis Bureau, 1976;
special assistant to the Director, 1974-1975;
and a staff member in the Evaluation and
Policy Division of the Plans and Analysis
Bureau, 1973-1974. From 1970 to 1973, he
was an assistant professor of political science
at Yale University.
Ambassador Wolfowitz graduated from
Cornell University (A.B., 1965) and the University of Chicago (Ph.D., 1976). He was
born December 22, 1943, in New York. He
is married and has three children.
To Be an Assistant Secretary of
relations and secretary, 1977-1983; and secretary, 1974-1977. He was assistant secretary and assistant counsel for the Babcock
and Wilcox Co., 1970-1974, and general
counsel for the Southeastern Public Service
Co., 1969-1970. He has also served as an
attorney with White and Case, 1964-1969.
Mr. Ball graduated from Yale College
(B.A., 1960) and Columbia Law School (J.D.,
1964). He is married, has five children, and
resides in Greenwich, CT.


Nomination of Bryce L. Harlow To Be Deputy Under Secretary of
the Treasury, and Designation as an Assistant Secretary
April 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Bryce L. Harlow to be
Deputy Under Secretary of the Treasury
(Legislative Affairs). He would succeed John
K. Meagher. Upon confirmation the Presi

dent intends to designate him as an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury (Legislative
Affairs).
Since 1986 Mr. Harlow has served as Special Assistant to the President for Legisla

427




Apr. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tive Affairs at the White House in Washington, DC. Prior to this he was Associate Director for Legislative Affairs for the Office
of Management and Budget, 1985-1986. He
has also served as Special Assistant to the
President for Legislative Affairs at the
White House, 1985, and Director of the
Office of Congressional Relations for the
Federal Trade Commission, 1981-1985. He
was Special Assistant to the Administrator
and Acting Director of the Office of Legislation, 1981; director of governmental relaNomination of Thomas D. Larson
Federal Highway Administration
April 14, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Thomas D. Larson to be
Administrator of the Federal Highway Administration, Department of Transportation.
He would succeed Robert Earl Farris.
Since 1987 Dr. Larson has been a faculty
member and administrator at the Pennsylvania State University. Prior to this he was
secretary of transportation for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 1979-1987.
From 1962 to 1979, he served as a faculty
member and administrator at the Pennsyl

tions for the Grocery Manufacturers of
America, Inc., 1976-1981; and a legislative
specialist for the Environmental Protection
Agency in Denver, CO, 1972-1976. From
1969 to 1971, Mr. Harlow was a staff assistant to Senator Howard H. Baker, 1969 -1971.
Mr. Harlow graduated from George
Washington University (B.A., 1971). He was
born January 21, 1949, in Oklahoma City,
OK. He is married, has two children, and
resides in Vienna, VA.
To Be Administrator of the
vania State University: professor of civil engineering, 1969; director of the Pennsylvania Transportation Institute, 1968; an associate professor of civil engineering, 1964; and
an assistant professor of civil engineering,
1962. Dr. Larson also served in the U.S.
Navy Civil Engineering Corps, 1954-1957.
Dr. Larson graduated from the Pennsylvania State University (B.S., 1952; M.S.,
1959; Ph.D., 1962). He currently resides in
University Park, PA.


Nomination of Brian W. Clymer To Be Administrator of the Urban
Mass Transit Administration
April 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Brian W. Clymer to be
Administrator of the Urban Mass Transportation Administration, Department of
Transportation. He would succeed Alfred A.
DelliBovi.
Mr. Clymer currently serves as vice chairman of the board of directors for the Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority, and he has served in various capacities for SEPTA, including chairman of the
budget and audit committee, 1983 to


present; member of the committee, 1981 to
present; member and former chairman of
the pension committee, 1980 to present;
member of the transit committee, 1980 to
present; former chairman of the professional services committee, and member of ad
hoc privatization. He also founded Clymer,
Merves & Amon, Certified Public Accountants, 1982.
Mr. Clymer graduated from Lehigh University (B.S., 1969). He is married, has two
children, and resides in Swarthmore, PA.


428




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 14


Nomination of Jacqueline Knox Brown To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Energy
April 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jacqueline Knox Brown to
be an Assistant Secretary of Energy (Congressional and Intergovernmental Affairs).
She would succeed C. Anson Franklin.
Mrs. Brown most recently served as a
senior policy analyst with the Commission
on Executive, Legislative and Judicial Salaries in Washington, DC. Prior to this she
was a senior policy analyst for the Presidential Commission on the Human Immunode

ficiency Virus Epidemic, 1987-1988. Mrs.
Brown has also served as staff director for
the Minority Subcommittee on Aging, Committee on Labor and Human Resources, of
the United States Senate, 1986-1987; and a
legislative assistant to the Honorable Thad
Cochran (R-MS), 1979-1986.
Mrs. Brown graduated from Howard University (B.A., 1983). She was born November 20, 1952, in Washington, DC. She is
married and has one daughter.


Nomination of Joseph G. Schiff To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Housing and Urban Development
April 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Joseph G. Schiff to be an
Assistant Secretary of Housing and Urban
Development (Public and Indian Housing).
He would succeed J. Michael Dorsey.
Since 1985 Mr. Schiff has been manager
of the Louisville Office of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development
in Louisville, KY. Prior to this he was managing partner of Elaine Schiff Realtors in


Louisville. He has served as deputy county
judge-executive for Jefferson County, KY,
and as a legislative assistant to Congressman
William 0. Cowger.
Mr. Schiff received a bachelor of arts
degree from American University and a
juris doctorate degree from the University
of Louisville. He is married to the former
Polly Sherman. They have two sons and
reside in Louisville, KY.


Continuation of Frank E. Young as Commissioner of Food and
Drugs at the Department of Health and Human Services
April 14, 1989


The President today announced that
Frank E. Young, M.D. will continue to
serve as Commissioner of Food and Drugs
at the Department of Health and Human
Services.
Dr. Young has served as Commissioner of
the Food and Drug Administration since
July 15, 1984. While Commissioner he has
served as a member of the U.S. delegation
to the world health assembly in Geneva,


Switzerland, 1985-1986, and led the U.S.
delegation to the third U.S./Israeli symposium on health in Jerusalem, 1985. He has
served as chairman of the executive hospital
committee of Strong Memorial Hospital,
1979-1984; chairman of the medical advisory committee for Monroe Community Hospital, 1979-1984; and a pathologist for
Strong Memorial Hospital, 1974-1984. He
was dean of the school of medicine and


429




Apr. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


dentistry, and director of the medical
center of the University of Rochester, 1979 -1984, and vice president for health affairs,
1981-1984.
Dr. Young graduated from Union Col

lege, the medical center of the State University of New York (M.D.), and Case Western Reserve University (Ph.D). He is married and has five children.


Remarks to Citizens in Hamtramck, Michigan
April 17, 1989


Cardinal Szoka, your Eminence. Bob,
thank you for the warm greeting to your
wonderful community. Governor Blanchard-it's an honor to have the Governor
of the great State here. And I want to pay
my respects to the members of the Michigan congressional delegation that came out
here with me-Senator Riegle and several
distinguished Members of the House of
Representatives sitting over here-and also
to Senator John Engler, who is the majority
leader of the Michigan State Senate, and to
other elected leaders not only from your
community but in other parts of this State.
I'm delighted to be here. Bread and salt
are both of the Earth, an ancient symbol of
a life leavened by health and prosperity.
And in this same spirit, I wish you all the
same. And now, if I may, I want to address,
at this important gathering, the health and
prosperity of a whole nation-the proud
people of Poland. You know, we Americans
are not mildly sympathetic spectators of
events in Poland. We are bound to Poland
by a very special bond: a bond of blood, of
culture, and shared values. And so, it is only
natural that as dramatic change comes to
Poland we share the aspirations and excitement of the Polish people.
In my Inaugural Address, I spoke of the
new breeze of freedom gaining strength
around the world. "In man's heart," I said,
"if not in fact, the day of the dictator is
over. The totalitarian era is passing; its old
ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient leafless tree." I spoke of the spreading
recognition that prosperity can only come
from a free market and the creative genius
of individuals. And I spoke of the new potency of democratic ideals: of free speech,
free elections, and the exercise of free will.


And we should not be surprised that the
ideas of democracy are returning with renewed force in Europe, the homeland of
philosophers of freedom, whose ideals have
been so fully realized in our great United
States of America. And Victor Hugo said:
"An invasion of armies can be resisted, but
not an idea whose time has come." My
friends, liberty is an idea whose time has
come in Eastern Europe, and make no mistake about it.
For almost half a century, the suppression
of freedom in Eastern Europe, sustained by
the military power of the Soviet Union, has
kept nation from nation, neighbor from
neighbor. And as East and West now seek
to reduce arms, it must not be forgotten
that arms are a symptom, not a source, of
tension. The true source of tension is the
imposed and unnatural division of Europe.
How can there be stability and security in
Europe and the world as long as nations
and peoples are denied the right to determine their own future, a right explicitly
promised by agreements among the victorious powers at the end of World War II?
How can there be stability and security in
Europe as long as nations which once stood
proudly at the front rank of industrial
powers are impoverished by a discredited
ideology and stifling authoritarianism? The
United States-and let's be clear on thishas never accepted the legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of influence that deny the sovereign rights of
nations.
And yet the winds of change are shaping
a new European destiny. Western Europe is
resurgent, and Eastern Europe is awakening to yearnings for democracy, independence, and prosperity. In the Soviet Union


430




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 17


itself, we are encouraged by the sound of
voices long silent and the sight of the rulers
consulting the ruled. We see new thinking
in some aspects of Soviet foreign policy. We
are hopeful that these stirrings presage
meaningful, lasting, and far more reaching
change. So, let no one doubt the sincerity of
the American people and their government
in our desire to see reform succeed inside
the Soviet Union. We welcome the changes
that have taken place, and we will continue
to encourage greater recognition of human
rights, market incentives, and free elections.
East and West are now negotiating on a
broad range of issues, from arms reductions
to the environment. But the Cold War
began in Eastern Europe, and if it is to end,
it will end in this crucible of world conflict.
And it must end-the American people
want to see east and central Europe free,
prosperous, and at peace. With prudence,
realism, and patience, we seek to promote
the evolution of freedom-the opportunities
sparked by the Helsinki accords and the
deepening East-West contact. In recent
years, we have improved relations with
countries in the region. And in each case,
we looked for progress in international posture and internal practices-in human
rights, cultural openness, emigration issues,
opposition to international terror. While we
want relations to improve, there are certain
acts we will not condone or accept, behavior that can shift relations in the wrong direction-human rights abuses, technology
theft, and hostile intelligence or foreign
policy actions against us.
Some regions are now seeking to win
popular legitimacy through reforms. In
Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that may permit a political
pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been absolutely unthinkable. And in
Poland, on April 5th, Solidarity leader Lech
Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak
signed agreements that, if faithfully implemented, will be a watershed in the postwar
history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the roundtable
agreements, the free trade union Solidarnosc was today-this very day, under those
agreements-Solidarnosc was today formally restored. And the agreements also pro

vide that a free opposition press will be
legalized, independent political and other
free association will be permitted, and elections for a new Polish senate will be held.
These agreements testify to the realism of
General Jaruzelski and his colleagues, and
they are inspiring testimony to the spiritual
guidance of the Catholic Church, the indomitable spirit of the Polish people, and
the strength and wisdom of Lech Walesa.
Poland faces, and will continue to face for
some time, severe economic problems. A
modern French writer observed that communism is not another form of economics:
It is the death of economics. In Poland, an
economic system crippled by the inefficiencies of central planning almost proved the
death of initiative and enterprise-almost.
But economic reforms can still give free
rein to the enterprising impulse and creative spirit of the great Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this challenge. Democratic forces in
Poland have asked for the moral, political,
and economic support of the West, and the
West will respond. My administration is
completing now a thorough review of our
policies toward Poland and all of Eastern
Europe, and I've carefully considered ways
that the United States can help Poland. And
we will not act unconditionally. We're not
going to offer unsound credits. We're not
going to offer aid without requiring sound
economic practices in return. And we must
remember that Poland still is a member of
the Warsaw Pact. And I will take no steps
that compromise the security of the West.
The Congress, the Polish-American community-and I support, I endorse strongly
Ed Moskal and what he is doing in the
Polish American Congress, I might say; and
I'm delighted he's here, good Chicago boy
right here in Hamtramck-that the Congress, the Polish-American community, the
American labor movement, our allies, and
international  financial  institutions-our
allies all must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take root anew and sustain
itself. And we can and must answer this call
to freedom. And it is particularly appropriate here in Hamtramck for me to salute the
members and leaders of the American labor
movement for hanging tough with Solidari

431




Apr. 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ty through its darkest days. Labor deserves
great credit for that.
Now the Poles are now taking steps that
deserve our active support. And I have decided as your President on specific steps to
be taken by the United States, carefully
chosen to recognize the reforms underway
and to encourage reforms yet to come now
that Solidarnosc is legal. I will ask Congress
to join me in providing Poland access to our
Generalized System of Preferences, which
offers selective tariff relief to beneficiary
countries. We will work with our allies and
friends in the Paris Club to develop sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its
debt, easing a heavy burden so that a free
market can grow.
I will also ask Congress to join me in
authorizing the Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors. We will propose negotiations for a private business agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms and
Poland's private businesses-both sides can
benefit. The United States will continue to
consider supporting, on their merits, viable
loans to the private sector by the International Finance Corporation. We believe that
the roundtable agreements clear the way
for Poland to be able to work with International Monetary Fund on programs that
support sound, market-oriented economic
policies. We will encourage business and
private nonprofit groups to develop innovative programs to swap Polish debt for
equity in Polish enterprises, and for charitable,  humanitarian,  and   environmental
projects. We will support imaginative educational, cultural, and training programs to
help liberate the creative energies of the
Polish people.
You know, when I visited Poland in September of 1987, I was then Vice President,
and I told Chairman Jaruzelski and Lech
Walesa that the American people and Government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant internal reform of the
kind that we now see-both of them valued
that assurance. So, it is especially gratifying
for me today to witness the changes now
taking place in Poland and to announce
these important changes in U.S. policy. The
United States of America keeps its promises.


If Poland's experiment succeeds, other
countries may follow. And while we must
still differentiate among the nations of Eastern Europe, Poland offers two lessons for
all. First, there can be no progress without
significant political and economic liberalization. And second, help from the West will
come in concert with liberalization. Our
friends and European allies share this philosophy.
The West can now be bold in proposing a
vision of the European future. We dream of
the day when there will be no barriers to
the free movement of peoples, goods, and
ideas. We dream of the day when Eastern
European peoples will be free to choose
their system of government and to vote for
the party of their choice in regular, free,
contested elections. And we dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will
be free to choose their own peaceful course
in the world, including closer ties with
Western Europe. And we envision an Eastern Europe in which the Soviet Union has
renounced military intervention as an instrument of its policy-on any pretext. We
share an unwavering conviction that one
day all the peoples of Europe will live in
freedom. And make no mistake about that.
Next month, at a summit of the North
Atlantic alliance, I will meet with the leaders of the Western democracies. The leaders of the Western democracies will discuss
these concerns. And these are not bilateral
issues just between the United States and
the Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all the Western allies, calling for
common approaches. The Soviet Union
should understand, in turn, that a free,
democratic Eastern Europe as we envision
it would threaten no one and no country.
Such an evolution would imply and reinforce the further improvement of East-West
relations in all dimensions-arms reductions, political relations, trade-in ways that
enhance the safety and well-being of all of
Europe. There is no other way.
What has brought us to this opening? The
unity and strength of the democracies, yes,
and something else: the bold, new thinking
in the Soviet Union, the innate desire for
freedom in the hearts of all men. We will
not waver in our dedication to freedom


432




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 18


now. And if we're wise, united, and ready
to seize the moment, we will be remembered as the generation that made all
Europe free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot, Thaddeus Kosciusko, came to these American
shores to stand for freedom. Let us honor
and remember this hero of our own struggle for freedom by extending our hand to
those who work the shipyards of Gdansk
and walk the cobbled streets of Warsaw.
Let us recall the words of the Poles who
struggled for independence: "For your freedom and ours." Let us support the peaceful
evolution of democracy in Poland. The
cause of liberty knows no limits; the friends
of freedom, no borders.
God bless Poland. God bless the United
States of America. Thank you all very
much. Niech Zyje Polska! [Long live
Poland!] Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 11:53 a.m. at
Hamtramck City Hall. In his opening remarks, he referred to Cardinal Edmund C.
Szoka, the Archbishop of Detroit, and


Robert Kozaren, mayor of Hamtramck. He
also referred to Edward Moskal, president
of the Polish-American Congress. Following
his remarks, the President attended a
luncheon at the Eagle Restaurant. Following the luncheon, he returned to Washington, DC.
A fact sheet entitled "Support for Polish
Reforms" was also released by the Office of
the Press Secretary. In addition to covering
the material on this subject found in these
remarks, the fact sheet also contained the
following points concerning US. policy
toward Poland:
"Once authorized, OPIC [Overseas Private Investment Corporation] and the
Polish Government will negotiate an investment incentives agreement detailing OPIC's
rights and the GOP'S [Government of Poland's] responsibilities for OPIC-assisted investment.
"In the absence of GSP [Generalized
System of Preferences], OPIC would make
an independent determination that Poland
is taking steps to adopt and implement
worker rights. We will work closely with
Solidarity."


Remarks at the National Conference of the Building and
Construction Trades Department of the AFL-CIO
April 18, 1989


Thank you for that warm welcome.
Thank you, Bob Georgine, for that warm
welcome. Since the election is over, the
story can now be told: a proud story about
all the help this guy gave me in the last two
elections. [Laughter] No, here's the way it
worked, really. [Laughter]
In this very room, I'm at an Italian-American dinner in 1984, sitting up here at the
high-you know, the big dais here and everything. Georgine comes over-very pleasant to my wife, who could well be his campaign manager if he has higher aspirations.
[Laughter] And he says, "You've got to understand, George," he tells me, "you've got
to understand. Don't you realize Geraldine
Ferraro is an Italian? Don't you understand
that?" I said, "Yes, I understand, so I was


waiting for 1988." [Laughter] See him at
the same dinner, same place, looking at
him. "Hey, come on." And he says, "You've
got to understand." I looked at his nametag.
I'm running against Michael Dukakis,
famous Greek-American. I see his nametag-Bob    Georgapolis-[laughter]-little
much.
But look, here I am, and I appreciate
very much the tone with which your outstanding leader set the agenda here today
and the warm welcome that you gave me.
And I do have great respect for Bob Georgine. I've told him this. The door will be
open over there to him, to the leaders here,
and to all of you, whom he represents so
well. And he doesn't hide behind the differences. We get them out there on the table.


433




Apr. 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


But there's a lot more to the relationship
between the White House and the labor
organizations than one issue or another.
And I think of this group, and I think of
patriotism. I think of love of country. I
think of family and the values that have
always made this country great. And so, I
came over here to salute you and to express
my great appreciation and to tell you a
couple other things. The puppies are fine.
[Laughter] And even more important, my
wife's health is great, and I appreciate that.
So, I think we all have a lot to be grateful
for, and I'm honored by the presence of
many friends here today. I have great confidence in and respect for and obvious
friendship with our Secretary of Labor Elizabeth Dole, who's with me here today and
who's going to speak in just a minute. And I
appreciate the cooperation so many of you
have given her already. I want to salute
Tom Ridge, a friend of mine of long standing, and I don't think labor has a better
friend in the Congress. Of course, there's
others up here: the Teamsters president
Billy McCarthy down there, a friend of
mine; and Buddy Ruel and John Bowden of
the Iron Workers; Bill Dugan and John Bertrand of the Operating Engineers; Eddie
Brubeck, Indianapolis Building Trades, and
many, many others. I'm going to make an
omission and thus hurt feelings, and I don't
want to do that. But I want to thank everybody.
We hold elections in this country-it's a
good thing-and then we move on. Leadership assumes office; it exerts its influence.
But it must never presume that it does any
more than speak and act for the people,
and we have had honest differences. But
we agree on goals, and what matters is that
we make progress on issues of shared concern.
So, I begin today with a special word of
thanks. Your Dad's Day event is a shining
example of voluntarism in action. And it's a
reminder of how we in America must learn
to measure success: not by the sum of our
possessions but by the good we do for
others. And on Father's Day, the Building
Trades will be winning a victory for humanity, large and small.
Your theme for this magnificent conference is "Building for the Future." And so,


today I want to share just a few thoughts on
how we can build a better America. We're
a prosperous nation. Thank God we're at
peace. And you've heard the numbers: 76
months   of  recordbreaking  economic
growth-a growth rate that outstrips the nations of Europe, exceeding all expectations-and nearly 20 million new jobs. Unemployment at a 15-year low; real family
income at all-time high; output of goods
and services up over 27 percent since the
end of '82. But we have to remember
what's driving the economic growth: the
enterprise and the energy of people like
yourselves. You build a better America
every single day.
Anyone who forgets that the working
men and women drive this economy ought
to take a lesson from the guy with the circular saw who runs over his own power
cord. The guy may think he's headed in the
right direction, but he's headed for a real
shock. [Laughter]
Our economy is healthy. But to keep the
momentum going, to keep America competitive, and to keep the building trades
strong, we must keep inflation and interest
rates down; and moreover, we must bring
them down further. The way to do that is to
bring the budget deficit down. And it isn't
fun working at it, but I am going to succeed. We've got to bring that deficit down.
I'm pleased to say that we've reached a
budget agreement with Congress. And I'd
add that this is the first such agreement
reached ahead of schedule and not framed
in the context of crisis. This is only a first
step, but it is an important step. This
budget agreement meets our fundamental
obligations to protect national security and
support the needy. It provides funds to advance high-priority initiatives, but it alsoand this is the hard part-it restrains the
overall growth of Federal spending so that
we can meet these Gramm-Rudman-Hollings deficit targets. Next year alone, Federal revenues will rise by more than $80 billion, with no tax increase. And that's an
agreed revenue increase-I believe it's
agreed by both the CBO [Congressional
Budget Office] and our own estimates. This
agreement should bring the deficit for 1990
down to $99.4 billion, and that is a $64


434




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 18


billion reduction in 1 year.
And let me say this-I did keep a promise
I made, and it was alluded to by Bob Georgine: We have not raised taxes on the working men and women of this country. And
I'm going to hold the line on those taxes.
What the budget does do is put our priorities in the right place. It puts the focus on
the kind of investment we need to build on
economic growth and stimulate competitive
enterprise, and that means-and I know
this one is controversial-but it means restoring the capital gains differential to 15
percent.
Whatever else you've heard, the capital
gains cut will make us more competitive
with our major trading partners who tax
capital gains lightly, if at all. It will bring in
$4.8 billion more in tax revenues in 1990,
according to the Treasury Department, and
it will help American enterprise grow. But
the big thing about it is: More people will
start businesses; more people will help join
in creating jobs and competitiveness, opportunity and growth, saving investment for
the long-term, and more jobs. And that is
what we are all fighting for. So, I must
make clear why it is I am fighting for that
one provision, that change in the Tax Code.
Construction-related jobs are vital to a
strong economy; but as we work to create
those jobs, we need to make sure that every
person who takes a construction job is as
safe as we can make them. And one stepwe've established a new Office of Engineering Support in OSHA [Occupational Safety
and Health Administration] to work more
closely with you for better accident investigation and prevention.
Along with keeping workers safe, building a better, more competitive America demands that the workers are skilled. And we
need to ease some of the shortages of talent
already developing in your trades and many
others. So, we're looking to the only longterm solution: comprehensive education
and training. Over 50 million Americansthis is a mind-boggling figure-50 million
Americans will need some kind of training
or retraining before the end of this century,
and meeting that need will demand real
partnerships between employers and workers and between government and industry.
The construction trades have a history of


outstanding training and development efforts. Job Corps, the Job Training Partnership Act have also had outstanding results.
And I'll be looking to Secretary Dole, as she
finds new solutions, to help those who
aren't yet prepared for the jobs of the
future because of skills gap and family pressures or a lack of supportive policies. Let
me say she has in this my full support.
You know, back a thousand years ago,
when Barbara and I left the East and
moved out to west Texas-Odessa-Midland
area-in the late forties, I learned something about building a business and meeting
a payroll, and lived a few of the lessons that
you're supposed to get out of books about
supply and demand and risk and reward
and profit and loss. But I also learned something about the trust that must exist between workers and managers. And our
working men and women face real challenges now. And to meet them, our spirit
has got to be one of cooperation, or motivation, if you will, for the common good. And
there will be honest differences, and that's
why we need a National Labor Relations
Board of knowledgeable individuals whose
neutrality and integrity are above reproach.
And let me assure you: People I'm going to
nominate meet these standards. My appointments will not be antilabor or antibusiness-or, as I say, antibusiness. They will be
based on fairplay.
We must keep the ball in play. Like Mark
Twain said: "It's not good sportsmanship to
pick up lost golf balls while they're still rolling." [Laughter] I can't figure out who was
the better philosopher, Yogi Berra or Mark
Twain. You remember Yogi: "Okay, now
pair them off in threes." [Laughter]
Yesterday, I saluted the members and
leaders of the American labor movement
for hanging tough with Lech Walesa in Solidarnos'c through the darkest days. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the
support of the West, and the West will respond. The Congress, the Polish-American
community, the American labor movement,
our allies, and international financial institutions all must work together if Polish democracy is to take root and to endure.
Brighter days may be dawning in Eastern
Europe, in Poland, in Central America.


435




Apr. 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Wherever the free trade movement is
threatened, so, too, is democracy and freedom itself. And I put this in here about
Poland and the changes that are taking
place because when I think of freedom and
the American people's understanding of
freedom, I do think of your great organizations-you understand it.
One of the things I most admire when I
talk with members of the building trades is
this underlying sense of patriotism. Among
you here today are many veterans-World
War II, Korea, and Vietnam. And you want
to talk about freedom? No one appreciates
it more than someone who's put their lives
and limbs at risk in its defense, and many of
you in this room have done just exactly
that.
And, now, you may figure that politicians
come and go. Well, the kind of people that
are essential to a free and prosperous society with a competitive economy are people
like yourselves. You bear the tools, the
skills, and the will to build a better America
and to keep this great nation free. I want
this door at the White House to stay open. I
want to work with you to advocate, to nego

tiate-and to count on you, most importantly, as neighbors and friends who share the
family values that I think are so vital to the
survival and strength of the United States of
America.
You know, speaking of Yogi Berra, again,
someone once asked him if he was a fatalist.
And he answered, "No, I never collected
postage stamps." [Laughter] We are the
United States of America. We have no time
for fatalism in the face of our good fortune.
And like every American, I am grateful for
all of the blessings that the builders of
America have built as monuments to our
labor and our freedom. I came over here to
salute your leadership and to thank each
and every one of the building trades members.
Thank you all. God bless you, and most of
all, God bless the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 10:16 a.m. in
the International Ballroom at the Washington Hilton Hotel. In his remarks, he referred to Robert Georgine, president of the
department, and Representative Thomas J.
Ridge of Pennsylvania.


Message to the Congress Reporting Budget Deferrals
April 18, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with the Impoundment
Control Act of 1974, I herewith report five
revised deferrals of budget authority now
totaling $649,663,811.
The deferrals affect programs in the Departments of Agriculture, Defense-Civil,
Energy, Health and Human Services-Social
Security Administration, and Justice.
The details of the deferrals are contained


in the enclosed report.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
April 18, 1989.
Note: The attachments detailing the deferrals were printed in the "Federal Register"
of April 27.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Agricultural
Journalists
April 18, 1989


The President. Thank you, Clayton Yeutter, our distinguished Secretary of Agricul

ture. And, Gary, thank you for monitoring
us here and, Brenda, thank you for those


436




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 18


words of welcome.
You know, American farmers got good
news at the GATT [General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade] agricultural talks in
Geneva a couple of weeks ago. G-A-T-T,
known as GATT, was set up to provide
these international rules of trade. And there
was a renewed commitment by the 96 participating nations to long-term agricultural
reform, benefiting farmers, consumers, and
taxpayers all around the world. And there
was a new road map for the final 2 years of
negotiations.
America's goals for this trade round have
not changed. Clayt, you fought for this
when you were the U.S. Trade Representative and now as Secretary of Agriculture.
The goals haven't changed; the bottom line
is fairness for the American farmer. And we
seek a level playing field for our farmers:
the eventual elimination of export subsidies,
import barriers, and other devices that distort trade and create bogus incentives to
grow products for which no markets exist.
On a level playing field, where neither side
has the home team advantage, American
farmers can compete with anybody in the
world. And we'd have an export boom if we
had that kind of international market.
The American people are behind you in
these negotiations. We will not take actions,
short-term  or  long-term,  that  aren't
matched by the European Community and
the other developed nations. We're not
about to disarm unilaterally in agriculture.
And we want to get rid of the impediments
that keep us from exporting.
The American public is also deeply concerned about economic conditions in our
rural communities. And that means, need to
diversify in our rural economies-creating
more jobs in these rural areas. In a response, we're developing a new working
group on rural development. It's chaired by
the Secretary of Agriculture, and I know
he'll be glad to talk about that. It'll have
senior leaders from every arm of government with outreach to rural America. And
to the listeners today, we would welcome
your ideas. Economic stress in rural areas is
not just numbers and statistics and bushels
of wheat: It's people and pride and sweat
and families that need help now.


And then lastly, to provide some extra
money to farmers early in the crop year,
today we are announcing additional advance deficiency payments for farmers who
sign up for the 1989 wheat, feed grain, rice,
and upland cotton programs. This will mean
an additional 10 percent of projected deficiency payments, or a total of about $850
million for American farmers.
And this the final thought, before we go
to the questions from the farm broadcasters:
A breakthrough budget compromise was
reached with Congress on Friday. It came
early, and that's good news for all Americans.
We're listening. We are with the American farmer in these tough times. And we're
here today to take some questions, and
thank you very much.
Agricultural Exports
Q. Mr. President, I'd like to pursue the
area of agricultural trade. Until this morning, we had been using our agricultural
trade through the Export Enhancement
Program to maintain, and perhaps to gain,
some new markets. There are those who
say that we should use our food exports as a
foreign policy tool as well. Do you and your
administration see using the food that we
can produce for other countries as a foreign
policy tool?
The President. No, sir, not if I'm interpreting your question correctly, because
when I think of foreign policy tool, my
mind goes back to singling out agriculture
in a trade embargo against the Soviet
Union. And I will not do that as President
of the United States. I know our able Secretary of Agriculture is on the same side of
this one. We will not use food as a diplomatic tool. We are rebuilding confidence in
American agriculture in terms of reliability
in foreign markets, and we're going to have
to continue to do that. And one way to
reverse that out and set back exports would
be to use food as a diplomatic tool. And I'm
not going to do that.
Drought Relief
Q. Mr. President, all the farm broadcasters appreciate your openness and Secretary


437




Apr. 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Yeutter's openness to American agriculture.
You mentioned the advanced deficiency
payment increases, and being the fact that
Kansas crop, especially wheat, so devastated
by the drought conditions-will this be the
sum total of Federal action for producers
who've lost crops to drought-increase in
deficiency payments?
The President. Well, I wouldn't say the
sum total. And I'd let Secretary Yeutter
share with you, as he did with me in the
Oval Office, his views on his recent trip to
Kansas, where he saw firsthand the suffering and the concern of American farmers.
So, I wouldn't say this will be all that can be
done. I do think that because farmers are
still experiencing these dry conditions in
the Midwest and in other parts of the
Nation that this program will help-advancing the payments. But on the other hand,
I'd leave to Clayton what steps further we
might take, but I can tell you this: Because
of his standing in the agricultural community and his day-to-day contact with farmers, I
will be very openminded over in the White
House if he comes over with additional suggestions or recommendations. So, this
should not be viewed as the definitive
answer. We hope it is something that will
help the farm family.
Secretary Yeutter. I'll do just a quick supplement to that so that we don't cut into
the valuable time of the President of the
United States. But just to say, as you know,
Mark [Mark Vail, Kansas Agriculture Network, Topeka, KS], I visited Kansas, along
with Senators Dole and Kassebaum and
Congressman Roberts, on Friday. Governor
Hayden [of Kansas] accompanied us. The
Governor has submitted a followup letter
already. It came in today. We're going to
analyze all that very carefully over the next
few days, and we'll see what we can do.
Clearly, we don't have an open spigot that
just spits out Federal dollars in any situation
today. I made that point clear when I was
in Kansas. But we'll be as sympathetic and
accommodative as we can be within rather
severe budgetary constraints.
Agriculture Budget
Q. Good afternoon, Mr. President. And
by the way, greetings from the Concho
Valley and the Permian Basin. Since your


budget announcement Friday, there has
been a lot of concern voiced by Congressmen de la Garza and Stenholm on the
House Agriculture Committee that agriculture is being asked to take more than its
fair share of cuts in spending. Now, in your
campaign, you assured farmers that the
budget would not be balanced on their
backs, and I just wonder, how do you react
to these concerns?
The President. Well, Roddy [Roddy Peeples, Southwest Agriculture Network, San
Angelo, TX], first, greetings to Tom Green
County out there, and I'm delighted to be
talking to you. Secondly, my view is this:
We are in perilous budget deficit times. We
have got to get the deficit down, and the
best thing we can do to help the American
farmer is to get these interest rates down.
And the best way to do that is to make the
tough decision on the spending side of our
budget. Now, having said that, I feel that
farmers are fairplay. I mentioned earlier
the grain embargo. One of the things that
irks the farmers-properly-is that they
were asked to carry the whole burden, and
here we're not. Yes, ag has taken a hit, but
so has a wide array of programs across the
board. And I think what we've done here is
fair.
The program is still there and vigorous
and high levels of spending-$11 billion I
think is the figure. And so, I hope that
nobody feels that this is an unfair approach
to getting the deficit down. But I can guarantee you that if we are successful-and
I've done this, incidentally, this first step,
without raising taxes on the American
farmer-if we are successful here, then
you're going to have the biggest benefit to
the farmers at all: You're going to have a
lower interest rate, a continued growing
economy. And then, if we succeed overseas,
you're going to have a vigorous new market
for ag products. So please, I can understand
Chairman de la Garza, my friend from
south Texas, and-who was it?-Charlie
Stenholm, who is out there from east and
north of you; but I'll tell you I think in the
final analysis, we'll convince them that this
is an equitable approach to our budget.


438




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 18


Agricultural Exports
Q. Mr. President, it's a real privilege to
have this opportunity to visit with you
today. And I'd like to return to what you
opened with, and that's the good news of
the GATT talks and the effect that might
be seen on the new farm bill. I know that
Secretary Yeutter has referred to that; he
said he may want to alter the content, have
more leverage in the GATT negotiations.
Would you comment on that, please?
The President. Well, Dix [Dix Harper, Tobacco Network, Raleigh, NC], first, thank
you, sir, for the greeting, and I'll let Clayton
in a minute go into a little more detail. But
what happened over there was that an
international community reluctant to discuss agriculture has finally understood that
we've got to go forward. Now, we have
agricultural Export Enhancement Program.
Others have had that for a long time.
Others gripe when the United States farmer
gets the same incentive built into the
system that they themselves have enjoyed
for a long time. We understand that. We
understand the screams coming from them.
But the good news is we've got this on the
agenda; we will be able to move forward
now to freer markets and to less protection.
And so, the upcoming farm bill can
indeed be used as leverage, you might say,
because we are not going to unilaterally
disarm, if you will. We're not going to take
cuts unilaterally based on some verbal assurance from people that have excluded our
products from their market. So, we've
moved forward at GATT. We've got a farm
bill where we're not going to back away
and make unilateral concessions to others.
But the climate is better. And I'll let Clayton, if he will, fill in a little bit more detail
on that.
Secretary Yeutter. As you know, we've got
20 months to go in these negotiations, as
they wrap up on time at the end of 1990.
We hope they will, and we believe that the
agreement that was reached in Geneva just
a few days ago is going to contribute to that
end. We had a good week in Geneva. We
got the kind of long-term commitment we
wanted, and now we simply have to fight
this out at the negotiating table.
But as President Bush said, we certainly


want to do the right things in next year's
farm bill to contribute to that negotiating
environment. In other words, we sure don't
want to give away any negotiating leverage,
and if possible, we've got to try to enhance
it. In that regard, by the way, I'm going to
be testifying to the Senate Ag Committee
tomorrow morning in the first hearing
that'll be held on the farm bill. You may
want to take a look at my testimony when
it's available tomorrow, because it'll have
some statements on this subject that'll be
quite definitive and specific.
Q. Mr. President, you frequently linked
ag and exports in public comments and
once suggested that Secretary Yeutter was
hardly changing his job in moving from
USTR [U.S. Trade Representative] to Agriculture. With the steep debt we've got and
with the favorable import balance agriculture brings, should U.S. producers be worried the Government's use for them now is
strictly as earners of currency to stanch the
flow of assets out of this country?
The President. No, they shouldn't have
any concern on that because we are-let
me just repeat, using this phrase "unilateral
disarmament"-we are not going to unilaterally disarm. And I still feel deep in my
heart that if we can get fewer barriers the
American farmer can compete in all kinds
of areas. And I'm including dairy in this,
where we haven't competed much before.
And so, we're not going to take unilateral
hits in agriculture, because agriculture in
many areas is benefiting our whole international trade position.
Secretary Yeutter. And we do want to be
big export earners, as a matter of fact. Gary
[Gary Digiuseppe, Brownfield Network,
Centertown, MO], as you well know, the
more markets we can open up overseas, the
more exports we'll have. And agriculture
will continue to make a very positive contribution to the trade balance. And that'll be
good because that'll also result in higher
farm incomes. And that's what all of us
want, and the President's strongly supportive of that.
Secretary of Agriculture Yeutter
The President. Gary, there was one
person that wasn't sure that Secretary Yeut

439




Apr. 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ter was doing exactly the same thing, and
that was Mrs. Yeutter. Because I think they
had had plans to go back to the private
sector. And I got with Clayton, and I said,
"Look, it is absolutely essential to our country that you agree to serve as Secretary of
Agriculture." And it was one of the best
decisions, I think, that I've made. And of
course, I was grateful that he set aside his
private-sector plan-and his wife very graciously understood this-so he once again
could serve, and did it in a portfolio here
that is just vital, and not just in your area of
question, international trade, but to our
whole economy. So, I'm grateful the Secretary did differentiate here.
Secretary Yeutter. Thank you, Mr. President. That's a very gracious and generous
comment and a true story. Your time with
us is up, I'm sorry to say, Mr. President. But
on behalf of everybody in American agriculture, I want to thank you for coming, and
then I'll stay on and answer a few more
questions.
The President. Well-and I would apologize to those whose questions I didn't get to
take. And I was talking to Clayt-he came


over to the White House. And I wish that
all of you who love nature and love the
Mother Earth could have been with Clayton Yeutter and me as we walked through
the beautiful Rose Garden area of the
White House. It is at its most beautiful this
time of year. And I get a kick out of seeing
all the tourists from middle America and
agricultural  America  and   everyplace
coming to the "people's house."
But having said all that, we were talking
about this first program of this nature. And
I told Clayt that, if agreeable and if we
didn't foul it up too bad in this first session,
that I would welcome coming back here to
this little studio in the Ag Department to
take questions from you, the important
voices of agriculture in America. So, thanks
for your hospitality. And as Douglas MacArthur said, "I shall return." Thank you very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:18 p.m.,
during the Farm Radio Broadcast, in the
Department of Agriculture broadcasting
studio. In his opening remarks, he referred
to announcers Gary Crawford and Brenda
Curtis.


Remarks Upon Signing the Bill Implementing the Bipartisan Accord
on Central America
April 18, 1989


Please be seated. And distinguished leaders of the Congress here today, my thanks
for joining us. Four weeks ago, for the first
time in many years, the President and Congress, the Democratic and Republican leadership in the House and Senate, spoke with
one voice about Central America. And by
signing a bipartisan accord on Central
America, we joined hands for the good of
that troubled region, and by placing principle above party, we reaffirmed the cornerstone of America's foreign policy.
Last week the Congress passed legislation
to implement the bipartisan accord, and
today I am very proud to sign this legislation. My friends, you've shown that bipartisanship works. And I want to thank you for


acting quickly, honorably, and in the national interest.
Our objective in Central America is a
democratic Nicaragua which does not subvert or threaten its neighbors and whose
people enjoy the social and economic fruits
of a free society. Our continued assistance
to the Nicaraguan resistance represents the
commitment of the United States both to
Esquipulas-the peace process-and to sustain those who struggle for freedom and
democracy. Under the Esquipulas accord,
insurgent forces have the right to reintegrate into their homeland under safe,
democratic conditions with full civil and political rights. And that's the desire of the
Nicaraguan resistance. And we will support


440




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 18


it through concerted diplomatic efforts to
reinforce this regional agreement.
Here, in particular, let me thank the Congress. For by supporting my request for
continued assistance at current levels
through the elections in Nicaragua, scheduled now for February 28, 1990, you have
reaffirmed the will of this government to
ensure peace and freedom in Central
America.
The success of the Central American
peace process and the prospects of national
reconciliation in Nicaragua depend on full
and honest Sandinista compliance with
their repeated pledges of democracy and
freedom. We've yet to see genuine Sandinista compliance; thus far, they've refused
to negotiate with the opposition regarding
the necessary conditions for fair elections.
It's clear that close international scrutiny
and sustained pressure will be critical to
induce Sandinista compliance. It's also clear
that the Soviet Union must match its rhetorical support for the peace process with
concrete action to halt military aid, to end
subversion in that region, and to promote
genuine democracy in Nicaragua.
It is fitting to recall what Franklin Roosevelt said when he addressed the Nation in


1940: "Today we seek a moral basis for
peace. It cannot be a lasting peace if the
fruit of it is oppression or starvation or cruelty or human life dominated by armed
camps.
Our accord envisions a democratic Central America and a more just and tranquil
hemisphere. And above all, it points us
toward the future-for America and for the
people of Central America.
So, let us seize the moment. Thank you,
Mr. Speaker and Mr. Majority Leader, minority leaders, distinguished Members of
the Congress; and thank all of you for being
here. And now it's my pleasure to sign the
legislation implementing the bipartisan
accord on Central America. Thank you all.
Note: The President spoke at 2:18 p.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
closing remarks, he referred to Jim Wright,
Speaker of the House of Representatives;
George J. Mitchell and Robert Dole, majority and minority leaders of the Senate, respectively. Thomas S. Foley and Robert H.
Michel, majority and minority leaders of
the House of Representatives, respectively.
H.R. 1750, approved April 18, was assigned
Public Law No. 101-14.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Situation in Lebanon
April 18, 1989


President Bush is deeply concerned about
the growing violence in Lebanon and the
escalating suffering of the Lebanese people.
The President calls for all internal parties
and Syria to cease shelling and to step back
from confrontation. The President strongly
supports efforts currently underway, such as
the one by the Arab League, to bring about
a cease-fire and an end to the violence.


In addition, yesterday President Bush and
President Mitterrand of France discussed
by telephone steps that the United Nations
could take to calm the situation. Both Presidents stressed their concern about the loss
of life, injuries, and deterioration of the situation in Beirut. The two Presidents stressed
the need for international support for efforts to bring about a peaceful solution.


441




Apr. 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Statement on Maternal and Child Health Care Proposals
April 18, 1989


I look forward to meeting today with Secretary Sullivan to discuss our effort to improve the health of mothers and children.
As part of that effort, we are today forwarding to the Congress our maternal and
infant health proposals. I hope the Congress
will enact this legislation and will also act
on my other Medicaid commitments: full
funding of the ongoing Medicaid program
in FY 90 and an additional appropriation of
$20 million to build our understanding of
how best to improve maternal and infant
health.
Infant and maternal health is an area
where we must invest in the future. It is
also an area where we must all be committed to improvement. I am particularly disturbed by the fact that the infant mortality
rate for black infants is nearly twice that for
whites.
This legislation does not do all that we


want to do, but it does do what we can do
at this time. In my February 9 address to
the Nation, I said the budget we were submitting represented my best judgment of
how we can address our priorities. This legislation shows that principle at work. Investing in the health of pregnant women, infants, and children is our highest priority
for the Medicaid program. And that is why,
at a time like today when resources are
tight, when we have more desires than
funds, we must move resources from certain lower priorities to the higher priority
of maternal and infant health.
Maternal and infant health is equally important to Secretary Sullivan. He knows the
issues; he knows the problems. I'm confident that his effort to put all the knowledge
and talent in the Department of Health and
Human Services behind this issue will yield
substantial rewards for our nation's effort to
improve maternal and infant health.


White House Fact Sheet on Maternal and Child Health Care
Proposals
April 18, 1989


The administration today forwarded to
the Congress proposed legislation to make
Federal programs better serve pregnant
women, infants, and children. The legislation carries out commitments the President
made in his February 9 address, "Building a
Better America." The President's proposals
also include funds for improving the delivery of health care services; this request does
not require new legislation.
The legislation would expand significantly
the population Medicaid serves, making
Medicaid available to 1.9 million more
women when they become pregnant. The
legislation also takes steps to make Medicaid
more effective by bringing more eligible
women and infants into the program. The
legislation is part of an overall approach to
health care for the disadvantaged that calls


for full funding for Medicaid, $37.6 billion
for FY 1990, an increase of $3.3 billion or
9.6 percent over the FY 1989 level.
The President's Principles
* The President is committed to improving health care for lower income Americans
by focusing first on the populations most at
risk: mothers and their babies. Expansions
in the Medicaid program contemplated
under current law will do much to meet
these needs.
* The most cost-effective means must be
used to achieve our goals. Adequate prenatal care and immunization against childhood diseases are both the most effective
and least costly means to good health early
in life.
* Greater personal responsibility for


442




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 18


good health must be fostered. Mothers must
be encouraged to seek prenatal care; to
avoid the use of cigarettes, alcohol, and
drugs; and to obtain good nutrition. The
effects of the expanded Medicaid eligibility
in the administration proposal will be undermined if mothers make unhealthy
choices.
* States and community groups have a
vital role in improving child health care
and must be given flexibility in using their
resources to meet their own specific problems. The Federal Government should continue to provide support through State-administered programs such as Medicaid.
The President's Proposals
The legislation transmitted to the Congress today would:
* increase by 374,000 the number of
pregnant women and children eligible
for Medicaid.
* foster greater participation in Medicaid
by eligible pregnant women by providing services to pregnant women who
are presumed eligible for Medicaid
before a formal eligibility determination is made, and requiring States to
operate outreach programs in areas of
high infant mortality.
* entitle all children under age 6 who
are receiving food stamps to Medicaid
coverage for immunizations.
* make the Federal match rate for State
administrative expenses a uniform 50
percent by gradually reducing special
administrative match rates ranging
from 75 to 100 percent. The savings
that result would allow the legislative
eligibility changes proposed by the
President to be implemented within
the current programs' spending level.
The President has also proposed investing
$20 million in both FY 1990 and FY 1991
for a new demonstration program. The
demonstrations would implement improved
coordination among three Federal programs: Medicaid; Maternal and Child
Health; and the Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) nutrition programs. The results
of the demonstrations are intended to serve
as the basis for future reform of service delivery under these programs.


Infant Health in America
Progress in improving infant health is
most often described in terms of infant
mortality statistics. The United States has
made significant progress since World War
II in reducing infant mortality. Infant mortality has dropped from 29.2 deaths per
thousand births in 1950 to 10.4 in 1986, the
most recent year for which final data is
available.
In recent years, the United States has not
made as much progress as other countries.
As a result, the United States has dropped
from 19th in 1980 to 22d in 1985 among
the nations of the world when ranked by
infant mortality rates.
Infant mortality rates for black Americans
have been and remain higher than those for
whites. The black infant mortality rate
stood at 43.9 deaths per 1,000 births in
1950; in 1985 it was 18.2 deaths. While this
is a significant improvement, it remains
nearly twice the 9.3 deaths per 1,000 births
among white Americans.
Medicaid alone is not sufficient to assure
proper medical care. In a survey of the
poorest areas of New York City, where
infant mortality is high, 68.5 percent of the
mothers were Medicaid recipients, but 39
percent of the mothers received late or no
prenatal care. In such areas, drug and alcohol abuse are often the greatest threat to
maternal and infant health.
The goal of healthier babies depends on
mothers making intelligent choices during
pregnancy: avoiding smoking, drugs, and alcohol. The President's proposal to fund
demonstrations that encourage better coordination of Federal programs will lead to
more effective program designs and form
the basis for future Federal program
changes.
Medicaid and Infant Health: Current Law
and the Administration's Proposals
Under current law, by July 1, 1990, every
State Medicaid program must cover pregnant women and infants (up to age 1) with
incomes not exceeding 100 percent of the
Federal poverty line. States may elect to
cover women and infants with incomes up
to 185 percent of the poverty line.
Under the administration's proposal,


443




Apr. 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


States would be required, by April 1, 1990,
to provide coverage to pregnant women
and infants whose income does not exceed
130 percent of the poverty line. The option
for coverage up to 185 percent of the poverty line would remain unchanged.
Under the President's proposals, a single
pregnant woman with an income of up to
$10,426 would be eligible; $13,078 for a
household of two; $15,730 for a household
of three; and $18,382 for a household of
four.
Current law provides that States may
grant presumptive Medicaid eligibility to
pregnant women. Under this option, States
designate qualified providers who, based on
a preliminary assessment of the woman's
income, may determine her to be eligible.
These providers are facilities that have a
high proportion of eligible women in their
clientele and include community health


centers, public health departments, and maternal and child health clinics. A woman
who is presumptively eligible is entitled to
ambulatory care for up to 45 days, during
the first 14 of which she is expected to
apply for Medicaid. Twenty States have
adopted this option.
The administration proposes to require
that all States offer presumptive Medicaid
eligibility. This will increase the number of
pregnant women who will receive coverage
and obtain prenatal care early in their pregnancies. Any woman with a valid food
stamp card would be presumptively eligible. The period of presumptive eligibility
would be set at 60 days. States would be
required to demonstrate efforts to make the
presumptive eligibility process work in all
areas of the State. In addition, the State
would be required to demonstrate outreach
and public education efforts in areas with
high rates of infant mortality.


Remarks Following Discussions With King Hussein I of Jordan
April 19, 1989


The President. Well, I've had the pleasure
and honor of an intimate discussion with an
old friend, His Majesty King Hussein of
Jordan. The relationship between Jordan
and the United States has deep roots; it's
founded on a commonality of interests and
mutual respect. And it is in this spirit that
His Majesty and I reviewed the situation in
the Middle East and, in particular, the
search for Arab-Israeli peace. We talked
also of the concerns that we both have
about Lebanon.
Few individuals can match the dedication
of His Majesty King Hussein to the cause of
peace, for his is a commitment to explore
opportunities, examine options, pursue possibilities. And I explained to him our thinking on the need to diffuse tensions, to promote dialog, to foster the process of negotiations that could lead to a comprehensive
settlement. And I reiterated my belief that
properly designed and mutually acceptable
elections could, as an initial step, contribute
to a political process leading to negotiations


on the final status of the West Bank and
Gaza. I also reaffirmed to His Majesty our
longstanding commitment to bring about a
comprehensive settlement through negotiations based on U.N. Resolutions 242 and 338
and the principle of territory for peace.
Through these negotiations., peace and security for Israel and all states, and legitimate
Palestinian political rights, can be realized.
In addition, a properly structured international conference could serve, at the appropriate time, as a means to facilitate direct
negotiations between the parties.
The time has come to encourage fresh
thinking, to avoid sterile debate, and to
focus on the difficult but critical work of
structuring a serious negotiating process.
His Majesty committed Jordan to this task,
and I commit the United States to this task.
An important part of this effort and of the
stability of the Middle East as a whole will
be the continued economic and military
strength of Jordan. Jordan's security remains of fundamental concern to the


444






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OverleafI Being sworn in as the 41st
President at the West Front of the   e      I;   i I.
Capitol, January 20. Left: Walking '
along the Inaugural Parade route,..
January 20. Right: Reviewing an                             '
address to Congress in the Oval
Office Study, February 8. Below:
Meeting with Pope John Paul II at    m           1   t
the Vatican, May 27.
-,;
' Al
limz     i


'I




Left: With Millie and her puppies
on the South Lawn, April 20.
Below left: Meeting with Cabinet
members at the White House,
June 5. Right: Signing the
Executive order on Historically
Black Colleges and Universities in
the Rose Garden, April 20. Below:
Touring the American Cemetery in
Nettuno, Italy, May 28.




NO                                                                                                                         LI
if1
Al
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Left: With Queen Elizabeth II and
Prince Philip at Buckingham Palace
in London, June 1. Below:
Interview with members of the
White House press corps on the
patio outside the Oval Office,
April 20. Right: Speaking to naval
personnel on the U.S.S. America in
Norfolk, VA, January 30. Overleafi
Arriving at Texas A&M University
in College Station, May 12.
--
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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 19


United States, and I have reassured His
Majesty that the United States will do its
utmost to help meet Jordan's economic and
military requirements. His Majesty King
Hussein and I delved deeply into the broader regional and internal problems, and as
always, I benefited greatly from the wisdom
of my friend. Together we pledge to continue the close cooperation and coordination
that mark the relations between Jordan and
the United States.
And in closing, I would like to express my
best wishes to King Hussein and to the
people of Jordan for an auspicious month of
Ramadan and a blessed 'Id holiday. Thank
you.
The King. Thank you, Mr. President. It's
a great pleasure, as always, to return to the
United States, a country with whom Jordan
has enjoyed a special relationship for so
many years. It is even a greater pleasure on
this occasion to be meeting with you, Mr.
President, a treasured friend of long standing. Your dedication to the service of your
great country has been a source of inspiration, respect, and admiration to me, as it is
to all who know you.
Mr. President, I know how devoted you
are to the cause of peace. I share this devotion. I sincerely hope that through our
common devotion to peace we can, with
those who are equally devoted, finally bring
peace to the Middle East.
You are the sixth President with whom
I've joined to pursue that peace. I first visited this historic house in 1959 to meet with
President Eisenhower. It marked the beginning of a warm and productive relationship
between our two countries, a relationship
which has flourished because of our shared
values, shared interests, and shared goals. It
is a relationship which my country and I
cherish. I am heartened that the talks we
are engaged in will contribute to a deepening of this relationship.
One of our goals, which despite 22 years
of efforts we have yet to achieve, is a comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli
conflict. The principles for that settlement
were established many years ago: United
Nations Security Council Resolutions 242
and 338. These resolutions provide for the
withdrawal of Israeli forces from the territories occupied in 1967 in return for the es

tablishment of peace, arrangements for
secure and recognized borders, and negotiations under appropriate auspices to implement these provisions.
Your recent expressed reaffirmation of
American support for the end of Israeli occupation in return for peace and for the
political rights of the Palestinian peopleintegral part of any comprehensive settlement-both constructive and commendable. As a result of a recent decision by the
Palestine Liberation Organization to accept
the right of Israel to exist, to negotiate a
settlement with Israel based on Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338, and to
renounce terrorism, a significant contribution to peace has been made.
This historic decision has the overwhelming support of the Arab world. The decision
by the United States to undertake substantive discussions with the PLO has further
improved the prospects for peace. I hope
this will prompt Israel to respond similarly
to the requirements of peace and recognize
the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Peace can neither be negotiated nor achieved without PLO participation.
Mr. President, I believe the bases for
peace are already established. What is required is to implement them. The forum
for a negotiated comprehensive settlement
is a peace conference under the auspices of
the United Nations. In my opinion, any
steps taken should lead to such a conference, if our efforts to arrive at a comprehensive settlement are not to be diverted.
All the people in the Middle East need
peace and an end to this tragic and interminable conflict. The rewards of peace are
limitless and far outweigh any advantage
which might be gained by any party from
continued controversy and conflict. The
conditions for peace exist. We all must display the vision and determination to capitalize on them.
Mr. President, allow me to say, as one of
your many friends and as one who knows
well your qualities, abilities, devotion and
dedication to the cause of peace, that you
are the right leader in the right office at
the right time. I know the high esteem with
which you are held throughout the Middle


445




Apr. 19 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


East. You are in a unique position to help
the protagonists in our area to engender
the needed trust and hope and to assist us
in bringing the conflict to a just and durable conclusion. I can assure you that I fully
support you and all your efforts in this
regard.
May God bless you, Mr. President, your
dear family, and the friendly people of
these great United States. Thank you.


Note: The President spoke at 10:34 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. Prior
to their remarks, the President and the King
met in the Oval Office. Following their remarks, the President and the King toured
Mount Vernon and took a cruise on the
Potomac River, which ended at Bolling Air
Force Base.


Message on the Observance of National Nursing Home Week, May
14-20, 1989
April 19, 1989


National Nursing Home Week is a time
for us to remember in a special way the
millions of older Americans who reside in
the 19,000 nursing homes and long-term
care facilities throughout the United States.
This week we also salute the thousands of
dedicated healthcare professionals and volunteers who work tirelessly to provide care
and support to residents and their families.
This year's theme: "Nursing Homes: A
Tradition of Caring," is a succinct description of the history and focus of these institutions. The residents of our nursing homes
are men and women who helped make the
20th century the American Century. They
are our mothers and fathers, our aunts and
uncles-people who raised strong families,
who plowed fertile fields, who built great
cities and defended the free world from the
threat of totalitarianism. Now in their senior
years, these generous, hardworking men


and women need special care and attention.
Nursing homes provide that care, helping to
ensure that ill or infirm seniors are able to
live with the dignity and comfort they deserve. Such service-while in the finest
American tradition of compassion and concern for all members of our society-is but
small repayment toward the tremendous
debt we owe older Americans.
I encourage all Americans to join in observing National Nursing Home Week and
saluting the unsung heroes who care for our
Nation's elderly. I also urge every American
to remember those who live in our Nation's
nursing homes-to show them our love and
appreciation-not only this week but also
throughout the year.
Let it always be said that America honors
and cares for her citizens in their golden
years.
GEORGE BUSH


Nomination of Morton Isaac Abramowitz To Be United States
Ambassador to Turkey
April 19, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Morton Isaac Abramowitz,
a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service, Class of Career Minister, as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of


the United States of America to Turkey. He
would succeed Robert Strausz-Hupe.
Since 1986 Ambassador Abramowitz has
been Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research. Prior to this, he was


446




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 19


Director of the Bureau of Intelligence and
Research, 1984-1985, and representative of
the United States of America to the mutual
balanced force reduction negotiations, with
the rank of Ambassador, 1983-1984. He
joined the Foreign Service in 1960 as consular/economic officer and served in this
position until 1962. From 1962 to 1963, he
took language training in Tai Chung. From
1963 to 1966, he was political officer at the
U.S. Consulate General in Hong Kong. He
served as an international economist at the
Department of State, 1966-1968, and as
special assistant in the Office of the Secretary, 1969-1971. He was a student at the
Institute for Strategic Studies in London,
England. From 1971 to 1972, he was a Foreign Service inspector, and foreign affairs
Toasts at a State Dinner Honoring
April 19, 1989
The President. You are among friends, sir,
your lovely Queen, and among admirers.
And your visit here gives me and Barbara a
chance, in a very small way, to tell you how
much we appreciated your special hospitality to us when we visited you at your lovely
home at Aqaba, as well as your beautiful
home in Amman itself, not so many months
ago.
This magnificent picture of Abraham Lincoln that I know you're all admiring was
painted by George Healy in 1869. Upstairs
in my office-excuse me, a little slight
cold-upstairs in my office there's another
marvelous picture of Abraham Lincoln, and
that was also painted by George Healy 4
years earlier. And I took His Majesty to see
it today. It's called "The Peacemakers," and
the picture shows Lincoln in exactly the
same pensive pose as this magnificent picture. But in the picture upstairs, there's a
window right over his left shoulder, and out
that window one can see this beautiful rainbow. And the picture depicts Lincoln with
his generals-three generals-right near the
end of the war that threatened our Union
and pitted brother against brother. The
rainbow in the picture by Healy symbolized


analyst at the Department of State, 1972 -1973. He served as political adviser to
CINC-PAC [commander in chief, Pacific
Command] in Honolulu, Hawaii, 1973 -1974. From 1974 to 1978, he was on detail
as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
for International Affairs. He has served as
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand,
1978-1981; served in the Bureau of East
Asian and Pacific Affairs, 1981-1982; and
was a foreign affairs fellow at the Rand
Corp., 1982-1983.
Ambassador Abramowitz was born January 20, 1933, in Lakewood, NJ. He graduated from Stanford University (B.A., 1953)
and Harvard University (M.A., 1955). He
served in the U.S. Army in 1957. He is married and has two children.
King Hussein I of Jordan
the hope of peace, the imminent end to
hostilities that near bled us as a nation to
death. And so, Your Majesty, it is my fervent hope that by working together we can
guarantee that there will be a rainbow over
the Middle East. And war must give way to
peace. And whether it's the turmoil or the
fighting in the West Bank that plagues us
all or the heart-rending hostilities that we
now all feel so strongly about in a fractured
Lebanon, we must all recommit ourselves
to lasting peace in the Middle East.
And this visit today by the King of Jordan
comes at a crucial moment in your region's
history that-we feel it, we in the United
States feel it. And I think the King summed
it up well when he told me today that the
time is right. But let me assure you, sir, that
we can sense an urgency to the quest for
peace now. Our task is to use that urgency
to seize the moment. And toward that end,
Your Majesty, I look forward to working
with you as old friends. And I mean that;
it's not a diplomatic use of the word. Let us
find new ways to bridge the deep differences that exist. Let's reduce suspicions and
prepare the way for negotiations that will
lead to the comprehensive settlement that


447




Apr. 19 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


everybody wants. And I pledge to work
with you, sir, first to bring the rainbow of
hope to the wonderful people of Jordan,
and to all your neighbors, and then, with
that rainbow clearly in view, to finalize a
peace so secure that not a single child will
know the horrors of battle.
And so, my friends, I ask you to join me
in a toast to the goal of peace and to raise
your glasses to the health of His Majesty
King Hussein and to Queen Noor, of whom
America is so especially proud, and to the
lasting friendship between Jordan and the
United States of America.
The King. Mr. President,' Mrs. Bush, distinguished guests, and dear friends. I thank
you, Mr. President. I am deeply moved by
the generosity of your remarks and the affection and hospitality with which you and
Mrs. Bush received Noor, myself, and my
colleagues. We are most appreciative. It is
clear that the kinder, gentler America of
which you have spoken begins in this house.
I was also genuinely gratified, Mr. President, by the assurances you gave this morning of your commitment to the security and
well-being of Jordan. We, indeed, feel very
much at home, which befits friends.
The friendship between Jordan and the
United States has indeed been special. It
began 30 years ago when I first came to the
White House to meet President Eisenhower. I have since dined in this lovely room as
the guest of Presidents on more occasions
than I can count. If that is a record, it is one
of which I am proud. These have all been
memorable occasions, but none more so
than tonight as your guest, Mr. President,
and the guest of Mrs. Bush.
But our friendship is not only personal,
which I treasure, it is based as well on the
common values which our two nations
share: freedom, equality, and human dignity. Friendship deserves the most serious


consideration of those who enjoy it. When
there is joy, one calls upon friends to celebrate. When there is sorrow, friends come
to comfort one. When there is a task to be
done, friends join together in common
effort. There is honor and pride and true
friendship, as is evident here tonight.
One of the sorrows which we share is the
continuous tragedy of that of the Arab-Israeli conflict. To end this tragedy is the
focus of our visit. I was interested in your
explanation this morning, Mr. President, of
the American viewpoint regarding steps to
further the cause of peace in our area. And
as I assured you this morning, Jordan will
cooperate closely with the United States to
achieve a just, durable, and comprehensive
peaceful settlement. We will support you in
all your endeavors to achieve a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in the Middle
East. And God willing, we will see that rainbow, and so will people in our part of the
world. And God willing, it will be our contribution for a better future for generations
to come on all sides in that area of the
world.
Mr. President, we share with you an unusual fact: the names of our founding capitals. Philadelphia was the birthplace of
your independence. Philadelphia was, as
well, the ancient name of our capital,
Amman. The meaning of both is the same:
brotherly love. In this spirit, I would like to
convey the best wishes and warmest greetings from the people of Jordan to you, Mr.
President, and Mrs. Bush, and to all of your
fellow Americans.
Ladies and gentlemen, my dear friends,
may I ask you to join me in a toast to the
President of the United States and Mrs.
Bush.
Note:- The President spoke at 9:42 p.m. in
the State Dining Room at the White House.


448




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 20


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
President of the Senate Transmitting the Report on Activities of
United Nations Member Countries
April 20, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
Pursuant to title V, section 527 of the
Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and
Related Programs Appropriations Act, 1989,
as contained in Public Law 100-461, I am
transmitting herewith the report on the activities of countries within the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
This report assesses the degree of support
of United States foreign policy in the
United Nations context by the governments
of countries that are members of the United
Nations.


In addition, this report includes the
report required of the Secretary of State
under section 117 of Public Law 98-164 on
the performance of U.N. member countries
in international organizations.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Dan Quayle, President of the
Senate.


Interview With Members of the White House Press Corps
April 20, 1989


Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
The President. Fire away.
Q. Mr. President, what are you going to
do about the fact that sensitive and relevant
documents were not reviewed by the Irancontra committees?
The President. In the first place, I have
great confidence that A.B. Culvahouse
[Counsel to President Reagan] and those
charged with cooperating with Congress
were cooperative; I've seen nothing to indicate they weren't. Secondly, I would offer
full cooperation to any request made of this
administration, and I just can't confirm the
hypothesis of your question at all.
Q. But you mean you would turn over
any documents that they now want to see?
Is that what you're saying by "full cooperation"?
The President. Well, procedures were set
up to determine what documents would be
made available. Those procedures were
agreed to by the Congress. Certainly, I
would see that if any documents are in control of this administration-relevant documents-that we would live assiduously by


those guidelines. But I have no reason to
believe that the previous administration,
the lawyers in it who worked closely with
Congress, did not fulfill their obligations.
Q. Mr. President, were you an emissary
to Honduras, as has been alleged?
The President. I went to Honduras, sure.
That's a matter of public record.
Q. And did you have a quid pro quo deal?
The President. I've told you that I am not
going to discuss that until the trial with
North is over.
Q. But the jury is being sequestered
today, sir, and it'sThe President. No, I might have something to say on it when the trial is over, but
I would simply ask you to understand that
this is a request of the lawyers. And I'm not
going to do something that inadvertently
will-but put it this way: My conscience is
clear.
Q. Well, there have been suggestions
that-on the documents-that there might
have been an oversight, either on the part
of the FBI, the part of the White House
staff. As far as you can tell, was there an


449




Apr. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


oversight by any of those two bodies, or was
it a question of-the Congress was not
pushing the right buttons to get the documents?
The President. Well, I'm not sure. I don't
know. All I can just state is the confidence
that I feel in Culvahouse and company. But
we've received the letter down here, and I
will take this opportunity to tell them we'll
cooperate fully. But who controls the documents and all of that-you'll have to talk to
the lawyers about that.
Q. Mr. President, when you say
The President. I think they're in the control and in the custody of the Archives archivists, but I'm not sure.
Q. When you say you'll cooperate fully
with-I presume you mean Senators Mitchell and Inouye [member and chairman of
the Select Committee on Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the Nicaraguan Opposition, respectively]. In their letterThe President. Everybody.
Q. Does that mean-they've asked you, I
think, to launch an investigation to find out
exactly what happened. Are you saying you
will launch an investigation or that you
have?
The President. I don't remember "launching an investigation." Was that part of their
request?
Q. I think the language is "an immediate
and thorough investigation" which essentially asks whether and why documents
were not provided.
The President. Well, I would refer them
to the people that were in charge of the
documentation, which would be Mr. Culvahouse and company, in whom I have great
confidence. But if there's anything we can
do to encourage that-absolutely.
Q. Mr. President, when you say your conscience is clear, do you mean that the interpretation that has been made of the documents in this trial, which I gather were
made by Mr. North himself, are not entirely
accurate?
The President. I'm not discussing anything
about my role in this except to say that
everything I've said I'll stand behind.
Q. You won't even-since they're sequestered-just give us aThe President. I've just told the gentleman that I'm not going to go into that. So,


please, don't ask me to do that which I've
just said I'm not going to do, because you're
burning up time. The meter is running.
Throw the sand on you
Semiautomatic Weapons
Q. Right. Assault weapons.
The President. And I am now filibustering, so-[laughter].
Q. Sir, can I ask you about assault weapons?
The President. Oh, no, you've already
used up your time.
Q. No, no, no. Assault weapons. You
know, William Bennett, your drug czar, has
made a proposal that you treat them like
machineguns, which would mean people
would register and they'd have their names
on file and so forth. First off, what do you
think of that idea? And secondly, when are
you going to tell us your next step on that?
The President. Well, we're having a meeting this afternoon with certain Members of
Congress on this. The standards that are set
up in existing law about import are: "suitability for sporting purposes." And we're
being very careful here, but we're going to
make a determination using that as a standard. And, Lesley [Lesley Stahl, CBS News],
I can't say exactly when it will be, but I've
expressed my concern about these weapons
and their suitability. So, stay tuned. I don't
know exactly when it will be, but there is a
meeting here today that's just ongoing, and
I have great confidence in Bill Bennett.
We've talked to a wide array of people on
this. We've gone to some of the think
tanks-that very intelligent, thoughtful
paper from Ed Feulner's [president, Heritage Foundation] group over at Heritage,
very thoughtful. And so, our package will
be-I guarantee it will include more on law
enforcement. And I'm sure that Bill Bennett will be totally on board. But we
haven't gotten the final administration position yet.
Q. Mr. President, will you apply the same
standard to domestically made weapons
that you apply to imported weapons?
The President. We're in the process of
discussing that now and what role the administration has-whether it's strictly restriction of imports or something broader


450




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 20


than that.
Q. At this point, are you convinced that
any package that deals with drug violence
and crime must also include some aspect
that deals with assault weapons?
The President. Well, no, I can't say that. I
can't go that far, because we really haven't
gotten that far in determining it.
President's Popularity
Q. Mr. President, the CBS-New York
Times poll this morning puts your approval
rating at about 61 percent but suggests
there is more style than substance. What do
you think about that evaluation? And I
think that you and Governor Sununu have
been briefed by a Teeter poll that's been
taken. Does that contain the same sort of
information?
The President. No, the Teeter poll-I'm
not sure it's just because the committee
paid for it-is much stronger. [Laughter]
Q. Higher ratings?
Q. What about the Iowa?
The President. Higher, higher, higher. I'm
not sure. I don't want this to be considered
a vicious assault on CBS. [Laughter] They're
entitled to their polling figures. But the
others were-look, these things-you know
me on polls, John John Mashek, Boston
Globe]. You've heard me on this subject
before, and I haven't changed my view. It's
not a question of polls, but a question of
what's going on, achieving what you're
trying to do.
And we're making some progress here.
I'm very pleased that the Senate did what it
did on the savings and loan bill, pleased
that we got a budget agreement that many
cynics thought we could never achieve at
all, no matter of what scope, whatsoeverthat took place. And so, I've been very
pleased with the recent talks on the Middle
East with three leaders there. And so,
things are moving. But I don't feel under
any pressure to meet somebody else's standard on what is progress or not. I know what
I'm doing, and I think one thing is the
country senses that. Otherwise, there
wouldn't be that kind of support.
Aid to Cambodian Non-Communists
Q. Mr. President, are you going to offer
military aid to the non-Communist resist

ance in Cambodia?
The President. No, no discussion of that
yet, no decision taken on that yet.
Q. Mr. President, we're comingThe President. I'll continue to give good
support to the process and certainly to
[President] Sihanouk's efforts.
Q. Did you say no decision or no discussion on that?
The President. No decision and-not with
me-can't recall, but I'm not anywhere
close to making a decision of that nature.
Administration Accomplishments
Q. We're coming up to the 100-day mark
on your Presidency, which-if you'll look
over the past 50 years, every other President, or almost every other President, has
come into office at times of crisis, and crisis
has been kind of a stage on which we watch
Presidents perform. How would you assess
your first 100 days so far?
The President. About the same as Martin
Van Buren's.
Q. Uh-oh.
Q. Can you elaborate on that? [Laughter]
The President. Martin came in; he was
not radically trying to change things. But
then, that's about where the parallel ends,
because I don't know what he did in his
first 100 days. [Laughter]
Q.    or any of the other 900 days.
The President. We got an agenda, and
I've clicked off things that I think demonstrate progress. And I left out the whole
question of an ethics package that I think is
a very good one. We've had many visitors
from foreign lands. We've moved forward
on-I want to add now to what I was
saying-moved forward on Third World
debt in a positive way.
So, I think that we're moving reasonably
well. And I don't even think in terms of 100
days because we aren't radically shifting
things; this is the Martin Van Buren analogy. We didn't come in here throwing the
rascals out to try to do something-correct
all the ills of the world in 100 days. Now,
there's some ills of the world; there's some
unsolved problems. And I'm methodically, I
think, pragmatically moving forward on
these. So, I really don't measure it in terms
of 100 days.


451




Apr. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Q. I guess we are the ones who measure
the 100 days.
The President. You are.
Foreign Policy
Q. Foreign policy has been kind of held
back. You've had visitors, but do you expect
the pace of your foreign policy to pick up
after this?
The President. I'm not sure I understand
the question.
Q. Well, the paceThe President. The pace of it? No, I don't.
The pace of it is pretty intense-numbers of
visitors, amount of time I spend on foreign
policy, initiatives taken by the Secretary of
State, attention given to this in the White
House, every single day. So, you see, I think
we've got prudent foreign policy. We've set
into forward motion certain reviews that
are moving towards completion. And so, I
don't feel a need for some precipitous and
dramatic initiative in order to salve the consciences of those who are saying you've got
to do something in 100 days.
Q. Let me go backQ. These reviews won't trigger something
then?
The President. It could; it might. But I
think Gorbachev-on the Soviet East-West
relations-understands what we're about. I,
frankly, thought that what we said on
Poland the other day was new and a strong
initiative. But that takes time to sort out
these things. But I didn't do it because I
wanted to get in under the 100-day wire.
Now, the question is: We've spelled out
what we want to do, and I've got to move
our bureaucracy to see that we do it.
And you know, it's that kind of concept
on the Middle East-spent a lot of time on
the Middle East. And I think King Hussein
was right when he said yesterday that the
time is right for some kind of action. But
now we've got to assess, after he leaves
here, where we go, what next step we take.
We've got something out there on elections
that offers some promise. We haven't
backed away from historic positions on conference or whatever. And so, we move-we
take whatever the next step is.
I wish I could give you a more dramatic
answer to the Lebanon, because this is one
that really does hurt. And I'm very, very


concerned about it. And here all I can say
to you is that we have encouraged the Secretary-General to go forward, to try this
mission of peace. There's some stumbling
blocks to that; I'm told we will renew our
call for removal of all foreign troops and for
a cease-fire.
But here is one where I wish that there
was some dramatic plan in which the players in the area could agree to, and it's not
there. And we've talked to the Middle Eastern leaders. But I cite this one because I
really feel it-about the Lebanon, of the
divisions in Lebanon. We've talked to the
Brits about it. We've talked to the French
about it-and President Mitterrand the
other day. And the people at the U.N. are
trying to figure. But there is not a dramatic
plan that can bring peace to Lebanon right
now.
Q. Is that a problem that defies solution?
The President. The problem-the shortrun of it-how you stop this firing, the shelling, how you get factions to stop warringhas certainly in recent times defied solution. But we can't give up on it. We simply
are not going toQ. How has the U.S. managed to provide
any kind of influence in the situation?
The President. That's the problem: We
don't have great influence in Lebanon, with
the factions that are fighting. We do have
good influence with many of the countries
out there. In fact, I think our standing with
the moderate Arab countries is as good
today as any time in recent history. And I
feel strongly about that. And back to the
Martin Van Buren theory-I mean, we're
building still, coming back out of a time
that hit a bit of a low 3 or 4 years ago. Then
we restored some prestige by the way we
acted in the Gulf. Then you see a cease-fire
in the Gulf. We have, I think, much better
communication now with Jordan. We've
kept good cooperation and coordination
with the Egyptians. The Israelis themselves
attest to the fact that they have great confidence in our administration. We have some
differences with all three of those countries,
but, no, I think it's moving. But, Norm
[Norman Sandler, United Press International], I wish there was a short-term answer to
stop the killing in Lebanon.


452




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 20


Strategic Weapons Modernization
Q. — you missed a couple of deadlines
Q. Mr. President, could IQ. You've missed a couple of deadlines on
the MX missile, on what you're going to do
to modernize the strategic arsenal-go MX,
Midgetman. And Mr. Cheney gave you
some recommendations this week, and a decision is expected this week. What are you
going to do on that?
The President. Don't know yet. We'll obviously be talking to Cheney when he
comes back from NATO. But no decision
has been taken.
Q. Any leaning?
The President. Well, can't tell you that.
I'm listening-because this exercise yesterday in this Cabinet Room was not just a
semantic drill of some sort. When I talk
about cooperation with Congress, I mean
it-consultation with Congress, I mean it.
And some of what yesterday was about was
getting the views of various Members of
Congress on this decision that's facing the
President. But how do you-you know,
what do you do about SDI and levels of
funding? What do you do about MX or
Midgetman? And I have to make the call,
the recommendation, from here; but I
wanted to get their input. Now I want to
get renewed talks with Dick Cheney when
he comes back. The national security adviser has provided me with a lot of thinking
on this, had several important briefings on
it. And I will be prepared very soon to
make a decision on it. But we haven't-I
can't go any further than that.
Middle East Peace Process
Q. Mr. President, you met now with
[Egyptian  President]  Mubarak, [Israeli
Prime Minister] Shamir, and [Jordanian
King] Hussein. What is the next step in the
Middle East peace process?
The President. Not sure now. On the
table is the election process, and one other
thing would be how we flesh that out,
taking into consideration the concerns
about it that have been expressed by Mubarak and by King Hussein and also by Mr.
Shamir. So, how we do that-what the modalities are of that-a lot of thought will be
going into that: who's represented; making


clear that this isn't a final step, that that
isn't going to solve the Middle East problem; making clear that it's a step, but we
want it to be a constructive step; and exploring other options as well.
Q. What is the structural procedure for
doing that?
The President. On the U.S. side, we'll use
the National Security Council procedures to
do that. And of course, I plan to be in touch
with the various leaders. I've told them I
want to do that as President. And I do plan
to talk personally with some of the leaders
out there on these mattersQ. Is this a high priority?
The President.  in addition to the ones
I've already talked to. For example, I talked
to King Fahd [of Saudi Arabia] the other
day, and think that that is useful, to be sure.
Now, after this round of visits, what do they
think? A lot of these countries can be important players here, and the more agreement we can get on the next step, the more
likely it is to succeed.
U.S.S. "Iowa"
Q. Mr. President, on the Iowa: Is it time
to say that 50-year-old battleships are, in
fact, obsolete and begin taking them out of
service? Is that the lesson here?
The President. No, that'sQ. Or if not, what's your lesson on it?
The President. That's not-well, my lesson
is that-to find out what happened in infinite detail, check all procedures to be sure
that safety is at the highest point, and-but
not-I wouldn't jump to the conclusion that
because that kind of powder was put into
these turrets in that way that that makes a
useful platform obsolete. I'm not going to
go that far.
Drug Testing
Q. Could you indulge me one quick question because of a conflict that the Attorney
General suggested yesterday?
The President. John, give me a break.
Q. One quick one. The Attorney General
The President. Is this for TV or is this for
the print?
Q. TV.
Q. Both. The Attorney General suggested


453




Apr. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


yesterday that it might be appropriate to
drug-test people in public housing. HUD
took immediate exception to that. What do
you think?
The President. I'd have to talk to him
about it because I don't know, and I'm not
going to go off on some tangent here until I
know exactly the thinking of our key Cabinet people. We've got a good Cabinet
system, and I encourage people to speak
out. But the decisions on something of that
nature will be made right here in that
room, and they're not going to be made
until I have all the facts.
Q. You don't favor a drugInterest Rates
Q. Do you expect interest rates to come
down now that you've got a budget agreement?
The President. I was very pleased at the
market reaction to the budget agreement.
It seems to have been underreported, but
nevertheless, it's very heartening, Terry
[Terence Hunt, Associated Press].
Q. How about the interest rates? You said
you were going to campaignThe President. I'm not heartened by the
interest rates. [Laughter]


Drug Testing
Q. Is there still going to be those drug
tests for the Federal employees?
The President. Selectively, yes, absolutely.
Q. Selectively? To everybody?
The President. Well, we've already got
some patterns out there-well, widely. If
we're talking about a drug-free workplace,
we've got to have some testing, and I support that. This idea that this is a total infringement on everybody-I don't agree.
Now, in some cases-I mean, I don't want it
to be so widespread, but I do think that
selective drug testing is very important, and
nobody will change my mind on that one.
Q. Civil rights? Human-no?
The President. Civil rights is very important, too-and so is the law.
Note: The interview began at 10:20 a.m. on
the Oval Office patio at the White House.
The following journalists participated in
the interview: Lesley Stahl, CBS News;
James Angle, National Public Radio; Terence Hunt, Associated Press; Norman Sandler, United Press International; Lawrence
McQuillan, Reuters; Pascal Taillandier,
Agence France-Presse; Michael Duffy, Time;
John Mashek, Boston Globe; and Tim
McNulty, Chicago Tribune.


Remarks Congratulating the University of Tennessee Lady
Volunteers on Winning the NCAA Basketball Championship
April 20, 1989


The President. Well, beautiful Rose
Garden day-sorry we're a little late getting
started. I heard that there was a little security problem, a little backup going through
these devices that-Bridgette Gordon's jewelry getting through the metal detectors out
there. [Laughter]
No, we're just delighted you all are here,
and I'm particularly pleased to see the
president, former Governor Lamar Alexander, here with us today. I know I speak for
Dan Quayle when we give him a warm
welcome back to Washington. Coach Summitt, Athletic Director Cronan, families and
friends and fans, Members of Congress, and


then our own local teams that are here
today, the White House is proud to host
Tennessee's Lady Volunteers, the 1989
NCAA champions. It's a great pleasure
having you here.
After you won in Tacoma and after the
tears of joy and victory and remembrance,
Pat Summitt told a cheering nation that
"This one belongs to the family." And it's
quite a family, these Lady Volunteers-five
freshmen, two sophomores, three seniors.
And before this season, only the seniors had
ever played college ball. And the L.A.
Times called your victory "beyond the
imagination of most." And archrival Au

454




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 20


burn's coach dubbed the Lady Vols a
"Who's Who roster of excellence": Melissa
McCray, Sheila Frost, Daedra Charles; players like Carla McGhee, who came back
from a 1987 car accident after they said
she'd be lucky ever to run again; and
there's Tonya Edwards and Dena Head.
And now, I admit, the Bush family is generally pretty happy when Texas wins something. But your midseason loss to Texas is
also when-it proved that this team had
character as well as talent. Tonya, the 1987
Most Valuable Player, who led the Vols to
Tennessee's first championship, got hurt.
Dena, a little-known freshman, came off the
bench and emerged as SEC Rookie of the
Year. And don't worry, I'm not forgetting
Bridgette Gordon, All American, Most Valuable Player, MVP. The papers call her the
best woman in college basketball. And
when Auburn closed to within three in that
final game, she stepped in and sank three
straight jumpers. Maybe you heard what
the losing coach said about her: "God bless
her, graduate her, and get her out of Tennessee." [Laughter] You'll note there is no
basket here today in the Rose Garden.
That's on purpose. I'll be darned if I want
to go head-on-head with her out there on
the foul line. [Laughter]
And then the coach, a silver medalist as a
player in 1976, Coach Summitt-she
coached America's Olympic team to a gold
in 1984. And in 13 years she brought Tennessee to the final four 10 times, winning it
twice. Later on we're going down to that
fountain over here that you all can see, to
see if literally she can walk on water.
[Laughter] There's been some speculation
about that. And the most rare, the most
important stat of all: in 14 years as coach,
her players have a 100-percent graduation
rate. And all five-Lamar would kill me if I
didn't point this out-all five of this year's
freshmen are on the dean's list. One,
Debbie Hawhee, has a 3.95 GPA in medical
technology. What in the world did she get
the A-minus in? [Laughter]
Ms. Hawhee. English.
Mr. Alexander. English.
The President. Well, she speaks Tennessean. And so, we're going to get her a-every
sport has legendary teams from its early
days, and I have a feeling that, years from


now when they go back-as sports fans do
and historians do-and talk about the legends of women's basketball, it'll be this
team, your team, the 1989 NCAA champions from Tennessee, that sets the highest
standard. As the years unfold, you will
always remember that championship season
that brought you to the White House. Tomorrow's news clippings that'll be yellowed
with age are going to be read by grandchildren born in a different century. And it's a
story that began on summer nights, not so
long ago-years before college, thoughwhen these champions were themselves
kids, shooting until twilight in obscure barns
or out in driveways scattered across the
deep South and the Middle West-young
girls unknown to one another, but dreaming the same dream that this month
became real.
So, this is a great opportunity to say thank
you all for coming here. Hold fast to your
dreams yet to come. Congratulations to all
of you. And God bless you, and God bless
the U.S.A. Thank you all very, very much.
Coach Summitt. This is a great honor for
us. And I think throughout this year, this
has been a real special team because we
have been family. And we talked about all
the highlights that we experienced as a
team and as a staff and as a family. And
certainly, winning a national championship
was a great highlight. I know Debbie Scott,
one of our freshmen, said her highlight this
year was getting lost in New York City[laughter]-until she found out we got to
come here, and she said it would be to see
the puppies. [Laughter]
So, we are delighted and honored to be
here. I am extremely proud of our academic success. We have won two national championships in the last 3 years, but the most
important statistic for our team and our
program is 100-percent graduation rate, of
which we will hold our heads very proudly.
And I know Lamar's excited about that too,
but we all are. We have had great leadership, and I don't think you win without
leadership. And you don't win without
great people, and we've had both. And
today we'd like for our three seniors, who
have been very instrumental in leading the
University of Tennessee to four consecutive


455




Apr. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


NCAA appearances, to come forth and
present you with a little gift. And that's
Bridgette Gordon-she wants to deposit her
gold, I think, today-[laughter]-Sheila
Frost, and Melissa McCray.
The President. Come on-here we gowho is which, now?
Ms. McCray. I'm Melissa McCray. Nice to
meet you.
The President. That's Bridgette. Good to
see you all. Who's going to give the speech?
Ms. McCray. Okay, I will. [Laughter] I
certainly want to echo what our coach has
said. I think it's indeed an honor and a
privilege to be here. It's nice to see Mrs.
Bush out and certainly nice to see Dan
Quayle, the Vice President. We have a
jacket here for you. Now, I realize you're
not going to be playing any basketball. But
maybe once when you're out walking
through the garden and playing with your
puppies, you might think about the Lady
Vols from Tennessee, all right? I hope you
enjoy it.
The President. Oh, yes, that's beautiful.
Thank you so much. She'll come-come on,
Bar.
Ms. Frost. Mrs. Bush, we have something
for you also. I'd like to echo just about the
same thing that Melissa said. Thank you for
inviting us out. And this is a little something-when you both go out to see the
puppies, you'll be matching. [Laughter]
Mrs. Bush. That's so sweet. Thank you.
Ms. Frost. Thank you.
Coach Summitt. Yes, oh, they want to see
the puppies.
The President. They really do want to see
them?
Mrs. Bush. You're all invited to see the
puppies, but they're not. [Laughter]
Coach Summitt. Okay, we got that. It's
our secret.


Ms. Gordon. I have "The Summitt
Season" here. It's a book written about Pat
and our team.
The President. Great.
Ms. Gordon. The year that we lost to
Louisiana Tech, but-[laughter].
The President. There she is.
Ms. Gordon. And this is for Mr. Quaylea T-shirt.
The President. Great.
The Vice President. Thank you.
Ms. Gordon. And I have an autographed
poster of myself. [Laughter]
The President. Let's see that. Hey! Oh,
this is neat. Thank you.
Ms. Gordon. You're welcome.
The President. Here, we've got to get this
all set for our-here, I'll hold it so it doesn't
get bent.
Ms. Gordon. Okay.
The President. Loaded up with-well, I
think that I want to ask the Members of
Congress that are here to come up and congratulate you all. We've got some good Tennesseans out there. And congratulations to
all of you. And Barbara means it. She'll arrange to take you over to see the-if you're
really interested. You don't have to be interested, but you
Team Members. Oh, yes, we are, we are.
The President. They are so cute.
Coach Summitt. There's one thing-I
want you to meet my mom.
The President. Oh, we want to see her.
Now, you guys come say hello.
Note: The President spoke at 11:05 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Athletic Director
Joan Cronan and Representatives John J.
Duncan, James H. Quillen, Jim Cooper, Bob
Clement, Bart Gordon, and Don Sundquist.


Remarks on Signing the Executive Order Establishing the National
Space Council
April 20, 1989
The President. Well, to the Members of Chiefs, distinguished guests, thank you. It's
Congress here and Members of the Joint  a great pleasure to be here on an occasion


456




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 20


of this nature. And I want to thank all of
you for being here. You're helping to fulfill
a promise that I made 18 months ago in
Huntsville, Alabama, at the George C. Marshall Space Flight Center. I pledged then,
and I'm proud now, to reestablish the National Space Council.
I've asked Vice President Quayle to serve
as Chairman. Under his able leadership, I'm
confident that the Space Council will bring
coherence and continuity and commitment
to our efforts to explore, study, and develop
space. I look to the Council to coordinate
our civil, military, and commercial efforts.
We must establish a permanent manned
presence in space by building the space station Freedom. We must encourage private
initiatives in investment, and we must
ensure our national security through effective defense activities in space.
You know, when people talk about space
exploration, what it represents to us in this
country, some say that it captures the
American imagination. But it's much more
than that. Our efforts in space unleash the
imagination. And 20 years ago, an entire
generation of Americans was inspired by
the space program. We must continue on
the path we've blazed in earlier decades
with a renewed dedication.
Space is vitally important to our nation's
future and, I would add, to the quality of
life here on Earth. And it offers a technological frontier, creating jobs for tomorrow.
And space programs inspire an interest in
math and science, engineering in young
people, knowledge so important for a competitive future. Space offers us the chance
to unlock secrets billions of years old and
billions of light years away. Space is the
manifest destiny of a new generation and a


new century.
Mr. Vice President, I plan to sign this
Executive order with one objective in
mind: to keep America first in space. And
it's only a matter of time before the world
salutes the first men and women on their
way outward into the solar system. All of us
want them to be Americans.
And now I'd like to ask the Vice President to say a few words, and then I'll be
honored to sign this declaration.
The Vice President.  Thank you very
much, Mr. President, and welcome back to
your former office. It's about 100 days ago,
a little less, that you were here to witness
the official signing of the Vice President's
desk, and we welcome you back today as
you establish the Space Council.
I certainly look forward to getting involved with the Space Council, working
with the Members of Congress to develop a
coherent space policy and space strategy for
this country. Space is certainly the frontier.
It is a frontier that we understand, and
we're going to be there. Space is important
to us from an economic point of view, from
a national security point of view, and certainly from a point of view of technology.
So, Mr. President, we take your charge with
a great deal of seriousness. We will be
working with all deliberation and cooperation with Members of Congress and the
space community-that we will work and
present a very good space policy and strategy for the future of this nation.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:08 p.m. in
the Vice President's office in the Old Executive Office Building. The Executive order is
listed in Appendix E at the end of this
volume.


Nomination of D. Allan Bromley To Be Director of the Office of
Science and Technology Policy
April 20, 1989
The President today announced his inten-  nology Policy. He would succeed William R.
tion to nominate D. Allan Bromley to be  Graham.
Director of the Office of Science and Tech-  Since 1972 Dr. Bromley has been a


457




Apr. 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Henry Ford II Professor of Physics at Yale
University in New Haven, CT. Since 1960
he has served in several capacities at Yale
University, including chairman of the physics department, 1970-1977; director of the
A.W. Wright Nuclear Structure Laboratory,
1963 to present; professor of physics, 1961
to present; associate director of the Heavy
Ion Accelerator Laboratory, 1960-1963; and
associate professor, 1960-1961. Prior to this,
he served as a senior research officer and
section head of Atomic Energy of Canada,
Ltd., in Chalk River, Ontario, Canada,
1958-1960, and associate research officer,
1955-1957. He has served as assistant professor in the physics department of the Uni

versity of Rochester, 1953-1954, and as an
instructor, 1952-1953.
Dr. Bromley graduated from Queen's
University at Kingston, Ontario (B.S., 1948;
M.S., 1950) and the University of Rochester
(M.S., 1951; Ph.D., 1952). He has been a
recipient of the National Medal of Science,
1988. He has served as a member of the
White House Science Council, 1981 to
present, and as a member of the Advisory
Board for the National Academy of Sciences
and the National Science Foundation. Dr.
Bromley was born May 4, 1926, in Westmeath, Ontario, Canada. He is married, has
two children, and resides in New Haven,
CT.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Assassination of
Lieutenant Colonel James N. Rowe in the Philippines
April 21, 1989


This was a cowardly and heinous act.
Colonel Rowe was in the Philippines to
help the Filipino people in their efforts to
defend democracy. We will work closely
with the Filipino Government in their efforts to track down and bring to justice
those responsible for this assassination.
The U.S. Government support for Philippine democracy is unshaken. As President
Bush has said, "President Aquino has our
Remarks on Signing the Law Day,
April 21, 1989
Well, let me welcome Senator Thurmond
and Congressman Jack Brooks, representing
the Judiciary Committees on the Hill, and
Bob Raven, the president of the ABA,
American Bar Association. For more than
30 years, Presidents have designated May
1st Law Day, and I'm honored to continue
that tradition. On that day, we celebrate
the American legal system's vital role in
helping to maintain the balance between
freedom and order, the principled and yet
practical balance that makes democracy


total support in her effort to maintain national unity, revitalize democracy, and
counter the Communist insurgency." President and Mrs. Bush extend their deepest
sympathy to the family and friends of Colonel Rowe.
Note: Marlin Fitzwater read the statement
to reporters at 9:39 a.m. in the Briefing
Room at the White House.
U.S.A., Proclamation
possible.
And this year, our Law Day celebration
will focus on access to justice. Let me quote
the oath that every Federal judge takes
before assuming office: "To administer justice without regard to person and do equal
right to the poor and the rich." Now, that
oath reflects our nation's deep commitment
to equal justice for all, a commitment that
every citizen's claim shall be judged on its
merit, not on the basis of his status or place
or standing in society. It's the very core of


458




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 21


the democratic idea, the distinction that
sets democracy apart from all other systems
of government. And we can all take pride
in our nation's ability to give life to that
ideal.
And yet our work is not done-the work
of ensuring that recourse to justice is within
the reach of every individual in this nation.
For the poor, especially, the legal process
can be a costly, complex, and extremely
cumbersome route to the justice that they
deserve. And today I call on all of you-on
all Americans-to perfect the promise of
that judicial path. Each of you can contribute. Each of you can help people understand the legal system and to use it responsibly. You can encourage the resolution of
disputes without recourse to the legal
system when that serves the interests of the
parties involved. And each of you can make
the highest standards of justice your own


standard.
But access without quality is in the interests of no one. We must recruit and retain
this nation's best legal talent on the Federal
bench. I have submitted to Congress a legislation that would raise the salary of the
judges by 25 percent, an increase that, in
my view, is long overdue. I urge each of
you and all those out there listening to give
your strongest possible support to see that
that measure wins quick approval.
The rule of law-equal for all-is the central concept of our democratic system. I'm
pleased to sign the proclamation declaring
May 1st as Law Day, 1989. And thank you
all for coming.
Note: The President spoke at 11:05 a.m. in
the Roosevelt Room at the White House.
The proclamation is listed in Appendix E at
the end of this volume.


Designation of James J. Carey as Acting Chairman of the Federal
Maritime Commission
April 21, 1989


The President today designated James J.
Carey to be Acting Chairman of the Federal Maritime Commission. He would succeed
Elaine L. Chao.
Since 1981 Mr. Carey has been Federal
Maritime Commissioner, and Vice Chairman since 1983. Prior to this, he was an
international business development manager for Telemedia, Inc., in Chicago, IL, and a
management consultant for Telemedia, Inc.,
and Coordinated Graphics, 1978-1979. He
was president and chief executive officer
for Coordinated Graphics, 1976-1978; executive vice president for Total Graphic Com

munication, Inc., 1974-1976; and president
and chief operating officer of Chicago
Offset Corp., 1972-1974. He was senior account executive for I.S. Berlin Press, 1966 -1972. Mr. Carey served in the U.S. Navy,
1962-1965, and is a rear admiral in the
Naval Reserve. He has received the Meritorious Service Medal, the Navy Commendation Medal, and the Naval Reserve Association National Award of Merit.
Mr. Carey graduated from Northwestern
University (B.S., 1960). He was born April 9,
1939, in Berlin, WI. He is married, has two
daughters, and resides in Alexandria, VA.


459




Apr. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Designation of David W. McCall as Chairman of the National
Commission on Superconductivity
April 21, 1989


The President today designated David W.
McCall to be Chairman of the National
Commission on Superconductivity.
Dr. McCall has served in various capacities at AT&T Bell Laboratories since 1953,
including director of the chemical research
laboratory, 1973 to present; assistant chemical director, 1969-1973; head of the department of physical chemistry, 1962-1969; and
a member of the technical staff, 1953-1962.
Dr. McCall is a member of the American


Chemical Society, and he has served on the
executive committee of the division of physical chemistry, 1967-1969; and as program
chairman, 1971; chairman, 1971-1972; and
alternate councilor, 1973.
Dr. McCall graduated from the University of Wichita (B.S., 1950) and the University
of Illinois (M.S., 1951; Ph.D., 1953). Dr.
McCall was born December 1, 1928, in
Omaha, NE.


Notice of the Continuation of the National Emergency With
Respect to Nicaragua
April 21, 1989


On May 1, 1985, by Executive Order No.
12513, President Reagan declared a national emergency to deal with the threat to the
national security and foreign policy of the
United States constituted by the situation in
Nicaragua. On April 25, 1988, the President
announced the continuation of that emergency beyond May 1, 1988. Because the
actions and policies of the Government of
Nicaragua continue to pose an unusual and
extraordinary threat to the national security
and foreign policy of the United States, the
national emergency declared on May 1,
1985, and subsequently extended, must con

tinue in effect beyond May 1, 1989. Therefore, in accordance with section 202(d) of
the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C.
1622(d)), I am continuing the national
emergency with respect to Nicaragua. This
notice shall be published in the Federal
Register and transmitted to the Congress.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
April 21, 1989.
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 4:55 p.m., April 21, 1989]


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
President of the Senate on the Continuation of the National
Emergency With Respect to Nicaragua
April 21, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
Section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) provides for the
automatic termination of a national emergency unless, prior to the anniversary date


of its declaration, the President publishes in
the Federal Register and transmits to the
Congress a notice stating that the emergency is to continue in effect beyond the anniversary date. In accordance with this provi

460




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 21


sion, I have sent the enclosed notice, stating
that the Nicaraguan emergency is to continue in effect beyond May 1, 1989, to the
Federal Register for publication. A similar
notice was sent to the Congress and the
Federal Register on April 25, 1988, extending the emergency beyond May 1, 1988.
The actions and policies of the Government of Nicaragua continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the
United States. If the Nicaraguan emergency
were allowed to lapse, the present Nicaraguan trade controls would also lapse, impairing our Government's ability to apply


economic pressure on the Sandinista government and reducing the effectiveness of
our support for the forces of the democratic
opposition in Nicaragua. In these circumstances, I have determined that it is necessary to maintain in force the broad authorities that may be needed in the process of
dealing with the situation in Nicaragua.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Dan Quayle, President of the
Senate.


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
President of the Senate Reporting on the Economic Sanctions
Against Nicaragua
April 21, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
I hereby report to the Congress on developments since President Reagan's last
report of November 9, 1988, concerning
the national emergency with respect to
Nicaragua that was declared in Executive
Order No. 12513 of May 1, 1985. In that
order, the President prohibited: (1) all imports into the United States of goods and
services of Nicaraguan origin; (2) all exports
from the United States of goods to or destined for Nicaragua except those destined
for the organized democratic resistance; (3)
Nicaraguan air carriers from engaging in air
transportation to or from points in the
United States; and (4) vessels of Nicaraguan
registry from entering United States ports.
1. The declaration of emergency was
made pursuant to the authority vested in
the President by the Constitution and laws
of the United States, including the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, 50
U.S.C. 1701 et seq., and the National Emergencies Act, 50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq. This
report is submitted pursuant to 50 U.S.C.
1641(c) and 1703(c).
2. The Office of Foreign Assets Control
(FAC) of the Department of the Treasury


issued the Nicaraguan Trade Control Regulations implementing the prohibitions in Executive Order No. 12513 effective May 7,
1985, 50 Fed. Reg. 19890 (May 10, 1985).
3. Since the report of November 9, 1988,
fewer than 40 applications for licenses have
been received with respect to Nicaragua,
and the majority of these applications have
been granted. Of the licenses issued in this
period, some authorized exports for humanitarian purposes, covering donated articles
beyond the scope of the exemption to the
export ban to assist in the rebuilding of
houses and churches that were destroyed
by Hurricane Joan in 1988. Many more exports intended to relieve human suffering
caused by Hurricane Joan were deemed to
fall within the exemption to the export ban
and were cleared for export without application for or receipt of a specific license
from FAC. Other licenses extended authorizations previously given to acquire intellectual property protection under Nicaraguan
law. Certain licenses were issued that authorized the exportation of equipment to
La Prensa, the major opposition publication
in Nicaragua, as well as to other opposition
press groups.


461




Apr. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


4. Since the last report, the Department
of the Treasury completed two significant
enforcement actions. The U.S. Customs
Service seized a U.S.-controlled Panamanian-flag oil tanker for its role in transshipping U.S.-origin aviation fuel to Nicaragua.
A second seizure of the same tanker was
effected on the basis of a separate transshipment of aviation fuel from the United States
to Nicaragua. Civil forfeiture action against
the vessel has been initiated in the United
States District Court for the District of
Puerto Rico.
The second action involved four principals of two U.S. trading and investment
firms who pleaded guilty to criminal
charges related to the operation of several
front companies that exported computer
software and other commercial goods to
Nicaragua through Panama. The case was
brought in the United States District Court
for the Southern District of Florida. One
principal received 4 years' incarceration
(3-1/2 years suspended), 5 months' attendance at a community training center, and
225 hours of community service. The other
three individuals were each sentenced to 3
years' incarceration (2-1/2 years suspended),
5 months' attendance at a community training center, and 225 hours of community
service.
5. The Treasury and State Departments
were sued in the United States District
Court for the Southern District of Texas by
an organization and certain individuals
seeking to donate food, medicine, clothing,
vehicles, and other items to Nicaragua.
Under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, articles such as food,
clothing, and medicine, intended to be used
to relieve human suffering, are exempt
from export prohibitions. The Government
took the position that vehicles, such as passenger cars, trucks, and buses, are fit for a
variety of uses and thus do not automatically fall within the exempt category for food,
medicine, clothing, and other articles whose
intended use is confined to the relief of
human suffering. Consequently, Treasury
would not permit the transfer of the vehicles to groups in Nicaragua without a specific license. The trial court rejected the Government's position and on September 29,
1988, issued a judgment declaring that the


President has no authority to regulate or
prohibit, directly or indirectly, donations to
an embargoed country of articles that the
donor intends to be used to relieve human
suffering and that can reasonably be expected to serve that end. The Government has
decided against seeking an appeal of this
adverse decision and is currently conducting a policy review of the humanitarian
relief area.
6. The trade sanctions are an essential
element of our policy that seeks a democratic outcome in Nicaragua by diplomatic
means. The Sandinista regime made numerous commitments to democratization and
national reconciliation when it signed the
Esquipulas Agreement in 1987. The Government of Nicaragua reiterated these commitments February 14 at Tesoro Beach, El
Salvador, and, in addition, promised to hold
free, fair, and open elections in February
1990. I do not believe that current conditions in Nicaragua justify lifting the trade
sanctions. If Nicaragua implements its Esquipulas commitments and holds free, fair,
and honest elections, I believe the emergency that prompted the prior administration to impose the trade sanctions would
largely be resolved.
7. The expenses incurred by the Federal
Government in the period from November
1, 1988, through May 1, 1989, that are directly attributable to the exercise of powers
and authorities conferred by the declaration
of the Nicaraguan national emergency are
estimated at $213,577.62, all of which represents wage and salary costs for Federal
personnel. Personnel costs were largely centered in the Department of the Treasury
(particularly in the Customs Service, as well
as in FAC and the Office of the General
Counsel), with expenses also incurred by
the Department of State and the National
Security Council.
8. The policies and actions of the Government of Nicaragua continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the
United States. I shall continue to exercise
the powers at my disposal to apply economic sanctions against Nicaragua as long as
these measures are appropriate and will
continue to report periodically to the Con

462




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 21


gress on expenses and significant developments pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1641(c) and
1703(c).
Sincerely,


Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Dan Quayle, President of the
Senate.


GEORGE BUSH
Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the President's Meeting
on the Situation in Lebanon
April 21, 1989


President Bush met at 2:15 p.m. today
with Lebanese-American leaders and Lebanese officials to discuss the current situation
in Lebanon. President Bush expressed the
deep concern of the United States for the
violence now going on in Lebanon. He expressed his personal anguish over the many
victims of the war that permeates through
many parts of that country. The President
referred to his telephone conversation with


President Mitterrand of France and their
mutual interest in finding a solution to the
Lebanese problem.
President Bush said that the United States
remains committed to an independent, free
Lebanon and the restoration of Lebanon's
unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity,
with the disbandment of militias and the
withdrawal of all foreign forces. The President expressed his support for a cease-fire.


Remarks on Presenting the Congressional Gold Medal to Mary
Lasker
April 21, 1989


The President. Welcome, Mrs. Lasker. Mr.
Speaker, it's nice to have you back. Distinguished Members of Congress-pleased to
greet Congressmen Early and Conte and
our other friends who are here. And a very
special welcome, Tip, to you, sir.
You've heard me talk about a Thousand
Points of Light, a metaphor that I've used
to celebrate the extraordinary selflessness of
Americans who give so much to the service
of others. And we're here today to honor a
veritable beacon of light, a woman who has
focused an enormous amount of energy on
finding solutions to life-threatening diseases,
Mary Lasker. She's president of the Albert
and Mary Lasker Foundation, which she
started with her husband in 1942 to encourage medical research and to raise public
awareness of major diseases which cripple
and kill. Today the Lasker Foundation's
Medical Research Award is one of the most


prestigious honors in American medicine.
Mary's contribution to medicine-they've
not stopped with the important work of the
Lasker Foundation. Dr. Jonas Salk said:
"When I think of Mary Lasker, I think of a
matchmaker between science and society."
Business Week magazine called her the
fairy godmother of medical research. And
she's worked extensively in many diverse
causes, from supporting cancer research to
preventing heart disease to working with
those with cerebral palsy-and believe me,
I am only naming a few here. And the list is
so long because her good works and tireless
efforts are legion.
And I cannot resist a special word of
thanks and praise for Mary's leadership
here in Washington. Senator Claude Pepper
calls Mary the driving force behind the creation of the National Cancer Institute, the
first of the National Institutes of Health,


463




Apr. 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


and of subsequent institutes. Her generosity
and association with NIH continues today.
Her work in urging legislation to expand
Federal cancer research culminated in a
1971 bill that made the conquest of cancer
a national goal. In 1984 Congress honored
Mary Lasker by naming a center for her out
at NIH: the Mary Woodard Lasker Center
for Health Research and Education.
Not only is she well-known for advancing
medical research but for her contributions
to the arts and for her many public plantings that allow others to share her love of
flowers. Through the Society for a More
Beautiful Capital, she's donated extensive
plantings in Washington, including over a
million daffodil bulbs for Rock Creek Park
and Lady Bird Johnson Park.
Mary, your gifts of health and beauty
have left the country very much in your
debt. In 1987 it was with gratitude and
great pride that the United States Congress
voted to honor your humanitarian contributions to the areas of medical research and
education, urban beautification, and the
fine arts.
Now it is my pleasure to thank you on
behalf of the Nation and to present you
with this token of our gratitude, the Mary
Woodard Lasker Congressional Gold Medal.
Remarks at the Memorial Service
Iowa in Norfolk, Virginia
April 24, 1989
We join today in mourning for the 47
who perished and in thanks for the 11 who
survived. They all were, in the words of a
poet, the men behind the guns. They came
from Hidalgo, Texas; Cleveland, Ohio;
Tampa, Florida; Costa Mesa, California.
They came to the Navy as strangers, served
the Navy as shipmates and friends, and left
the Navy as brothers in eternity. In the
finest Navy tradition, they served proudly
on a great battleship, U.S.S. Iowa.
This dreadnought, built long before these
sailors were born, braved the wartime
waters of the Atlantic to take President


Congratulations.
Mrs. Lasker. Mr. President, "thank you" is
much too small a word to describe this
honor. Without your help and that of Congress, no success would be possible. This
medal belongs to so many people, for the
triumph and hope that medical research
brought to this country. Mr. President, you
know how and why medical research is so
important. We look to you now, Mr. President, for leadership in helping to support
research at the National Institutes of
Health.
Cancer still kills 500,000 people a year in
this country-more people than have been
killed in all our wars combined. The
strength of our nation depends on the
health of our people. This medal recognizes
the priority which we must once again
place on research. It's good for trade, good
for jobs, and vital for all Americans. Medical
research is our hope for our children and
for the building of a healthy America.
Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 2:59 p.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Jim Wright, Speaker
of the House of Representatives, and
Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr., former Speaker of
the House of Representatives.
for Crewmembers of the U.S.S.
Roosevelt to meet Winston Churchill at Casablanca and anchored in Tokyo Harbor on
the day that World War II ended. The Iowa
earned 11 battle stars in two wars. October
of '44, off the coast of the Philippines-I
can still remember it-for those of us serving in carriers and Halsey's Third Fleet,
having Iowa nearby really built our confidence. And I was proud to be a part of the
recommissioning ceremony in 1984. And
now fate has written a sorrowful chapter in
this history of this great ship.
Let me say to the crew of Iowa: I understand your great grief. I promise you today


464




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 24


we will find out why, the circumstances of
the tragedy. But in a larger sense, there will
never be answers to the questions that
haunt us. We will not-cannot, as long as
we live-know why God has called them
home. But one thing we can be sure-this
world is a more peaceful place because of
the U.S.S. Iowa. The Iowa was recommissioned and her crew trained to preserve the
peace. So, never forget that your friends
died for the cause of peace and freedom.
To the Navy community, remember that
you have the admiration of America for
sharing the burden of grief as a family, especially the Navy wives, who suffer most
the hardships of separation. You've always
been strong for the sake of love. You must
be heroically strong now, but you will find
that love endures. It endures in the lingering memory of time together, in the embrace of a friend, in the bright, questioning
eyes of a child.
And as for the children of the lost,


throughout your lives you must never
forget, your father was America's pride.
Your mothers and grandmothers, aunts and
uncles are entrusted with the memory of
this day. In the years to come, they must
pass along to you the legacy of the men
behind the guns. And to all who mourn a
son, a brother, a husband, a father, a friend,
I can only offer you the gratitude of a
nation-for your loved one served his country with distinction and honor. I hope that
the sympathy and appreciation of all the
American people provide some comfort.
The true comfort comes from prayer and
faith.
And your men are under a different command now, one that knows no rank, only
love, knows no danger, only peace. May
God bless them all.
Note: The President spoke at 9:23 a.m. in
Hangar LP-2 at the Norfolk Naval Air Station. Following his remarks, the President
traveled to Chicago, IL.


Remarks at the Associated Press Business Luncheon in Chicago,
Illinois
April 24, 1989


Thank you all for that warm welcome.
And my friend, Bill Keating-friend from
Congress days-thank you for that most
generous introduction. I also want to thank
your able-I don't know whether I should
say leaders or deputies of the Associated
Press. Lou Boccardi, sitting over here, and
Jim Tomlinson-and thank them and you
for including me in this AP luncheon, given
at the time of the Newspaper Publishers
Association meeting. And I also want to say
how pleased I am to be with you once
again.
I've just come from Norfolk, a very
moving ceremony paying tribute to the 47
young men that died in the turret aboard
Iowa-and it was indeed moving. And it
made me once again realize how precious
human life is and how sometimes you can't
control things the way you'd like. And that
leads me to just say a word about Terry


Anderson, because in a meeting just now,
the greeting by Lou and Bill Keating, they
brought up with me, once again, with this
sense of urgency that all in the Associated
Press feel about Terry Anderson-the question of the hostages [in Lebanon].
And I just want to say, without being able
to give you any good news, that we are
concerned; we will follow every intelligence
lead; we will go the extra mile to do what
we can. And I vowed when I came into the
Presidency not to talk about the burden of
the Presidency, the loneliness of the job or
the great toughness that nobody understands. I learned that from my immediate
predecessor-8 years and I never once
heard a call for sympathy or a call for understanding along those lines. But I will say
that when you do take that oath of office
you do feel perhaps a disproportionate concern for a fallen sailor or an individual held


465




Apr. 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


hostage against his or her will anywhere in
the world. And so, we will continue to keep
this question of these hostages on the front
burner.
I know the news business is a serious and
sometimes extraordinarily dangerous business. Mark Twain liked to recall that Napoleon once shot at a magazine editor. He
missed him, but he killed a publisher.
[Laughter] Twain says: "It seems his aim
was bad, but his intentions were good."
[Laughter]
You all know Jefferson's tribute to the
importance of the press: "Were it left for
me to decide whether we should have a
government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not
hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
And now, despite the fact that there are
days when I think that all we really need is
a sports page-[laughter]-both of us, government and the news media, need one another; we owe each other a measure of respect, honesty, and integrity equal to the
work we're engaged in.
It's been a little over 3 months since I
took the oath of office, and I am pleased
with the progress that we've made in a
short time. And I'll say more about that
shortly, but before I do, I'd just like to share
with you some impressions of the past 3
months.
People often ask me, understandably,
what's it like-how the Presidency compares to the expectations you bring to it. I
can sum up the thing that's made the deepest impression on me so far, in one word,
and it's history, a sense of history all around
you. And you can't live in the White House
and you can't sit at the desk in the Oval
Office, or upstairs in the office that I have
now right next to the Lincoln Bedroom,
without constantly experiencing the history
of the place, without thinking of the Presidents we all know, but perhaps in a different light.
And I think of Washington, working to
define the Presidency, to mix power and
restraint in a way that created a Chief Executive consistent with democratic government. This Sunday I'm going to go up to
New York to join in the ceremonies marking the 200th anniversary of Washington's
swearing in. Each of those 200 years is last

ing testimony to the solid foundation laid by
Washington.
And I find myself thinking a lot of Teddy
Roosevelt-his limitless energy; his mental,
moral, and physical toughness. I want the
record to show it's not just that he was an
elitist, like me. [Laughter] I think of his
dedication to serve his nation, a dedication
instilled in earliest childhood, this sense of
service, and then, I guess most of all, his
love of nature, passion for reform and preservation.
I think of Harry Truman, a man who
spoke his mind, a practical problemsolver, a
fighter who never gave up. And I learned
that one the hard way, because I'm old
enough to have bet 10 bucks on Tom
Dewey back in 1948.
And there's Ike, Dwight Eisenhower,
hero to a generation, a man who, once he
became President, didn't appear to seek the
spotlight. He understood the value of quiet,
steady leadership and led this nation
through a decade of growth and progress
and prosperity.
And of course, I do think of the man that
I served for 8 years, Ronald Reagan-his
commitment. People wondered: What was
it? Why was he successful? It was his commitment to a handful of principles, a commitment to his beliefs, plus his great faith in
the American people and then this unshakable optimism that he brought to the job.
The opportunities open to us today, to my
administration today, were made possible
by the peace and prosperity that Ronald
Reagan left as his legacy.
We used to hear a lot about the Presidency being too big for one man. Indeed, a
very distinguished Washington lawyer
wrote just at the end of the Carter Presidency, just as President Reagan was coming
in-there was talk, because of the frustration abounding, that what we might need is
a parliamentary system. That talk stopped
when Ronald Reagan became President.
Different men, different methods, different
circumstances-proof, as I see it, that the
Presidency is ample enough to accommodate the strengths and styles of our nation's
rich political history.
In the past 3 months, these thoughts have
framed my own approach in dealing with


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 24


the pressing problems that confront ussome of them decades in the making-and
in working to put the United States on a
steady course for the decade ahead and the
new century beyond it. I do not feel compelled or pressed because of a column here
or a column there to reach out for something dramatic. The first step in every initiative that I've undertaken is to square our
action with enduring American principles.
Whatever the problem, we can count on
public support so long as our policy and
principles share a common root.
And these principles are: freedom for individuals, for nations-self-determination
and democracy; fairness-equal standards,
equal opportunity-a chance for each of us
to achieve and make our way on our own
merits; strength-in international affairs,
strength our allies can count on and our
adversaries must respect-and at home,
strength and a sense of self-confidence in
carrying forward our nation's work; excellence-the underlying goal in the collective
efforts that we undertake, and accountability for the work we do; and in the workings
of government, a firm sense of the responsibilities and powers of government and the
private sector that lies beyond its limits.
My starting point has been a respect for
American institutions-for Congress, for the
dedicated civil servants in the executive
branch, for State and local governments, for
the concept of public service-and a firm
belief in the constitutional powers of the
Presidency. Each has its role; each can be
enlisted in the work at hand. The emphasis
is on cooperation, not confrontation, as the
surest route to progress.
I've read more than a few news stories
before and after the election-you can remember them-said that the new President
and the Congress could not possibly work
together after a bitter campaign that made
cooperation impossible. I didn't believe that
then, and I think we're proving it wrong
now. When I took office, I told the Congress that the American people hadn't sent
us to Washington to bicker. They sent us to
govern, to work together to solve the
urgent problems that confront us, and to
shape the long-term strategies to ensure
peace and prosperity in the future. I think
the work we've done these past 3 months


demonstrates the value of tough, principled
negotiations between this administration
and the Congress.
The bipartisan budget agreement that we
worked out 10 days ago is a key example.
That agreement-ahead of schedule, on
target with Gramm-Rudman, and with my
"no new taxes" pledge intact-is a strong
first step towards dealing with the deficit
problem and keeping our economy-76
straight months of expanding, uninterrupted growth-on track. Difficult decisions lie
ahead. I'm well aware of that, but the important first step, an important agreement,
has been reached.
And of course, there's the accord we
reached on Central America. The people of
Nicaragua-like their neighbors in the
region, like people everywhere-deserve to
live in peace, with freedom. The United
States is now speaking with one voice and
standing behind a plan that will put the
Sandinistas to the test. And this unity has
encouraged leaders like President Oscar
Arias of Costa Rica to support-strongly
support-the U.S. policy. And the support
of the leaders in that area, in Central America, those democratic leaders surrounding
Nicaragua, is vital if we're to succeed.
And in 3 short months, we've made a
good start coming to grips with issues demanding urgent attention and decisive
action, and we've taken that action.
Action to stabilize the troubled savings
and loan system-the reform plan that I
sent to Congress will restore stability and
put the savings and loan system back on its
feet in sound fiscal order. My plan guarantees that depositors will be fully protected-they are today, and they will be in the
future. The S&L system must be reformed
so that the questionable practices and outright illegalities that caused the crisis will
not happen again. And those S&L officials
found guilty of criminal actions will be punished for the losses that they have caused.
Last week the Senate passed my plan by 91
to 8, and I urge the House to act promptly
and pass this S&L reform bill with its central provisions intact.
Action to strengthen ethics in government-the ethics reforms that I've sent to
Capitol Hill this month will uphold honesty


467




Apr. 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


and integrity in government service, and
they will apply an evenhanded ethics standard across all branches of government.
Action in the war on drugs, where we're
advancing on all fronts-education, treatment, interdiction, and tougher law enforcement-the antidrug effort, even in
these tight budget times, will receive
almost $1 billion in additional funding in
1990, a 21-percent increase in the outlays
over what we'll spend in 1989. We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of
certain semiautomatic rifles, weapons all too
often used in drug-related killings. And
we're tackling the drug epidemic in the
District of Columbia, a test case for a full
range of innovative antidrug measures.
Of course, dealing with problems that
demand immediate attention is only part of
the picture. We need to look to the longterm as well, to focus now on the kind of
future we want to see for ourselves and our
nation. And investing in that future is high
on our national agenda.
First and foremost, that does mean improving education. Investing in the rising
generation is long-range planning at its
best. Our future in this technological age
depends upon the qualities and capabilities
of the American worker, and not just the
most talented among us but each individual
member of the work force. The seven-point
program on education reform that I sent to
Congress early this month will help us
reward excellence, reach out to students
most in need, increase choice, and introduce a healthy element of competition and
accountability that will promote quality in
our schools.
I have no intention of shifting the emphasis to Washington, away from the localities,
away from the States, away from the diversity that is one of the hallmarks of our educational system. But I do want to use the
White House as a bully pulpit to encourage
excellence in every way and to encourage
the private sector in every way. And I
would say to you publishers here: I salute
those of you who have already taken up the
cause of education-be it literacy or dropout rates or whatever it is-you can do the
Lord's work in no better way. The sevenpoint program is going to help us reward
excellence, and you can do an awful lot as
well.


Preparing for the kinder, gentler future
I've spoken of means helping Americans
cope with the changing nature of society,
helping fundamental institutions like the
family remain strong and prosper. We have
big differences. We talk now about child
care. I want the family to remain strong,
and that's the guiding aim of my child-care
initiatives: a tax credit proposal designed to
expand the options of low-income families,
keeping the ultimate choice of who will
care for the children in their hands. One of
my greatest concerns as President of the
United States is the diminution, the denigration in some ways of the family structure. We in government must see that everything we do is aimed at strengthening,
not weakening, the families.
Preparing for the future has got to mean
protecting our environment. Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not
recognize the right to rob, by wasteful use,
the generations that come after us." Roosevelt spoke those words almost 80 years ago.
And now, a little more than a decade away
from the 21st century, safeguarding our environment is a national and international
imperative. And we've taken the first important steps. We've urged Congress to
enact legislation enabling us to ban the
export of hazardous wastes to nations where
safe handling of those dangerous substances
cannot be guaranteed. And in response to
growing concern about global warming, the
U.S. will work in concert with other nations
to end the discharge of CFC's [chlorofluorocarbons] into the atmosphere by the year
2000. And in the case of this Alaskan oil
spill, we've taken steps to ensure a Federal
role that is strong-a Federal role in oversight of the cleanup effort and to explore
ways to prevent such spills in the future or
to react more promptly if they should
occur.
And finally, we've launched an initiative
to strengthen the international strategy on
Third World debt, which has already received broad international support from
both the industrialized and the developing
countries. We've set our course with this
policy, and now I want to see this Third
World debt a success on a case-by-case
basis. I want to see us successful as we negotiate with Mexico, with Venezuela, and with


468




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 24


other countries as well.
We've examined and I've made decisions
on U.S. strategy for Afghanistan, Poland,
Central America, and other problems and
opportunities needing prompt attention.
We have moved there. Within a few weeks,
nearly all of the far-reaching and systematic
defense and foreign policy reviews will be
complete. And I've already made some decisions. Others, including arms control, will
be forthcoming soon.
We're mapping strategies for a period of
remarkable change in international affairs,
change more wide-ranging and rapid than
at any time in the postwar period. While
we will lead, we also intend to consult and
listen to our friends abroad and to consult
and work with-listen to the United States
Congress. I've met with the leaders of 34
nations, renewing my acquaintance with
many of them, establishing a working relationship with the others. Secretary of State
Jim Baker has met once with Foreign Minister Shevardnadze of the Soviet Union. He
will meet again next month in Moscow to
continue that dialog. And as with the bipartisan agreement on Nicaragua, I will work
closely on all international matters with the
Congress. We have had several meetings
already with the leaders of Congress to discuss, in a nonstructured way, consultationnot only the process of consultation but
we've begun it on individual areas around
the globe.
Last Monday in Michigan I announced a
new policy towards Poland in recognition of
the positive changes taking place there.
We'll be watching events in Poland closely-the fate of Solidarno&4 the followthrough on the free elections promised by
the Polish Government. Freedom is proving
a powerful force in world affairs, a force for
peace and stability. The United States must
seize opportunities to strengthen and support developments that advance the cause
of freedom, and we will do exactly that.
I think we've made a good start these
first 3 months, and there's more to come.
The completion of our defense and foreign
policy reviews in late May, draft legislation
for a new Clean Air Act, a new strategy to
curb the increased use of lethal weapons by
drug dealers and other criminals, and new


initiatives to combat the problem of homelessness all are on the near horizon.
You know, some of my toughest critics
are not in your line of work. Quite often,
they're the kids, the children who write to
me at the White House. I want to share
with you a letter from a young seventhgrader from Torrance, California. He wrote
asking me to take action on pollution, toxic
waste, smog, littering-and a very detailed
list, if you will, of environmental concerns.
And he says in his letter: "I'm not saying
you're doing a bad job, but could you put a
little more effort into it?" [Laughter] That
letter was written on January 20, 1989 -Inauguration Day. [Laughter] And I have
no way-maybe I ought to check on it as
we go to California-I don't know whether
I've satisfied that guy or not. But I can say,
I got his message. And as I said before, I'm
a practical man; I like what's real. I'm not
much for the airy and the abstract, and I
like what works.
And there's a running debate now on
what it takes to move a nation forward.
Some will tell you it's ideology that matters.
Some say it's a question of competence.
And others say that issues are the issue. But
the fact is, what it takes to move a nation
can't be captured in one word. It's a matter
of principles and performance, ideology and
action on the issues. And this administration
understands that the American people
expect all of this and something more: They
expect results.
And so, while I'm pleased with what's
been done and what we've accomplished in
these 3 months, there is a long road ahead
of us. And I am optimistic that our reforms
will produce lasting results, that the longrange planning we do today will pay off in
the future, that our consultations with Congress will result in progress in domestic and
international affairs as well. But most of all,
this nation is ready to move forward to
meet the central challenges that we face:
keeping America free, prosperous, and at
peace-tomorrow and into the century
ahead. Thank you very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:17 p.m. in
the Grand Ballroom at the Hyatt Regency


469




Apr. 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Hotel, during the annual conference of the
American Newspaper Publishers Association. In his opening remarks, he referred to
William j Keating, chief executive officer
of the Detroit Newspaper Agency; Louis D.


Boccardi, president and general manager of
Associated Press; and James F. Tomlinson,
vice president and assistant to the president
of Associated Press. Following his remarks,
the President traveled to Bismarck, ND.


Remarks at the Dedication Ceremony for the Centennial Grove in
Bismarck, North Dakota
April 24,1989


I'm so pleased to be here. Thank you,
Tom Kleppe. When Secretary-and I say
"Secretary" because North Dakotans know
that Tom served so well as Secretary of the
Interior-former Congressman, but called
me about this marvelous project of yours,
he's right, I accepted in a hurry. And I'm
very grateful to Governor Sinner and all
involved in the preparations for this wonderful visit. I want to pay my respects not
only to Governor and Mrs. Sinner, [former]
Governor Link, Senator Conrad, Congressman Dorgan, and other distinguished leaders of the North Dakota Legislature. Thank
you for inviting me.
It has been a very emotional day for me.
I understand that lost on the Iowa was the
grandson of a Bismarck family, and if that
family didn't attend today's services, I can
attest firsthand how moving it was and
what a wonderful job our Navy did in holding the loved ones close to them, giving
them comfort that I know all Americans
would want given to these families. It was a
very moving day. And the flags I see at
half-mast here are appropriate tribute to
those young men who lost their lives. I'm
also proud to see that POW and MIA flag
flying, Governor, right here at this magnificent State capital, because we must never
forget the POW's and the MIA's.
When I accepted your invitation to come
here, I had no idea that part of the program
was to put me to work. "A sapling," they
said, "all you'll have to do is to plant a
sapling." No one told me that the sapling is
about 12 feet tall over there. But I think we
can figure it out. This hardy elm is a descendant of a tree planted on the White
House lawn by John Quincy Adams. And


now, its seedlings will be a part of North
Dakota forever.
And just a few years before this State was
carved out of the Dakota territory, a young
man from New York City set aside a prominent career in politics to become a North
Dakota rancher. Having lost his wife and
mother in one single day, he came to these
parts almost insane with grief. No tenderfoot, he worked the range in the harshest
weather, always leading and never following. And he wore a sheriffs badge, and he
roamed the Badlands to singlehandedly
bring the worst characters to justice. And,
in short, Teddy Roosevelt became a man in
North Dakota; and he became something
else, a guardian of nature. When he went
back East and back to politics, Teddy Roosevelt took with him an understanding that
the seemingly endless resources of the West
were threatened by the unfettered exploitation of man. As President, Teddy Roosevelt
wrote these words to schoolchildren on
Arbor Day, 1907: "A people without children would face a hopeless future; a country without trees is almost as hopeless."
So, let us honor the coming 100th birthday of North Dakota and the memory of
the Nation's first true environmentalist by
dedicating this centennial bur oak along
with this White House elm. Before the year
2000, your State will plant 100 million
trees, almost half as many new trees in one
State as there are Americans in the Union.
May each tree add to the abundance of the
good life in North Dakota, cleaner air for
North America. This forestation effort is just
one of 600 ambitious centennial projects
North Dakotans are taking on. You are fulfilling the spirit that I call One Thousand


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 25


Points of Light: the spirit of voluntarism,
from projects to help senior citizens, to the
building of local and community centers, to
a memorial for the North Dakotans who fell
in the war.
This year you're also honoring those who
settled here before North Dakota became a
State by honoring their children: the sons
and daughters of the pioneers, some 3,000
strong. And let us especially remember, in
word and deed, those great peoples and
great cultures here well before anyone
else-the Native Americans of North
Dakota. These Americans knew the Plains
when buffalo ranged in the millions. We
can learn then from a special, poignant
knowledge that they taught us, that nature
once violated is forever altered.
Around the world there's a growing recognition that environmental problems respect no borders. In these first few months
in office we've begun to act on our own
and in concert with other nations to face up
to this fundamental fact. We've agreed that
all nations must get together to ban CFC's
[chlorofluorocarbons] and to prevent global
warming. And as the world wakes us to
these problems-and believe me, it is awakening-North Dakota, you're already at
work planting trees that exchange carbon
dioxide for fresh oxygen. What a fitting way
to celebrate this magnificent centennialby getting ready for the next 100 years.
As you've shown, we do not have to
Remarks to Ford Aerospace Space
California
April 25,1989
The President. Thank you, Don, very
much. And my respects to our congressional
representatives that are here today-Pete
Wilson, our United States Senator with us
today; and Congressman Campbell especially; other Members of Congress that are
here-and all of you at Ford. I want to
thank Don Petersen for coming from Detroit for this occasion and thank everybody
involved in this visit. And I know what a


accept as inevitable the spoiling of our air,
our rivers, our wetlands, and our forests.
When North Dakotans celebrate their bicentennial, these 2 trees will be mammoth,
almost 50 feet tall, as hardy and strong as
the people they represent. Let them stand
as a symbol of our commitment to a clean
and healthy environment. May we always
have the priceless resource of the outdoors
for the enjoyment of our children and our
children's children.
Thank you for asking me to be with you
today at this wonderful celebration. I just
can't tell you how moved I was when I
came in from the airport to be greeted by
so many of your neighbors, so many citizens
of this great State. The respect for the institutions that we hold dear, in this case, the
Presidency. It has nothing to do with the
President-the respect for the institution
was clear and evident for all to see, and I
am grateful for that warm welcome. And
so, I will watch with interest and lend a
hand where I can, as this tree grows and
develops, just like the Peace Garden State.
Happy birthday North Dakota! God bless
you, and God bless the United States of
America. Thank you all very much.
Note: The President spoke at 4:35 p.m. in
the Great Hall of the State capitol. Following the remarks, he participated in a tree
planting ceremony on the capitol lawn. Following the ceremony, the President traveled
to San Jose, CA, where he stayed overnight.
Systems Employees in Palo Alto,
logistical headache a visit like this might be.
[Laughter] So, we promise to go on time.
[Laughter] Thank you, gentlemen from the
Navy. And, Don, thanks for the introduction, and all of you for the generous welcome. It's a pleasure to be back in the Bay
Area, among friends. I'm taking a chance
by quoting him in north California, but it
was that noted gourmet, Dodger manager
Tommy Lasorda-[laughter]-who conceded


471




Apr. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Audience. Oh!
The President. I knew I was taking a
chance. [Laughter] "I'm on a seafood diet. I
eat all the food I can see," he said. [Laughter] Well, he's not like most of us; he never
met a meal he didn't like. And if you ask,
he'll insist that food ranks among his most
precious investments. It uplifts his performance, mentally and physically. It enhances
his ability to compete and, indirectly, to
keep his ball club in contention. And I'm
sure you've all heard the old saying: "Never
invest your money in anything that eats or
needs repainting." [Laughter]
Well, today I want to talk briefly about a
different kind of investment-investments
which prize the new horizons of America's
technological future; investments which can
create new jobs, unlock new markets and
unleash new technologies; investments, in
short, which will make us more competitive
and keep America number one.
In a sense, this attitude is typically American. For we are, at heart, a very competitive people. We measure life by today's
Dow Jones average or by how our ball club
did most recently, or whatever the statistic.
And as Americans, we expect short-term results, and historically, we get them. Government's role is to unleash America's ambition, to make us more competitive, by
pointing toward the 21st century, ensuring
long-term results.
The best investment in the future is to
slash the Federal budget deficit. And every
dollar the Government does not borrow
means more capital available for sound, productive investment. Recently I unveiled an
important bipartisan budget agreement
with Congress to reduce the deficit. It is
but a first step, but the very fact of it was
important-agreement between the executive branch and the Congress. And our
accord will narrow this deficit to $99.4 billion in the fiscal year that began October
1st. And that's far below the $163 billion
estimated for the current fiscal year. And
now, this plan's an agreed outline-tough
talks still lie ahead. And we will resume
consultations soon on a plan aimed at balancing the budget by 1993.
Think of the deficit reduction as exercise,
like walking the dog every day. Believe me,


I know: Exercise keeps you at the top of
your game. And so will another investment
to build a more competitive America, one
of many that I'll be asking Congress to
make. And I am talking about getting Congress to restore the capital gains differential, a step which, according to Treasury
estimates, will raise $4.8 billion in new revenue.
I listen to all the criticism, and I've heard,
as you have, the criticism of people who
ridicule cutting the capital gains tax as
somehow a tax break for the rich. Well,
they couldn't be more wrong. Lower capital
gains taxes will create jobs for those who
don't have jobs, will help build a better
America. It worked once before, and it will
work again. So, I would urge everybody
here to give strong support, contacting your
Members of the United States Congress to
help me restore the capital gains differential.
Consider, on the one hand, those countries that cripple opportunity. They know
firsthand the damage caused by excessive
taxation on capital gains. And then consider
that our second-largest trading partner,
Japan, with whom you are working very
closely, has taxed them little, if at all. And
so, the lesson then, again, is self-evident:
Restoring the capital gains differential will
make America more competitive. Our plan
supports reducing it to 15 percent on longheld assets. So, let us act to lift revenue,
help savings, and free American businesses
without distorting world markets.
You know, ordinarily, I take statistics with
a grain of salt. I've seen too many of these
polls. These political polls go up and down.
And I guess if I'd have listened to them and
gotten discouraged by them I wouldn't be
standing here as President of the United
States of America. But I like what Woody
Hayes said-remember Woody Hayes, the
coach at Ohio State? He put it best: "Statistics always remind me of the fellow who
drowned in a river whose average depth
was only three feet." One statistic, though,
does bear reciting. Since November 1982,
nearly 20 million new jobs have been created in this country. And many have been
created right here in the Silicon Valley.
Well, through investments to increase com

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 25


petitiveness, I know that we can do even
better.
For instance, we have proposed a permanent extension on the research and experimentation tax credit. America must remain
in the front lines of technological innovation. And we want to actively increase domestic research by multinationals and end
the uncertainty of expiring temporary rules.
These steps and others can help us walk the
unexplored frontiers of high technology.
For high tech is potent, precise, and in the
end, unbeatable.
The truth is it reminds a lot of people of
the way I pitch horseshoes. Would you believe-[laughter]-would you believe some
of the people? [Laughter] Would you believe our dog? [Laughter]
Look, I want to give the high-five symbol
to high tech, and I want to do it by investing in competitiveness. And that's why I've
asked Congress for an increase of $2.4 billion for NASA, as it moves ahead with the
space station Freedom. We have selected a
new Science Adviser, and I will elevate his
status. It is important that the President's
Science Adviser have access to the President and that his views be considered in a
wide array of important issues. I've also just
reestablished the National Space Council,
headed by the Vice President, to coordinate
our future space efforts.
But we can't stop there; our future won't
allow it. So, let us also invest in the superconducting supercollider, a bold new experiment fusing science, technology, and education. Because science is so critical, let us
double the National Science Foundation
budget by 1993. And let us use our own
technological prowess to expand free and
fair trade. I'm talking about excellence in
such fields as microcomputers and superconductivity and, yes, aerospace.
In aerospace, we can point to satellites
whose technology is American, point with
pride to satellites like the Superbird satellite, among the largest, 5,500 pounds. The
most powerful communications satellites yet
developed-5,500   pounds-that's   even
bigger than the 49'ers' offensive line.
[Laughter] Today America's satellites are
among the most competitive spacecrafts for
customers who want affordable high-powered communications satellites. And they


are providing regular and cable television
access, telephone lines, newspaper transmission, and other telecommunications services. And best of all, they're just a preview
of the next generation of satellites. In the
21st century, they will keep America as
number one.
You know-remember Satchel Paigegreat black pitcher, self-proclaimed philosopher? They asked him what was the secret
of his competitiveness. You remember what
he said. "Don't look back. Somebody might
be gaining on you." Well, Satchel, like high
technology, knew that as Americans we do
look ahead and not back. We always have,
and we must now, more than ever. For the
coming decade will see and shape a rapidly
changing work force. To invest its talents
will be our challenge as a nation.
According to the National Science Foundation, for instance, by the year 2000 the
college-age population will have shrunk
almost 20 percent. Among college-age
youth, minorities will comprise one-third.
And women, minorities, and immigrants
will total almost two-thirds of the new entrants into the labor force. These facts
demand a new investment to build a more
competitive America. It's an investment different from lower capital gains taxes or
more funds for space and other high tech,
but it is vital. And I'm referring, of course,
to child care.
At Ford Aerospace, officials are responding to changing demographics and the
needs of its employees. By increasing parental options, Ford's Employee Assistance
Program is helping to keep us competitive.
And it is involving community agencies as
child care resource referrals, like the YMCA
Child Care Center in Palo Alto, approved
and supported by the United Way.
Now, I salute this example, and I applaud
its emphasis on choice. There are some congressional child-care initiatives, well-meaning, I am sure, but which don't reflect this
emphasis. Our new child-care initiativemine, the one that I've sent up to the Congress-does. And our proposal urges a new
tax credit to make child care more affordable. And it puts money in the hands of the
low-income parents, limits Federal intervention, and increases options. A church


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Apr. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


can help, or grandparents or professional
nursery. When it comes to child care, we
say: Let the parents decide. Keep the
family strong. And we must do that.
For in the end, it's decisions we come
down to: decisions to say yes to child care,
more funds for space and other high technology; decisions which serve the entire
community-workers, investors, students,
parents; decisions to invest in America so
that we can create a more competitive
America.
As Californians, you know what I'm talking about. You've always believed in daring,
aspiring, and charting unexplored frontiers.
And you look ahead, not back. And you
know that nothing is impossible. And by


giving of yourselves and to your country,
you give lift to the American dream.
Thank you for that. Thank you for a fascinating day in the laboratories here. Thank
you for your kindness and your generosity.
God bless you, and God bless the United
States of America. Thank you all very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 9:27 a.m. in
the facility's cafeteria courtyard. He was introduced by Donald Rassier, president of
Ford Aerospace Space Systems Division.
Donald E. Petersen was chairman of the
board of the Ford Motor Co. Following his
remarks, the President traveled to Los Angeles, CA.


Remarks to Law Enforcement Officers in Orange County, California
April 25, 1989


Thank you very much, Sheriff Gates. And
thank all of you, the supervisors, law enforcement community, thank you for that
warm Orange County welcome. And it's
good to be here. And I'm very proud that
our great Attorney General is with me,
Dick Thornburgh, who's doing a superb job
in this battle against drugs and against
crime all across the board. Dick, welcome.
To Willie von Raab, the Commissioner of
the Customs, I am delighted he is here.
Sheriff Gates very generously telling me of
the superb cooperation between the U.S.
Customs and the sheriffs office here. And
that's what it's going to take if we're going
to have further victories in this war.
I'm delighted to be here with Senator
Pete Wilson, an outstanding leader in the
Senate, a man who has been really a conscience of the Senate in terms of antinarcotics, and Mike Hayde as well. And may I
pay my respects to-I know four Members
of the United States Congress are here
today-Bill Dannemeyer and Congressman
Cox. I believe I'm a little insecure in my
lines here. I think we're in Chris' district,
unless we flew over it. So, I'm glad to be
hosted by Congressman Cox and then Congressman Bob Dornan, Congressman Gal

legly as well.
So, I'm delighted again to be here. And
let me just say this: that somewhere out
here are 50 undercover narcotics agents;
and let me say to you, you are the unsung
heroes in this war, risking your lives almost
every single day behind enemy lines, if you
will, to save our kids' lives. And you know
who you are, and we salute you and thank
you for laying your lives out there for the
rest of us. All of you are fighting fierce
battles in one of the largest and toughest
drug markets in the country. And somebody dies every other day in Orange
County as a result of drugs. I don't know
how many of you have seen the visuals, the
display, but there is a penetrating chart that
demonstrates dramatically the amounts of
lives that are lost in Orange County from
narcotics. And these people that have lost
their lives-they've ranged from an 82 -year-old man to a 1-month-old child. It
doesn't spare anyone. But you're not backing down; you're not giving up.
And that's one of the reasons I wanted to
come here today. The communities here in
Orange County are united. Law enforcement agencies crossed over sometimes competitive lines and banded together. And


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 25


you're an example of hope, determination,
and the true American spirit. You know, we
won't build a better America until we win
this war on drugs. And so, today I want to
touch on both sides of the equation-education, to cut off demand for drugs, and enforcement, to cut off the supply.
And I might say, parenthetically, that our
new drug czar, Bill Bennett, former Secretary of Education, is tackling the problem
on both sides of the equation-education
and interdiction. And I'm just delighted
that he is doing the job he is in Washington.
I wish he were here with us today so I
could brag on him in public.
Demand for drugs is driven by a sense of
hopelessness. Last year-this is so sad-an
18-year-old member of one of these gangs,
in this instance the L.A. Crips gang, was
asked: "If you could change the world, how
would you do it?" And he said: "I wouldn't
know what to do. I wouldn't know what to
change." And later he was asked: "What do
you think you'll be doing in 10 years?" And
he said: "I don't think I'll be alive in 10
years." And that is life without hope, without meaning. And we're looking at a desperation that money alone will never cure.
We won't win this one with our wallets
alone. We will only win it through our collective effort and our collective will. And
that means education-cutting off demand
through community involvement at all
levels.
Mike Hayde and Sheriff Gates and so
many others, your Drug Use Is Life Abuse
Program is one outstanding community
awareness effort. And you've got business,
government, schools, religious groups, families, and law enforcement all personally
committed to halting demand. There are
the students that Brad was telling me about
who produced the antidrug video that runs
before the movies start, the workers who
roll by on a sanitation truck painted on its
side "Drugs Are Garbage," and every L.A.
Ram-no matter who you're for-but I
commend the Rams in this one-every L.A.
Ram with a Drug Use Is Life Abuse patch
on his uniform, over 22,000 student athletes
on teams in Orange County who will wear
the same patch. And then there's my
friend, Reverend Robert Schuller, who's got
churches all over the county delivering a


sermon on drug abuse every 3 months, and
again the students, distributing tens of thousands of cards for people to sign, making a
personal commitment against drugs. And
that idea came from a 16-year-old girl who
says: "The only thing I own is my name. I
don't take signing my name lightly." Well, I
want to join her. I want to proudly sign one
of these cards, too, and I hope we can after
this.
So, many are getting the word out. But
I'd like to enlist one other group in the L.A.
area that has a special responsibility: those
in the entertainment industry. Television,
films, and music are a positive influence.
And my advice to them-my entreaty is:
Use that influence wisely to do good. I
know that many in the business are already
concerned and active, but I never want to
see a movie again that makes drug use into
something humorous. It is time that they
got behind this crusade. This community
has raised your voices; you've raised your
voices so effectively in the cause of so many
issues. Can you not raise them once more in
support of a cause so important? In the
work you do and the lives you lead, help us
send a strong message, the right message, to
a new generation of Americans: We want a
drug-free America!
You get some marvelous mail in my line
of work here as President, unbelievable. I
quoted one yesterday from some kid, an
eighth-grader or something, who said:
"Well, you've got to do better. You've got
to do better on the fight against drugs and
helping the environment." He wrote it on
January 20th, the day I was sworn in.
[Laughter] But nevertheless, he has a point.
But here's one, a young woman: "I have a
brother who has wasted time, opportunity,
and finally his mind. I've watched my
mother and father cry and spend years of
energy and effort on their addicted son instead of themselves. I hate drugs. Drugs
have virtually destroyed my family." She
deserves better; we all do. With the strongest means of enforcement we can devise,
we must disarm, dismantle, and destroy the
drug market in America.
You heard Brad Gates, the sheriff, tell us
something of the history of this ground that
we stand on. It was the core of an interna

475




Apr. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tional marijuana and cocaine smuggling
ring. How many lives, how many families,
how many hopes and dreams have been
destroyed with these chemical weapons of
death  and   destruction-drugs?  Death
bought and sold by the ton-this operation
had commercial packing equipment, underground storage vaults, large vans with
hidden compartments, jet aircraft, oceangoing vessels. Once a warehouse of death,
now it is a source of hope. Rancho del Rio
has been reclaimed. Thanks to the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984, pushed
through by your former Congressman, Dan
Lungren, we can now seize drug dealers'
assets and use them in the war on drugs.
And this is the first piece of forfeited drug
property turned over for use by local officials in Orange County. It's going to serve
as an International Narcotics Training
Center and as a reminder to these merchants of death: Your money won't help
you; in fact, we're going to use it against
you.
So, what you see on these tables behind
us is over $4 million-line up-[laughter]$4 million of laundered drug money recently seized by U.S. Customs and the regional
narcotics suppression program in Operation
Shackle. And today I'd like to formally turn
these funds over to Sheriff Gates to help
fund the Rancho del Rio project. I hope
that all of you can help make this project a
reality. I'm also pleased to present another
$6 million in drug money-confiscated
through a joint DEA-local sting operation in
California and Arizona-to fund more effective, cooperative efforts between local,
State, and Federal enforcement agencies.


This money then, totaling $10 million, is
the bounty of defeated drug criminals. And
we won't stop until we nail every coward
who deals in death and put them where
they belong.
Now, you have had outstanding results
over the last 2 years, thanks to the team
efforts of local, State, and Federal agents:
nearly 40 million in cash confiscated, the
equivalent of 9 million injections of heroin
and 38 million doses of cocaine seized. And
that's 15 doses for every man, woman, and
child in Orange County. Do we need any
other reason than that to win this war? Let
these funds go then to fighting the war they
once financed. Let us raise awareness and
build strength through a constellation of
concerned Americans in every town, city,
and community in this country. And let us
send a message, loud and clear, to every
drug merchant in America: You're going to
be out of business! That is our message.
That is my message to you today. Keep up
the good work and continue to set an example for the rest of our great country.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless
the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 12:23 p.m. outside of the main house at Rancho del Rio.
He was introduced by Orange County Sheriff Brad Gates. In his remarks, he referred
to Michael K. Hayde, president of Drug Use
Is Life Abuse, and Robert Schuller, pastor
of the Crystal Cathedral. Prior to his remarks, the President toured the facility.
Following his remarks, he attended a working luncheon with law enforcement officers
at the ranch.


Remarks to Members of the Hispanic-American Community in Los
Angeles, California
April 25, 1989


Thank you very much. And, Mr.
Schwartz-Murray, thank you, sir, for the
warm welcome back to this campus, and I
am so delighted to be here. This is a nonpartisan appearance. And therefore I will
resist any partisan commentary except to


make note that it was here, not in this very
room, but right on this campus-Murray
Schwartz referring to my last visit here that
was highly politicized, perhaps one of the
most dramatic moments in our whole campaign cycle, but certainly in my life. And so,


476




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 25


I have a feeling, a good feeling, and very
pleased to be welcomed back by two
people who give so much to UCLA.
I would just give a word of welcome to all
of you. And I'm delighted to salute UCLA,
one of our great universities. I would simply
say that expressing gratitude is not always
easy. But I do want to express my gratitude
for this warm reception. I had a chance to
meet with some of the organizers early on
to tell them how grateful I am for this wonderful get-together on relatively short
notice.
You know, a Hispanic patriot of our hemisphere once said: "I am America's son. To
her I belong." Well, let me speak for Barbara, who regrettably is not with us here
tonight. I feel that we belong, for we've
spent a lot of our adult lives in-Barbara
and I-in Texas, seeing close up, firsthand,
the strength of the Hispanic communities
there. Hispanic values touched us: discipline, caring, patriotism, love of God. And
of course because of Jeb's wife, Columba,
we feel doubly blessed as a family because
the Hispanic culture is our culture, too.
And tomorrow I'm going to meet with
one of our greatest Presidents. And I'm
talking about California's always-favorite
son and my good friend, Ronald Reagan.
And I can't help recalling the words that he
once said about Hispanic-Americans: "Just
as their forefathers sought a dream in the
new world, Hispanic-Americans have realized their dream in our great nation and
will continue to do so. Their dedication to
higher purposes reflects what is best in the
American spirit."
Well, my friends, that spirit brought your
parents and your grandparents and some of
you to the United States. And they and you
came in search of a better life, and you're
finding it. And you came to build a better
America, and you're sure helping build it.
And you're building it through family,
through church, through love of country
and belief in the value of hard work-you
know, building it in the school also, a new
spirit, I'd say, of public service that is
sweeping our educational system, from
grade school to grad school, building it
through excellence and through such leaders now as we have in Washington: Secretaries Lujan [Interior] and Cavazos [Educa

tion], who so enrich our administration.
It was over a year ago at a LULAC
[League of United Latin American Communities] meeting in Texas where I said time
had come, long since, that we have Hispanics in the President's Cabinet. And now we
have two outstanding Secretaries: Manuel
Lujan and Lauro Cavazos.
I don't want to embarrass this guy, but it
was here at UCLA, on one of these questions they ask you at these debates out of a
clear blue sky-and they asked me: Name a
couple of contemporary heroes, or who are
your heroes? I've found that in this line of
work you always get psychoanalyzed[laughter]-and you're stretched out on a
theoretical couch for people to figure out
what makes you tick-that just goes with
the job. But this question came out of the
clear blue sky, and it had something to do
with your heroes. And I cited, quite proudly, Tony Fauci, who is one of the researchers and now top people at the National Institutes of Health who is doing so much in
AIDS and cancer research and all of this.
What immediately came to my mind was
Jaime Escalante, who is here with us today.
And I-here he is-I told Jaime-I said,
"Look"-I saw him later; I think it was back
at the White House or somewhere-I said:
"I hope I didn't throw you into some kind
of partisan limelight there because what I
really wanted to do, though, is express my
feeling of contribution, my feeling of respect for the contribution that you have
made in this-what we're talking about
here today-excellence in education." So,
right amongst us again is one of my genuine
heroes.
I see many business people here, people
that know what entrepreneurship means
and have taken the lead in starting
businesses and building them. And you are
creating new jobs and cutting unemployment in the process-here, California, many
of you from across the country. And as
America's fastest growing minority in the
21st century, you, more than ever, will help
tell the American story. And so is the promise that our kids will inherit a better land
than we inherited true. It is very, very
true-and I'm convinced of it.
And I haven't been President very long,


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Apr. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


but I remain an optimist about the United
States of America. The problems are big,
but we can solve them. And when I look to
the values that give us the underpinning for
everything we do in society, I come right
back to the Hispanic community. And I'm
grateful to you.
Some people say that the younger generation is selfish. I don't believe this. I have
much more confidence in the young people
than to say they're selfish. And young
people of this country hunger to return to
America a measure of what America has
given us all. The people in this room care
about the disadvantaged, about the environment. And under this administration, we
are going to work together to transform our
caring into a commitment for action. Let us
pledge, then, not simply to knock at the
door of opportunity, let's throw that door
wide open and keep it open! And let's remember that we are one nation under God
and that we honor Him with the lives we
lead.
People are asking me now that you've
been President, what are some of your
major concerns? And one for me is the diminution of American family. It's more than a
sociological textbook kind of a concern. I
worry about it. And I want to say to you in
this room-because I think of the Hispanic
culture in America, in the United States, is
family-oriented; strength coming from the


family-I will have nothing to do with any
Federal legislation that diminishes the
strength of the American family. We've got
to find ways to strengthen it, and I think
I've learned a lot of that right here from
people in this room.
We are rural and urban; native-born and
foreign-born; Hispanic and non-Hispanic;
brown, black, white-but most of all, we are
Americans. So, my plea is: Let's join our
hands together, for the future is ours. And
as we do, please accept my thanks for this
wonderful occasion. I do want to have an
opportunity now to come and greet as
many as I possibly can. God bless you.
Thank you all, and God bless the United
States of America. Thank you very, very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 5:28 p.m. in
the Galleria at the James West Alumni
Center on the campus of the University of
California at Los Angeles. In his remarks,
he referred to Murray Schwartz, executive
vice chancellor of the university; John and
Columba Bush, his son and daughter-inlaw; and Jaime Escalante, a calculus teacher
at Garfield High School in east Los Angeles. Prior to his remarks, the President attended a reception in the alumni center for
leaders of the Hispanic community. Following his remarks, he stayed overnight at the
Four Seasons Hotel.


Nomination of Richard L. Armitage To Be Secretary of the Army
April 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard L. Armitage to be
Secretary of the Army. He would succeed
John 0. Marsh.
Mr. Armitage has served in several capacities at the Department of Defense, including Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, 1983 to present,
and Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
for International Security Affairs for East
Asia, 1981-1983. From 1979 to 1983, Mr.
Armitage established a Washington-based
consulting firm specializing in Asian affairs,


and he worked in the foreign policy office
of the Reagan Presidential campaign. Mr.
Armitage has served as administrative assistant to Senator Robert Dole of Kansas, 1978 -1979; consultant to the Pentagon, 1975 -1976; and Naval and Marine Corps adviser
with the U.S. Defense Attache Office in
Saigon, 1973-1975. He is a member of the
Association of Asian Studies and the World
Affairs Council.
Mr. Armitage graduated from the U.S.
Naval Academy in 1967, where he received
a commission as an ensign in the U.S. Navy.


478




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 25


Mr. Armitage was born in 1945, in Boston, resides in Vienna, VA.
MA. He is married, has seven children, and
Nomination of William Lucas To Be an Assistant Attorney General
April 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate William Lucas to be an
Assistant Attorney General (Civil Rights Division). He would succeed William Bradford
Reynolds.
Since 1987 Mr. Lucas has been an attorney with Evans and Luptak in Detroit, MI.
He served as chief executive officer in
Wayne County, MI, 1983-1987, and he
served in the Wayne County Sheriffs Department, 1968-1983. Mr. Lucas served as a
Special Agent in the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1963-1968; Civil Rights Divi

sion of the Justice Department, 1962-1963;
and in the New York City Police Department, 1954-1962. He was a teacher and
social worker in New York City, 1952-1954.
In addition, Mr. Lucas was chairman of the
Republican National Committee Coalition
Outreach Committee.
Mr. Lucas graduated from Manhattan
College (B.S., 1952) and Fordham Law
School (J.D., 1962). In addition, he was a
fellow at the John F. Kennedy School of
Government at Harvard University. Mr.
Lucas resides in Detroit, MI.


Nomination of Robert Davila To Be Assistant Secretary of Education
and Nell Carney To Be Commissioner of the Rehabilitation Services
Administration
April 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Robert Davila to be Assistant Secretary for Special Education and Rehabilitative Services and Nell Carney to be
Commissioner of the Rehabilitation Services
Administration. Both positions are in the
Department of Education. Dr. Davila would
succeed Madeleine Will, and Dr. Carney
would succeed Susan Suter.
Concurrently, the Department of Education announced today the appointment of
Michael Vader as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Office of Special Education and
Rehabilitative Services and Judy Schrag as
Director of the Office of Special Education
Services.
Robert Davila has served in several capacities at Gallaudet University, including
vice president for precollege programs,
1978 to present; professor, department of
education, 1980 to present; acting dean,
Model Secondary School for the Deaf,


1979-1980; and director, Kendall Demonstration Elementary School, 1974-1978. Dr.
Davila graduated from Gallaudet University
(B.A., 1953), Hunter College (M.S., 1963),
and Syracuse University (Ph.D., 1972). He is
married, has two children, and resides in
Washington, DC.
Since 1987 Dr. Carney has served as assistant director at the Virginia Department
for the Visually Handicapped and as assistant regional manager, 1985-1987. She has
also served in several other capacities in the
education field, including instructor, Washington, DC, public schools, 1984-1985; vocational rehabilitation administrator, Washington State Department for the Blind,
1979-1984; rehabilitation counselor, 1978 -1979; and   instructor, Nashville  public
schools, 1975-1978. She graduated from
Peabody College for Teachers (B.S., 1974;
M.A., 1975). She is married and resides in
Richmond, VA.


479




Apr. 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Appointment of Bonnie Guiton as Director of the Office of
Consumer Affairs at the Department of Health and Human Services
April 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to appoint Bonnie Guiton to be Director of the Office of Consumer Affairs at the
Department of Health and Human Services.
In that capacity she will be the principal
adviser to the President on consumer issues.
She would succeed Virginia H. Knauer.
Dr. Guiton was appointed by President
Reagan on June 18, 1987, as Assistant Secretary for Vocational and Adult Education at
the Department of Education. Prior to the
appointment, she served as vice chairman
of the U.S. Postal Rate Commission, 1984 -1987. She also served as vice president and


general manager of Kaiser Center, Inc., and
Kaiser Center Properties. She has served as
the executive director of the Marcus A.
Foster Educational Institute and was formerly an assistant dean of students, interim
head of the ethnic studies department, and
a lecturer at Mills College.
Dr. Guiton received a bachelor's degree
from Mills College, a master's degree from
California State University at Hayward, and
a doctorate in education from the University of California at Berkeley. She was born
in Springfield, IL, on October 30, 1941, and
she resides in Falls Church, VA.


Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters Following a Meeting
With Former President Reagan in Los Angeles, California
April 26, 1989


President Bush
Q. President Reagan, how do you think
your successor is doing in his first hundred
days? There seems to be some discussion
about that.
President Reagan. Well, I'm not a part of
that discussion because I think he's doing
just fine. And he was a major part of everything that we did for the preceding 8 years.
I'm very pleased to have him here.
Q. President Reagan, there's been some
suggestion that President Bush has been a
little slow in reacting and responding to Mr.
Gorbachev. How do you feel about that, sir?
President Reagan. As I say, I think he's
doing just fine.
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. Mr. President, what do you feel about
Ollie North these days, now that he's built a
legal defense on an assertion that he was
only following orders the entire time in the
Iran-contra affair?
President Reagan. Here's one where I
think we're both in the same boat. With


this before a jury now, I don't think any
comment is appropriate or proper with
regard to that.
Q. Were you aware, Mr. President, that
documents were not seen by the Irancontra committees on the Hill?
President Reagan. Well, again, as I say, I
just don't think this is a time to comment.
Death of Lucille Ball
Q. President Reagan, would you comment on the passing of Lucille Ball today?
President Reagan. Well, yes, I've issued a
statement on that. I think it's a great tragedy, and all of us are affected. She was a
friend; we loved her dearly, and she's truly
going to be missed.
Defense Budget
Q. Mr. President, what do you think of
President Bush's decision to cut money for
Star Wars and military aid to the contras?
President Reagan. Well, having had, for 8
years, some of the same problems he's
facing now, I'm not going to comment on
that. I think that I can rest assured that he


480




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 26


means to maintain our national security.
There are many problems to contend with.
Abortion
Q. President Bush, the Supreme Court
today will be considering an abortion case.
Would you like to see that be the first step
in a move to ban abortion in this country?
President Bush. Yes.
Q. President Reagan? Same question.
President Reagan. I think we've been
agreed on that. You know my position on
abortion.
Advice From President Reagan
Q. President Bush, are you looking for
any tips today or anything in this meeting?
President Bush. Always.
Q. On what?
President Bush. "Life its own self," as
Dan Jenkins said-"life its own self." Figure
that one out, Norm [Norman Sandler,
United Press International]. But what it
means is: I have a lot more to learn from
President Reagan. As I've told you all over
and over again, I learned a lot in 8 years. I
learned a lot about principle; I learned a lot
about the world as it really is. And so, I
want to talk to him about the changes that
are taking place abroad-Japan, NATO
[North  Atlantic  Treaty  Organization],
Europe, all over the place-and get his
advice. So, that's what I hope this visit will
be about.
Q. Can you give us a sense of what he's
told you here today, sir?
President Bush. Well, we just started. He
told me you were coming in. He said there
would be two waves and we were going to
take questions at the second wave. That was
all we've said so far after we said "hello."
Q. Would you like to enlist President Reagan's support for anything in particularmissions, special
President Bush. Yes.
Q. Can you tell us about it?
President Bush. No specific mission, but
strong support. And I want to keep him
fully informed. The respect for him around
the world knows no bounds, and I've encountered that when I've met with 36, I


believe it is, heads of state so far. And so, I
hope I can talk him into various missions or
assignments as time goes by. But I'm respectful of his own private life and what
he's doing, but there will be plenty of opportunity to stay in touch, and that I'm determined to do.
White House Press Corps
Q. President Reagan, do you think your
successor has a kinder, gentler press corps?
More so than you had? [Laughter]
President Reagan. Oh, I think we're familiar with that. One thing I want to tell
you that I proved to him before you came
in, if you're curious about that-I proved to
him I was a Californian. We stood in the
window, and I showed him that you could
see Catalina from here.
President Bush. That's right. That's right.
What a view! Have you all checked it? It's
worth a look out there.
Offshore Oil Drilling
Q. You don't want any offshore oil drills
out there, do you?
President Bush. Any what?
Q. Offshore oil drills out there.
President Bush. Out where?
Q. Out there at that view?
President Bush. Well, I don't know that
anyone is proposing that right now, but you
know my position on that-strong environmental concerns and strong concerns about
this country becoming further dependent
on foreign oil. And I'm convinced that the
proper balance can be found.
Views on the Presidency
Q. Do you miss the White House, sir?
President Reagan. No, it's in good hands.
President Bush. I can tell you they miss
him, because the people there are the
same. They're the same wonderful group
that you told me were first-rate, and they
talk very fondly about you and Nancy.
Note: President Bush spoke at 9:48 a.m. in
the Office of former President Ronald
Reagan at Fox Plaza. Following their meeting, President Bush traveled to Austin, TX.


481




Apr. 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks to the Texas State Legislature in Austin
April 26, 1989


Thank you very, very much for that
warm welcome. Mr. Speaker, thank you, sir,
for presenting me to this esteemed body.
And, Lieutenant Governor Hobby, my respects and thanks to you and to Bill Clements. It's a good thing it isn't his birthday.
[Laughter] I'm not sure another plaid day
in the Texas Legislature is in order. But a
belated happy birthday, anyway.
I'm delighted to be back in Austin with so
many friends. And I'll want to discuss a few
issues facing Texas and all of America. But
let me just say a few words about what it
means to be a Texan. My credentials: I have
my driver's license here, and I have my
Texas hunting license here, and, somewhere, my voter registration slip. And it is
true, I like Kennebunkport, but I am a
Texan. And so, I just want to clear the air
and say a few words about that.
You know, like the former kingdom of
Hawaii, Texas is a nation that had to reconcile itself to being a State. But like Hawaii,
we'll never reconcile ourselves to being ordinary. From the Pecos to the Pedernales,
from the Rio Grande to the Red River,
there is no place on Earth like Texas, nor is
there another capitol in America quite like
this one, built of this rose-tinged granite
that blushes in the low sun. And this being
Texas, we had to build a capitol that is exactly one foot taller than the one in Washington. And so, I hope it's not too much of a
cliche to say that Texas stands tall in the
heart of this President.
Perhaps for this reason, Larry McMurtry,
who was at the White House the other
day-he's one of my favorite writers-in
"Lonesome Dove" he describes the mythic
Texas and conjures that sense of the place
we all know so well. And I'm inspired by a
man of letters who can convincingly adopt
the voice of the cowboys and the outlaws,
men whose only schooling was in dodging
bullets, whose only lessons were in how to
run or rustle cattle.
But unlike Davy Crockett, I first set out
for Texas not on horseback from Tennessee
but from Connecticut in a red Studebaker


in June of 1948. And more than 40 years
later, that trip is still a vivid memory: Highway 80, neon Pearl Beer signs appearing in
the desert twilight-and see, I've got a note
here-and stopping at a cafe-I'll admit it I
didn't know if chicken-fried steak was a
chicken fried like a steak or a steak that
tasted like a chicken, but I've learned.
[Laughter]
And still, Bar and I settled in Texas, as
did many before us. We raised five kids and
helped get into the business world-helped
start a business. And in that span of 40
years, I've watched with pride as this State
has grown into even greater glory. And in
my lifetime, I've seen the oil wealth of west
Texas help finance the building of great
cities, the expansion of great universities
and colleges-the origins of a Texas renaissance, if you will. The energy business
helped make Texas what it is today: the
third coast of the United States.
This Texas renaissance lasted for years,
even decades. But you also know another
more recent chapter of the Texas story: oil
cheaper than some of this fancy mineral
water, skylines of sometimes empty buildings, expensive homes to be had just for the
monthly payments, and thousands of laid-off
workers. Now, I'm no cowboy; I pitch
horseshoes for a living, but I don't ride
these broncos. I understand, though, that
cowboys have a term for the most dangerous and cunning bronco of all, and they call
it a sunfisher. And those broncos will rebel
against a rider by adopting a motion not
unlike the sunfish: a full-force leap into the
air, back arched high, flank twisting the
rider to the left, head and upper torso twisting the rider to the right in an attempt to
tear him apart. And let me suggest that not
so many months ago, the whole State of
Texas, our State, felt like it had been on just
such a ride. But strong men and women are
challenged by adversity, and I believe Texas
has proven that. And there may be a few
more bumps and bruises ahead, but make
no mistake: Texas is back-back in the
saddle, strong in every way.


482




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 26


State unemployment has dipped to its
lowest level in 4 years, signaling, I think,
the diversification of the Texas economy. In
1970 the energy sector accounted for
nearly 25 percent of State output-25 percent. And last year it accounted for 11.4
percent. And yet Texas has more than regained the 208,000 jobs it lost from 1986 to
1987, with employment in plastics and aviation, electronics, space, and computer programming leading the way. More people
are at work in Texas today than ever before
in our history. And the Dallas-Fort Worth
Metroplex leads in defense and aviation and
technology; Houston in space and biomedical research; Austin, microelectronics. Another sign that Texas is becoming a world
center of technology is the selection of Ellis
County as the site of the Superconducting
Supercollider. And when built, the SSC will
enable us to study elemental particles with
names like quarks and mesons and neutrinos-sounds like a breakfast cereal that
these grandkids of ours are into these days.
But as Tom Luce, chairman of the Texas
National Research Laboratory Commission,
said: "With a little imagination, you can
conclude that future research in the field of
high energy could some day help us conquer cancer or discover a way to boost the
amount of information on a microchip or
answer questions that eluded Einstein,
giving us a glimpse of the forces that bind
the universe together." The SSC is a key to
understanding nature and to developing the
technologies and industries of the 21st century. Let me assure you: I will back the
construction of the SSC because it is good
for the entire United States of America.
And let me also salute you, the members of
the Texas house and senate, and the voters
of this State, for having the vision to take an
early lead on this project. Texas got its act
together and made an outstanding presentation early on.
Still, no matter how diversified and high
tech that we become, a strong domestic
energy industry is important, still important, to the future of this State and, in my
view, to the future of all America. I find it
disturbing that nearly 50 percent of America's oil is imported. This is not good for the
national security of the United States of
America. And now some are questioning


the future of America's energy production
in the aftermath of the wreck of the Exxon
Valdez off Alaska. I am as concerned as
anyone, as all Americans are, by the environmental tragedy in Prince William Sound.
We're using Federal resources intelligently
to clean it up. We're working with industry
to develop an improved plan in the event
of a future spill. But shutting down our domestic energy production is no answer and
would merely increase our dependence on
foreign oil. We must, and we will, maintain
a strong domestic energy industry.
To reduce our dependence on foreign oil,
we must return to high levels of exploratory
drilling. I propose to stimulate domestic
drilling with tax credits and other incentives. We need more research-this isn't
just a function of the Government, incidentally-but we need more research to learn
how to recover more of our secondary and
tertiary oil. And I want to do something
else. Texas has a 65-year supply of one of
the cleanest forms of energy known to man:
natural gas. And I call on the United States
Congress, at long last, to fully decontrol natural gas. And I believe that's going to
happen soon.
We need a national energy policy that
relies not only on oil but on other sources as
well. I believe we can and must use safe
nuclear power. I believe that coal has a
bright future. And you know my confidence
in natural gas. As we all become increasingly concerned about the need for clean air,
we must look more to natural gas and to
nuclear power. We must press forward with
clean-coal  technology,  and  we  must
produce more of our corn crop to
produce-switch more of our corn crop to
produce ethanol; more of our natural gas to
produce methanol. And the greater use of
these alternate fuels will rapidly improve
the air quality of our most heavily polluted
cities. And I'm talking about Los Angeles,
Denver; I'm talking about Houston, Texas,
and other heavily impacted areas.
I know there are still a few dark clouds
remaining on our economic horizon. I know
that you're concerned about the continuing
crisis in many of the savings and loan institutions. And I've asked for measures to restore these institutions to financial health.


483




Apr. 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


And I've asked for $37 million in 1989
funds for the Justice Department so that
those who willfully abuse the trust of the
small savers can expect to be pursued, tried,
and, if guilty, put into prison. We must go
after the white-collar criminal in this country as well as the others. The United States
Senate has acted expeditiously on the savings and loan bill that I put forward-strong
support on both sides of the aisle, Democrats and Republicans alike. And I now call
on the House of Representatives to pass a
responsible savings and loan bill as soon as
possible.
Texas, like all America, faces many challenges. But I believe that by working together, as Republicans and Democrats, as
Federal and as State officials, we can lick
any problems down the path. Federalism
works; federalism works because of your
leadership and your initiative. The old
dictum of the best government being that
which is closest to the people applies here,
right here in this chamber, right here in
Austin, Texas-right here at the Capitol.
True, some problems of the recent past
linger on. Some areas of the State are recovering more slowly than others.
But the way is clear to a future as bright
and promising as the blue Texas sky: a new
reliance on a diversified economy and the
technologies of the next century. And this is
the secret of the Texas turn around, and its
unfolding is a tribute not just to the entrepreneurial spirit of Texans themselves but
to the leadership of Governor Clements,
Senators Gramm and Bentsen, the congressional delegation, and the men and women
of the Texas legislature. Texas is starting to
feel like its old self again. And there's a
feeling now that anything is possible. I'm
not standing here trying to underestimate
the problems of education or health or
urban blight, but there is a new feeling
abroad. Who knows, the Astros might win
in the National League, and, yes, under enlightened new leadership-[laughter]-the
Texas Rangers might even win in the
American League. Good luck!
Seriously, as we face our future in the
White House, Barbara and I take with us
memories of people and places from a State


that has been home for most of our livesall of my adult life, if you will. We remember those 12 years in west Texas. It's a dry
heat. You don't feel it-[laughter]-my eye!
We were there for 12 years. But the
people-I feel their strength and fierce independence to this very day. And I remember driving the kids across Texas. We
moved down from west Texas down to the
gulf coast, slowing down to take in the
fields of the blue bonnets and Indian paintbrush. I don't think you can drive through
that country without thinking of yourself as
a naturalist or an environmentalist, or at
least counting your blessings. And I remember the people of Houston, many of them
mature and skeptical, but who nonetheless
listened to a very green young man and
sent him to Congress in 1966. And I remember Lyndon Johnson at his ranch back
in 1969, when I went over there-an elder
Democrat, retired from the Presidency,
giving neighborly advice to a young Republican, while his very special Lady Bird held
out her hand in hospitality.
Barbara and I treasure these 41 years as
Texans-the sights and sounds of our adult
lifetime, the trust of many friends, and the
love of a family. And all this and more we
remember when we think of home.
You know, I've been thinking about it.
Ann Richards was right. [Laughter] Why do
you think that I said we could cancer conquer? [Laughter] Look, I kept putting that
silver foot in my mouth-[laughter]-all
along the way. But the bottom line is when
they ask, "Where's George?", say he's in
Austin, among friends. And I'm very proud
to be back. Thank you all. God bless you.
And God bless the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 4:35 p.m. in
the house chamber of the State Capitol. He
was introduced by Gib Lewis, speaker of
the house of representatives. In his closing
remarks, the President referred to State
treasurer Ann Richards, who spoke at the
1988 Democratic national convention. Following his remarks, the President traveled
to Miami, FL.


484




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 27


Statement on the Death of Lucille Ball
April 26,,1989


Lucille Ball possessed the gift of laughter,
but she also embodied an even greater
treasure: the gift of love. She appealed to
the gentler impulses of the human spirit.
She was not merely an actress or comedienne; she was "Lucy," and she was loved.
I want to extend my deepest sympathy to
the family of Lucille Ball. Their loss is im

measurable., but so is her legacy of laughter.
It is timeless. It spans the generations.
No television program in history was
better named than "I Love Lucy". Mrs.
Bush joins me in mourning the death of this
legendary figure. We, too, loved Lucy; so
did the world.


Remarks at the International Drug Enforcement Conference in
Miami, Florida
April 27, 1989


And let me, at the outset, pay my respects to Governor Martinez, the Governor
of Florida, who's with me here today, with
all of us here-and Senator Connie Mack,
vitally interested, as is the Governor, in the
war against drugs. And of course, my great
respects to the Attorney General, who is
taking a very prominent leadership role in
this common fight. And it's a pleasure to
see-out of Alaska for a change-the Commandant of the Coast Guard, Paul Yost,
who is doing an outstanding job half a
world away up there in Alaska, but whose
organization is doing such a superb job for
the United States in this whole concept of
interdiction. And so, we have a distinguished group here.
"This scourge will stop." Those were the
words that Dick alluded to; those were the
words with which I opened my Presidency.
And it's the continuation of that promise
that brings me to Miami today. And I am
honored to be here to talk with you. And I
am very grateful to Jack Lawn and thewhose head of the, as you all know, head of
the DEA-and the other distinguished enforcement chiefs who have come throughout the Americas, along with our friends
and observers from Europe, to join forces in
a new tradition of international cooperation.
And I had a visit just a second ago with
Jack-just took a minute, but he was filling
me in on his hopes for this conference and


telling me of the cooperation that his organization was receiving from all of you. And
so, let me, at the outset, say thank you.
I'm here today to talk about war: first, to
see cocaine trafficking for what it is-an
attack aimed at enslaving and exploiting the
weak; second, to confront what's become a
world war; and third, I hope to help end a
nasty chapter in that war-the diversion of
precursor chemicals.
In the 19th century, the scourge of the
Americas was slavery, a struggle of good
and evil in which some sought to enrich
themselves by enslaving the most downtrodden of their countrymen. Today the
scourge of this hemisphere is called cocaine.
As commanding officers, you know the
havoc of which we speak. You see it every
day on the streets of your cities and in
mountain villages, in the haunted eyes and
the broken dreams of a generation of youth,
of children who have fallen victim to a seductive, nightmarish new form of dependency and slavery. Our countries have suffered a terrible toll, many far worse than
the United States.
Drug traffic is called the world's second
most dangerous profession. The most dangerous really is yours, law enforcement,
drug enforcement. Earlier this year, I had a
glimpse of what must be all too familiar to
many of you sitting around this table. I
joined Mrs. Everett Hatcher to grieve for


485




Apr. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the death of her husband, a veteran DEA
agent who was executed by cocaine cowards in the back streets of New York. A
woman of considerable dignity, she put responsibility for Mr. Hatcher's death squarely on those once naively excused as casual
users of cocaine. Well, cocaine users can no
longer claim noncombatant status. There is
blood on their hands. And thanks in part to
the demand-side programs like those you're
going to be talking about later this morning,
this message has begun to sear the consciences of the stockbrokers and the students, the lawyers and the homemakers and
the athletes who finance our common
enemy.
There are many ironies. Drug addiction
does not discriminate against a person because of race, religion, or financial status.
It's the great equalizer, sharing sons and
daughters of the rich, the poor, the middle
class. Sometimes the opposite occurs, and
kingpins are reduced to paupers. The opulence of Carlos Lehder's lifestyle is but
memory now, as he begins his journey to
the grave-life without parole-in an Illinois penitentiary. The notorious Felix Gallardo, once boasting of his power and
wealth, is also behind bars in Mexico.
Stripped of blood money, they are nobodies, no longer the stuff of myth.
Your business, then-our business-is to
pursue these outlaws to the ends of the
Earth, to create a world without refuge, to
leave no sanctuary, in your countries or in
mine. And I've said it before: The war on
drugs is no metaphor. We've been slower to
recognize that it is also a world war, leaving
no nation unscathed, one in which Hong
Kong bankers and Bolivian growers and
Middle Eastern couriers and west coast
wholesalers all play insidious roles. And it is
especially acute in this hemisphere, where
an explosive cycle of drugs, dependency,
and dollars has escalated clear out of control.
The time for blame-the time for assigning blame is behind us. For too long, a
sharp divide has been drawn between producing and consuming nations. Well, denial
is a natural part of human nature, and probably part of a country's nature as well. But
let's face it; Americans cannot blame the
Andean nations for our voracious appetite


for drugs. Ultimately, the solution to the
United States drug problem lies within our
own borders-stepped-up enforcement, but
education and treatment as well. And our
Latin American cousins cannot blame the
United States for the voracious greed of the
drug traffickers who control small empires
at home. Ultimately, the solution to that
problem lies within your borders.
And yet good neighbors must stand together. A world war must be met in kind.
And so, today, as this conference winds
down and concludes, we are presented with
an historic opportunity. Allies in any war
must consult-as partners. And just as you
have gathered on seven occasions for IDEC,
I ask that the leaders of the Western Hemisphere, whose nations are afflicted by this
scourge, join with me to work together
toward a hemispheric compact on drugs, a
mutual commitment of resources and
energy to ensure a brighter day for the children of America. And I mean by that all the
Americas. And I have directed that our nation's new drug czar, William Bennett, take
the lead in coordinating this vital initiative.
IDEC demonstrates that we will put aside
national differences to do what must be
done. And together you have put cartels
out of business, reduced the supply of cocaine, and increasingly educated our children about the dangers of drug use and
trafficking. And I do commend Jack Lawn
and each of you for having the foresight to
establish this organization and for demonstrating the collective commitment to work
together.
I've spoken often of the horrors of chemical warfare. Well, chemical abuse is also
chemical warfare, poisoning our streets, as
deadly as mustard gas. And today we're
opening a new campaign to rid the world of
these toxics. We're going to start right here
in the United States, because all too often
that's the original source of the basic industrial chemicals needed to produce cocaine.
Now, U.S. chemical companies are justly
proud of their products that vastly improve
and help to extend life here and abroad.
But few Americans are aware that illegally
diverted barrels of dangerous chemicalsclearly marked with U.S. corporate logosare routinely seized in the jungles of Co

486




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 27


lombia. IDEC held a panel discussion this
Tuesday. And those gathered here-you understand its importance. Traffickers have
hit us where it hurts. And now we're going
to exploit their vulnerabilities, crimping the
flow of the materials without which they
cannot produce-no chemicals, no cocaine.
We know it works in the field. Many of
you participated in IDEC Six, the operations last August, when the combined efforts of 30 nations saw the seizure of
155,000 pounds of highly flammable ether,
almost 450,000 pounds of acetone, over
50,000 pounds of hydrochloric acid, and
nearly 14,000 pounds of MEK. This past
January, Colombian antinarcotics officers
under General Mufioz Sanabria, who I understand is here today-is he? I hope-congratulations, General, for that, and thank
you for what you're doing for all of us in
that regard. They destroyed 25 cocaine laboratories and enough chemicals to make approximately 88 metric tons of cocaine.
The damage that's done when 88 tons of
cocaine hits the United States streets is
pretty obvious. What's not so well understood is the widespread environmental
damage that precursor chemicals wreak
when they are dumped in the forests of the
Amazon Basin. One of today's delegates,
the director of narcotics enforcement for
Peru's national police, has told the DEA
that as much as 175,000 pounds of sulfuric
acid is dropped into the tributaries of the
Upper Huallaga Valley each year. And
anyone concerned about the legacy of defoliation in Southeast Asia ought to go see
what illegally diverted chemicals are beginning to do the Andes right now.
Nor are these    chemical timebombs
unique to South America. The problem
here is so severe that last year's drug bill
authorized funds for the Environmental
Protection Agency to clean up hazardous
waste at clandestine U.S. drug labs. In January, DEA task force agents busted a heavily
armed houseboat located on California's
Sacramento River. And the lab-here it
was, right on the Sacramento River-had
been dumping hydrochloric acid and other
raw waste directly into the water, within
splashing distance of swimming kids and
within casting distance of those out there
fishing for salmon or stripers or whatever.


And so, today I pledge to you that the
United States will lead the fight against illicit shipments of precursor chemicals. And I
have asked Dick Thornburgh, our able Attorney General, to take a principal role in
this new effort.
By and large, the chemical industry has
supported us. Let's be clear: We have been
getting good support from most of the
chemical industry. And as a result of last
year's omnibus drug law, regulations are
not being drafted to tighten controls on the
chemicals needed to refine cocaine. And we
are dedicating the resources necessary to
the task. Whatever needs to be done will be
done.
Of course, unilateral action by us is not
going to solve this problem. And that's why
we commend those governments, like Venezuela and Colombia, that have already
adopted strict chemical controls. And we
urge other nations to do so quickly, as well
as to approve the landmark U.N. Convention, which includes precursor chemical
controls.
You know, many U.S. companies, including some chemical companies, have long
recognized how drug abuse threatens productivity, corporate image, and ultimately
profits. And many in the American corporate community have donated countless
hours and millions of dollars to stopping
drug abuse. My Miami son, our son living
here in Miami, Jeb, talks about the successful Business Against Drugs program right
here in Miami. The American people are
proud of these efforts, and I can tell you,
our visitors from other countries, that
breaking out all across this country are new
such efforts, efforts by civilians, just plain
concerned parents-others all around the
country beginning to come together in
their communities to join in this fight.
Industry has got to do more, and I hope
that parents' groups and stockholders are
listening today. We should demand that
United States corporations act responsibly
and that they not tolerate their chemicals
ending up in criminal hands. We would like
to see U.S. chemical manufacturers demonstrate their courage and civic responsibility
by entering into a true partnership with our
government as we try to stop narcotics at


487




Apr. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the source. These companies can make an
important contribution to our nation's fight
against illegal drugs. They should make it
their job to join in. No one-not parents,
not churches, not bankers, and certainly not
chemical makers-can afford to be a.w.o.l.
in the war on drugs.
With so many cultures represented right
here in this room, it is inevitable that there
are going to be differences. But we share at
least one compelling experience. Wherever
you call home-Bonn or Bogota or Bostonpeople around the world are beginning to
hear the cries of the kids, the cries of our
children, pleading with us to stop drugs.
Here in Miami last month one elementary
teacher told of a writing assignment that
she gave to her sixth-grade kids in school.
The topic was "If I Were In Charge Of The
World." And every single one of these 36
children, those sixth-graders, wrote that
they would get rid of drugs if they were in
charge of the world. They'd get rid of those
people who are breaking the law, and they
would put more effective policemen on the
streets.
My favorite speechwriter-I don't know


how well-known he is in some of your countries, but he's well-known here-is a baseball great named Yogi Berra. And he's been
kidded for describing the 1969 Mets as
"overwhelming underdogs." Well, maybe
that's not such a bad description for the
good guys in the fight against drugs. Sure,
tough challenges remain, but the children
are with us, and the times are beginning to
change-and Yogi's underdogs did win the
World Series.
So, thank you for joining us here today;
thank you all for coming to the United
States. And please, tell your leaders, your
Presidents, whoever else you need to have
involved, that we are anxious to work with
them. God bless you, and Godspeed in your
noble work to save the children of the
world. Thank you all very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 9:55 a.m. in
the Grand Ballroom.at the Biscayne Bay
Marriott Hotel. In his remarks, he referred
to National Drug Control Policy Director
William J Bennett, and John C. Lawn, Administrator of the Drug Enforcement Administration.


Remarks at the Drug Command Coordination Control and
Intelligence Center Dedication Ceremony in Miami, Florida
April 27, 1989


Commissioner Von Raab, my thanks to
you, sir, for that warm introduction. My respects to Admiral Yost, who has not neglected the Coast Guard's significant role in
interdiction, but has found time to take a
crucial leadership role as we battle against
the environmental disaster up thousands of
miles away in Prince William Sound, where
the Coast Guard has performed in a superb
fashion. I'm delighted to see Admiral Kelso
here, and of course, it is most appropriate
that Dick Thornburgh, our outstanding Attorney General, be at my side today, as he
was, along with the Commissioner, 2 or 3
days ago in California, where we were reviewing a site in a peaceful mountain area
that had been taken over by a drug warlord
in this country.


And the effort had been broken up by
the cooperative efforts, some of which we
see on display here today. And so, it's a
pleasure, Dick, that you joined us once
again. To my friend, Governor Martinez. I
want to say to him I am grateful for the
effort that Florida is putting into this effort.
This war, this effort, will not be successful
without the involvement of States and local
communities and the private sector. And
Bob Martinez has led the way and, I might
say, ably assisted at the national level by
Senator Gramm and Senator Mack, who are
with us today, too. And I'd be remiss if I
didn't single out two United States Congressmen-if I hurt feelings, sorry, I just
missed you-but Congressman Bilirakis and
Congressman Young, two of Florida's


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 27


greats, are with us here today as well.
The dedication of this facility-I am privileged to have a part in that. And as I do, let
me lay to rest just one popular misconception that's brought home to me by the drill
we saw inside. You know, in this country,
there's an image of a drug smuggler, some
still think of as a grizzled character with
some Hawaiian shirt, leather jacket, perhaps
the long hair, beard tucked underneath an
aviator's hat-beard tucked underneath his
helmet from some secondhand shop-expected to be flying in a jump plane by the
seat of his pants. And you know best, you
here, how that popular image lacks reality.
All too often, the drug smuggler is an excellent pilot or seaman, with a jet or an expensive boat equipped with the latest communications and other sophisticated equipment. In short, he has everything that drug
money can buy. And junking an airplane at
sea can just be the cost of doing business on
one run.
To identify and interdict this new breed
of sophisticated drug smugglers, we must do
more than match the resources of the multibillion-dollar drug empire. And that's what
we've done here, at C-3-I East, a nerve
center in this war on drugs. Think of this as
one of America's drug war situation rooms,
as our early warning network against narcotics. This facility, jointly commanded by
the U.S. Customs Service and the Coast
Guard, is an important part of our grand
strategy in the war on drugs. And from
here, we will be able to detect, track, identify, and apprehend suspected smugglers
operating vessels and aircraft. This is the
second such facility to come on-line, joining
one in Riverside, California, to guard more
than 3,600 miles of our nation's southern
flank. In time, this facility alone will watch
the skies from Brownsville, Texas, to Puerto
Rico and across the entire eastern seaboard.
Four years in planning and construction,
this facility is dedicated to the principles of
unity and cooperation, principles that are
essential to repel the drug invasion of
America. This facility provides the best example of how agencies will work together
to wage the war on drugs. From this site,
civilian and defense radars will work together, under the watchful eye of the Coast
Guard and Customs duty officers, who will


coordinate interception by Federal, State,
and local law enforcement agencieswhether that means scrambling a jet fighter, Coast Guard cutter, speedboats guided
by the Blue Lightning Strike Force.
America's response to airborne smuggling
is especially dramatic, growing from a
ragtag collection of twin-engine planes that
were seized, in the first instance, from the
smugglers into a highly sophisticated fleet
of aircraft equipped with sensors designed
for a unique law enforcement mission. And
Customs has a fleet of chase planes and
Black Hawk helicopters on loan from the
Army. The Coast Guard operates Falcon
jets with infrared sensors and interceptor
radars just like those on the F-16. These are
just some of the birds of prey that will relentlessly search the skies for drug smugglers.
As impressive as this high-tech effort is,
it's only as effective as the men and women
who manage it. And it is with this in mind
that I salute those in the field, who are at
risk every single day in the war against
drugs. But I also want to salute the officers
who will staff this post, for every technician
in this room and this area knows that the
lives of his colleagues will be on the line.
This is a special responsibility that takes a
special kind of courage.
Our purpose is simple and close to home:
to keep drugs out of the lockers, the classrooms, and off the playgrounds of our
schools; to redeem the children of America
from the scourge of drugs. In the months
and years ahead, you will count kilos of cocaine and mountains of marijuana seized
from the ships and the planes. And you'll
never know how many lives will be saved
by your efforts. But never forget that saving
lives is what this is all about; saving lives is
exactly what you are doing.
So, Commissioner and Admiral, I thank
you, and I salute from the bottom of my
heart the men and women of Customs and
the Coast Guard for all that they have done
and for all that they will do. Thank you all,
and God bless you. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 11:40 a.m. in
front of the facility. In his opening remarks, he referred to William von Raab,


489




Apr. 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Commissioner of the US. Customs Service;
Adm. Paul A. Yost, Commandant of the
US. Coast Guard; and Adm. FB. Kelso III,
USN, commander in chief of the US. Atlantic Fleet. Prior to the ceremony, the Presi

dent observed a simulated drug interdiction
on the operations floor of the facility. Following his remarks, the President traveled
to Clearwater, FL.


Remarks at the Dedication Ceremony for the Michael Bilirakis
Alzheimer's Center in Palm Harbor, Florida
April27,1989


Thank you, Mike. Thank you very much
for this warm welcome, and I am pleased to
be here. Governor Martinez and Senator
Mack and Congressman Bill Young, our
neighboring Congressman from here, I'm
just delighted to be here. And I want to
congratulate Ed and Reverend Fresh and
everybody else that has been instrumental,
and so creative in this marvelous project
that we're here to honor.
But first, I want to say how much Barbara
and I treasure the friendship with your
Congressman Mike Bilirakis and his lovely
Evelyn. And in case you didn't know it,
you're pretty lucky. And since we're in a
wonderful health facility, I'll give you a
report on the Silver Fox. She's doing very
well. And so are the puppies, though I will
be glad when they go on to their new
owners. But, Evelyn and Mike, thank you
for the warm welcome back.
I'm here today to really thank Mike for
what he has done in this Thousand-Pointsof-Light fashion and his private devotion in
seeking support and solutions for Alzheimer's patients. And for his dedicated work,
we are all very, very grateful. It's a special
honor to be here on behalf of a cause that
matters so deeply to so many.
Alzheimer's extracts a devastating toll on
its victims and on those who love them.
And by the time this century ends, more
than one out of four Americans will be over
50 and will face some risk of being stricken
with this disease. The Michael Bilirakis Alzheimer's Center is designed to care for Alzheimer's patients all the way from that
original diagnosis to caring for them in their
most difficult days. And this center will
serve as a place of hope and a source of


comfort until a cure is found. And while the
disease may ravage its victims, it makes
heroes and heroines, in my view, out of all
who care for them. And while it challenges
the very fabric of the family, it also demands a new strength-a strength in each
other-that we might not have known we
had.
But above all, this disease is a reminder of
what ought to be the American birthright:
that we should be able to live our lives as
engaged, productive, and full participants
in this community of citizens. In a nation
that looks after its own, that birthright entails its own responsibility: that any definition of a successful life must include serving
others. And that success is not, cannot, be
measured by the sum of our possessions but
by the good we do for others-and that
whatever life and health and love we have
within us, we must share with others.
Older Americans represent a phenomenal
reserve of talent and experience-qualities
that this country sorely needs. And so, even
as I join you in dedicating a place of refuge
and comfort for those stricken with this
deadly disease, I would ask all of you who
have health and determination to consider
how much we gain when we give of ourselves.
In New York City-I'll never forget it;
hearing about it from her-Barbara met
with a group helping young Cambodians to
learn English. And while she was there, an
older lady told Barbara how desperately
lonely she had been before she volunteered.
And her eyes filled with tears at remembering it, and then her face lit up as she told
my wife: "I've never been lonely a day
since." Well, one person's need matches an

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 27


other's, and a wonderful thing happens. I
always like to remember that there is no
exercise better for the human heart than
reaching down and lifting someone else up.
The rest of your life really should be the
best of your life.
At the Inaugural, which seems like
months ago, but it wasn't that long ago-I
keep getting reminded it was about 100
days ago-[laughter] I spoke of a new engagement in the lives of others. And today I
challenge those of you who can to get involved and to stay involved. Find a place or
an organization or someone else's life where
you can make a difference. And so many of
you here-I feel like I'm preaching to the
choir-so many of you already have. Some
of you do volunteer work at local hospitals
or in one of the constellation of community
groups in and around Palm Harbor. I understand a number of the people here
today have been helping boys in trouble at
the sheriffs youth ranch. And many of you


at St. Mark's are donating your time to
helping out on the Alzheimer's unit.
And to those of you who are making the
lives of the less fortunate a little easier, I
offer my admiration and my thanks. "The
young know the rules," Oliver Wendell
Holmes once said, "but the old know the
exceptions." Many of you today already are
exceptions-and exceptional. And I cheer
you on, and I encourage you. And I thank
you for what you do to help others.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless
the United States of America. Thank you
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:11 p.m. in
the courtyard of St. Mark Village, a senior
citizen facility. In his opening remarks, he
referred to Edgar E. Hutfliz II, executive
director of St. Mark Village, and Rev. James
H. Fresh, senior pastor of St. Mark Lutheran Church and chairman of the board of
the village. Following his remarks, the
President returned to Washington, DC.


Statement on the Presidential Elections in Panama
April27,,1989


The people of Panama clearly yearn for a
free and fair election on May 7th so that
their country can again take its rightful
place in this hemisphere's community of
democratic nations. Only the threat of violence and massive fraud by the Noriega
regime will keep the Panamanian people
from realizing that aspiration for democracy.
Free and fair elections on May 7th, and
respect for the results, can produce a legitimate government in Panama which will
end that nation's political and economic
crisis and international isolation. That is
clearly what the people of Panama deserve
and desire.
The Noriega regime promised that free
and fair elections would in fact take place
May 7th and that international observers
would be permitted to observe them. In
recent weeks, the Noriega regime has taken
steps to commit systematic fraud. Through


violence and coercion, it threatens and intimidates Panamanian citizens who believe
in democracy. It is attempting to limit and
obstruct the presence of observers from
around the world and the ability of journalists to report freely on the election.
Nevertheless, many observers intend to
travel to Panama to shine the spotlight of
world opinion on the Panamanian elections
just as they did previously in nations like
the Philippines and El Salvador. We admire
their commitment to democracy and their
courage, and will fully support their efforts.
The days of rule by dictatorship in Latin
America are over. They must end in
Panama as well. There is still time for
Panama to resolve its current crisis through
free and fair elections. The people and Government of the United States will not recognize fraudulent election results engineered
by Noriega. The aspirations of the people of
Panama for democracy must not be denied.


491




Apr. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks to the American Legislative Exchange Council
April 28, 1989


Thanks for that welcome, and thank all of
you for being here today. And, Representative Halbrook, Mr. Brunelli, and ladies and
gentlemen, friends-Secretary Dole, who is
doing an outstanding job for this administration, here she is-and of course sitting over
my left shoulder, Deb Anderson, the former
speaker out there in South Dakota-so,
you'll have some kindred spirits here to talk
to in the White House. And some of you
may recognize Andy Card, who's our
Deputy Chief of Staff, from Massachusettsand also everybody performing so well.
But I'm delighted to once again meet
with this group, one of our nation's largest
organizations of State legislators and, in my
view, one of the most sensible-[laughter]but I'm entitled to my opinion on that. And
congratulations on this marvelous turnout!
And I also want to thank all of you for your
past support and, really, for kind of keeping
us together, everybody across the countryas best you can-the matrix, if you will, for
traditional values.
Your "conservative in free enterprise
agenda" is helping us return power to the
people. And on issues like federalism, tax
policy, education and, yes, the environment, you're helping keep our country
number one. And you know, a politician
once reminded me of the saying: "Problems
are really opportunities in disguise." But
then he added, laughing: "There are times I
feel there are more opportunities running
around in disguise than I really deserve."
[Laughter] It's true. Problems can get the
upper hand, and our task is to confront
them, as you do daily, and turn them into
opportunities that are real. And that means
realizing that in terms of problemsolving
Washington-unlike Robert Young-does
not automatically know best.
And I have just come back from a swing
that took me to the Texas-appearing
before a joint session of the Texas legislature and then a marvelous, uplifting day in
North Dakota and then several other events
in California and Illinois and Florida. And it
is a very important thing for a President to


get outside the White House and move
around this country. And some of the
friends that were traveling with us didn't
seem to understand that. But I can tell you,
I learned a lot from it. [Laughter] And it
was a good thing to do, and I'm going to
keep doing that. But I learned from the
legislators who are on the front line.
But cooperation between the public and
private sectors, between the executive
branch, Congress, and the States is vital.
The one line-I readily confess I'm not the
world's greatest orator-but the line in the
Inaugural Address that seemed to evoke an
instant response from the American people
was that the people didn't send us here to
bicker; they sent us here to get things done.
And our problems are too severe for bickering. And we are seeing that kind of cooperation with the Hill. It's not going exactly
the way I want it, but we've started off with
some cooperation from the Congress. That
bipartisan budget agreement you've read
about is a good agreement. It reduces the
deficit. It's going to narrow the deficit to
$99.4 billion in the fiscal year. And that's
coming down from $163 billion estimated
for the current fiscal year. And I've said I
like what works; this agreement works. And
it's a very important step.
And I looked over my shoulder the other
day to read how widespread the confidence
was that we could reach this agreement 2
months ago, and I didn't find many voices
thinking that this agreement could be
achieved. So-it has been. And all of you
know that at times you have to work with
those that differ with you on issues to get
something done.
And so, I like what works. But let's be
clear-and I know all of you are interested
in this-rough times lie ahead, rough go lies
out there. Because though, ahead of schedule-we did meet the Gramm-Rudman
taxes, and I kept that "no new taxes"
pledge. But we still have a ways to go because we've got to move dramatically down
in the next fiscal year to meet the GrammRudman targets, which I'm determined to


492




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 28


do. And that does mean we have to have
fiscal restraint in a lot of areas where, very
candidly, I wish we could do more. But we
have set certain priorities in this budget
agreement, and I'm happy with it.
You know, in America, nothing-I'm one
who still believes-and I get kidded a little
bit about it in the press-but I still am very
optimistic about our country. And I believe
that nothing is impossible. Craig Nettles, remember the former major leaguer, put it
best. He says: "When I was a little boy, I
wanted to be a baseball player and join the
circus. With the Yankees, I've accomplished
both." [Laughter]
Well, deficit reduction can help achieve
our goals. It's going to lower interest ratesI'm confident-lift savings rates, and help
business invest. And so will this second step
I'm talking about that we must and can
take together-and I really believe in this
one-that an additional aspect of not just
another budget agreement but a key to all
of this, an additional step is restoring the
capital gains differential. And I've heard, as
you have, a lot of people criticizing cutting
the capital gains tax, and jumping on everybody as a tax for the rich. It is not a tax for
the rich when you separate that differential.
They just are wrong on the facts. Our
plan-and I'm going to keep pushing itsupports reducing the capital gains differential to 15 percent on long-held assets, a step
which, according to the Treasury, the estimators over there, will raise $4.8 billion in
new revenue in fiscal year 1990. And lowering the capital gains rate and restoring the
differential will encourage the savings and
investment needed to create new jobs and
reduce this budget deficit. It brings in revenue, and this is something that the critics
simply are not willing to recognize. Ours is
a struggle for a more prosperous America.
We can win it, and I am determined that
we will.
There's another struggle, and of course
that's the one that I've been spending a fair
amount of time on lately, feel strongly
about, and that is one that everyone in this
room is concerned about; and that's this
war on drugs. And I've just returned from
this 4-day trip, and in Los Angeles and
Miami, particularly, I had experiences there
and saw things there that just renewed my


commitment to win this battle.
I told them that the scourge of drugs
must stop, and it has got to. Two months
ago, before a joint session of the Congress, I
asked for an increase of $1 billion in budget
outlays, bringing it up to nearly $6 billion in
1990. And that would be earmarked for escalating this war on drugs. Some money is
going to be used to expand treatment to
the poor, to addicted young mothers, and
some money is going to be used to cut the
waiting time for treatment. About a billionone of this request is going for education. I
still remain firmly convinced that we are
going to win this fight on the demand side,
on the education side. And because over 23
million Americans used illegal drugs last
year, we've got to stop those who produce,
buy, and traffic illegal drugs. And so, that
means an all-out fight in law enforcement
and backing up our local people as best we
can in this. And of course, it means a renewed concentration on the interdiction
side as well.
I've talked a lot about zero tolerance.
Well, zero tolerance, I hope you all realize,
is much more than just a catchword. It
means, quite simply, if you do crime, you
do time. And I think our law enforcement
people really are out in front, with that
very much in their mind. But they need to
be backed up by some changes in the law.
They need to be backed up in other areascertain sentencing provisions in the law.
And certainly, they need to be backed up
by increasing the funding for Federal prisons. We want judges who strictly apply the
law to the convicted offenders. And I want
increased prison sentences for drug-related
crimes. And I still am convinced that the
death penalty for drug kingpins and those
who commit drug-related murders will be
an inhibition to future criminals.
My friends, I do believe that these actions
will make America a safer place. But again,
as in everything, we need your help. The
Federal Government cannot do it alone.
And that's why this week I've been talking
about how the States and the localities can
join in the crusade, because I am convinced
that we can help America get clean and
stay clean when it comes to these deadly
narcotics. And I'm talking here really about


493




Apr. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


cooperation, about America as one family
and our role as family members.
The kind of a cooperation exists in a lot of
areas. Incidentally, nobody-I think most
people now know what I mean by the concept of a Thousand Points of Light. And
when you get into this-they used to saythe wags around here-what he really
means is a "thousand pints of Lite". But
that's not what it is. It's a Thousand Points
of Light. And you don't have to explain it
anymore, because people understand that
we are going to win this fight on drugs
through a lot of local programs, a lot of
community programs that I've been witnessing in the last few days and local law
enforcement and State efforts. And it isn't
all going to be done in Washington, DC.
But the kind of cooperation exists, I believe for another area; and that is our administration's new child-care initiative. And
again, I salute [Secretary of Labor] Elizabeth Dole not only for this but for the
sound position she has taken on many
issues, including the minimum wage.
Let me just tell you on that one-we had
a conference. I took her advice. And it was
sound advice-that we do something that
most of you all don't do. You fire your best.
We fired our best shot and only shot, first.
And we made it very clear to the Congress
that I had made a commitment to raise the
minimum wage, but we selected a prudent
level, one that will not have deleterious inflationary effects. On the advice of my Secretary of Labor, we put in a 6-month training wage, which I strongly support-this
minimum wage differential, we used to call
it. And it is a good, sound package.
And now you see speculation on the Hill:
Well, the President's going to cave in. He
can't argue over a dime or 15 cents on this.
And they are just as wrong as they can be.
And I'm going to do it the way this Secretary told me. Both of us like our jobs and
want to stick around. [Laughter] And so,
we're going to do what we said we're going
to do. And this may be a first: going up
there with your best and only shot, first.
But it's going to set a tone that I think will
be important for the rest of our administration.
So, anyway, that exists-cooperationmaybe not on that one, but there does exist


in child-care initiative. I feel strongly about
that. We had a chance to talk with some of
you all in the campaign about that one. Our
proposal urges a new tax credit to make
child care more affordable, starting for
those who need it the most. And it puts
money in the hands then of the low-income
families. It limits the counterproductive
Federal intervention with its long list of
federally mandated regulations. And it increases options; it increases choice. And
here we say: Let the parents decide. And I
know Elizabeth agrees with me on this one,
and Deb, too, and Andy and everybody.
But the more you're in this area here of
responsibility and all the areas that we have
of Federal responsibility, the more important you realize is the underpinning of society that comes from the family. And I do
not want to see one piece of legislation
passed that diminishes the family choice or
that weakens the family in any way, whether it's welfare legislation, child-care legislation, or whatever legislation.
The Federal role has got to be-when
legislation is passed-to look at it to see that
not only it doesn't weaken the family but if
it can strengthen the family, as our childcare proposal does, by providing for alternate-groups getting together so a grandmother can maybe take care of one grandkid and then some other kids in the community-that's good. And we want to find
ways to have it strengthen the family unit,
and we want to leave the choice with the
parent. So, any help you can give us on this
concept, we really would appreciate it.
We unveiled an education program, incidentally, which does parallel many of your
suggestions that we've gotten in. We want
to reward achievement, demand accountability, and spur again flexibility and choice.
And we support also alternative certification. This is a concept that really is in your
hands more than mine as President of the
United States. But somehow, it seems to me
a little antiquated, a little out-of-date, that a
physicist who wants to take a sabbatical
leave and help in some elementary physics
class in a public school, would be denied
the ability to help out because of some antiquated certification rules. So, I would urge
you who are on the cutting edge of local


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 28


legislation and State legislation to back us as
best you can in working towards this alternative certification.
We've also put forward a program to
award the best teachers in every State-and
again, the emphasis being the pursuit of excellence is central to America. And the
Federal Government's going to help. We're
going to lead in terms of setting objectives,
but we are a partner in this question of
education and in all these other issues. For
America's genius-and I feel this one very
strongly at the end of, or maybe it's 99
days, as opposed to 100-but America's
genius doesn't lie solely, or even mostly, in
Washington. It is out across the country.
And so, I wanted to come over here and
wish you all well. Thank you for what you
do. You know, Will Rodgers once said: "I
love a dog. He does nothing for political
purposes." [Laughter] Well, let's, too, rise
above politics as we go to serve the public
and build a better, more decent, more prosRemarks on Signing the Executive
Colleges and Universities
April 28, 1989
First, my respects to our two Secretaries
here today, Secretary Cavazos, our Secretary of Education; Secretary Sullivan of
HHS; and to our special guests, all of you fit
that description; and particularly to the
presidents and supporters of a noble educational tradition who honor us with their
presence this afternoon. All of you, welcome to the Rose Garden.
Graduations are coming up, and I know
you're looking forward to the free advice
you'll get from the parents. I suggest the
response of one English schoolmaster: "If
you promise not to believe everything your
child says happens at this school, I'll promise not to believe everything he says happens at home." [Laughter]
For over 100 years, the historically black
colleges and universities have been a special part of our heritage. At a time when
many schools barred their doors to black
Americans, these colleges offered the best,


perous land. I am very excited about that
prospect. I think things are going reasonably well. There are plenty of problems out
there, but so what's new? If I start telling
you mine, you'll tell me yours, and yours
are going to be closer to the people you
represent just by the nature of your jobs.
So, let's just agree that we live in the greatest country in the world, and we can make
things happen.
And thank you all very much for being
here today.
Note: The President spoke at 11:28 a.m.
during a briefing in Room 450 of the Old
Executive Office Building. In his remarks,
he referred to David Halbrook, chairman of
the board of directors of the council;
Samuel Brunelli, executive director of the
council; Debra R. Anderson, Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of the
Office of Intergovernmental Affairs, and
actor Robert Young.
Order on Historically Black
and often the only opportunity for a higher
education. And today, thank heavens, most
of those barriers have been brought down
by the law. And yet historically black colleges and universities still represent a vital
component of American higher education,
enriching a great tradition of educational
choice and diversity in this country. As one
educator put it: "We must see that every
child has an equal opportunity to become
different, to realize their unique potential
of body, mind, and spirit."
Nine days before I became President, a
number of you met with me across the way
in the EOB to discuss new ways to ensure
that every black child has that chance. Several of your colleagues-Gloria Scott and
Van Payton, Leroy Keith come to mind.
They asked that, first and foremost, the administration establish an advisory committee to make sure that your voices continue
to be heard. It was a sound idea and one


495




Apr. 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


that I am pleased to put into effect in a few
moments when the new Executive order
I'm signing creates the President's Board of
Advisors on Historically Black Colleges and
Universities. Staffed by the Department of
Education, this new board will assist Secretary Cavazos in developing annual plans to
increase participation by your schools in
federally sponsored programs. It also guarantees that each of you, every president of
a historically black college or university, be
given an opportunity to comment on these
plans before they reach my desk in the
Oval Office. We will continue to listen.
Your voices must and will be heard.
As many here have requested, today's
order also incorporates the most useful provisions of its predecessor. But more importantly, it contains new initiatives that will
increase the private sector role in ensuring
the long-term viability of the distinctive institutions that you represent. Now, that's
just bureaucratese for the volunteer spirit, a
tradition of helping one's neighbors wellknown to black Americans. This tradition
was perhaps best exemplified by Bill and
Camille Cosby's singular gift to Spellman
last fall. The New York Times called the
Cosby donation "as much a challenge as a
gift." Well, we're trying to sweeten that
challenge. Some of you reminded me in
January that perhaps the most important
support that the Government can provide is
through incentives to increase endowments.
And that's why we have requested a total of
$60 million during the next 4 years over
and above the existing programs for endowment matching grants for the special
schools you represent.
They say the universities usual state can
be summed up by the lady who noted, "I
have enough money to last me the rest of
my life, unless I buy something." Well, the
new endowments program represents a
commitment to the long-term. It's not a
quick fix, and it's flexible, producing new
contributions and ultimately new income,
permitting each of your schools to decide
where its money is best spent. These
budget proposals, like the new advisory
committee, our support for the crimes bill,
and the appointment of capable officials
like Lauro Cavazos and Lou Sullivan, are
but another part of this administration's


commitment to see that the promise of the
civil rights movement-a fair society for all
Americans-becomes real.
In that regard, I know that Dick Thornburgh, our Attorney General, and our nominee to head the Civil Rights Division, Bill
Lucas, are unshakeable in their commitment to equal rights and to the vigorous
enforcement of the laws which guarantee
those rights to all Americans.
And finally, it doesn't do much good to
educate our young people if they can't get
good jobs when they get out. They need
work opportunities while still students,
which can also provide another way to help
finance their education. By this order, we
also direct that the Office of Personnel
Management, working together with Secretary Cavazos and Secretary Dole, our Secretary of Labor, develop a program to improve recruitment of your students for parttime and summer positions in the Federal
Government. America needs and wants
their creativity, their talent, their diversity.
We've just returned from a journey across
this great country, from Florida, North
Dakota, to Texas-California, Virginiasomething like 7,500 miles in less than 4
days. And as we circled the continent, I
thought of the coming commencements at
the schools across our land. And it is a time
of new beginnings for those kids-new
dreams. And they are exciting times for all
young Americans, and especially, I think,
for those black Americans-those young
kids that you have nurtured with a wonderful education. Out of a century that began
with their people still bound by the remnants of slavery, this generation is emerging
into a time rich with opportunities unimaginable to their grandparents. And you and
the teachers-oh, God bless the teachers
that work with you-are the fulfillers of
your students' dreams and of your nation's
destiny.
And so, bless you in your mission. And
now, with great pleasure and really a great
sense of personal pride, I want to sign this
Executive order to launch these new initiatives, recognizing it is only a beginning. I
think it's a good one. I want to work with
you. God bless you all.


496




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Apr. 30


Note: The President spoke at 2:10 p.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Gloria Scott, president of Bennett College, in Greensboro, NC;
Benjamin F Payton, president of Tuskegee
The President's News Conference
April 28, 1989
Well, I have a brief statement that I'd
like to read. And then at the end of this,
why, experts will be available to take your
questions.
I'm pleased to announce that the Governments of the United States and Japan have
reached understandings that will allow us to
proceed with joint development of the FSX
fighter aircraft. I'm ready to submit the
FSX agreement to Congress for its review.
We've been conducting talks with the
Japanese to clarify both sides' understandings of this agreement. I'm convinced that
the codevelopment of this aircraft is in the
strategic and commercial interests of the
United States. And we weighed this matter
from the standpoint of trade, of our industrial growth, and technology transfer, as
well as strategic and foreign policy considerations.
This aircraft will improve the basic F-16
design and will contribute to the security of
the United States and our major ally, Japan.
There will be no cost to the American taxpayer, and at the same time, the Japanese


Institute, in Tuskegee AL; and Leroy Keith,
president of Morehouse College, in Atlanta,
GA. The Executive order is listed in Appendix E at the end of this volume.


will improve their ability to carry their
share of the defense burden. The U.S. will
have a 40-percent work share in the initial
development stage of this aircraft, and we
will have a similar share when the aircraft
goes into production.
We did have several initial concerns
about the agreement, but I want to assure
you that sensitive source codes for the aircraft's computer will be strictly controlled,
access will be granted to only those codes
that are essential to complete the project.
In conclusion, the United States is the
world's leader in aircraft manufacturing. I
believe this aircraft will improve the defense of the United States and Japan, and
this agreement also helps preserve our commitment that U.S. aerospace products of the
future will continue to dominate the world
markets.
That's the end of the statement, and
thank you all very much.
Note: The President's 11th news conference
began at 4:55 p.m. in the Briefing Room at
the White House.


Remarks at the Bicentennial Celebration of George Washington's
Inauguration in New York, New York
April 30, 1989


Thank you, Senator, and Chief Justice
Burger, Secretary Lujan, Ambassador Pickering, Archbishop Iakovos, Senators Moynihan and Lautenberg, and Mayor Koch,
fellow citizens of the United States. Two
centuries ago, standing here, a man took an
oath before a new nation and the eyes of


God-an oath that I, like 40 before me,
have since had the privilege to take. Everyone here today can still feel the pulse of
history, the charge and power of that great
moment in the genesis of this nation. Here
the first Congress was in session, beginning
a tradition of representative government


497




Apr. 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


that has endured for 200 years. Here the
representatives of 13 Colonies struggled to
find balance, order, and unity between
them. And here our first President issued a
solemn address.
One who was there wrote: "This great
man was agitated and embarrassed more
than ever he was by the leveled cannon or
pointed musket. He trembled and, several
times, could scarce make out to read." Well,
as Representative Boggs pointed out, who
wouldn't have felt some trepidation, undertaking a task which has never been tried in
the world's history?
And on that day, Washington spoke of his
conflict of emotions. He admitted his anxieties and deficiencies, as honest men will.
But then, as his first official act, he turned
to God fervently for strength. For he knew
that the advancement of America, while it
might rely on its Presidents, would surely
depend on providence.
How unlikely it must have seemed then
that we might become united States-how
uncertain that a Republic could be hewn
out of the wilderness of competing interests! How awesome the prospect must have
seemed to the man charged with guiding
the new Republic made possible by his
leadership in battle.
But George Washington defined and
shaped this office. It was Washington's
vision, his balance of power and restraint as
he watched over the Constitutional Convention in 1787, that gave the delegates
enough confidence to vest powers in a
Chief Executive unparalleled in any freely
elected government, before or since. It was
Washington's vision, his balance, his integrity that made the Presidency possible. The
Constitution was, and remains, a majestic
document. But it was a blueprint, an outline
for democratic government, in need of a
master builder to ensure its foundations
were strong. Based on that document,
Washington created a living, functioning
government. He brought together men of
genius, a team of giants, with strong and
competing views. He harnessed and directed their energies. And he established a
precedent for 40 Presidents to follow.
For all of the turmoil and transformation
of the last 200 years, there is a great constancy to this office and this Republic. So


much of the vision of that first great President is reflected in the paths pursued by
modern Presidents.
Today we reaffirm ethics, honor, and
strength in government. Two centuries ago,
in his first Inaugural Address, Washington
spoke of a government "exemplified by all
the attributes which can win the affections
of its citizens and command the respect of
the world." Today, we say that leaders are
not elected to quarrel but to govern. On
that spring day in 1789, Washington
pledged that "no party animosities will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye
which ought to watch over this great assemblance of communities and interests."
Today, we seek a new engagement in the
lives of others, believing that success is not
measured by the sum of our possessions, our
positions, or our professions, but by the
good we do for others. Two hundred years
ago today, Washington said there exists "in
the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage." And so,
today we speak of values. At his inauguration, Washington said that "the foundations
of our national policy will be laid in the
pure and immutable principles of private
morality." And over the last 200 years,
we've moved from the revolution of democracy to the evolution of peace and prosperity.
But so much remains constant; so much
endures: our faith in freedom for individuals, freedom to choose, for nations, selfdetermination and democracy; our belief in
fairness-equal standards, equal opportunity, the chance for each of us to achieve, on
our own merits, to the very limit of our
ambitions and potential; our enduring
strength-abroad, a strength our allies can
count on and our adversaries must respect,
and at home, a sense of confidence, of purpose, in carrying forward our nation's work.
My starting point has been a respect for
American institutions-for Congress, and I
salute the members of the House and
Senate with us today; for the judiciary, and
through Chief Justice Burger, I pay my respects to the judiciary; for the executive
branch, represented here today by Secretary Lujan and Ambassador Pickering; and


498




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 1


for government at all levels-and a firm
belief in maintaining the powers of the
Presidency. The Presidency, then as now, in
oath and in office, derives from the
strength and the will of the people.
George Washington, residing at Mount
Vernon, felt himself summoned by his country to serve his country-not to reign, not
to rule, but to serve. It was the noblest of
impulses because democracy brought a new
definition of nobility. And it means that a
complete life, whether in the 18th or 20th
century, must involve service to others.
Today, just as Washington heard the voice
of his country calling him to public service,
a new generation must heed that summons;
more must hear that call.
And today we stand-free Americans,
citizens in an experiment of freedom that
has brought sustained and unprecedented
progress and blessings in abundance. As we
dedicate a museum of American constitutional government, let us together rededicate ourselves to the principles to which
Washington gave voice 200 years ago. Let


our motivation derive from the strength
and character of our forefathers, from the
blood of those who have died for freedom,
and from the promise of the future that
posterity deserves. Let us commit ourselves
to the renewal of strong, united, representative government in these United States of
America.
God bless you, and may God forever bless
this great nation of ours. Thank you all
very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:53 p.m. outside of Federal Hall. In his remarks, he referred to Senator Alfonse M. DAmato;
Warren Burger, former Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court; Thomas R. Pickering, Ambassador to the United Nations; Archbishop
Demetrios A. Iakovos of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of North and South America; Senators Daniel P. Moynihan and
Frank Lautenberg; and Edward Koch,
mayor of New York City. Following his remarks, the President returned to Washington, DC.


Remarks to the United States Chamber of Commerce
May 1, 1989


Thank you, ladies and gentlemen. I want
to thank Bill Kanaga for those kind words
and commend you on the fine job that
you've done as chairman. And I also want
to congratulate the chamber's incoming
chairman, John Clendenin, and of course
say hello to the chamber's long-time president, media star-[laughter]-household
word around DC, Dick Lesher. What a job
he does for the chamber!
And I also want to thank the chamber for
providing me a chance to deliver a May
Day message, American style. On May Day,
I always think about the celebration in the
Soviet Union-all those red banners, the big
military parade. Even the Economic Planning Ministry had a unit in the parade: 200
economists marching along yelling, "May
Day! May Day!" [Laughter] Today that is
beginning to change. Even the Socialist
world is beginning to see that socialism isn't


just another economic system: it's the death
of economics. And there is a new breeze
blowing. Nations the world over are coming
to realize and recognize that free enterprise
is the wave of the future, and that's a promising forecast for prosperity and for world
peace.
In the United States-let me just say in
that regard, though, whenever in the world
there is economic reform, the United States
should be hoping that that reform succeeds.
Economic reform, with its emphasis on incentive and market economics, leads to
more freedom. You know, I made clear to
Mr. Gorbachev up there in New YorkGovernors Island, when we met-that we
wanted to see perestroika succeed in the
Soviet Union. And likewise, we want to see
success for the economic reforms in China.
Incentive, economic reforms, market economies, private ownership are indeed replac

499




May 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ing Socialist dogma in many countries, large
and small. And that is an exciting trend,
and in my view, it will continue.
In the United States, the single most significant economic indicator of this decade is
up today. We've enjoyed 77 full months of
the longest peacetime economic expansion
in American history. Without a doubt, this
long-running economic expansion has been
good for American business and for the
American worker. In the past 77 monthsand the chamber has been very helpful getting this message out-we've added nearly
20 million new jobs. And more Americans
have moved up on the pay scale. Since
1982 the number of jobs paying less than $5
an hour is down 25 percent, while jobs
paying $10 or more an hour have increased
by 95 percent. Unemployment is at its
lowest point in the past 15 years. During
the economic expansion, America's industrial output is up 33 percent, overall growth
up 26 percent. For those with an eye on
the international competition, that's more
than double Europe's industrial output
growth. And the expansion has been just as
good to the average American family. Per
capita personal income is up 19 percent,
and that's take-home, after-tax pay, adjusted
for inflation. Real median family income has
reached a new high, and that's quite an
economic success story.
Our challenge now is to keep it going.
We can, and we will. We've all heard the
nay-sayers. I think there are a few out there
whose predictions of economic disaster are
now in their 78th straight month. [Laughter] And the nay-sayers are wrong. But
why? What they've underestimated is the
resilience, the remarkable responsiveness of
the free enterprise system. And you can
focus on government so long that you
forget that it's the private sector that's
home to the innovation and the economic
creativity that powers this expansion.
I've been a small businessman, starting
out with an idea and then working with
others and building it into a successful business. And I know the risks and the rewards
and the payoff in pride when you succeed.
Entrepreneurs know this simple truth:
nothing wagered, nothing won. And that's
why I want a government that prompts entrepreneurs to take risks, not a government


that forces them to take refuge. That
doesn't mean that government's only job is
simply to stand back and step out of the
way. There's plenty for the Government to
do to make sure commerce is free and fair
and to maintain a climate where free enterprise can take place and prosper.
And today the Federal Government's
number one economic priority is dealing
with the deficit. We've made a good start.
The budget agreement Congress and my
administration concluded 2 weeks ago can
keep the Federal deficit below the GrammRudman target. And we haven't sacrificed
our social or national security responsibilities in the progress. The budget level
we've agreed on will allow us to discharge
the critical duties of government. We'll be
able to provide for our national security,
meet the needs of the disadvantaged, and
fund high-priority programs.
Our agreement is a first, important step.
It sends a signal to the American people
and to our trading partners: We're serious
about getting that deficit down. And the
deficit is coming down not only in straight
dollar terms but as a percentage of our
annual gross national product. You know,
by the end of this fiscal year, we will have
cut the deficit in half, from 6.3 percent of
gross national product in 1983 to an estimated 3.1 percent in 1989. I urge the two
Houses of Congress to pass the bipartisan
budget resolution so we can keep the deficit coming on down.
One word more about the budget agreement for 1990. We've agreed to $5.3 billion
in new revenues as part of the deal. And let
me say a word about that $5.3 billion. I
mean to live by what I've said: no new
taxes. And let me tell you what my favorite
source of new revenue is-three guesses for
this crowd. We don't have to raise taxes; we
have to release the energies of free enterprise. In a growing economy, tax revenues
will take care of themselves. In fiscal 1990
alone, thanks to the expanding economic
activity, the Treasury will take in more than
$80 billion in increased revenues not
through higher taxes but under the existing
tax structure-$80 billion more in 1 year.
So, let's not be hunting for ways to wring
another dollar in taxes out of our economy.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May I


Let's concentrate on creating conditions for
continued growth. And that's why I've
called on Congress to restore the capital
gains differential. I am absolutely convinced
that in 1990 alone this step would bring an
extra $4.8 billion into the Treasury, and
that doesn't count increased economic activity that is spurred by a lower tax rate.
That $4.8 billion is the lion's share of the
$5.3 billion we need in the way of new
revenues under our budget agreement.
Let's take a look at what our competitors
are doing. Canada's maximum capital gains
rate is about half of the U.S. rate. And how
about Japan's rate? For entrepreneurs who
built their businesses from scratch, a scant 1
percent. West Germany exempts all longterm capital gains on securities from any tax
whatever. And the newly industrialized
economies of the Pacific Rim-Singapore,
Hong Kong, South Korea-have no capital
gains tax at all. Among our competitors,
those low rates contribute to low capital
costs. Cutting our own capital gains rate
would encourage productive investment in
addition to generating the new revenues
that we need to meet our deficit reduction
agreement.
I think the case for a capital gains cut is a
strong one, but there are several other economic issues that I want to discuss here
today. First, a pressing problem with important consequences for our long-term fiscal
health, and that is the S&L situation-savings and loan. This administration recognized the immediate need to take action to
stabilize the S&L system, and less than 3
weeks after taking office, we proposed a
comprehensive S&L reform plan, one designed to stop the dollar drain and deal
with the insolvent thrifts and restore confidence in the S&L system. The Senate
passed an S&L package with a resounding
majority. I think it was 91-8. I urge the
House to move quickly to give us the tools
we need to reform the savings and loan
system by passing my bill quickly, with its
central provisions intact.
Now, I have a second message for the
Congress as it debates an increase in the
minimum wage. I've indicated my support
for increasing the wage over 3 years to
$4.25 an hour. I also want to establish a 6 -month training wage for new workers at


the current $3.35 rate and expand the exemption for minimum wage requirements
for all small businesses with annual sales
under a half a million dollars. It's time for
those who want a higher wage to move out
beyond the rhetoric and take a look at the
consequences. We all know the studies that
show that each 10-percent increase in the
minimum wage will cost America between
100,000 and 200,000 jobs, and they're jobs
for those who need them the most. What
happens when minimum-wage workers
open that pay envelope expecting a fatter
paycheck and find a pink slip instead? An
irresponsible increase in the minimum
wage will cost jobs, as employers cut back
to compensate for increased costs-$4.25 is
as far as I can go. It is my first and final
offer, and I repeat that here today.
We must guard against conferring benefits by government mandate and leaving
employers to cope with the costs. I share
your concerns about legislative efforts to
mandate medical and parental leave. I also
believe that choice in child care is best
made by parents and not by government.
And I know, because I've talked to Dick
Lesher and others, that the Chamber supports the concept of choice. There are some
child-care initiatives up on Capitol Hillwell-intentioned, I would readily concedewell-intentioned initiatives that would increase government intervention and crowd
out parental choice.
You know, as I look at government, I feel
an obligation to look at every piece of legislation to see that it strengthens rather than
weakens the family unit in this country.
Now, cost is yet another issue. We're determined to hold the line on government
spending, so it is important that money allocated for child-care assistance goes for
child-care assistance. Under the ABC bill,
for example, much of the money would be
used to set up another Federal bureaucracy
instead of getting financial help directly to
parents. The child-care tax credit initiatives
that I've proposed do preserve choice, letting parents decide whether to place their
child in the care of a relative or in a
church-run center or in a public day care
facility or in their own home. Let's let parents decide what's right for themselves.


501




May I / Administration of George Bush, 1989


And finally, I'll close with a brief comment on an issue I know is vital to those of
you here today-vital, in fact, to all Americans in our evolving economy-and I'm
talking about international trade. The global
economy is a fact of life. It is no longer
possible to draw a sharp line between domestic and international markets. This administration is committed to securing an
open and fair world trading system because
fair trade provides opportunities for America's competitiveness to come to the fore.
We have the ingenuity to be preeminent.
We have the drive to succeed. Entrepreneurs like you are our ace in the hole. Our
challenge, then, is to make the most of this
competitive edge.
And that's why we will work vigorously
to break down barriers abroad while keeping markets open here at home. If any
country, including the United States, is
fooled into thinking that a closed market


can be a prosperous one, they're wrong.
Closed markets mean closed doors to opportunity, and that means less prosperity. The
Chamber of Commerce has always stood for
economic freedom, and I know you share
my view that there is no surer route to
prosperity and progress than the system of
free enterprise.
The message of the past 77 months is
clear: We can keep the economy strong,
sustain the longest peacetime expansion in
American history, and ensure America a
prosperous and productive future, provided
that government policies preserve the
greatest possible freedom for American enterprise to innovate, to create, and to compete. I am pledged to those goals.
Thank you. God bless you all. And God
bless the United States of America. Thank
you all very much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:20 a.m. at
DAR Constitution Hall.


Remarks at the Swearing-in Ceremony for Susan S. Engeleiter as
Administrator of the Small Business Administration
May 1, 1989


The President. Well, welcome, Susan and
family and Members of the United States
Congress-delighted you all are here. You
know, I'm glad that you all could come as
Susan takes the oath as Administrator of
SBA. This is a very special occasion for
Susan and for her husband and for her kids
here, and it is for me as well. I have a
wonderful place in my heart for small business people, having been in that category
myself. And I think because I once was, I
do understand the challenges and the opportunities that face the smaller firms in
this country.
As President, I certainly understand, as
do all of us, the vital importance of small
enterprises to our nation's economic growth
and to the employment statistics-so many
jobs held by small business. Many of you are
aware of the truly impressive contribution
that small business makes to our overall
economy: half of our workers employed by


small business. During the last decade,
small business has produced two out of
every three new jobs. So, it's the SBA's mission to help the smaller firms to continue
and expand this record. The SBA does play
a vital role in our effort to keep America's
economic engine strong.
And so, I am pleased that this agency will
be led by such a strong, articulate advocate
of small businesses. During her 14-year-I
should have let this front row talk about
this-but her 14-year career in the Wisconsin legislature, Susan has been a pioneer:
the youngest woman in the country elected
to a State legislature when she took office at
22, first Republican woman to serve in the
Wisconsin Senate, first woman of any party
to hold a major elected leadership post in
the Wisconsin Legislature. And her talents,
therefore, have been well-recognized early
on. She was selected as one of the 10 best
Republican legislators in the Nation by the


502




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May I


National Republican Legislators Association.
She has also been justifiably honored for her
contributions to small businesses, both rural
and urban. And last year she was named
Guardian of Small Business by the National
Federation of Independent Business.
And that's not all. She grew up in a small
business family, working alongside her
brothers in the family's flooring business in
Milwaukee. And so, she observed an ethos
of hard work and success from youth
onward, from the ground up. She was voted
one of the outstanding women in Wisconsin
history at one point, and I'm delighted to
welcome this outstanding woman to our
team. I am confident that she will soon be
recognized as one of the truly outstanding
members of this administration.
So, congratulations, Susan, on this important day. Congratulations to your family.
And incidentally, thanks for making this
grandparent-[laughter]-feel  like  he's
right at home! And now let's go with the
Oath of Office. We've asked Chase Unter

meyer to do the honors.
[At this point, Administrator Engeleiter was
sworn in.]
The President. Congratulations!
Administrator Engeleiter. Thank you very
much, Mr. President, for choosing me. I'm
very honored to be the new Administrator
of the SBA, and I look forward to the challenge. And thanks to all of you for being
here today, and I very much look forward
to being part of your team, to being a
champion of small business around the
country. So, thank you all very much for
being here on this very important day to
me.
Note: The President spoke at 11:22 a.m. in
the Roosevelt Room at the White House.
Charles G. Untermeyer was Assistant to the
President and Director of Presidential Personnel. In his closing remarks, the President
referred to a child's voice in the background.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Republic of Korea-United
States Fishing Agreement
May 1, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with the Magnuson Fishery
Conservation and Management Act of 1976
(Public Law 94-265; 16 U.S.C. 1801 et seq.),
I transmit herewith an agreement effected
by exchange of notes February 17, 1989,
and March 27, 1989, extending for the
period of 2 years from July 1, 1989, until
July 1, 1991, the Agreement between the
Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Republic of
Korea Concerning Fisheries off the Coasts
of the United States, signed at Washington
on July 26, 1982, as amended and extended.
The exchange of notes together with the
present agreement constitute a governing
international fishery agreement within the


meaning of section 201(c) of the act.
Several U.S. fishing industry interests
have urged prompt consideration of this
agreement. Because of the importance of
our fishing relationship with Korea, I urge
the Congress to give favorable consideration to this agreement at an early date.
Since 60 calendar days of continuous session, as required by the legislation, may not
be available before the current agreement
is scheduled to expire, I recommend the
Congress consider passage of a joint resolution.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
May 1, 1989.


503




May 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Donald B. Rice To
May 1, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Donald B. Rice to be Secretary of the Air Force. He would succeed
Edward C. Aldridge, Jr.
Since 1972 Mr. Rice has been the president and chief executive officer of the
RAND Corp. Prior to this he was Assistant
Director of the Office of Management and
Budget, 1970-1972. He has served as a
senior consultant to the Defense Science
Board since 1984, and as a member, 1977 -1983. From 1969 to 1970, he was Deputy


Be Secretary of the Air Force
Assistant Secretary of Defense for Resource
Analysis; and was Director of Cost Analysis
in the Office of the Secretary of Defense,
1967-1969.
Mr. Rice received a bachelor's degree in
chemical engineering from Notre Dame in
1961, a master's degree in industrial administration from Purdue in 1962, and a doctoral degree in economics from Purdue in
1965. From 1965 to 1967, he served in the
U.S. Army. He was born June 4, 1939, in
Frederick, MD.


Remarks to the Council of the Americas
May 2, 1989


Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary.
And I am pleased to find myself here, surrounded by friends and in such high-powered company, once again, to be with
David Rockefeller, the chairman of this illustrious Council; Ambassador Landau and
Jim Flower, Bernie Aronson. And also I
want to point out that I was accompanied
over here by a man who is doing a superb
job, a friend to many in this room, Brent
Scowcroft. They couldn't find a seat for
him, but there he is, standing over thereand delighted he's here.
But looking around the world today, in
developing countries and even in the Communist bloc, we see the triumph of two
great ideas: the idea of free government
and the idea of free enterprise. And certainly Latin America and the Caribbean are
proving fertile ground for these ideas. Democracy, a decade ago the exception, I
think we would all agree, is today the rule.
And the symbol of this new breeze is the
ballot box. And by year's end, 14 national
elections will have been held across the
Americas.
And let's remember what it means to
vote in some countries when democracy
itself is at stake. We're not talking about
people who may stay home from the polls


because it's raining or rush-hour traffic is
heavy. We're talking, in some cases, about
people literally risking their lives to exercise their democratic right.
And listen to the words of a Salvadoran
man on the eve of last month's Presidential
elections in that country-elections that
guerrilla forces vowed to disrupt: "Of
course I'm going to vote, although I have to
admit it's very scary. Here, going to the
grocery store can be dangerous, but you
have to do it. And you have to vote, too.
We just can't roll over and play dead each
time we're threatened." That's the voice of
democracy speaking, and it's the voice of
courage and hope.
Economically, although there is mounting
concern about international debt, there are
encouraging signs as well. Mexico has joined
GATT and is moving toward a more open
and internationally oriented economy. In
Costa Rica and Brazil and Venezuela, new
ventures are creating export opportunities
that promise a broader economic base for
those countries. You in the business community are among the pioneers and partners in
these changes. And you're contributing to
Latin America's increased productivity;
you're helping the region to fulfill its potential for progress.


504




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 2


The historic shift in political and economic thinking now underway in Latin America
is good news for us all. Our task is clear: to
make the most of the new opportunities
open to us, we must improve our working
partnerships in this hemisphere-between
countries north and south; between government, business and labor; and in the U.S.,
between the different branches of the Federal Government. We share common interests-must work towards a common aim.
My administration will work to build a
new partnership for the Americas, a partnership built on mutual respect and mutual
responsibilities. And we seek a partnership
rooted in a common commitment to democratic rule. The battle for democracy is far
from over. The institutions of free government are still fragile and in need of support. Our battlefield is the broad middle
ground of democracy and popular government; our fight, against the enemies of freedom on the extreme right and on the extreme left.
As a result of the recent bipartisan accord
on Central America, the United States is
speaking with one voice on a matter of crucial importance to peace in Central America: bringing democracy to Nicaragua and
peace to the region. And I want to salute
our Secretary of State for hammering out
this bipartisan accord when many, 2 or 3
months ago, said that it could not be done.
Let me take this opportunity to make several observations on steps that are vital to
peace, security, and democracy in Central
America.
First, Nicaragua's effort to export violent
revolution must stop. We cannot tolerate
Sandinista  support-which    continues
today-for the insurgencies in El Salvador
and Guatemala, and terrorism in Honduras
as well. Peace in the region cannot coexist
with attempts to undermine democracy.
And second, we call upon the Soviet
Union to end Soviet-bloc support for the
Nicaraguan assault on regional democracy.
The United States ended military aid to the
Nicaraguan resistance 2 years ago. And yet,
since that time, the Soviets continue to
funnel about a half a billion worth of military assistance a year to the Sandinista
regime, about the same rate as before we
stopped our military aid to the contras. And


furthermore, Cuba and Nicaragua, supplied
by $7 billion in Soviet-bloc aid, have
stepped up the arms flow to the Salvadoran
guerrillas. Soviet-bloc weapons, such as AK47's, are now being sent through Cuba and
Nicaragua to the guerrillas; and that aid
must stop. The Soviet Union must understand that we hold it accountable for the
consequences of this intervention and for
progress towards peace in the region and
democracy in Nicaragua. As the bipartisan
accord makes clear, continued Soviet support of violence and subversion in Central
America is in direct violation of the Esquipulas agreement, concluded by the nations
of Central America a year and a half ago.
Finally, within Nicaragua, we want to see
a promise kept: the promise of democracy,
withheld by the Sandinista regime for
nearly a decade. To this end, the United
States will continue to supply humanitarian
aid to the Nicaraguan resistance through
the elections scheduled in Nicaragua for
February of 1990. The conduct and the outcome of those elections will demonstrate to
Nicaragua's neighbors and the international
community whether it means to deliver on
democracy.
But the Sandinistas' recent attacks are
ominous. April 25th was the benchmark
date for Nicaragua to have in place electoral laws consistent with free and fair elections. Instead, restrictive new election and
press laws have been pushed through the
Sandinista-controlled legislature. These laws
have been unilaterally imposed, and the
proposals of Nicaragua's opposition parties
have been ignored. The result is a stacked
deck against the opposition and stacked
rules of the game.
The election law mandates unilaterally
that half of all foreign political contributions
go to the Supreme Electoral Council, which
remains under Sandinista control, and ignores proposals put forward by the opposition to provide for unlimited freedom of
access for international election observers.
In effect, that is a stacked deck against freedom. The new law governing press conduct
gives excessive controls to the Interior Ministry to police violations against what they
call national integrity and continues the
prohibition of private sector ownership of


505




May 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


television stations.
If there's to be peace in Nicaragua, the
Sandinista regime must work with the opposition, including the resistance, to put in
place election and press laws that are truly
free and fair. And that means to have free
and fair elections with outside observers
given unfettered access to all election
places and to all proceedings. It means a
secret ballot on election day, the freedom
to campaign, to organize, to hold rallies and
to poll public opinion, to operate independent radio and TV stations as well. It means
the absence of intimidation either from a
politicized Sandinista military or police, or
from those neighborhood block committees
that control people's ration cards. It means
an end to the arrests and bullying of opposition leaders. It means freeing all political
prisoners jailed under the Sandinista rule,
not just a handful of former Somoza soldiers. And if the Sandinistas fail this test, it
will be a tragic setback and a dangerous
one. The consolidation of tyranny will not
be peace, it will be a crisis waiting to
happen.
I want to mention several other Latin
American nations where elections can
signal positive change. In El Salvador, last
month's free and fair elections proved another ringing affirmation of that nation's
commitment to democracy. We expect
ARENA [National Republican Alliance] to
exercise its political power responsibly. And
I have conveyed personally to Presidentelect Cristiani our commitment to human
rights in El Salvador. I honestly feel that he
shares my concern, and he deserves our
support.
In Paraguay-the only country whose dictator had held power longer than Fidel
Castro-elections have just taken place, the
first hopeful sign that Paraguay is on its way
to joining the democratic mainstream. And
we do congratulate President-elect Rodriguez on his electoral victory and look forward to working with him. This democratic
opening must continue.
In Panama, however-Jim [Secretary of
State James A. Baker III] spoke to you all
about this yesterday-the forecast for freedom is less clear. A free and fair vote in the
elections scheduled for this Sunday would
enable Panama to take a significant step


towards ending the international isolation
and internal economic crisis brought on by
the Noriega regime. And in spite of intimidation from authorities, Panama's opposition parties have, with great courage, taken
their campaign to the Panamanian people.
The Noriega regime's candidates are trailing in poll after poll by margins of two to
one. Unfortunately, as Secretary Baker told
you yesterday, it is evident that the regime
is ready to resort to massive election fraud
in order to remain in power. The Noriega
regime continues to threaten and intimidate Panamanians who believe in democracy. It's also attempting to limit the presence
and freedom of action of international observers and to prevent journalists from reporting on the election process in Panama.
Let me be clear: The United States will
not recognize the results of a fraudulent
election engineered simply to keep Noriega
in power. All nations that value democracy-that understand free and fair elections
are the very heart of the democratic
system-should speak out against election
fraud in Panama. And that means the democracies of Europe-they ought to be
speaking out about this, as well as nations in
this hemisphere struggling to preserve the
democratic system they've fought so hard to
put in place. It is time for the plain truth:
The day of the dictator is over. The people's right to democracy must not be
denied.
A commitment to democracy is only one
element in the new partnership that I envision for the nations of Americas. This new
partnership must also aim at ensuring that
the market economies survive and prosper
and prevail. The principles of economic
freedom have not been applied as fully as
the principle of democracy. While the poverty of statism and protectionism is more
evident than ever, statist economies remain
in place, stifling growth in many Latin nations. And that is why the U.S. has made a
new initiative to reduce the weight of the
debt, as Latin governments and leaders
take the difficult steps to restructure their
economies.
Economic growth requires policies that
create a climate for investment-one that
will attract new capital, one that will re

506




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 2


verse the flight of capital out of the region.
We welcome the broad, broad international
support that has been expressed for our
ideas to strengthen the debt strategy. We
urge the parties involved-the international
financial institutions, debtor countries, commercial banks-to make a sustained effort
to move this process forward. We recognize
the competing claims debtor governments
must try to satisfy as they work to advance
economic reform, service their debt, and
respond to the needs of their citizens. However, we also understand that progress can
be an incremental process, case by case,
step by step, provided there is a clear commitment to economic reform. I want to see
some case-by-case successes in this hemisphere. To that end, we've started discussions, as you know, with Mexico and Venezuela and other countries as well.
Finally, our common partnership must
confront a common enemy: international
drug traffickers. Drugs threaten citizens
and civil society throughout our hemisphere. Joining forces in the war on drugs is
crucial. There is nothing gained by trying to
lay blame and make recriminations. Drug
abuse is a problem of both supply and
demand. And attacking both is the only way
we can face and defeat the drug menace. I
believe that there is much more understanding on this point in this hemisphere
south of our border than there used to be.
It is my view that countries to the south felt
for many years that this was simply the
problem of a U.S. market for this insidious
product. Now, they see that their own societies are being undermined by drug use.


Now, they see that their own sense of order
is being undermined by those trafficking in
narcotics. So, I would call for much more
cooperation between the countries in this
hemisphere to combat the menace of narcotics.
There's a place in this new partnership
for all of you in the Council of the Americas. Thomas Paine said that "The prosperity
of any commercial nation is regulated by
the prosperity of the rest." Your efforts do
contribute-they contribute directly to the
greater prosperity of all of the nations of
the Americas. The challenge I've spoken of
today won't be easy. But all of us-north
and south, in government and in the private sector-can work together to meet the
challenges and master them. We know
we've got a lot of work to do. And you
know you've got a lot of work to do-work
that won't wait-to ensure that all the
Americas enjoy the peace, the freedom, and
the prosperity that we cherish.
Thank you for what you're doing-redouble your efforts. And I promise you, we'll do
our level best in the executive branch of
this government. Thank you very, very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 11:08 a.m. in
the main auditorium at the Department of
State. In his opening remarks, he referred to
Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
George W. Landau, president of the council; Ludlow Flower III, director of the
Washington, DC, office of the council; and
Bernard W. Aronson, Assistant Secretary of
State for Inter-American Affairs-designate.


Nomination of David J. Gribbin III To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Defense
May 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate David J. Gribbin III to be
Assistant Secretary of Defense (Legislative
Affairs). He would succeed M.D.B. Carlisle.
Since 1979 Mr. Gribbin has worked in the
House of Representatives and has most recently served as chief of staff to the Repub

lican whip. In 1987 he served as executive
director of the Republican Conference, and
in 1986 as executive director of the Republican Policy Committee. From 1979 to 1986
he was the administrative assistant to Congressman Dick Cheney. Between 1967 and
1979, Mr. Gribbin worked in a variety of


507




May 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


managerial capacities for the National Automobile Dealers Association.
Mr. Gribbin graduated from the University of Wyoming (1966) and Wesley Theologi

cal Seminary (1976). He also served in the
U.S. Army from 1961 to 1964. Mr. Gribbin
was born in San Francisco, CA, in 1939. He
is married and has two children.


Continuation of Keith Lapham Brown as United States Ambassador
to Denmark
May 2, 1989


The President today announced that
Keith Lapham Brown will continue to serve
as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Denmark.
Since November 1988 Ambassador Brown
has served as United States Ambassador to
Denmark. From 1984 to 1988 he was selfemployed. From 1982 to 1983 he was Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho. He
was president of Brown Investment Corp.


in Denver, CO, 1970-1982, and a vice
president for Caulkins Oil Co., 1955-1970.
He was with the law firm of Lang, Byrd,
Cross, Ladon, and Oppenheimer, 1949 -1955.
Ambassador Brown graduated from the
University of Texas Law School (LL.B.,
1949). He was born June 18, 1925, in Sterling, IL. He served in the U.S. Navy, 1943 -1946. He is married and has three children.


Continuation of William Andreas Brown as the United States
Ambassador to Israel
May 2,1989


The President today announced that William Andreas Brown will continue to serve
as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Israel.
Since November 1988 Ambassador Brown
has served as United States Ambassador to
Israel. Prior to this he was Ambassador to
the Kingdom of Thailand, 1985-1988. He
served as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, 1983-1985. He was visiting professor
at the University of New Hampshire, 1982 -1983; Deputy Chief of Mission in Tel Aviv,
Israel, 1979-1982; Deputy Chief of Mission,
Charge d'Affaires, and Acting Director of
the American Institute in Taipei, Taiwan,
1978-1979. Ambassador Brown has also
served as political counselor in Moscow,


1977-1978, and Special Assistant to the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, 1974-1976. He attended the
National War College, 1972. He was
Deputy Director of the Office of Asian
Communist Affairs at the Department of
State, 1970-1972. He has also served as a
political officer in New Delhi, India, and
Moscow, and as principal officer in Kuching, Sarawak. He entered the Foreign Service in 1956.
Ambassador Brown graduated from Harvard College (B.A., 1952) and Harvard University (M.A., 1955; Ph.D., 1963). He served
in the U.S. Marine Corps, 1952-1955, and
the U.S. Marine Corps Reserve, 1954-1969.
He was born September 7, 1930, in Winchester, MA. He is married and has four
children.


508




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 2


White House Statement on Wheat Exports to the Soviet Union
May 2, 1989


The President today approved a proposed
sale of 1.5 million metric tons of wheat to
the Soviet Union under the Export Enhancement Program (EEP). The wheat is
intended for delivery in May and June.
The EEP was created in 1985 to enable
U.S. exports of commodities to be sustained
in the face of subsidies offered by foreign
governments. It is intended to support our


efforts to negotiate an international understanding on the removal of subsidies and
other impediments to trade in agriculture.
The President concluded that the dual objectives of maintaining market share for our
farm exports and advancing international
negotiations warrant the use of the EEP in
this case.


Nomination of Louis A. Williams To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Defense
May 2, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Louis A. Williams to be an
Assistant Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs). He would succeed J. Daniel Howard.
Since 1986 Mr. Williams has served as
press secretary and legislative assistant to
Congressman Dick Cheney. Mr. Williams
has been involved in the Wyoming Futures
Project, a joint public-private effort to help
Wyoming plan for its future economic
needs, 1985-1986. He was a news director
and a radio and television reporter in WyoAppointment of Zvi Kestenbaum
for the Preservation of America's
May 2, 1989
The President today announced his intention to reappoint Zvi Kestenbaum to be a
member of the Commission for the Preservation of America's Heritage Abroad for a
term of 3 years.
Zvi Kestenbaum has served as the leader
of the Opportunity Development Association to assist the Hasidic community with
the social and economic disadvantages suffered by this group. Rabbi Kestenbaum was
born in Uyfeherto, Hungary in 1922. He


ming for 10 years. He has also served as a
member of the board of directors of the
Radio-Television News Directors Association
for 6 years. Mr. Williams has received the
First Amendment Award of the Society of
Professional Journalists of the Rocky Mountain Region. In addition he has served on
the staff of former U.S. Senator Clifford P.
Hansen of Wyoming.
Mr. Williams was born in 1952, in Casper,
WY, and he graduated from Stanford University (1974).
as a Member of the Commission
Heritage Abroad
studied as a rabbinical student until World
War II, surviving a Nazi concentration
camp. He served as chairman of the economic planning board in Azor, Israel, and
chairman of the city council. He then immigrated to the United States in 1955 from
Israel. He has also been involved in the
preservation of the Jewish cemeteries and
holy sites both in Eastern Europe and
throughout the world, and served as a
member of the Presidential Commission to


509




May 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Preserve America's Heritage Abroad.
Mr. Kestenbaum has received the U.S.
Small Business Administration Advocate of
the Year Award, 1984; the Presidential Rec

ognition Award, 1985; and the U.S. Secretary of Commerce William C. Verity Award
for outstanding efforts on behalf of the Hasidic community in 1988.


Remarks Following a Meeting With Polish and Chilean Human
Rights Leaders
May 3, 1989


Well, it's a great honor to welcome to the
White House today two outstanding individuals, truly heroes of democracy. Jacek
Kuron has been a key leader in Solidarity's
struggle in Poland. Solidarity has just won
an important victory in Poland, not only its
own legislation but a program of other
democratic reforms as well. As Poland
moves towards more freedoms for all of its
people, greater economic opportunity and
strength, the world will be watching and
applauding. And this is especially true for
the United States.
Monica Jimenez de Barros founded and
directed the Crusade for Citizen Participation in Chile. She educated and mobilized
millions of voters in Chile's plebiscite election last October. Due in part to her efforts,
Chile is on a road toward democracy. We
do not deceive ourselves that this is an easy
road, but we believe Chile is on an irreversible course. And Chileans who seek democracy deserve the support of everybody in
the United States-everybody that loves democracy around the world.
Mr. Kuron and Mrs. Jimenez are in Wash

ington this week to receive the Democracy
Award from the National Endowment for
Democracy. We salute you, and we salute
the kind of personal courage that you both
have shown in the face of great obstacles.
You've shown that tenacity and faith and
courage in the name of democracy can
make a difference for millions of people.
As I said in my Inaugural, the day of the
dictator is over. All over the globe freedom
is a fact now, more than at any other time
in modern history. The National Endowment for Democracy-in these awards and
in its other good work-is giving expression
to the oldest and noblest tradition of this
country: the devotion to freedom for all humanity. And thus, it is a special honor today
to welcome you two outstanding democracy
builders.
Congratulations! Well done. Keep it up.
Congratulations to both of you, and thank
you for coming to the White House at the
end of what I understand has been a very
good conference.
Note: The President spoke at 9:45 a.m. in
the Roosevelt Room at the White House.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the European Economic
Community-United States Fishing Agreement
May 3, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with the Magnuson Fishery
Conservation and Management Act of 1976
(Public Law 94-265; 16 U.S.C. 1801 et seq.),
I transmit herewith an agreement effected
by exchange of notes on September 15,


1988, and February 27, 1989, extending for
the period of 2 years from July 1, 1989,
until July 1, 1991, and amending to conform with current U.S. law, the Agreement
between the Government of the United
States of America and the European Eco

510




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 3


nomic Community Concerning Fisheries off
the Coasts of the United States, signed at
Washington on October 1, 1984. The exchange of notes together with the present
agreement constitute a governing international fishery agreement within the meaning of section 201(c) of the act.
U.S. fishing industry interests have urged
prompt consideration of this agreement,
and, similarly, I request that the Congress
give favorable consideration to this agree

ment at an early date to avoid disruption of
ongoing cooperative ventures.
Since 60 calendar days of continuous session, as required by the legislation, may not
be available before the current agreement
is scheduled to expire, I recommend the
Congress consider passage of a joint resolution.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
May 3, 1989.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Iceland-United States
Fishing Agreement
May 3, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with the Magnuson Fishery
Conservation and Management Act of 1976
(Public Law 94-265; 16 U.S.C. 1801 et seq.),
I transmit herewith an agreement effected
by exchange of notes on November 23,
1988, and January 17, 1989, extending for
the period of 2 years from July 1, 1989,
until July 1, 1991, and amending to conform with current U.S. law, the Agreement
between the Government of the United
States of America and the Government of
the Republic of Iceland Concerning Fisheries off the Coasts of the United States,
signed at Washington on September 21,
1984. The exchange of notes together with
the present agreement constitute a governing international fishery agreement within


the meaning of section 201(c) of the act.
U.S. fishing industry interests have urged
prompt consideration of this agreement,
and, similarly, I request that the Congress
give favorable consideration to this agreement at an early date to avoid disruption of
ongoing cooperative ventures.
Since 60 calendar days of continuous session, as required by the legislation, may not
be available before the current agreement
is scheduled to expire, I recommend the
Congress consider passage of a joint resolution.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
May 3, 1989.


Nomination of Sean Charles O'Keefe To Be Comptroller of the
Department of Defense
May 3, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Sean Charles O'Keefe to
be Comptroller of the Department of Defense. He would succeed Clyde 0. Glaister.
Since 1981 Mr. O'Keefe has been on the
staff of the United States Senate Committee
on Appropriations, and serves as the minori

ty counsel for the defense subcommittee.
He served as the staff director for the defense subcommittee until 1987. Mr.
O'Keefe served in principal analyst positions on the staff for operations and maintenance, shipbuilding, and aircraft procurement appropriations. He has also served as


511




May 3 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


a Presidential management intern in 1978.
Mr. O'Keefe graduated from Loyola University with a bachelor of arts degree in
political science and received a master of


public administration degree from Syracuse
University. He was born January 27, 1956.
He is married, has one daughter, and resides in Arlington, VA.


Remarks on the National Day of Prayer
May 4, 1989


Dr. and Mrs. Bright and reverend clergy,
and members of the National Day of Prayer
Committee, distinguished Members of the
Senate and the House of Representatives,
and ladies and gentlemen: You know, it's
often said of a group or individual that he
hasn't got a prayer. [Laughter] Well, those
of us interested in sports keep hearing that
all of the time. But I'm delighted to address
an audience about which that will never be
said.
And first, I want to say what a pleasure it
is to welcome you on this special day.
America's religious, civic, political leaders
welcome you to this very special place,
America's house. We come as friends, as
believers in a humane and loving God, and
we meet on a special day for America-a
National Day of Prayer.
You know, a little boy once uttered this
simple prayer: "God bless mother and
daddy, my brother and sister, and, oh, God,
do take care of yourself because if anything
happens to you, we're all sunk." [Laughter]
Well, I expect this George Healy portrait of
Lincoln gets to the margins of that prayer,
and I expect he felt that way-perilous
times for our country. And I'm sure all of us
have shared those sentiments at one time or
another-something in our own lives, something facing our country.
Certainly the Continental Congress did,
for it was they who in 1775 issued the first
official proclamation of a National Day of
Prayer. In 1952 Congress decreed that a
specific date be set aside each year for
Americans to gather in homes and places of
worship in order to pray. And since then,
every President has declared a National
Day of Prayer. And so, this morning, like
my predecessors, I am proud to continue
that tradition. But I am pleased to note that


today marks a departure from the norm, for
1989 marks the first year of an official permanent date of designation: from now on,
the first Thursday of every May.
My friends, I'm glad that together we
could commemorate this event, and just for
a few moments let me focus on what to me,
and I hope to you, this observance means. It
does mean, I'm sure we would all agree,
that we believe in separation of church and
state, but not in the separation of morality,
or moral values and state. While the government must remain neutral towards particular religions, it must not, certainly it
need not, remain neutral toward values that
Americans support. And yes, we believe in
pluralism. And I just want to reassure you I
believe in pluralism-certainly in mutual
tolerance, for we are one nation under God.
And we were placed here on Earth to do
His work. And our work has gone on now
for more than 200 years in the Nation-a
work best embodied in four simple words:
In God we trust. And it was to that higher
being that George Washington looked when
in 1776 he was addressing his troops, and
he said, "The fate of unborn millions will
now depend, under God, on the courage
and conduct of this army."
Lincoln believed in divine providence.
Leaving Springfield to take over, to assume
the Presidency, he told the people of his
hometown that the God which helped General Washington must now help him. "Without the assistance of the divine being," Lincoln said, "I cannot succeed. With that assistance, I cannot fail." And some of you
may be too young to remember D-day. Not
many of you, but some of you may be too
young. [Laughter] Over a nationwide network, Franklin Roosevelt prayed for the
safety and success of our invading force.


512




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 4


"Our sons," he said, "pride of our nation,
lead them straight and true. Give strength
to their arms, stoutness to their hearts,
steadfastness in their faith."
Our history tells us what our hearts confirm: As Americans, we are a religious
people. We prize compassion and self-sacrifice. We know that America is great because America is good, and as President, I
am reminded of that constantly. Several
weeks ago, I was sharing this with Mrs.
Bright and Mr. Zeoli. Barbara and I went
up to-or did you go to Lancaster, PA? She
didn't make the traveling squad. [Laughter]
I went to Pennsylvania, and I went to a
local high school in a relatively affluent
rural area, Lancaster, and there we discussed a problem which is America's problem-the rising use of drugs. If you ever
need to pray about something and ask for
strength and guidance, it is this: that we
succeed in our antinarcotics efforts.
But then, after meeting with this relatively affluent group, and hearing that drugs
were in their corridors and in their playgrounds, I went a few miles over-just the
same community-to meet with the Amish
and Mennonite leaders. And wonderful
people, and kind-living their own livesand they don't have a drug problem. And
they made very clear to me why: family
and faith. Against them, drugs don't have a
chance.
And I am convinced that faith and family
can help us honor God in a most profound
and personal way-daily, as human beingsby the conduct of our lives. They teach us
not only to revere but to practice the
Golden Rule. And they also help us reflect
the internal values of decency, humility,
kindness, and caring. I thought of those
values last Sunday when I was in New York
to mark the 200th anniversary of George


Washington's first Inaugural Address. For it
was then that, like Washington two centuries ago, Barbara and I prayed at St. Paul's
Chapel, there where in 1789 a prayer service was offered by the chaplains of Congress
for the United States of America. To me
that day-some of you may have seen itwas moving, intimate, but there was something special about that church service 200
years ago. This Washington realized that
political values without moral values, without that moral underpinning, cannot sustain
a nation.
And so, this strong yet gentle man knew
that the advancement of America, while it
might rely on its President, would surely
depend on providence. And so, what Washington believed so strongly over 200 years
ago-it really is just as true today. For without God's help, we can do nothing, and
with it, we can do great things-for our
children, for the world.
So, let me just thank you all for coming.
Barbara and I are delighted to have you
here. We will do our best in the people's
house to hold these values high that are
shared by everybody here regardless of our
denomination, regardless of our own personal commitments. We welcome you, we
are pleased you're here. And if you have an
extra minute for a prayer when the going
gets a little tough, remember the Congress.
They need it, too. [Laughter] And Barbara
and I know we do, too.
Thank you all very, very much. Thank
you for coming.
Note: The President spoke at 8:45 a.m. in
the State Dining Room at the White House.
In his remarks, he referred to Vonette
Bright, chairwoman of the National Day of
Prayer Committee; and Billy Zeoli, president of Gospel Films.


Nomination of Reggie B. Walton To Be Associate Director for
National Drug Control Policy
May 4, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Reggie B. Walton to be


Associate Director for National Drug Control Policy (Bureau of State and Local Af

513




May 4 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


fairs). This is a new position.
Since 1986 Mr. Walton has been deputy
presiding judge of the criminal division for
the Superior Court of the District of Columbia. He was an associate judge for the Superior Court of the District of Columbia, since
1981. He has served as executive assistant
United States attorney for the District of
Columbia, 1980-1981; assistant United
States attorney for the District of Columbia,
chief of the career criminal unit, 1979 -1980. He was assistant United States attor

ney for the District of Columbia, 1976 -1980; and a staff attorney for the Defender
Association of Philadelphia, 1974-1976. He
has also served as an instructor for the National Institute of Trial Advocacy of Georgetown University Law School, 1983 to
present.
Mr. Walton graduated from West Virginia
State College (B.A., 1971) and American
University, Washington College of Law
(J.D., 1974). He was born February 8, 1949.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters
Following a Luncheon With Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of
Canada
May 4, 1989


The President. May I just, at the outset of
this scrum, in which we each answer questions, say what a joy it's been to have Prime
Minister Mulroney back here with his very
special Mila. Barbara and I froze them to
death on the balcony. It's warm now, but
20 minutes ago, it was cold-temperature;
warm in terms of the feeling that existed at
that little lunch and, indeed, over in the
Oval Office.
And I cite that because the relationship
between the United States and Canada remains strong. Our respect for the Prime
Minister and his objectives remains strong.
The fact that he fought hard for this breakthrough free trade agreement has the respect for him at an altogether high level.
And so, I can report that the conversations
that we had that touched on a wide array of
subjects-on the environment, and on the
importance of the NATO meeting, and on
the bilateral relations-was good. And we
found that we can look each other in the
eye and talk out any differences with no
rancor. And we salute him and welcome
him as a good friend.
And now, Mr. Prime Minister, the standup mike is all yours.
The Prime Minister. Thank you, Mr. President. We had a very delightful and effective meeting, I thought, with President
Bush and his colleagues. And Mila and I had


an especially delightful lunch with Barbara
and the President.
Our discussions today on the agenda dealt
with the environment, which is very important, and I applaud the leadership the President is giving to the environment, particularly on the question of acid rain.
We discussed, as well, something that
Margaret Thatcher has described as a
model for the rest of the world, and that's
the Canada-United States free trade agreement, which is in its infancy, is growing and
growing strongly, and I think to the benefit
of both of our nations.
And we discussed the role of NATO and
the importance of the Western alliance in
the world-the role of the United States in
that alliance. The position of Canada is unequivocal in that regard.
Thank you, sir.
Arms Control
Q. Mr. President, are you willing to compromise your position now on short-range
missiles in terms of starting negotiations
with the Soviet Union on that area?
The President. I want the NATO summit
to be a success. And we will be working
with the Germans and with others to see
that there is a common NATO position.
This is no time for one to compromise or
somebody not to compromise. We've made


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 4


proposals to the Germans; I expect we'll be
hearing from them soon. And I'd prefer to
do whatever negotiation amongst allies that
is required in private, recognizing that we
all want the NATO summit to be successful.
And there's a lot of public discussion of this
issue, and that's fine. I don't plan in detail
to join in on that public discussion. The U.S.
position is well-known. NATO's last stated
public position is well-known. And we're
prepared to go from there.
Q. It sounds like you're ready to negotiate.
The President. Well, I'm always willing to
negotiate. But we're not going to go for any
third zero or getting SNF [Strategic Nuclear
Forces] out of whack in terms of negotiations. So, let's be clear on that. But certainly, I'll be willing to discuss these issues, as
we did in a very constructive way with the
Prime Minister.
Q. Prime Minister Mulroney, what did
you say to the President about the SNF
issue?
The Prime Minister. What I said to the
President was that NATO was founded on,
in my judgment, two concepts: first, solidarity; and secondly, the American leadership
of the Western alliance. And it's the solidarity that has brought about the success that
the West has engendered thus far. And we
have to stick together on all of these fundamental questions, and we will.
NATO is a grouping of sovereign independent nations. There is going to be vigorous debate, unlike the Warsaw Pact. In
NATO, there are independent nations who
get together, and who come together willingly under a common shield to achieve
common objectives. And so, while there has
to be this kind of debate, in the end, there
must be solidarity, total solidarity. And
there must be a common view of leadership, which has served the world so well for
40 years. Now, we're going to Brussels to
celebrate the achievements of NATO. And
that's exactly what we are going to be
doing, and that is why we look forward to
President Bush's presence there-to celebrate that particular achievement in which
the United States has played such a pivotal
role.
Q.     how public opinion in Europe to
have NATO

Q. Did you urge the President to begin
negotiations on SNF reductions, sir? Did
you urge the President to begin negotiations on SNF reductions?
The Prime Minister. I'm sorry?
Q. Did you urge the President to begin
negotiations-to at least back negotiations
on SNF reductions?
The Prime Minister. I've just said what
the position of Canada is in regard tothere's one NATO position. This is not an
association where everybody freelances.
Q. -different views on this, though.
The Prime Minister. We have a common
NATO position, and while there are divergence of views that emerge from time to
time, the object of our getting together is to
harmonize those views into one position.
And that's what we're going to be able to
do.
Q. You told us that NATO was very
good
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. Mr. President, the Oliver North jury is
supposed to return a verdict momentarily. I
was wondering if now you would discuss
with us your trip to Honduras-as they're
about to come in, and you couldn't affect
their verdict one way or the other-and
what happened there-whether or not you
made some arrangements to give a quid pro
quo for Honduras help.
The President. How do we know the
North-I haven't heard-it's going to be in
at 2 o'clock with a decision? Hondurasthere was no quid pro quo. Everybody that
attended the meeting says there was no
quid pro quo. And for those who suggest
there was, the onus is on them. The word of
the President of the United States, George
Bush, is there was no quid pro quo. The
records of the meeting demonstrate that
there was no quid pro quo. Thank you for
asking that question.
Q. Mr. President, was there any implication
The President. No implication, no quid
pro quo, direct or indirect, from me to the
President of Honduras on that visit.
Q. Why did you go down there for then?
Q. In that meeting, did you discuss aid to
the contras-the Hondurans' compliance


515




May 4 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


with our request that they help the contras
and
The President. We are going to-I am
going to insist that the congressional committees, now that the jury is in or out, be
briefed fully on the confidential cables that
bring up every fact of that meeting.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Q. Mr. President, can we go back to
NATO a second?
The President. Yes. For me orQ. For you, sir. Mr. President, you were
very careful, I thought, to say you didn't
want the third zero. That still allows for the
possibility of reducing the number of shortrange nuclear weapons.
The President. Look, my emphasis will be
on conventional force reductions. And we
will be talking very soon with the Germans
on a proposal we made to them. We've listened very carefully in a very-to the constructive suggestions that Prime Minister
Mulroney has raised, and that's really all I
care to say about it. I want the NATO
meeting to be a success. And one way you
guarantee success is not to go out and fine
tune nuance differences that may exist between various staunch allies. And so, the
German position was made public last
week. And I will continue to work with the
leaders of the NATO countries to see that
we have a successful summit.
Q. Mr. PresidentQ. Mr. Prime MinisterQ. Mr. President, did you discuss a bilateral accord —
The President. Here's what we're going to
do to be fair. We're going to rotate these
questions. The next one is for the Prime
Minister of Canada-if you want equal time.
[Laughter]
The Prime Minister. I don't insist on equal
time, Mr. President. [Laughter]
The President. You're entitled to it.
You've got to have it.
Acid Rain
Q. — any new commitments on acid
rain?
The Prime Minister. I'll take it. [Laughter]
All right. We'll rotate.
Q. How about bilateral accords?
The Prime Minister. We'll rotate, but I've


got to get a chance to answer.
Acid rain-we had an excellent discussion
on that. The President has made a very
strong statement in regard to his intentions
in acid rain, which will involve legislation
and cooperation with the Congress. We
look forward to that and once that is
achieved, we look forward to the conclusion
of a mutual accord which will allow our
countries to bring to an end, hopefully, a
problem that has been a major challenge to
both of our governments and one that has
blighted the environments of the United
States and of Canada. So, we're moving
along on that. I'm pleased with what the
President had to say today. I met with congressional leaders, including Senator Mitchell, earlier this morning. And as the Prime
Minister of Canada, I'm pleased with the
manner in which this very important
matter is going.
Q. Mr. President, do you support a bilateral accord, sir?
Fusion Energy
Q. President Bush, with regard to all of
the reports of the new developments of
fusion energy, which is a clean form of
energy that could make the whole acid rain
issue moot, do you plan to take any role in
helping to determine whether this breakthrough or potential breakthrough is real,
and the Government would play a role in
helping to develop it?
The President. I will be talking to my National Science Adviser about that in the
next few days.
Q. Prime Minister Mulroney[At this point, a question is asked and answered in French.]
Q. Mr. PresidentQ. Mr. Prime MinisterThe President. My turn, my turn! The
gentleman over here.
Q. Translation, Mr. President?
Elections in Panama
Q. Mr. Gingrich this morning suggested if
the Panama election is as fraudulent as
many think it will be that perhaps you
shouldn't give back the Canal. What's your
view on that? What's your response to him?
The President. My view on that is to warn


516




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 4


Panama that the world will be looking at
them, not just the United States. In terms of
these elections and deciding what to do if
the elections are fraudulent-calling on
them for free and fair elections-there will
be international observers there, and then
we will cross whatever hypothetical bridge
we may have to cross later on. But it's too
hypothetical, Charles [Charles Bierbauer,
Cable News Network], at this point to go
beyond that. But this does give me an opportunity to say that I have been very disturbed by the reports that the election will
be less than free and less than fair and less
than open. And I simply want to encourage
the people in Panama to do everything
they can to guarantee free and fair elections. And what pressures they can bring to
bear on the PDF [Panamanian Defense
Force] leader, Mr. Noriega, I don't know.
But I would hope, with the world watching,
they would insist on free and fair elections.
Health Care in Canada
Q.      about the  health  system  in
Canada.
The Prime Minister. Pardon me?
Q. I want to ask you, are you worried
about this exodus of doctors from Canada to
the United States, where they make more
money? Are you worried that that will hurt
your wonderful health system in Canada?
The Prime Minister. Well, we're alwayswe don't like to lose any talented Canadians. But we're very proud of the special
health care system that we've developed
over the years. It's an integral part of our
citizenship. We strengthen it every opportunity we can, and we don't see it under
any challenge or attack.
Q. Could you explain that to Mr. Bush so
we can get that same health system in the
United States?
The Prime Minister. Well, Mr. Bush is
very, very well acquainted with the Canadian system, as with others, and I can only
speak for ours. I know of your interest in
this area. And as far as we're concerned,
we've developed our own system, which we
prize very highly. Others have their own, of
which they're proud, no doubt.
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. Mr. President, Senator Mitchell and


others among the congressional leadership
are adamant in pressing for answers on why
they did not get certain documents or certain versions of documents related to the
Iran-contra matter during their investigation. What will you undertake to do to meet
their inquiries? What role will you take?
The President. Well, I've made clear to
the Congress that we will cooperate in
every way requested and referred them to
a man in whom I have great confidence,
Mr. Culvahouse [Arthur B. Culvahouse,
former Counsel to President Reagan], who
handled those documents for the previous
administration. And hopefully, they can resolve it between themselves.
Acid Rain
Q.     about acid rain once again, sir?
Q. Senator Mitchell mentioned this morning that Canada should be pushing for a
bilateral accord on acid rain consecutively,
while the administration introduces its legislation on acid rain. Was there any talk
about that and will you be pushing for that?
The Prime Minister. Well, I think the
President knows my position full well. We
know that there have to be legislative
changes here in the United States to kind of
equate the initiatives taken in Canada. And
once that is done, or while-in the process
of that being done, then there has to be an
international accord that is an enforceable
document, by which we can measure our
progress and enforce delinquency in that
event. And so, President Bush is known as a
strong environmentalist. He's made some
very significant statements in regard to not
only acid rain but its impact on our bilateral
relationship and his resolve to clean it up.
So, I'm very encouraged.
Q. President Bush, can we ask you, sir,
about acid rain? Did you make any undertakings in your lunch in terms of what's
going to be in your clean air legislation
that's going to help this acid rain problem?
The President. We didn't go into the specific amounts. As the Prime Minister said,
he knows of my commitment. He knows
now that we are in the final stages of formulating our recommendations to the Congress-the Clean Air Act. And indeed, we'll
be prepared, after those recommendations


517




May 4 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


go forward, to discuss in more detail the
subject that you're asking about. So, we did
have a chance to do what you asked about.
And look, if there's anything that the Prime
Minister of Canada has been clear with me
about-and he's been clear with me on everything-it is this subject. So, I don't think
there's any-he forcefully brings it up, and
I tell him where we stand.
Arms Control
Q. Prime Minister Mulroney, the President said you made concrete suggestions on
the issue of short-range missiles. Can you
give us an idea, sir, what some of those
suggestions entailed?
The Prime Minister. Well, Mr. Clark [Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs] has been in touch with Secretary [of
State] Baker and others in regard to how
this matter might be broached. We don'twe discuss it privately with our allies and
that's what we have tried to do. But the
position of Canada-the one I've set out
is-it deals with the effectiveness of NATO
being predicated on our solidarity and the
leadership, a very particular role of leadership, by the United States in that equation.
And we think that within those parameters,
we can resolve differences of degree and
emphasis that will come up from sovereign
states from time to time. And we think that
this is what the President and I and Secretary Baker and Minister Clark have been
working on and will continue to work on.
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. Mr. President, when you say that
there was no quid pro quo at the meeting
that you had with the Honduran President,
are you willing to give us the same assurances that there was no quid pro quo between this Government and the Honduran
Government in that time period?
The President. As far as I know of, as far
as I know-to my knowledge. But the allegation that's been made on me was that I
went to Honduras and talked to President
Suazo about some quid pro quo. I can now
state declaratively, without any fear of contradiction, that there wasn't. And that's all
I'm going to tell you.
[At this point, a question was asked and
answered in French.]


Q. Mr. President, you've made it pretty
clear there was no quid pro quo. Can we go
beyond that to the whole question of Irancontra? You have declined in the past to
discuss that, sir, because of confidentiality
vis-a-vis President Reagan. Now, you're the
President, the Oliver North jury is now delivering its verdict on all the counts-is this
the time to set this at rest? Just to go
through and say
The President. I think it was set to rest in
the last election. I think I have been singled
out for a specific question here that I've
answered. Do you have a specific question?
I'll be glad to try to respond to it at your
next turn, which does not come now, however. [Laughter] But I would be glad to try
to do that. And that's the way it's going to
be. And we'll have plenty of opportunities
to answer questions, and I may or may not,
depending on what they are, answer them.
I've answered this one, where there has
been much needless, mindless speculation
about my word of honor, and I've answered
it, now, definitively.
Acid Rain
Q. Mr. President, your good friend Michael Dukakis said the other day to the
Prime Minister that he expected-he
thought that it was possible for an acid rain
treaty between Canada and the United
States to be signed within a year. I don't
know what your feelings are on this, but
could you give us kind of a timeframe? Do
you think it's possible that there might be a
treaty signed at least before you leave or
the next election?
The President. Well, there will be great
progress made. Whether the treaty proves
to be the vehicle for demonstrating that
progress, I don't know, and I can't say.
Environmental Issues
Q. Mr. Prime Minister, was there any discussion of a global warming convention,
and if so, what direction did it take?
The Prime Minister. Yes, the President
and I had an excellent discussion of the
entire environmental formula. I expressed
the view as well that there can be little
progress in terms of the environment unless
there's a very strong leadership role played


518




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 5


by the United States. And I've already indicated to you President Bush's very strong
commitment to the environment in all of its
related and ancillary and principal dimensions, and this is a very, very important one.
But you know, you can hold all the conferences you want, but if the principal players
are not there, then progress can be fairly
modest. So, President Bush indicated to me,
as he did in Ottawa, his intention to play a
very significant leadership role in all aspects
of the environment, and I think we're all
very encouraged by that.
Thank you very much.
The President. Last question for the President-the Prime Minister having handled
his last one beautifully.
China-US. Relations
Q. Different subject, on China. Your administration has been very outspoken in
promoting democratic efforts in places like
Poland and Nicaragua and around the
world. But you haven't really said anything
about China. Do you have some words of
encouragement for the students who are
defying a government ban in order to protest in favor of freedom and democracy?
The President. I have words of encouragement for freedom and democracy wherever, and I would like to see progress in
China, in the Soviet Union, and in other
systems that have heretofore not been in
the forefront, to put it mildly, of human
rights or of democratic rights. And I
wouldn't suggest to any leadership of any
country that they accept every demand by


every group. But I will say that as I reviewed what the demands are today, we
can certainly, as the United States, identify
with them. When they talk about more free
press, we would encourage that, wherever
it might be. When they talk about-I forget
what the list was of every demand, but a lot
of them had my enthusiastic backing, in a
broad, generic sense. And I would like to
encourage China or the Soviet Union or
other totalitarian countries-countries that
have not enjoyed democratic practices-to
move as quick as they can down democracy's path.
And I've been pleased with some of the
changes in China. It's changed dramatically
since I was living there. But they've got a
ways to go, and other countries in this
hemisphere have a long ways to go, and
countries over in Europe have a long way
to go. And so, I would encourage them all:
Democracy is on the move. And this is one
thing that the Prime Minister and I talked
about. When we go to that NATO meeting,
we're going to be on the side that is winning and the side that is right, fundamentally right. Freedom, democracy, human
rights, these are the things we stand for. So,
I would encourage every government to
move as quickly as they can to achieve
human rights.
Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 1:55 p.m. on
the South Portico at the White House. Earlier, the President and the Prime Minister
met in the Oval Office.


White House Statement on the President's Meeting With Violeta
Chamorro of Nicaragua
May 5, 1989


The President today met with Mrs. Violeta Chamorro, publisher of the Nicaraguan
newspaper La Prensa. Mrs. Chamorro is in
Washington at the invitation of the National
Endowment for Democracy. Mrs. Chamorro and La Prensa have become symbols
of freedom of expression and the struggle
against tyranny and dictatorship throughout


Latin America, beginning with the struggle
against the Somoza government.
During the meeting, the President expressed his deep regard for Mrs. Chamorro
and her unceasing efforts to carry on the
tradition of her assassinated husband over
the last 10 years, in the face of Sandinista
harassment and intimidation. The President


519




May 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


told Mrs. Chamorro that he shared her disappointment and concern that the new
media law promulgated by the Sandinistas
does not guarantee the free functioning of
the media and unrestricted political expression. The new law gives the Ministry of Interior wide latitude for prosecuting and
punishing the media for such ill-defined
concepts as violating "national integrity"
and for publishing "injurious, defamatory
and false news." Rather than relaxing existing controls and increasing freedom of exRemarks at a Cinco de Mayo Celel
May 5, 1989
Welcome to this Rose Garden celebration.
[Laughter] But even the weather couldn't
put a damper on a wonderful event like
this, and I'm delighted to be here. I salute
Mexico's Ambassador to the United States,
who honors us with his presence. And next
to him, my trusted friend, John Negroponte, who is going to be our next Ambassador to Mexico. So, we're well-represented
here today.
Secretary [of Education] Cavazos, thank
you, sir, for, in a sense, sponsoring this wonderful program. But isn't it a great sight to
see the folklore and the traditions of a
proud past so refreshingly alive in these
kids! And you're all from Toledo, Ohio?
[Laughter] Are you? That's fantastic. The
whole scene-the costumes, the music, the
pageantry-reminds me of my days as a
Congressman in Houston, or indeed, some
of my times in West Texas. Cinco de Mayo
is a big one down in Texas, as I'm sure
many of you in this room know, just as it is
throughout the United States. And, in my
view, it's becoming more significant or
more celebrated each year, and the reason
is obvious: We and Mexico are bound by
ties of family, culture, and friendship. This
is keenly appreciated in the Bush family.
Barbara and I have always felt at home in
the Hispanic community, and living in
Texas, we are impressed by those valuescaring, patriotism, love of God.
What is true of a family is true of a


pression, the law is a more systematic compilation of existing restrictions and sanctions.
The Sandinista media law, as well as the
recently approved electoral law, do not
comply with the letter or the spirit of the
Esquipulas and El Salvador agreements
signed by Central American leaders. The
President and Mrs. Chamorro expressed
their hope that international leaders would
use their influence to persuade the Sandinistas to fulfill their commitment.


nation. Hispanic culture is growing deep
roots into American life, and that's why the
Hispanic community plays such a pivotal
role in our national culture and in this administration. Not only do we have two
highly respected Hispanic leaders-Lauro
Cavazos and Manuel Lujan [Secretary of
the Interior] serving in the Cabinet-but
key advisers, six senior members of the
White House staff sharing your Hispanic
heritage and pride. And I see that several of
our new appointees are with us today-Hispanic Americans whose service to their
country will add to that pride. We deeply
respect your commitment to family, honor,
and tradition. We need the advice and the
involvement of everybody here. You are
leaders, and this is the age of empowerment. Empowerment is economic as well as
political. Since 1982 more than two-and-ahalf million Hispanic Americans have joined
the job market, but this is not enough. We
will not be satisfied until every Hispanic
man and woman can make the most of
their drive and their talent in the United
States of America.
And on this day we also recognize something else that binds together the United
States and Mexico. We are two former European colonies whose independence has
been hard won. Less than 1 week ago, I
joined in the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the swearing-in of George Washington in New York. How appropriate it is


520




for us to now observe the victory of another
champion of liberty, Benito Juarez. Like
Washington, he possessed a homespun dignity, a simple eloquence, and a commanding presence. Both were men of peace who
were forced to fight for freedom.
So, this is a day for all of us to look southward-to memories of home and hearth for
some, to memories of friendship and respect for the rest. Think of the 5th of May
as not a national holiday of another country
only but as the celebration of ideals that
know no border-ideals of pride, family,
and tradition. And this is the spirit of the


Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 5
Hispanic community, and this is the spirit of
all Americans, north and south of the Rio
Grande.
Thank you for being with us today.
Happy Cinco de Mayo, and welcome.
Note: The President spoke at 2:15 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Gustavo Petricioli,
Mexican Ambassador to the US., and
Benito Juarez, the first President of Mexico.
A mariachi band performed prior to his remarks.


Message on the Observance of Cinco de Mayo, 1989
May 5, 1989


It is with great pleasure that I join the
people of Mexico and all those of Mexican
heritage in the United States in celebrating
Cinco de Mayo.
The historic victory at the Battle of
Puebla clearly showed the unbeatable determination of a people struggling for independence. Though badly outnumbered by
the French, the Mexican people fought
bravely for the freedom of their country.
With the beacon of democracy giving them
hope and inspiration, their cause could not
be denied.
Every American immediately identifies
with that cause and shares in the pride and
happiness Mexicans feel on this day. Our


country is proud of the long-standing
friendship that has existed between the
United States and Mexico and prouder still
of the wonderful contributions Mexican
Americans have made to our Nation.
On this special day, I send congratulations and good wishes to the people of
Mexico and to our citizens of Mexican descent. May we remember in gratitude and
admiration the sacrifices your ancestors
made for liberty, and may their brave
legacy be a reminder to us all of the eternal
vigilance that freedom demands.
God bless you.
GEORGE BUSH


Message to the Congress Transmitting a Report on Radiation
Control for Health and Safety
May 5, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with section 360D of the
Public Health Service Act, I am submitting
the report of the Department of Health and
Human Services regarding the administration of the Radiation Control for Health and
Safety Act during calendar year 1988.
The report recommends that section


360D of the Public Health Service Act that
requires the completion of this annual
report be repealed. All the information
found in this report is available to the Congress on a more immediate basis through
congressional committee oversight and
budget hearings. This annual report serves
little useful purpose and diverts agency re

521




May 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


sources from more productive activities.
GEORGE BUSH


The White House,
May 5, 1989.


Continuation of Malcolm Richard Wilkey as Ambassador to Uruguay
May 5, 1989


The President today announced that Malcolm Richard Wilkey will continue to serve
as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
the Oriental Republic of Uruguay.
Since 1985 Ambassador Wilkey has
served as Ambassador to the Oriental Republic of Uruguay. From 1969 to 1973, he
was a member of the Advisory Panel on
International Law for the Legal Adviser at
the Department of State. From 1970 to
1985, he was U.S. Circuit Judge for the DC
Court. From 1975 to 1979, he served on the


Judicial Conference of the U.S. Committee
on Rules for Admission to Practice in the
Federal Courts. Since 1985 Ambassador
Wilkey has also been a visiting fellow at
Wolfson College in Cambridge, England.
Mr. Wilkey was born December 6, 1918,
in Murfreesboro, TN. He received his A.B.
in 1940 from Harvard College and his J.D.
in 1948 from Harvard Law School. He
served in the U.S. Army from 1941 to 1945,
and in the U.S. Army Active Reserve from
1948 to 1954. Mr. Wilkey is married to the
former Emma Secul.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Resumption of Arms
Control Negotiations in Vienna
May 5, 1989


Today marks the resumption in Vienna,
Austria, of both the negotiations on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE),
which involves all 23 nations of NATO and
the Warsaw Pact, and the talks on Confidence and Security Building Measures
(CSBM) among the 35 participants in the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE).
In the CFE negotiations, the United
States and its allies are seeking a stable and
secure balance of conventional forces in
Europe at reduced levels, the elimination of
destabilizing disparities of forces, and the
elimination of capabilities for surprise
attack and large-scale offensive action.
NATO's approach reflects a continuing
commitment to realizing these goals
through a realistic, militarily significant, and
verifiable agreement. The work ahead is
complex. The United States and its allies
are, however, encouraged by the serious

ness with which the Soviet Union and its
allies have entered into this negotiation.
What is needed now is for them to join
NATO in exchanges that are frank and constructive and enhance the chances for success. In the CSBM's talks, NATO has tabled
a set of proposals which build upon and
expand the Stockholm document. The centerpiece of the NATO proposal is an annual
exchange of information on military organization, manpower, and equipment in
Europe, and a corresponding system to
evaluate the information that is exchanged.
These and other NATO proposals apply
equally to all participating states, in contrast
to the Eastern proposals that clearly seek to
constrain NATO's ability to train and reinforce its troops.
During this second round, NATO will be
elaborating the practical details of its proposals to demonstrate their effectiveness,
feasibility, and the contribution they can


522




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 8


make to furthering openness, transparency tion and activities in Europe.
and predictability about military organizaRemarks on Signing the Asian/Pacific American Heritage Week
Proclamation
May 8, 1989


Welcome to the Rose Garden, ladies and
gentlemen and fellow Americans. You
know, an Asian proverb says: "Intelligence
consists in recognizing opportunity." Well,
if that's true, it's clear that we are recognizing opportunity in putting the flag back
where it belongs. [Laughter] No, intelligence consists in recognizing opportunity,
and it's clear that you may be one of the
most intelligent groups that we've welcomed to the White House, for you've recognized opportunity and seized it. And I
am just delighted to be with you.
I'd like to welcome a very special visitor,
President Hammer DeRoburt of Nauru out
in the Pacific-a friend of the United States.
Welcome, sir. And I think it's appropriate
he's here, head of an island state in the
Pacific-most appropriate that you join us
here today, sir. Thank you.
We gather in a special week: Asian/Pacific American Heritage Week. And yesterday
marked the 146th anniversary of the day
the first Japanese immigrated to America;
and Wednesday celebrates the 120th birthday of an event that Chinese-Americans
made possible, the driving of the golden
spike to complete the first transcontinental
railroad. And we meet, too, as special
friends. And in particular, I want to thank
three people: Jeanie Jew, who created the
idea for this week and is the granddaughter
of a Chinese pioneer who helped build that
railroad; Frank Horton, the chief sponsor of
the Heritage Week legislation; and Ruby
Moy, chairman of the Congressional Asia/
Pacific American Heritage Week Caucus.
Perhaps most of all, we assemble here for a
special reason-to salute the millions of refugees and immigrants from Asia and the
Pacific who braved the unknown and ventured to our shores, and to salute a community which has enriched America's commu

nity socially, culturally, economically, spiritually.
Ladies and gentlemen, as we proclaim
this Asian/Pacific American Heritage Week
let me observe that you have earned this
recognition. You've done it through excellence, with the value of your lives. Those
values are, of course, discipline and self-sacrifice, humility and compassion, an abiding
belief in work, a soaring love of freedomvalues which brought your parents, your
grandparents, and some of you right here to
America-values which are now uplifting
America.
I think, for example, of pioneers like
Gerald Tsai, Jr.; or Jenlane Gee, the California Teacher of the Year; or Henry Tang and
I.M. Pei; of our own Sichan Siv, who fled
the killing fields of Cambodia and a daring
escape-now at work right here in the
White House. Let me mention my trusted
adviser, Lehmann Li, who's been at my side
for a long time. You talk about a bright
individual-he's a walking encyclopedia.
My friends, they-you-are building a
better America and creating new jobs.
You're enhancing our medical schools, the
law, our small and large businesses-in
short, honoring your heritage by the lives
you lead; and for that I congratulate you.
And in a personal sense, I want to thank
you, too, for as Chief of the United States
Liaison Office in China, I came with Barbara to love that heritage and, in countless
ways, with countless friends, to see and
share what lies at its center: the family. Ten
weeks ago on a trip back to Asia and to the
Pacific Rim, Barbara and I visited the nondenominational church that we'd attended
in Beijing. And it's different now-it's
bigger; but the values, the heritage, are the
same, and the memories are even better.
And I'll never forget when our own daugh

523




May 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ter was baptized right there in China.
Yes, the Asian/Pacific community has a
special place in my heart, and so does an
old Chinese proverb which I've often cited.
It goes: "One generation plants the trees,
another gets the shade." For decades, Asian
Americans have planted the trees of prosperity, opportunity, and human dignity.
And in coming years, more than ever, I
know that my children, America's children,
will thank you for the shade.
And finally, before I sign this proclamation declaring this week as Asia/Pacific
American Heritage Week, it gives me great
pleasure to announce two nominations that
I will submit to the Senate for confirmation
to positions within my administration. I'll be
sending the name of Julia Chang Bloch to
the Senate to be the next-[applause]United States Ambassador-please-[laughter and applause]-the next United States


Ambassador to Nepal, and the name of Kyo
Jhin to be   Chief Counsel-Kyo-Chief
Counsel for Advocacy in the SBA [Small
Business Administration]. Arid I salute, also,
Katherine Chang Dress, sworn in today as
an Assistant Secretary of the Interior. We
are so lucky. And we welcome these qualified, capable individuals to our team.
God bless all of you. Thank you for
coming here to Washington on this beautiful day. And now, let's sign this proclamation. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:15 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Gerald Tsai, Jr.,
member of the board of directors of Primerica; Henry Tang, vice president of Solomon
Brothers; I.M. Pei, architect; and Sichan Siv,
Deputy Assistant to the President for Public
Liaison. The proclamation is listed in Appendix E at the end of this volume.


Nomination of Julia Chang Bloch To Be United States Ambassador
to Nepal
May 8, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Julia Chang Bloch to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the
Kingdom of Nepal. She would succeed
Milton Frank.
Since 1981 Ms. Bloch has served in several capacities for the Agency for International Development, including Assistant Administrator for the Asia and Near East Bureau,
since 1987; Assistant Administrator for the
Food for Peace and Voluntary Assistance
Bureau, 1981-1987; and Special Assistant to
the Administrator, 1981. Prior to this she
was a fellow at the Institute of Politics of
the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, 1980-1981. She has also
served as Deputy Director of the Office of
African Affairs for the International Communication Agency, 1977-1980; and chief
minority counsel for the Senate Select Com

mittee on Nutrition and Human Needs,
1976-1977. Ms. Bloch served as a staff
member for the minority staff of the Senate
Select Committee on Nutrition and Human
Needs, 1971-1976. She served in various capacities with the Peace Corps, including
evaluation officer, 1968-1970; training officer for the East Asia and Pacific Region,
1967-1968; and a volunteer in Sabah, Malaysia, 1964-1966. Ms. Bloch was awarded
the Woman of the Year Award from the
Organization of Chinese American Women,
1987; the Leader for Peace Award from the
Peace Corps, 1987; and the Humanitarian
Service Award from the Agency for International Development, 1987.
Ms. Bloch graduated from the University
of California (B.A., 1964) and Harvard University (M.A., 1967). She was born March 2,
1942, in Chefoo, China. She is married and
resides in Washington, DC.


524




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 8


Nomination of Kyo Ryoon Jhin To Be Chief Counsel for Advocacy at
the Small Business Administration
May 8, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Kyo Ryoon Jhin to be
Chief Counsel for Advocacy at the Small
Business Administration. He would succeed
Frank S. Swain.
Since 1986 Dr. Jhin has been an international trade consultant for Metro Investment Group in Bethesda, MD. He served as
assistant superintendent for educational
technology for the District of Columbia
Public Schools, 1983 to present. He was a
senior associate in the Office of Educational
Research and Improvement for the Department of Education, 1981-1983; and an ad

ministrative officer in the Office of School
Improvement, 1979-1981. Dr. Jhin was executive director for the Top of Alabama Regional Education Service Agency, 1971 -1979. He has served as a member of the
National Advisory Council on Adult Education, and vice-chairman, 1977-1978; and
chairman of the Committee on Legislative
and Government Relations, 1978-1979.
Dr. Jhin graduated from David Lipscomb
College (B.A., 1960), New York University
(M.A., 1965), Boston College (M.A., 1967),
and Auburn University (Ed.D., 1971).


Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony for the Small Business
Persons of the Year Awards
May 8, 1989


To the Members of Congress here and all
the distinguished guests, first let me welcome Susan Engeleiter, the Administrator
of SBA [Small Business Administration], as
well as all the State small business people
and their families who came here today.
I've participated in these ceremonies
before, and I'm especially pleased and honored to present these awards today.
As you probably know, I-long ago-was
a small businessman myself, and I think,
therefore, I know some of the worries that
you share-the what-ifs when you're the
one in charge. And I know how it feels to
start something from scratch, work with it
day and night, and hopefully see it succeed.
Success goes to those who work hard, refuse
to give up, and learn from their mistakes.
And there's a saying: If I had my life to live
again, I'd make the same mistakes, only
sooner. [Laughter] I think small business
men and women can understand those
words.
You don't have to sell me on the value of
small business. The work you do is vital to
this nation's economic well-being. And I


brought along some statistics to back that
up. Small businesses employ more than half
of America's private sector work force.
Small businesses account for over a third of
our gross national product. And I've saved
the best statistics for last. During the past
decade, small businesses have created two
out of every three new jobs in our economy. And for me, that's the bottom line.
Small business is on the business end of
growth and at the cutting edge of the economic expansion that's 77 months old and
still going strong.
Let me take a moment right here to
mention an issue that should be on the top
of the list for all small business people: the
question of child care. As you know so well,
you're more likely to find small business
owners sitting around a kitchen table than
in a big corporate boardroom someplace. A
small business is less a corporation than a
family. And like a family, people engaged in
a small business enterprise share common
aims, a common outlook, and certainly have
common interests. And that's the perfect


525




May 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


workplace environment for innovative approaches to meet the concerns and needs of
employees. I urge America's small businesses to take the lead in developing creative
solutions in child care. I think, for example,
of pioneers like Gerald Tsai, Jr., or Jenlane
Gee and others who we honored out there
today, Asians who have a strong bearing
and support in their families for child care.
I will do nothing as President of the United
States, absolutely nothing, that weakens our
family structure. And I encourage small
businesses to do everything they can to
strengthen the family structure by getting
together in a cooperative fashion.
My child care tax credit program is going
to benefit small businesses, I believe. I do
not believe in these mandated government
benefits. I think it has to be decided by the
Federal Government, making as flexible as
possible the use of child-care tax credits. So,
I wanted to take this opportunity, a little off
the beaten path, you might say, of honoring
these honorees today. But it is very, very
important that all of you who are out there
trying to produce at competitive rates, competitive ways, help as best you can. You
know the value of freedom and flexibility.
And so, I just want to see us work together
to preserve that freedom in child care and
in other issues that affect the way we live
and work.
A moment ago, I cited some statistics on
the large impact of small business in the
American economy. Ceremonies like this
one are important because they honor the
individuals behind the statistics-the small
business people who conceive the idea, take
the chance, and make it work. So, today we
recognize the best that small business has to
offer. And I want to turn now to the
awards.
This year there is no fourth place finisher.
Instead, we have a tie for third place. And
I'll start with Chad Olson of Utah. Chad
produces a highly successful line of professional and collegiate sports merchandise.
He's marketed franchises in 40 States already. And I understand he's got his eye on
all 50. He's got international ambitions as
well, with franchise plans for Canada and
U.S. military bases overseas. Now, do we do
this right now? All right. Chad? Well done.
And sharing this third place award with


Chad is Carolyn Stradley of Georgia. She
started out as a bookkeeper for a paving
company and left that company to do what
many here have done-start out on her
own. She used a loan from her brother to
buy her truck, built her business by taking
the small jobs that no one else thought
worthwhile; and today she's a success, and
equally important, an inspiration to businesswomen everywhere. And so, congratulations to you.
The winner of this year's second place
award comes from Kansas-Richard Barlow.
Dick is well-known to gourmet cookie
makers as the manufacturer of REMA insulated bakeware. He started his business
with a family friend just 6 years ago selling
these cookie sheets in Oklahoma-in
Kansas. And today REMA bakeware is sold
in all 50 States and Japan. And so, congratulations to you, Richard. Well done.
And now the 1989 winner, this year's
Small Business Person of the Year, Tad
Bretting of Wisconsin. I wondered why Senator Kasten was over here. [Laughter] Tad's
got business in his blood. His family has
been in the machinery business for three
generations-almost 100 years. He joined
the family business in 1958. And those 30
years have seen the Bretting Company
grow and prosper from 11 employees back
in 1958 to 260 today, from $120,000 in sales
each year to $30 million. And today his
company is the world's leading producer of
high-tech, custom-designed machinery for
making paper products. And the secret of
Tad's success is the one small business
people know so well: it all comes down to
taking good care of customers. And so, congratulations to you, Tad.
So, there you have our four winners. This
room, though, is full of success stories today.
It's in this nation's small businesses that the
American spirit, entrepreneurial spirit,
takes root and grows. And so, our nation
needs you-your drive, your dynamism,
your creativity, and your can-do attitude.
Congratulations to all of you, and especially
to you winners with us here today. Thank
you all very much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:40 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House. In his


526




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 9


remarks, he referred to Gerald Tsai, Jr., ica, and Jenlane Gee, California Teacher of
member of the board of directors of Primer- the Year, 1988.
Message to the Congress Transmitting the District of Columbia
Budget Request
May 9, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with the District of Columbia Self-Government and Governmental Reorganization Act, I am transmitting the District of Columbia Government's FY 1990
Budget and FY 1989 Budget supplemental.
The District's General Fund 1990 operating budget request is $3,071 million. Total
Federal payments anticipated in the District's budget are $498 million. The District's FY 1989 budget supplemental contains $106 million in cost increases and $79
million in budget authority rescissions, for a
net increase of $27 million. This transmittal
does not affect the Federal budget.
There are four District budget issues to
which I would direct your attention. First, I
would encourage you to continue the abortion funding policy that the Congress established in the District's 1989 appropriations
bill that prohibits the use of both Federal
and local funds for abortions.
Second, the 1990 Budget reproposes an
initiative that would require the District of
Columbia to charge Federal establishments
directly for water and sewer services. The
lump-sum appropriation provided in recent
years to the District for water and sewer
services in Federal buildings increases the
deficit unnecessarily because Federal agencies' budgets already contain funds to pay
these costs. I urge the Congress to enact
this needed reform. Direct billing also re

duces appropriated Federal payments for
nongovernmental entities, such  as the
American Red Cross and the Pan American
Union, as well as for entities outside the
appropriations process such as the Postal
Service and the Federal Savings and Loan
Insurance Corporation. It would encourage
Federal agencies to assure the accuracy of
bills received and to pursue conservation
policies.
Third, I request reinstatement of Presidential apportionment authority over the
Federal payment to the District of Columbia. Directing immediate disbursement of
the Federal payment at the start of the
fiscal year increases Treasury's cost of borrowing. Further, the Congress very clearly
did not intend to exempt the District of
Columbia from sequestration in the original
Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act, and there is
no reason for doing so via an appropriations
bill.
Finally, in a related Federal Budget request, I will include a $1 million supplemental reimbursing the District Government for additional Presidential inaugural
expenses incurred above the $2.3 million
appropriated.
I look forward to working with the Congress on these matters.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
May 9, 1989.


White House Fact Sheet on the President's Child-Care Principles
May 9, 1989


Four basic principles underlie the President's approach to child care:


* Parents, who are best able to make decisions about their children's care,


527




May 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


should have the discretion to make
these decisions.
* Federal policy should not discriminate
against parents who work at home.
* Federal policies should act to increase,
not decrease, the range of child care
choices available to parents.
* New Federal assistance should be targeted to families most in need.
Myths and Facts about Child Care Today
Myth: Religiously affiliated day care will
benefit from new Federal day care programs such as the ABC bill.
Fact: As many as one-third of formal day
care centers are religiously affiliated. ABC
prohibits assistance "for any sectarian purpose or activity, including sectarian worship
and instruction." This implies that to be eligible under ABC, the child care services
provided by religiously affiliated centers
might be required to be indistinguishable
from those provided by wholly secular providers. To meet this standard, facilities
could be required by the courts or by Federal or State regulatory bodies to remove
religious symbols, end the teaching of religious values and avoid such practices as
prayer before meals and the singing of religious songs. Furthermore, even those centers which adhered rigorously to these
standards would be subject to potential litigation over their receipt of ABC funds.
Myth: Most young children are being
cared for in day care centers.
Fact: Less than 11 percent of children
under 5 are cared for in child care centers.
Only 46 percent of children under 5 have
employed mothers. Even among those
mothers who are employed, the great majority use relatives or neighbors as child
care providers. For parents with young children who prefer to care for their children
themselves while their spouses work, the
President's proposals will shift the economics of work and child care in their favor.
The President's proposals discriminate neither against day care centers nor mothers
caring for children at home.
Myth: Aiding child care centers will primarily help low- and moderate-income
working families.
Fact: Subsidies biased toward center

based care will naturally tend to help those
who are comparatively better off. In 1986 a
majority of mothers in married-couple families earning less than $20,000 chose to stay
at home to provide child care while less
than one-third of the mothers in families
making over $20,000 made the same
choice. Furthermore, approximately 80 percent of children in center-based care come
from two-earner families.
Myth: Federal day care standards are
necessary because day care is largely unregulated.
Fact: All States currently regulate day
care to some extent. Every State licenses
child care centers, and all but one regulate
some or all family day care homes. State
and local governments are best able to determine what standards are needed for
child care. Federal standards, proposed in
the past, will not work. Congress, realizing
this, prohibited implementation of Federal
standards in 1980.
Myth: Unregulated child care is unhealthy and unsafe for children.
Fact: The typical "unregulated" day care
provider is a mother caring for one or two
other neighborhood children, along with
her own child. In contrast, in day care centers, the average ratio of children to staff is
five to one. According to an ABT Associates
report, "The National Day Care Home
Study," unregulated family child care is
"stable, warm, and stimulating... it caters
successfully to the developmentally appropriate needs of children in care; parents
who use family day care report it satisfactorily meets their child care needs... [the
study's] observers were consistently impressed by the care they saw regardless of
regulatory status."
THE ABC BILL DOES NOT MEET THE
PRESIDENT'S PRINCIPLES
The Senate is likely to turn soon to the
"Act for Better Child Care," sponsored by
Senator Dodd. This bill, "ABC," does not
meet the President's principles for increasing child care options and parental choice:
Parental choice: ABC puts its trust in government, not parents. No money goes directly to parents. All money goes to the


528




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 9


States. The States then fund providers, not
parents, through grants, contracts, and certificates that they, not parents, arrange or
approve. It is the States, not parents, who
have the ultimate decision-making power
on the care children will receive under
ABC.
Encourages options: ABC imposes Federal day care standards on all providers who
receive public assistance. All States currently regulate day care to some degree, ensuring a healthy and safe environment for children. These costly Federal requirements
will put some current child care providers
out of business, keep potential providers
from offering care, and drive up the cost of
care available for all parents. Parents who
want their children to be taught and guided
by the religious values that are central to
their lives would not be able to receive assistance: All caregivers, including relatives,
are prohibited from engaging in sectarian
activities, worship, or instruction in providing services under ABC.
In fact, parents could not use their ABC
eligibility to have anyone other than a
grandparent, aunt, or uncle care for their
children unless (1) the State rules in each
individual case that the person was an eligible child care provider, (2) the person and
Question-and-Answer Session With
Development Center
May 9, 1989
The President. Well, tell me how it's
going. That's what I wanted to find out.
And it seems-where are we? What are we
in?
Ms. Omachonu. This is in the chapelThe President. The chapel?
Ms. Omachonu. And this is a special place
where many of our youth come
The President. I see.
Ms. Omachonu.     on Sundays.
The President. Lovely, isn't it? Then the
big church is right on this side?
Ms. Omachonu. It's right on the other
side, yes.
The President. I haven't been here in a


his/her home meets Federal standards, and
(3) the person submits to governmental
grant, contract and paperwork requirements.
Nondiscrimination: ABC serves twoparent families only if both parents are employed, perpetuating the discrimination
against two-parent families in which one
parent stays at home to care for the children.
Targeted to families most in need: ABC is
not well targeted and would serve only a
fraction of families most in need. Families
with incomes as high as 4 times the poverty
level are eligible for ABC. Only a small
number of eligible children would actually
receive care under ABC-6 percent in 1990
according to the sponsors' estimates, and
there is no guarantee that they would be
from families most in need. Only one million children, the sponsors say, would receive child care services from the Statesfar less than the number of children in the
3.5 million families that would initially benefit from the President's tax credit proposals.
Note: The fact sheet also contained information concerning the President's visit to
the Shiloh Child Development Center.
Teachers at the Shiloh Child
while, but I've known your pastor for a long
time. Tell me about how it's going. One
reason we wanted to do this is that I do feel
that there is a role, a national role, for the
kind of child care center that you all have
run for-what, how    many years?-some
years.
Ms. Omachonu. A long time.
The President. Yes, a long time-because
I do not want to see the Federal legislation
erode out this kind of participation-in this
instance, by a church. And I worry that
some of the legislation up there would say
to a church, if you want to get Federal
help, you can't have a religious underpin

529




May 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ning to your day care center. And I don't
think that's good.
But anyway, that's the Bush view. But
I'm anxious-more interested in listening
and getting your views on this. Who wants
to start?
Ms. Omachonu. First of all, I would like
to say that the traditional philosophy of the
center is based on meeting the direct needs
of young children. And this developmental
program is designed to meet the child's
physical, social needs. And we do plan activity in different learning areas, and also
we do celebrate religious programs-for example, Christmas. And children do learn
that Christmas means sharing, caring, and
loving, besides celebrating the birth of Jesus
Christ. And also we encourage our children
to say their grace before each meal. And we
have show-and-tell period: when they come
to school on Monday, they tell us about
their experiences at the Sunday school; they
have opportunities to sing religious songs on
Monday morning.
The President. Well, that's good, that's
very good. Are the kids that come here
all-their families all parishioners of Shiloh?
Ms. Omachonu. No.
The President. Not necessarily. Who else?
Ms. Nickerson. I believe we have one
minister's child in the 4-year-old group. But
we recognize and we also respect religious
philosophies from
The President. Diversity, yes.
Ms. Nickerson. Yes. We have different
backgrounds
The President. And do you have kids from
different-obviously,  nondenominational.
But do you have kids that come out of religions that are not Christian? I mean,
like
Ms. Omachonu. Yes, we do. We have two
children whose parents are Muslim. We also
have another child whose parents belong to
the Jehovah Witness, the whole family. But
we do sort of-with activities, we seek their
permission that their children participate in
the activities or exclude them out of activities. They've been very supportive. They
say, "Go ahead, let them participate."
The President. Well, it's a concept that is
so important. And I believe strongly in separation of church and state, and so does the
pastor; but we're not talking of that here.


We're talking about your right to diversify-to do it in a diverse way and not have
the central government dictate exactly
what you can do on this. And you know,
our-I won't go into detail on the proposals,
but my thought is choice, to help the parents with choice. If they want to send a kid
to this facility, fine. Give them a little
help-those that need it the most. And if
they want to go to some other kind of facility where there's no religious reference,
fine, let them do that, too. But I worry that
if we have one piece of legislation that defines all the standards and leans over so far
backwards on the separation of church and
state, that you just erode out the participation of one of the best forces in the community for teaching these kids values.
You didn't have a say. I've been doing too
much of the talking.
Ms. Johnson. I'm Ms. Johnson, and I have
the 2-year-old class. And I teach them
finger play, a lot of songs-have to keep
them busy, because they don't keep still at
all. But you have to really keep them busy.
And, you know, I love them-I love them.
The President. What's the time now, what
do they do? Parents go into work, mother
will bring the kid here-or dad-and leave
them off at what time?
Ms. Omachonu. Okay, around 7 a.m.
The President. Seven?
Ms. Johnson. Yes, we open at 7 a.m.
The President. And then do they pick
them up at different times orMs. Johnson. Yes, they have different
times. They start picking them up around
4:30 p.m., and we close at 6 p.m. So between 4:30 p.m. and 6 p.m., they're picking
the children up.
The President. Yes. And they pay-I think
my briefing paper-what did it say?
Ms. Johnson. Fifty-five dollars a week.
The President. Fifty-five dollars? And they
have a meal in there?
Ms. Johnson. Yes, they have hot breakfast,
and they have hot lunches. Nothing packed.
Everything is straight from the stove.
Ms. Omachonu. And a 1 p.m. snack.
The President. p.m. snack? What, end
of the day kind of thing?
Ms. Omachonu. End of the day.
Reverend Gregory. I think this is so im

530




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 9


portant, too, because the focus is on the
whole person. And our center strives to emphasize health and wellness, nutrition, skills
development, and also values clarificationvalues education, so the children will learn
the difference between right and wrong.
And most of all, the community I think is so
important, and they have a sense of identity-who they are-and the opportunities
The President. Oh, yes.
Reverend Gregory. And the community
becomes like a extended family member.
The President. Some probably have-like
in any part of the society-divided families,
so they get an extra dimension of love here
that they might not be getting at home.
Reverend Gregory. Exactly.
Ms. Nickerson. Well, the parents are
pretty supportive in our program also. They
help out in whatever way-whatever we
teach is extended to the family setting. So,
moral standards are a very strong criteria
that we concentrate on in terms of social
skills; they're going to need to develop
these in the future.
The President. What's the oldest kidage-that you get in the day care, or child
care?
Ms. Omachonu. Up to 5 years of age.
The President. Five would be-then they
go off to regular?
Ms. Omachonu. Regular school. But we
do have an after-school program where
they come here in the afternoon.
The President. The little guys-I mean, 6,
7 years old? That kind of thing?
Ms. Omachonu. Yes.
The President. What's your end of all of
this madhouse?


Ms. Gerald. I'm Ms. Gerald, and I work
with the 3-year-olds.
The President. Three-year-olds?
Ms. Gerald. Yes. And we have our daily
activities. In the morning, we have our
opening. We do reading and sharing. And
they have math-we do numbers. We do
our finger plays and our songs. We just
have —go through the day.
The President. Do most of the kids that
come to your center-do they have a family
that goes, if not to Shiloh, to some church,
or not? Is there a church-like a religious
theme that runs through these various families, or some of them just totally out of that?
Ms. Omachonu. I wouldn't say totally.
They are definitely from religious families.
The President. They are?
Ms. Omachonu. Yes.
Reverend Gregory. Mr. President, would
you like to see some of the children?
The President. I'm kicking myself. I
should have brought a couple of the little
puppies out of that basket.
Ms. Johnson. They would have loved that.
The President. Except I wouldn't want to
clean up your rugs around here. [Laughter]
I should have done that because kids just
love those little fuzzy things. And we're
about to-I was telling the Reverend,
they're about to leave home.
Note: The President spoke at 10:45 a.m. in
the chapel of the family life center. Participants in the session included: Florence
Omachonu, director of the center; teachers
Yvette Nickerson, Joan Johnson, and Justina
Gerald; and Rev. Henry Gregory III, pastor
of Shiloh Baptist Church.


Remarks by Telephone to Astronauts Aboard the Space Shuttle
Atlantis
May 9, 1989
The President. Hello. Captain Walker, can  you for a mission so well done. I've got to
you hear me?                            make a slight complaint on our communicaAstronauts. [Inaudible]               tions, because you guys can send something
The President. Well, I'm just checking in  off to Venus, but I couldn't get ahold of you
to wish you five the very best and to thank  on the airplane flying back to Houston. But


531




May 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


that's a minor complaint from the Oval
Office.
But how are you feeling? And we are so
proud of the job you all did.
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. No, afterAstronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. I mean, just on the physical side, is there any comparison to jet lag,
or do you just really feel up to speed now?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. Mary, it sounds like you.
But, look, how was the actual deployment
thing? That went smoothly, as I recall.
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. Yes, yes, yes.
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. That's amazing-1990 arrival? Is that something like that?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. August of-is it true that
the Soviets have had great difficulty probing out that far?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. What'd they do-lose communication? Was it Venus? It was, wasn't it?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. Mars. Yes, have they done
anything towards Venus?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. Is that right? I know our
expectations are very high on the degree of
resolution on this. It sounds like-hey, tell
me just a little-have you got a couple of
more seconds-tell me a little about the
computer lab you all are setting up-the
repair shop up there. Did everything end
up being okay?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. Yes, well, it was. I think
that captured the imagination of a lot of
Earthlings, to think that something like that
could be accomplished up there. What's
next for you all?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. [Laughing] Just so you
don't find the flight instructor, because I
saw a couple of those sheets, and I'm a little
embarrassed for you all to see them, frankly. I hope thatAstronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. Well, you may have trouble being that selective. But, listen, are you
coming to Washington, because we'd love


to see you here in the Oval Office or-and I
know Barbara would like to say hello. And
if there are no plans for that, why, I expect
I'll be-well, I know I'm coming down to
Houston at the end of the week. But I'd
love to have you all here. Are there any
plans for that?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. It is. Hey, listen, it's an
invitation, and-well, let's work it out. I'll
work through Admiral Truly [Administrator
of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration] and set it up, because I'd like
very much to have you here soon, and I'll
talk you in the corner about hiding the
flight sheets from my naval aviator days.
But, really, you
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. Do I-sure I want to hear
it?
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. You got it-you got it. But
the trouble is, unless you get here-well,
you can't do it because I'm leaving Thursday. I was going to say, unless you hurry up,
the puppies are gone. They're heading on
out to their various-no, a couple of them
will be here. Three of them will be in the
neighborhood, but one's already gone to
Texas-Texas Rangerette, they call herand she's there with our son in Dallas. And
then one heads to Florida; one goes to Kentucky Thursday; but the other three will be
in the neighborhood. For you we might reassemble them. But we'll work this out; I
want you to come here. And we're very
proud of the job you all did. So, we'll check
with Admiral Truly and see that we get a
time that's convenient for all of you-you
and spouses as well.
Astronauts. [Inaudible]
The President. Well, I believe very
much-and my only worries-and they are
worries that affect absolutely everything
that I want to do-is the budgetary constraints. But we've got some, I think, reasonably good figures in here now for NASA
in which I totally believe, so we'll try to do
our part from this end.
But, anyway, I'll let you all go and get
some rest, but we will look forward to
seeing you.
Astronauts. [Inaudible]


532




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 9


The President. And well done, and thank
you. We're very, very proud of all five of
you. Over and out.
Note: The President spoke at 2:17 p.m. from
the Oval Office at the White House. The
remarks of the astronauts were not included
in the White House press release, and a tape


was not available for verification of the
content of this conversation. The crew of
the "Atlantis" included: Capt. David M.
Walker, USN, commanding officer; Lt. Col.
Ronald J. Grabe, USAF, pilot; Mary L.
Cleave, mission specialist; Maj. Mark C.
Lee, USAF, mission specialist; and Norman
E. Thagard, mission specialist.


Interview With Members of the White House Press Corps
May 9, 1989


Panamanian Elections
The President. Well, let me first make a
brief statement: I'd like to comment on the
Panamanian elections. I met with the
Murtha delegation to hear their report, and
I have now received the preliminary report
from President Ford and President Carter.
President Carter and his whole delegation
will be here shortly to give me a full report.
In addition, we have the report of other
observer groups, including that of the Archbishop of Panama, which demonstrate clearly that despite massive irregularities at the
polls the opposition has won a clear-cut,
overwhelming victory. The Panamanian
people have spoken, and I call on General
Noriega to respect the voice of the people.
And I call on all foreign leaders to urge
General Noriega to honor the clear results
of the election.
And I might add that I applaud the statement by Peru's [President] Alan Garcia,
who has spoken out against the fraud. I
noted with interest that the Archbishop of
Panama felt that 74 percent of the vote
went to the opposition. And I understand
that President Carlos Andres Perez of Venezuela is talking to some of the neighboring
countries there to encourage a joint statement against the fraud that has taken place
and calling on Noriega to honor the results
of this election.
Q. What kind of military force are you
considering? We were told that that's one
of the options.
The President. The election results have
not been handed in, formally announced,
and until they are, I will not discuss the


options of the United States. I will simply
again call on General Noriega to honor the
will of the people.
Q. Mr. President, you called on him a
year ago to do precisely the same thing, as
did Mr. Reagan, and nothing happened.
Why should it be any different this time?
The President. Because there has been a
massive voice of the people heard. There
has been a statement for democracy so loud
and so clear that perhaps even General
Noriega will listen to it. And I would like to
think that he will heed the call of the
people and that he would listen to the
international outcry that is building and
that he would step down from office, in
which case, the relations with the United
States would improve dramatically and instantly.
Q. Have you spoken to foreign leaders?
Do you plan to speak with foreign leaders?
The President. I probably will, and without going into who I've spoken to, the
answer is yes. You know, we've had foreign
visitors here and talked to them andQ. Do you really think you have a military option? And on what basis could you
go into someone else's country?
The President. Helen [Helen Thomas,
United Press International], I'm not going
to say what our options are. I've not discussed that here today. I have obviously discussed options with my own top advisers. I
listened very intently to the Members of
Congress that came in, and some of them
had specific suggestions. But I want to see
General Noriega do what I've just encouraged him to do and what other foreign


533




May 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


leaders apparently are encouraging him to
do.
Q. Did you put yourself in a box here by
making such a public point of being upset
about these elections, and if Noriega decides to stay anyhow, that it looks like the
United States has been ineffective?
The President. I don't think the United
States is ever in a box when it speaks out in
favor of free, fair elections and honoring
the will of the people. That's what we stand
for. And so, I don't think there's any box
involved.
Q. Some Members of Congress have
called for the abrogation of the Canal
treaty. Is that in any way a possibility in
your mind, an option?
The President. I want to see General Noriega do what I have just encouraged him to
do. I want to see the will of the people
honored.
Q. But under any circumstances would
youThe President. I'm not going to go into
hypothetical questions at this point.
Q. Have you talked to him? Have you
given him any personal ultimatum?
The President. Put it this way: General
Noriega knows my position.
Q. How?
The President. Never mind. He knows.
And it's been told
Q. Did you call him up?
The President.   in recent-he knows
about it through recent contacts.
Q. Have you issued any orders regarding
the military on the bases in Panama? Are
they in a state of alert? And are you anticipating increasing their numbers?
The President. I will discuss at the appropriate time what course of action I will
take. But I'm not going to do that now.
What I want to do now is encourage this
last moment for General Noriega to heed
the appeal of those people who favor democracy and to heed the will of the Panamanian people. So, I don't want to go
beyond that in terms of deployment of U.S.
force.
Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. Are you any closer to an SNF agreement with the Germans?
The President. I have a good feeling that


there's been a lot of smoke out there and
that we'll have a smooth summit.
Q. Have you talked with [West German
Chancellor] Kohl again?
The President. Oh, I never discuss all
these talks I've had.
Q. That means you're willing to compromise, right?
The President. It might mean people are
willing to do it our way-with the United
States.
Q. Doesn't sound that way.
The President. Well, don't believe everything you read in the UP. [Laughter]
Q. Will it be settled tonight with the
Dutch?
The President. I don't know. We'll be
talking to Mr. Lubbers [Prime Minister of
The Netherlands] over here, a friend of
long standing and a man with whom I can
talk very, very frankly about SNF.
Q. You can talk frankly with us.
The President. And I didn't talk to him
this morning about it. We talked about
other subjects. But I've added an additional
hour so we can do just exactly that. But this
alliance is not going to fall apart. It is going
to stay together and be strong.
Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy
Q. What do you think about the North
verdict, Mr. President?
The President. What?
Q. What do you think about the North
verdict?
The President. As you know, I wanted all
along to see him exonerated. And that
matter is now under appeal, and thus, I will
have nothing more to say about it while it
is.
Q. Well, do you think he was innocent?
The President. Well, I'm not going to
argue with the courts, but the process is
being appealed. He's entitled to the right of
appeal without a lot of editorial comment
from me on it.
Q. You don't believe in shredding documents, surely?
The President. No, I believe in taking
them with me. [Laughter]
Note: The interview began at 3:20 p.m. in
the Oval Office at the White House. George


534




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 10


Condon, of Copley News Service; Julia L.
Malone, of Cox News Service; Helen
Thomas, of United Press International; and


Charles D. Goodgame, of Time, Inc., participated in the interview.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the President's Physical
Examination
May 9, 1989


President Bush will undergo a routine
physical examination at Bethesda Naval
Hospital at approximately 8 a.m. on
Wednesday, May 10, 1989. The President
will depart the White House aboard Marine
One at 7:50 Wednesday morning and
return following the examination at approximately 12:30 p.m.
The President will undergo the following
tests: chest x ray, hearing tests, eye examination, electrocardiogram (EKG), allergy examination, urinalysis, dermatology examination, and a complete history and personal
examination by Dr. Burton Lee, the Presi

dent's personal physician. Dr. Lee has taken
several blood samples earlier in the week
which will be analyzed as part of the examination.
The entire physical will be under the direction of Dr. Lee with assistance from the
physician staff of Bethesda Naval Hospital,
which will include Capt. Ralph Sawyer,
ophthalmologist; Capt. Kevin O'Connell,
urologist; Capt. Harry Parlette, dermatologist; and Capt.'s Cheryl Rosenblatt and William Ebbeling, allergists. A written description of the results will be available Wednesday afternoon.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Results of the
President's Physical Examination
May 10, 1989


President Bush today completed a routine
physical examination at Bethesda Naval
Hospital and is in excellent health. The
President's examination lasted approximately 3 hours. The physical was under the direction of Dr. Burton Lee, the President's
personal physician.
"President Bush is in extremely sound
physical condition," Dr. Lee said. "He
keeps fit through a number of physical activities, which we recommend he continue
on a regular basis. Today's examination
shows him to be in excellent health. He has
no significant symptoms related to any of
his organ systems."
In general, the results of the tests are as
follows: chest x ray, normal; x rays of hips
show mild degenerative osteoarthritis,
which has been present for several years;


eye and ear examinations, unchanged; electrocardiogram (EKG), normal; urinalysis
shows no abnormalities; blood samples all
appear normal; allergy tests showed excellent protective antibody levels; and dermatology examination showed no significant
problem or change.
A sebaceous cyst on the third finger of his
right hand was drained. The President is
wearing a Band-Aid on the finger, which he
can remove within the next few hours. This
cyst has been present for many years and
does not present a medical problem.
Assisting Dr. Lee from the physician staff
of Bethesda Naval Hospital were Capt.
Ralph Sawyer, ophthalmologist; Capt. Kevin
O'Connell, urologist; Capt. Harry Parlette,
dermatologist; and Capt.'s Cheryl Rosenblatt and William Ebbeling, allergists.


535




May 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters on the
Situation in Panama
May 11, 1989


The President. Well, I have a statement
here, and then I'll be glad to take a couple
of questions, and then I will turn the meeting over to General Scowcroft for any followup.
The people of Latin America and the
Caribbean have sacrificed, fought, and died
to establish democracy. Today elected constitutional government is the clear choice of
the vast majority of the people in the
Americas, and the days of the dictator are
over. Still, in many parts of our hemisphere,
the enemies of democracy lie in wait to
overturn elected governments through
force or to steal elections through fraud. All
nations in the democratic community have
a responsibility to make it clear, through
our actions and our words, that efforts to
overturn constitutional regimes or steal
elections are unacceptable. If we fail to
send a clear signal when democracy is imperiled, the enemies of constitutional government will become more dangerous. And
that's why events in Panama place an enormous responsibility on all nations in the
democratic community.
This past week, the people of Panama, in
record numbers, voted to elect a new
democratic leadership of their country; and
they voted to replace the dictatorship of
General Manuel Noriega. The whole world
was watching. Every credible observer-the
Catholic Church, Latin and European observers, leaders of our Congress, and two
former Presidents of the United States-tell
the same story: The opposition won. It was
not even a close election. The opposition
won by a margin of nearly 3 to 1.
The Noriega regime first tried to steal
this election through massive fraud and intimidation and now has nullified the election and resorted to violence and bloodshed. In recent days, a host of Latin American leaders have condemned this election
fraud. They've called on General Noriega to
heed the will of the people of Panama. We
support and second those demands. The
United States will not recognize nor accom

modate with a regime that holds power
through force and violence at the expense
of the Panamanian people's right to be free.
I've exchanged these views over the last
several days with democratic leaders in
Latin America and in Europe. These consultations will continue.
The crisis in Panama is a conflict between
Noriega and the people of Panama. The
United States stands with the Panamanian
people. We share their hope that the Panamanian defense forces will stand with them
and fulfill their constitutional obligation to
defend democracy. A professional Panamanian defense force can have an important
role to play in Panama's democratic future.
The United States is committed to democracy in Panama. We respect the sovereignty of Panama, and of course, we have
great affection for the Panamanian people.
We are also committed to protect the lives
of our citizens, and we're committed to the
integrity of the Panama Canal treaties,
which guarantee safe passage for all nations
through the Canal. The Panama Canal treaties are a proud symbol of respect and partnership between the people of the United
States and the people of Panama.
In support of these objectives and after
consulting this morning with the bipartisan
leadership of the Congress, I am taking the
following steps: First, the United States
strongly supports and will cooperate with
initiatives taken by governments in this
hemisphere to address this crisis through
regional diplomacy and action in the Organization of American States and through
other means. Second, our Ambassador in
Panama, Arthur Davis, has been recalled,
and our Embassy staff will be reduced to
essential personnel only. Third, U.S. Government employees and their dependents
living outside of U.S. military bases or
Panama Canal commissioned housing areas
will be relocated out of Panama or to
secure U.S. housing areas within Panama.
This action will begin immediately. It will
be completed as quickly and in an orderly a


536




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 11


manner as possible. Fourth, the State Department, through its travel advisory, will
encourage U.S. business representatives
resident in Panama to arrange for the extended absences of their dependents wherever possible. Fifth, economic sanctions will
continue in force. Sixth, the United States
will carry out its obligations and will assert
and enforce its treaty rights in Panama
under the Panama Canal treaties. And finally, we are sending a brigade-size force to
Panama to augment our military forces already assigned there. If required, I do not
rule out further steps in the future.
The United States and all democratic nations in this hemisphere hope that a peaceful resolution can be found to the crisis in
Panama. And we urge all those in
Panama-every individual, every institution-to put the well-being of their country
first and seek an honorable solution to this
crisis. The way is still open.
Thank you. God bless.
Q. Mr. President, are you willing to drop
the drug charges against Noriega if it will
mean that he will leave the country or at
least give up control in a quid pro quo?
The President. No.
Q. Mr. President, do you recognize Mr.
Endara as the President-elect, and what
steps should the United States take to help
him get inaugurated?
The President. We have not made any
formal recognition determination at this
point.
Q. Mr. President, I understand that
you've been trying
The President. We have been talking to
other countries in the hemisphere on that
point, I might add, Terry [Terence Hunt,
Associated Press], but we have made no official determination.
Q. I understand you've been trying today,
sir, to get other leaders in the hemisphere
to agree on a joint statement of condemnation of Noriega, and I wonder if you could
give us a progress report on that diplomatic
effort, sir?
The President. Well, one, I have not-by
joint statement-encouraged a joint statement in which the United States would participate. Some of the leaders in this hemisphere are working on getting a joint statement, and indeed, I'm told authoritatively


that there might be a joint statement out of
some European countries. But we would
encourage countries in this hemisphere to
either jointly or personally make strong
statements. And I believe that I want to
say 10 countries have already made individual statements. And now, I think the next
collective diplomatic action is going to be at
the OAS.
Q. Sir, how many troops will that mean,
and will they be quartered in the military
compound? Will they stay there quietly and
just be there, or will they be out on the
streets patrolling?
The President. We will assert our treaty
rights, enforce our treaty rights. And I will
let General Scowcroft answer the question,
but my estimate of the troops would be
about 2,000.
Q. Mr. President, what is your justification for sending the brigade of troops?
What are you worried about?
The President. I'm worried about the lives
of American citizens. And I will do what is
necessary to protect the lives of American
citizens. And we will not be intimidated by
the bullying tactics, brutal though they may
be, of the dictator, Noriega.
Q. Mr. President, your statement just now
about defense forces-would that be a
signal that the United States would look favorably on a coup attempt?
The President. I have asserted what my
interest is at this point: it is democracy in
Panama; it is protection of the life of Americans in Panama.
I'm going to take two more, and then I'm
going to go.
Q. Sir, we've been calling around to these
Latin American Embassies. We find no enthusiasm for the dispatch of American
troops there, and the Mexican Embassy
even said that they warned against intervention. Are you disappointed at the reaction you're getting from Latin America?
The President. We've had good reaction
from the Latin Americans. I haven't talked
to them on that particular point, but we
have had very good reaction from them.
And I have been impressed with the role of
several of the Latin American leaders. I
think for the first time there is a total understanding on their part of the threat to


537




May 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


democracy from the stealing of this election, or the threat to democracy in the
hemisphere from totalitarianism; and it's
brought home by this theft of the election.
So, they don't-I might add, on the
troops: I have a profound obligation as
Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces
and as President, and that is to protect
American life. And I'm going to do what is
prudent and necessary to do this. And so,
we have a different obligation. We also
have certain treaty rights and obligations.
I'm prepared to fulfill our treaty obligations, and I am prepared to see that our
treaty rights are exercised. And so, I'd leave
it right there in terms of the troop deployments.
Last one.
Q. Mr. President, in the Reagan administration there was a very formal negotiating
process with General Noriega over terms
under which he might leave. Is there any
possibility that that might repeat itself now,
that there might be some sort of formal
discussions between yourselves and the
Panamanian Government and General Noriega about conditions under which he might
leave?
The President. Oh, he knows my position
on the fact that if he does leave we would
have the instant restoration of normal relations with Panama. That has been conveyed
to him very, very recently. But look, I will


be openminded about seeing what it might
take to see him leave. I'm not going to go
back and do what Helen [Helen Thomas,
United Press International] asked about in
dropping these indictments. I'm not going
to do that. That has profound implications
for our fight against narcotics, which has
got to be worldwide. But if there's something short of that, the door is open to understand what it is that would be required.
But I don't think the Panamanian people
should be asked to compromise in terms of
their election, which was won 3 to 1 by
those opposed to Noriega. So, there would
be certain things, other nonnegotiable
things, but I don't think-that's between
Noriega and the Panamanian people.
Thank you all very much. And Brent will
take the remaining questions.
Q. How is Endara? Is he in the hospital?
The President. He was out, and then I
think he's back in. But now I don't know
whether he's gotten out later on or not.
General Scowcroft. I think he's back.
Q. Is Noriega capable of
Q. Are you concerned about him taking
hostages?
The President. I'm concerned about protecting the lives of Americans, and that is
exactly why I've taken the action I have
here today.
Note: The President spoke at 4:07 p.m. in
the Briefing Room at the White House.


Nomination of James Franklin Rill To Be an Assistant Attorney
General
May 11, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate James Franklin Rill to be
an Assistant Attorney General (Antitrust Division), Department of Justice. He would
succeed Charles F. Rule.
Mr. Rill is currently a practicing attorney
in Washington, DC, serving as an antitrust
and trade regulation counsel to RJR Tobacco; lead counsel for Cyclops Corp., the Detroit Auto Dealers, and Safeway Stores, Inc.;
and an antitrust counsel for various compa

nies and trade associations. Mr. Rill has
served in various capacities in the antitrust
section of the American Bar Association, including chairman, 1987-1988; finance officer, 1984-1986; and council member, 1981 -1984.
Mr. Rill graduated from Dartmouth College (A.B., 1954) and Harvard University
(LL.B., 1959). He was born in Evanston, IL,
on March 4, 1933.


538




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 12


Nomination of Janet Dempsey Steiger To Be a Federal Trade
Commissioner, and Designation as Chairman
May 11, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Janet Dempsey Steiger to
be a Federal Trade Commissioner for the
term of 7 years from September 26, 1988.
She would succeed Daniel Oliver. After appointment she will be designated Chairman.
Since 1987 Ms. Steiger has been Chairman of the Commission on Veterans Educational Policy. Prior to this, she has served in
several capacities for the Postal Rate Commission, including Chairman, since 1982;
Acting Chairman, 1981-1982; and Commis

sioner, since 1980. She was vice president
for the Work Place, 1975-1980, and a legislative correspondent in the office of the
Governor of Wisconsin, 1965.
Ms. Steiger graduated from Lawrence
College (B.A., 1961) and did postgraduate
study at the University of Reading, England, 1961-1962, and the University of Wisconsin, 1962-1963. She was a Woodrow
Wilson scholar and a Fulbright scholar,
1961. She was born June 10, 1939, in Oshkosh, WI. Ms. Steiger has one son.


Nomination of Deborah Kaye Owen To Be a Federal Trade
Commissioner
May 11, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Deborah Kaye Owen to be
a Federal Trade Commissioner for the unexpired term of 7 years from September 26,
1987. She would succeed Margot E. Machol.
Since 1986 Ms. Owen has served as a
managing partner with McNair Law Firm,
P.A., in Washington, DC. Prior to this she
served in various capacities, including Associate Counsel to the President at the White
House, 1985-1986; general counsel to
Chairman Strom Thurmond for the Senate


Committee on the Judiciary, 1983-1985;
minority counsel for the House Committee
on the Judiciary, 1980-1982, and as an attorney with Piper and Marbury, 1977-1979.
Ms. Owen graduated from the University
of Maryland (B.A., 1972) and Harvard Law
School (.D., 1977). In addition, she was a
Marshall scholar in political philosophy at
the University of Edinburgh in Scotland,
1972-1974. Ms. Owen resides in Columbia,
MD.


Statement on International Discussions Concerning Global Climate
Change
May 12, 1989


The United States delegation to the steering group of the Response Strategies Working Group on Climate Change carried instructions to move the international community forward in establishing a process for
considering how to respond to climate


change. I am pleased to note that the nations meeting in Geneva have agreed to a
workshop this fall, looking at the range of
financial, economic, technical, and legal
issues for responding to climate change.
The United States looks forward to playing


539




May 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


a significant role in efforts to assess and
respond to global climate change.
I expect that these efforts will lead to
formal negotiations on the establishment of
a framework convention on global climate.
It is important that this process lead to
international scientific consensus on the seriousness of the issue for the environment
and for the world economy. At the same


time, we should ensure that the interests of
developing countries are taken into account
in this process.
The United States will host a meeting
under the auspices of the Response Strategies Working Group this fall that is intended to advance our understanding and promote consensus. I look forward, personally,
to reviewing its results.


Remarks at the Texas A&M University Commencement Ceremony
in College Station
May 12, 1989


Thank you, Governor. Thank you all very
much for that welcome. Good luck, good
luck to you. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, thank you all. Chairman McKenzie
and Dr. Adkisson and Dr. Mobley, thank
you for having me here. And to the Singing
Cadets, thank you for that very special
treat. And to my Secretary of Commerce,
Bob Mosbacher, I'm delighted that he's
with me today.
I want to pay my special respects to our
Governor, Bill Clements; to your Congressman from this district, Joe Barton; and then,
of course, to Senator Phil Gramm. He said
he taught economics here and in Congress.
It's hard to be humble. But nevertheless[laughter]-the point is the guy's telling the
truth, and we are grateful to him every day
for his leadership up there in Washington,
as we are for Joe Barton as well. So, we've
got a good combination-Phil Gramm in
the Senate and today Joe Barton in the
United States Congress-a wonderful combination, with these Aggie values in the
forefront.
I was brought here today by an Aggie,
and I brought him here to this marvelous
ceremony with me. He was mentioned by
Congressman Barton, but I would like to
ask the pilot of Air Force One, Lieutenant
Colonel Dan Barr, to stand up so you can
see another Aggie all suited up, up there.
And you met my day-to-day inside Aggie,
Fred McClure. We work every minute of
the day on matters affecting the legislative
interests of this country, but I won't reintro

duce Fred. But I am delighted to be back
among my fellow Texans and friends. And
for those of you who are Democrats, there
is no truth to the rumor that Phil Gramm
and I are ready to take our elephant walk.
[Applause]
My sincerest congratulations go to every
graduate and to your parents. In this ceremony, we celebrate nothing less than the
commencement of the rest, and the best, of
your life. And when you look back at your
days at Texas A&M, you will have a lot to
be proud of: a university that is first in baseball and first in service to our nation. Many
are the heroes whose names are called at
muster. Many are those you remember in
Silver Taps.
We are reminded that no generation can
escape history. Parents, we share a fervent
desire for our children and their children to
know a better world, a safer world. And
students, your parents and grandparents
have lived through a world war and helped
America to rebuild the world. They witnessed the drama of postwar nations divided by Soviet subversion and force, but sustained by an allied response most vividly
seen in the Berlin airlift. And today I would
like to use this joyous and solemn occasion
to speak to you and to the rest of the country about our relations with the Soviet
Union. It is fitting that these remarks be
made here at Texas A&M University.
Wise men-Truman and Eisenhower,
Vandenberg and Rayburn, Marshall, Acheson, and Kennan-crafted the strategy of


540




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 12


containment. They believed that the Soviet
Union, denied the easy course of expansion,
would turn inward and address the contradictions of its inefficient, repressive, and inhumane system. And they were right-the
Soviet Union is now publicly facing this
hard reality. Containment worked. Containment worked because our democratic principles and institutions and values are sound
and always have been. It worked because
our alliances were, and are, strong and because the superiority of free societies and
free markets over stagnant socialism is undeniable.
We are approaching the conclusion of an
historic postwar struggle between two visions: one of tyranny and conflict and one
of democracy and freedom. The review of
U.S.-Soviet relations that my administration
has just completed outlines a new path
toward resolving this struggle. Our goal is
bold, more ambitious than any of my predecessors could have thought possible. Our
review indicates that 40 years of perseverance have brought us a precious opportunity, and now it is time to move beyond containment to a new policy for the 1990'sone that recognizes the full scope of change
taking place around the world and in the
Soviet Union itself. In sum, the United
States now has as its goal much more than
simply containing Soviet expansionism. We
seek the integration of the Soviet Union
into the community of nations. And as the
Soviet Union itself moves toward greater
openness and democratization, as they meet
the challenge of responsible international
behavior, we will match their steps with
steps of our own. Ultimately, our objective
is to welcome the Soviet Union back into
the world order.
The Soviet Union says that it seeks to
make peace with the world and criticizes its
own postwar policies. These are words that
we can only applaud, but a new relationship
cannot simply be declared by Moscow or
bestowed by others; it must be earned. It
must be earned because promises are never
enough. The Soviet Union has promised a
more cooperative relationship before, only
to reverse course and return to militarism.
Soviet foreign policy has been almost seasonal: warmth before cold, thaw before
freeze. We seek a friendship that knows no


season of suspicion, no chill of distrust.
We hope perestroika is pointing the
Soviet Union to a break with the cycles of
the past-a definitive break. Who would
have thought that we would see the deliberations of the Central Committee on the
front page of Pravda or dissident Andrei
Sakharov seated near the councils of
power? Who would have imagined a Soviet
leader who canvasses the sidewalks of
Moscow and also Washington, DC? These
are hopeful, indeed, remarkable signs. And
let no one doubt our sincere desire to see
perestroika, this reform, continue and succeed. But the national security of America
and our allies is not predicated on hope. It
must be based on deeds, and we look for
enduring, ingrained economic and political
change.
While we hope to move beyond containment, we are only at the beginning of our
new path. Many dangers and uncertainties
are ahead. We must not forget that the
Soviet Union has acquired awesome military capabilities. That was a fact of life for
my predecessors, and that's always been a
fact of life for our allies. And that is a fact of
life for me today as President of the United
States.
As we seek peace, we must also remain
strong. The purpose of our military might is
not to pressure a weak Soviet economy or
to seek military superiority. It is to deter
war. It is to defend ourselves and our allies
and to do something more: to convince the
Soviet Union that there can be no reward
in pursuing expansionism, to convince the
Soviet Union that reward lies in the pursuit
of peace.
Western policies must encourage the evolution of the Soviet Union toward an open
society. This task will test our strength. It
will tax our patience, and it will require a
sweeping vision. Let me share with you my
vision: I see a Western Hemisphere of
democratic, prosperous nations, no longer
threatened by a Cuba or a Nicaragua armed
by Moscow. I see a Soviet Union as it pulls
away from ties to terrorist nations like
Libya that threaten the legitimate security
of their neighbors. I see a Soviet Union
which respects China's integrity and returns
the northern territories to Japan, a prelude


541




May 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


to the day when all the great nations of Asia
will live in harmony.
But the fulfillment of this vision requires
the Soviet Union to take positive steps, including: First, reduce Soviet forces. Although some small steps have already been
taken, the Warsaw Pact still possesses more
than 30,000 tanks, more than twice as much
artillery, and hundreds of thousands more
troops in Europe than NATO. They should
cut their forces to less threatening levels, in
proportion to their legitimate security
needs.
Second,, adhere to the Soviet obligation,
promised in the final days of World War II,
to support self-determination for all the nations of Eastern Europe and central
Europe. And this requires specific abandonment of the Brezhnev doctrine. One day it
should be possible to drive from Moscow to
Munich without seeing a single guard tower
or a strand of barbed wire. In short, tear
down the Iron Curtain.
And third, work with the West in positive, practical-not merely rhetorical-steps
toward diplomatic solution to these regional
disputes around the world. I welcome the
Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, and
the Angola agreement. But there is much
more to be done around the world. We're
ready. Let's roll up our sleeves and get to
work.
And fourth, achieve a lasting political pluralism and respect for human rights. Dramatic events have already occurred in
Moscow. We are impressed by limited, but
freely contested elections. We are impressed by a greater toleration of dissent.
We are impressed by a new frankness about
the Stalin era. Mr. Gorbachev, don't stop
now!
And fifth, join with us in addressing pressing global problems, including the international drug menace and dangers to the environment. We can build a better world for
our children.
As the Soviet Union moves toward arms
reduction and reform, it will find willing
partners in the West. We seek verifiable,
stabilizing arms control and arms reduction
agreements with the Soviet Union and its
allies. However, arms control is not an end
in itself but a means of contributing to the
security of America and the peace of the


world. I directed Secretary [of State] Baker
to propose to the Soviets that we resume
negotiations on strategic forces in June and,
as you know, the Soviet Union has agreed.
Our basic approach is clear. In the strategic arms reductions talks, we wish to reduce
the risk of nuclear war. And in the companion defense and space talks, our objective
will be to preserve our options to deploy
advanced defenses when they're ready. In
nuclear testing, we will continue to seek the
necessary verification improvements in existing treaties to permit them to be brought
into force. And we're going to continue to
seek a verifiable global ban on chemical
weapons. We support NATO efforts to
reduce the Soviet offensive threat in the
negotiations on conventional forces in
Europe. And as I've said, fundamental to all
of these objectives is simple openness.
Make no mistake, a new breeze is blowing across the steppes and the cities of the
Soviet Union. Why not, then, let this spirit
of openness grow, let more barriers come
down. Open emigration, open debate, open
airwaves-let openness come to mean the
publication and sale of banned books and
newspapers in the Soviet Union. Let the
19,000 Soviet Jews who emigrated last year
be followed by any number who wish to
emigrate this year. And when people apply
for exit visas., let there be no harassment
against them. Let openness come to mean
nothing less than the free exchange of
people and books and ideas between East
and West.
And let it come to mean one thing more.
Thirty-four years ago, President Eisenhower
met in Geneva with Soviet leaders who,
after the death of Stalin, promised a new
approach toward the West. He proposed a
plan called Open Skies, which would allow
unarmed aircraft from the United States
and the Soviet Union to fly over the territory of the other country. This would open
up military activities to regular scrutiny
and, as President Eisenhower put it, "convince the world that we are lessening
danger and relaxing tension." President Eisenhower's suggestion tested the Soviet
readiness to open their society, and the
Kremlin failed that test.
Now, let us again explore that proposal,


542




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 12


but on a broader, more intrusive and radical basis-one which I hope would include
allies on both sides. We suggest that those
countries that wish to examine this proposal
meet soon to work out the necessary operational details, separately from other arms
control negotiations. Such surveillance
flights, complementing satellites, would provide regular scrutiny for both sides. Such
unprecedented territorial access would
show the world the true meaning of the
concept of openness. The very Soviet willingness to embrace such a concept would
reveal their commitment to change.
Where there is cooperation, there can be
a broader economic relationship; but economic relations have been stifled by Soviet
internal policies. They've been injured by
Moscow's practice of using the cloak of
commerce to steal technology from the
West. Ending discriminatory treatment of
U.S. firms would be a helpful step. Trade
and financial transactions should take place
on a normal commercial basis.
And should the Soviet Union codify its
emigration laws in accord with international
standards and implement its new laws faithfully, I am prepared to work with Congress
for a temporary waiver of the Jackson-Vanik
amendment, opening the way to extending
most favored nation trade status to the
Soviet Union. After that last weighty point,
I can just imagine what you were thinking:
It had to happen. Your last day in college
had to end with yet another political science lecture. [Laughter]
In all seriousness, the policy I have just
described has everything to do with you.
Today you graduate. You're going to start
Nomination of Jerry M. Hunter To
National Labor Relations Board
May 12, 1989
The President today nominated Jerry M.
Hunter to be General Counsel of the National Labor Relations Board for a term of 4
years. He would succeed Rosemary M. Collyer.


careers and families, and you will become
the leaders of America in the next century.
And what kind of world will you know?
Perhaps the world order of the future will
truly be a family of nations.
It's a sad truth that nothing forces us to
recognize our common humanity more
swiftly than a natural disaster. I'm thinking,
of course, of Soviet Armenia just a few
months ago, a tragedy without blame, warlike devastation without war. Our son took
our 12-year-old grandson to Yerevan. At the
end of the day of comforting the injured
and consoling the bereaved, the father and
son went to church, sat down together in
the midst of the ruins, and wept. How can
our two countries magnify this simple expression of caring? How can we convey the
good will of our people?
Forty-three years ago, a young lieutenant
by the name of Albert Kotzebue, the class
of 1945 at Texas A&M, was the first American soldier to shake hands with the Soviets
at the bank of the Elbe River. Once again,
we are ready to extend our hand. Once
again, we are ready for a hand in return.
And once again, it is a time for peace.
Thank you for inviting me to Texas A&M.
I wish you the very best in years to come.
God bless you all. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 3:05 p.m. in G.
Rollie White Coliseum. In his opening remarks, he referred to William McKenzie,
Perry Adkisson, and William H. Mobley,
chairman of the board of regents, chancellor, and president of the university, respectively. The President also referred to Frederick D. McClure, Assistant to the President
for Legislative Affairs.
Be General Counsel of the


Since 1986 Mr. Hunter has served as the
director of the Missouri State Department
of Labor and Industrial Relations. Mr.
Hunter served as labor counsel for the Kellwood Co., St. Louis, MO. He served with


543




May 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in St. Louis as a senior trial attorney, 1980-1981, and as a trial attorney,
1979-1980. Mr. Hunter was a field attorney
for the National Labor Relations Board in
St. Louis, 1977-1979.


Mr. Hunter graduated from the University of Arkansas (B.A., 1974) and the Washington University School of Law (J.D.,
1977). He was born July 5, 1952, is married,
and currently resides in Jefferson City, MO.


Remarks at the Alcorn State University Commencement Ceremony
in Lorman, Mississippi
May 13, 1989


Thank you all, and especially, my thanks
to you, Dr. Washington. You know, last
month we commemorated the bicentennial
of the American Presidency. And, Walter, I
have to tell you, after all these actors in
powdered wigs, it is a relief to stand beside
someone who really is President Washington. [Laughter] Good morning.
But to you and your wonderful faculty
here at Alcorn, I just say I am delighted to
be here. Incidentally, Dr. Washington's ears
should have been burning, because when I
rode down on the helicopter from Jackson
with the two United States Senators from
Mississippi, they were telling me in considerable detail-more than I knew from my
briefing papers-of this man's commitment
to excellence. And so, I salute him and his
service to this wonderful university.
Lieutenant Governor Dye, it's a pleasure
to be with you, sir. I'm, of course, delighted
that Thad Cochran and Trent Lott are with
us today, a tribute to all here. I'm very
pleased that my good friend, Sonny Montgomery, a Congressman whose home is in
Meridian, is here. We're in Congressman
Mike Espy's district, and I salute him. Congressman Mike Parker is here, and many
other distinguished guests. I also want to
say thanks to all of them.
Congratulations also to the families and
the friends and the fans of these students.
But I think most of all, to the Alcorn State
University Class of 1989, we salute you, and
I'm proud to be with you. You've been part
of what they call the Alcorn family. And
this is a day for the family. But it's your
own individual families, the mothers and
fathers and grandparents gathered here,


that I want to congratulate. In a very private way, your years of hard work and your
years of sacrifice and, yes, love for your sons
and daughters have brought this moment to
pass. And although the first round of applause has died now, I think you all really
deserve the first round of applause-the
parents and the grandparents of the graduates here today.
I know how deadly long graduation
speeches can be. I'll never forget Yale University where I went. A man got up, he
says, "I'm going to give you a brief graduation speech. And I will choose, because our
school has a short name, Y. Y is for youth."
He went on for about 30 minutes. "And
then it's A, altruism"-[laughter]-another
20; L, loyalty-rushed that off in about 18
minutes; and then, of course, E, for excellence. He concluded about an hour and a
half after he started. And there was one
person left, his head bent in prayer. And
the minister, the speaker, very touched by
it, said, "Well, sir, I see that you are praying
for these values." The man said, "No, no."
He said, "I wasn't praying for the values. I
was giving thanks to the Lord that I did not
go to Alcorn State University in Lorman,
Mississippi." [Laughter] I'll try to be a little
more considerate.
Dr. David Matthews, in his lovely invocation, alluded to family. He alluded to some
of the problems that we face. And the
American family has been under siege in
recent times. But as the months unfold, I've
become more and more certain that the
answer to our problems can be found in the
strength of the American family. Looking
around this room, you can sense the feeling


544




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 13


of pride, and it's a powerful force for good.
And as President, I will do everything I can
to promote the family: excellence in education, to protect the family in the fight
against narcotics, and to reaffirm the family
values that brought your kids through these
4 challenging years.
For some American families-those fortunate families where children are raised assuming that they'll have the opportunity to
go to college-the drama of today's ceremony is difficult to appreciate. Many of you
are the first, though, in your families ever
to attend college, let alone stay the course
through graduation. And the economic
transformation wrought by the historically
black colleges such as Alcorn is nothing less
than astounding. While 85 percent of the
United Negro College Fund alumni come
from blue-collar families, almost all go on to
professional or managerial positions, and in
many cases, they're the first blacks to hold
these particular positions. It's an exciting
tradition and one of the most underappreciated success stories in America.
It's also a tradition that is close to my
heart, because way back in 1948, when I
was a senior at Y-A-L-E, 41 years ago, my
wife, Barbara-still my wife, Barbara; then
she and I had been married just a few
years-we began participating in the
United Negro College Fund. And in the 40
years since then, we've continued to try to
do our small part. And even before becoming President, back in January, just a week
before the inauguration, Dr. Washington
and some of his colleagues came to Washington, DC, met with me to talk about how
the new administration can best support
this unique tradition. And some good ideas
came out of that gathering, and several are
already in effect-begun last month in the
meeting that he alluded to, when Dr. Washington and others joined me in the Rose
Garden to launch the President's Board of
Advisors on Historically Black Colleges and
Universities.
And now I understand that several of
today's graduates are going to be joining in
Federal service-in agriculture, defense,
transportation, and other critical areas. And
I'm proud of you, and we welcome you.
And we need excellence in Federal service;
America needs your talents. And that's not


just idle talk. Last month's order also directed that the Federal personnel office develop a program to improve recruitment at
Alcorn and similar colleges for part-time
and summer positions to help people get
started in the concept of Federal public
service. And I understand that a campaign
is underway here now to raise a half a million dollars through a Federal challenge
grant program. Recently, I signed an order
bringing $60 million in new funds to boost
the endowment matching grants available
to schools like Alcorn. As I told the college
Presidents who gathered at the White
House last month, these new initiatives are
just a start. More must be done.
But on a day like today, there is much of
which we can be proud. Alcorn has come a
long way since 1948. That was the landmark year that Alcorn first earned its "A"
rating as an accredited college. And that
was the year "The Stretch" was finally
paved, a milestone that was resoundingly
cheered by the graduating class.
Do you know how many graduated back
in 1948? Trivial Pursuit question-how
many? Sixty in number, barely a fifth of the
total receiving degrees today, a ceremony
so small that it fit comfortably into the Oakland Chapel. And like my classmates in
Connecticut, many of the men at Alcorn in
1948 were veterans, soldiers who had
fought for democracy, many of them serving in segregated units. And like many of
you today, the Alcornites of 1948 were
graduating with skills that would enable
them to feed the hungry, nurse the sick,
and reach out to help the young through
education.
Future Pittsburgh Steeler Jack Spinks, the
first black pro athlete to come out of Mississippi, was getting ready to start his freshman year. He would soon be practicing in a
ramshackle wooden building that everyone
called the "Old Chicken Coop." And Jack
says that when it rained during basketball
games, the roof leaked so bad that people
had to keep their umbrellas open. The
modern field house in which we're gathered today was not then even a dream. And
Jack, I am told, is somewhere out here
today, and I understand that his youngest
son is part of the graduating class.


545




May 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


But these 40 years of schooling that separate father and son-the years that separate
them embrace an era of tremendous
change for Alcorn and for the United States
of America, a time of upheaval and, finally,
a time of growth, and maybe something like
wisdom.
Not everything has changed: the threads
woven through the fabric at Alcorn, and
anyplace where excellence is sought, are
what used to be called simple family values.
We're not talking about two sets of values;
family values are the same regardless of
race, color, or creed. Family values-they're
not complicated: honesty, faith, frugality,
acceptance of responsibility, the importance
of work, a tradition of helping one's neighbor. Martin Luther King argued that "intelligence is not enough." He said, "Intelligence plus character-that is the goal of the
true education."
Well, you here at Alcorn are lucky. This is
a place where, as your old football coach
put it, "the air is a little bit cleaner, the
grass is a little bit greener, and the water is
a little bit sweeter-it's just a little bit closer
to heaven." You see, this place has character. It is a university with a mission. And to
paraphrase a new song that's climbing the
charts this month, this special, secluded college has been "the wind beneath your
wings." And for you and for young Americans graduating all across this country this
month, it is time for you to take that wind
and soar. And for some of you, I hope there
comes a day when you ride those winds
into the political arena to fight for what you
believe in, to grapple not only with your
own dreams but also those of your countrymen.
But politics is hardly the only arena
where a new breeze is blowing. Some of
you will land in business, maybe even start
a business where you can create jobs adding
to the opportunity of other Americans. And
that's public service, too. Now, business can
be pretty rough-and-tumble. But America is
successful because we're a nation of risktakers. The Alcorn Braves know that you
can't steal second base and keep one foot
on first. That's profound. [Laughter] Others
will teach the next generation and put wind
beneath their wings. Your touchstone
should be excellence, accountability, and


choice. The educational system must offer
parents quality choice in education. Alcorn's a good example. But our schools must
also be more accountable, and those of you
who will know the joy of helping a child
learn are an important part of that responsibility. Others are headed for health care,
agriculture, journalism, the professions.
Whatever you choose, it is within you to
change the world; and any definition of a
successful life must, of course, include serving others.
As each of you begins a new life today,
you may fairly ask, will my future be
secure? This isn't just a domestic question;
it's a foreign policy question. For the past
40 years, the United States and the Soviet
Union have been engaged in a struggle because the Soviets have chosen to stand
apart from and opposed to the world family
of nations. Yesterday I announced a new
policy for the 1990's, one that moves
beyond our country just trying to contain
the Soviet Union. It sets a goal of bringing
the Soviet Union into the world community,
a policy of reintegration, if you will. And if
we succeed, I can guarantee to you and
your kids that the future you know is going
to be safer and the world you know will be
freer. This I see as a primary objective of
any President of the United States of America. As the Soviet Union moves towards
greater openness and democratization and
as they meet the challenge of responsible
international behavior, we will match their
steps with steps of our own.
Today every senior here is an educated
man or woman, proud, self-assured. With all
the cockiness of youth, some of you-I hope
most of you-must be feeling like anything
is possible today. Well, trust those instincts.
Everyone has a dream. Everyone has something to give.
Last month I saw a new movie-maybe
some of you all saw it-a movie about baseball and about faith, in which Burt Lancaster ponders the power of hope. And he
asks: "Is there enough magic out there in
the moonlight to make this dream come
true?" Well, I have come to Mississippi
today because the magic of America and
the magic of our times means believing that
your best days-that our best days-are still


546




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 13


to come. Born in an era of peace and educated in times of relative prosperity, your
generation can look to a new century rich
with unimaginable opportunities.
And, yes, there is enough magic out
there, enough for all Americans. And, yes,
you can seize the magic with the power of
your own hands and with the skills bequeathed to you by this special university.
And, yes, just as Alcorn's 1988 yearbook was
dedicated to Dr. King, you can honor his
memory by doing what he taught this
nation to do: to have a dream and to work
every day to make that dream come true.


America is proud of you and of your families that you represent. God bless you in the
challenge to come, and God bless the
United States of America. I am honored to
be your guest today. Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 11:15 a.m. in
the Health and Physical Education Building. In his remarks, he referred to Walter
Washington, president of the university; Lt.
Gov. Brad Dye; Senators Thad Cochran and
Trent Lott; and David Matthews, president
of the General Missionary Baptist State
Convention of Mississippi.


Interview With Members of the White House Press Corps on the
Situation in Panama
May 13,1989


The President. Let me take a couple of
questions. But first, a word about Panama,
just to be very clear. And if I were speaking
to the Panamanian people, I would tell
them that the affection of the American
people for the people of Panama is still very
much intact, strong. Secondly, I would say
to the Panama Defense Forces, the PDF,
they have a useful role to play, and they
will in the future of Panama have a useful
role to play. The problem is not the PDF,
per se; the problem is Noriega.
And if Noriega were to leave office, we
would have good relations with Panama.
We would have good relations with the
Panama Defense Force. And clearly, the
good feelings between the American people
and the people of Panama would grow and
prosper. And so, I would hope that Noriega
would leave and that the results of this election would be recognized. The fraud in the
election has been condemned by people all
across the world; the European Community, leaders in our hemisphere, all the way to
Japan-people speaking out in indignation
against this thuggery and against what the
man has done.
So, I just want to be sure that the people
of Panama understand that relations can
quickly return to normal if Mr. Noriega will
leave and set aside his dictatorship and


permit democracy to prevail.
Q. Do you think they have any doubt
about that? And aren't you calling for a
coup on the part of the PDF? I mean, the
Catholic Church in Panama also has basically been saying the same thing to the PDF.
Are you sayingThe President. That I just said?
Q. Are you saying that you would like the
PDF to get Noriega out?
The President. I would love to see them
get him out. We'd like to see him out of
there-not just the PDF, the will of the
people of Panama.
Q. It sounds like you're calling on the
people of Panama to rise up and basically
have a revolution. Is that what you're trying
to say?
The President. A revolution-the people
rose up and spoke in a democratic election,
with a tremendous turnout, said what they
wanted. The will of the people should not
be thwarted by this man and a handful of
these Doberman thugs. That's what I'm
saying.
Q. What do you think the people should
do now?
The President. The people should do everything they can to have the will of the
people respected. They ought to heed the
international calls, and they ought to just do


547




May 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


everything they can to get Mr. Noriega out
of there.
Q. Have you been in conversation and
contact with President Cerezo and others?
Venezuela apparently has offered Noriega
asylum. Have you been in contact with the
Venezuelans, and do you have thoughts on
when and where Noriega should go?
The President. No, but I have no doubt
that countries would receive him.
Q. Why, have you had any assurances indirectly on that?
The President. Well, I have a habit of not
liking to go into detail with what I talk to
others about. But I'm just confident that
they would receive him, and I think Noriega knows this, too.
Q. You said the other day that you would
not favor dropping the drug indictments.
But if he were to go to someplace that,
either through prearrangement or postarrangement, did not have extradition arrangements with the U.S., how would you
feel about that?
The President. Well, that could well be an
answer. That could be a solution.
Q. What? Going to a country that
The President. Yes, because if he has-no,
he was saying, if there was a country that
prohibited extradition-and he ought to
think about that.
Q. Would you allow him to go to a country
The President.   think we have any
control over that.
Q. Would you allow him into a country
that didn't have an extradition
The President. He can go anywhere he
wants. But I am obligated as the President
of the United States to respect our laws and
to go forward on fulfilling obligations under
the law. But if he went to a place where
there wasn't any extradition treaty, then
that would be a different situation than if
he went to a place where there was an
extradition treaty.
Q. Do you care which one he does?
The President. Yes, I'd like him to-well, I
care that he does whatever it is that it takes
to get him out of there right now. And
that's what I'd like to see happen.
Q. -more than getting him
The President. I think it's right for the
people of Panama. It's right for the democ

racies in this hemisphere. You cannot have
an election that is blatantly stolen, where
people that win are beaten up by thugs.
Q. So far, you have struck out-and so did
President Reagan-in trying to get him out
of power. Do you have any other options?
The President. No.
Q. Well, they haven't been successful.
The President. Still at the plate, and we'll
stay at the plate until we can help the
people of Panama have the democracy for
which they spoke so articulately in an election. And we're not going to give up on it.
Q. This effort will not be a success until
he leaves, right?
The President. No effort can be a success
until he leaves. That's right.
Q. A couple of days ago, you said that the
goal of your sending those extra troops
down there was to protect American lives.
Now you seem to be adding a new, much
more outspoken dimension to your intention here, which is to see Noriega leave and
leave
The President. I'm not changing the definition of the role of the American troops at
all.
Q. Have you had any contact with him
indirectly, sir, in the last 2 days?
The President. Last 2 days? No.
Q. How about directly
The President. No, you asked the question
properly.
Q. How does it feel personally, after over
a year of seeing this drag on-[inaudible]now this thing comes to a head? How does
it feel when you read the accounts and see
the pictures?
The President. See, I think there's a whole
new ingredient in Panama, regarding the
relationship with Panama. And the ingredient is the election. And I think the election
made so clear that the people want democracy and made so clear that that democracy
is being thwarted by one man that that in
itself could be the catalyst for removing
Noriega.
Now, why do I say that? Because, heretofore, you have not heard the neighboring
countries around Panama speaking up. Now
they're speaking up loud and clear. You
have not heard the Church as indignant as
it is now. You have not seen the EC [Euro

548




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 13


pean Community], our friends in Europe,
speaking up and denouncing what happened. And I think the Japanese weighed in
on this. So, I think this is a very different
climate now and one much more conducive
to possible change, because the people
spoke so overwhelmingly, and heretofore,
that has not been quite as clear. Never underestimate the power of the people, even
though their will seems to have been frustrated short-run.
Q. Do you think the OAS [Organization
of American States] will do something on
Wednesday?
The President. Helen [Helen Thomas,
United Press International], I would hope
so, and I think it would be helpful if they
did. And I'd love to see a very powerful and
strong statement coming out of there, and
I'd like to see it as unanimous. But I'm not
sure what will come out of it. But I think
it's well worth the effort.
Q. Mr. President-you're worried about
the people in Panama and what they've
gone through, and it's in their hands. Are
you concerned, though, about any violence
that might be started by anything that the
people would do to change the situation
where innocent lives may be lost or children would be hurt and families disrupted
as they try to make a change for democracy?
The President. I always worry about the
loss of innocent human life. And I would be
worried about that.
Q. What about American —
Q. Would you caution them against rising
up in violence?
The President. American life? We will
protect American lives in every possible
way. That is a solemn responsibility of the
President, and that's one of the reasons I
augmented our forces in Panama-is the
reason I augmented them.
Q. Are you concerned that the situation
there-with your calls and mounting pressure internationally-would lead to a situation right now in Panama that might lead to
violence that would, in fact, endanger
American lives more than they would be
otherwise?
The President. Well, it's too hypothetical.
I mean, I would be concerned about any
escalation of violence that would endanger


American lives. And I think we're in a good
position to protect our American lives and
interests.
Q. Mr. President, your words could be
seen, though, as inciteful, basically saying to
the Panamanian people that it's up to them:
Don't let it die. Your will seems to have
been thwarted, but you've got to hang
tough. The people could see that as inflammatory, like it's a call to-[inaudible]-to
revolt. Would you add any words of caution —
The President. No, I would add no words
of caution. The will of the people should be
implemented. And if I wanted to increase
the rhetoric, strengthen it, I would do so.
But I think I've phrased it just about the
way I feel.
Q. And the will includes —
The President. What?
Q. And the will includes-[inaudible]demonstrations in the street? What form
would you say —
The President. Look, I'm not about to get
into proposing a three-point action plan for
the people of Panama. All I want them to
know is that if they get rid of Noriega they
will have an instant normalization of relationship with the United States and there
will be a useful role for the Panamanian
Defense Force. And I think there has been
some doubt about that, perhaps in the Panamanian Defense Force itself, as to how we
now view the Force, because of the thuggery of its leader. And this gives me an
opportunity to clarify that specific point, as
well as to repeat my support for Endara
and Calderon and Guillermo Ford, who was
so brutally beaten.
Q. Are you contemplating sending even
more American troops down there now?
The President. Well, if I were, it would be
unlikely I would announce it here, just
before landing in Starkville, only because I
think it would be prudent to do it differently. But I'll answer your question, though: I
have no short-run plans, but that doesn't
preclude anything I'll do in the future.
Q. You know Noriega. Is it strictly power
that he wants or is there a point where he
could be negotiated out?
The President. I don't know, Helen. I
think it's power that he has wanted, but I


549




May 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


don't know what his view is now that he's
seen a total repudiation of his rule. And you
see, I keep coming back to the fact that
what happened the other day in the election is something quite different than has
been on the table before. So, I just don't
know the answer to it. It might be now
he'd like to find a way to get out. I would
hope that would be the case, but I don't
know that for a fact. He has lost all support,
all respect-the man is considered just out
of it, an outlaw, by the world community
now as a result of what happened. But I
don't know. It's a good question, yet I don't
know how to answer. I don't have an
answer for it.
Q. Are you saying that the United States
at this juncture has, more or less, done what
it could and that now what we're going to
do is lend moral support to whatever the
Panamanians decide? That we really can't
from the outside do anything further?
The President. No, what I've said is that
we've taken certain action to protect American lives. I have now spelled out, although
I hope it had been understood before, what
it would take to have good relations with
the United States; and I will continue my
own efforts internationally. You see, I do
think it's important that it not be the
United States, the Colossus of the North,
coming down there to try to dictate to the
people of Panama. And that's one of the
reasons I spent a lot of time last week working with the international community and
instructing the State Department to do the
same thing. So, we will continue our international efforts.
Q. Are you disappointed in the response
to that of the PDF and some of the Panamanians to why you sent the troops down
there? Are you disappointed in their response?
The President. Well, I'm not sure I know
what their response has been. The PDF response?
Q. Yes. I mean, you've come out here to
clarify your views.
The President. No, I'm not disappointed
in the response. What I'm trying to do is
make clear to the Panamanian Defense
Forces that there's no vendetta against the
Panamanian Defense Forces as an institution. There is clearly the desire to see Mr.


Noriega get out of office. I don't know how
they've reacted to the American forces.
Q. Mr. President, how long can the
people of Panama be expected to put up
with Noriega?
The President. About 4 days ago-[laughter]-when they demonstrated loud and
clear they don't want any more. They've
had it; and their will should be respected
and honored. So, we've got to find a way to
have that magnificent expression of democracy be honored.
Q. Are there certain things that you and
the administration are sending them immediately, once Noriega leaves?
The President. Oh, sure. We'd recognize
immediately the Endara government. As
soon as he's sworn in, we would return our
Ambassador; we would remove our economic sanctions; we would, in essence, have
normalized relations with a country for
whom we have great affection and whose
people have great affection for us.
If you talk to those two delegations that
came back, both of them-the liberal members of the delegation, the conservative
members, the Republicans, the Democrats-all of them certified, stipulated that
the people of Panama have great affection
for our country and for our people. So,
you'd see an instant release of this oppression; and you'd see an effort by the United
States to help Panama go down the road to
democracy and to help them economically,
as best we could, and to welcome them as
they rejoin the family of democracies in this
hemisphere. That would happen instantly.
We wouldn't need a lot of delaying or
thinking about it either. But it has to have
the-with that-it's the departure of Noriega and the recognition of the people's
will; those two have to go together.
It has been lovely. It has been delightful
here.
Q. Was there some development this
morning or some intelligence that you got
that caused this today?
The President. No, but I know because I
was talking to General Scowcroft [Assistant
to the President for National Security Affairs] yesterday and talked to Secretary [of
State] Baker this morning. And I've had an
uneasy feeling that perhaps what I've told


550




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 13


you here today was not known clearly
there. And it gives me a chance to-well,
the question as to how we view the Panamanian Defense Force itself, what would
happen if Noriega left, vis-a-vis the United
States of America, and I hope it's known
that EndaraQ. You think that
The President. Well, I think in a situation
of this nature, where the head of the PDF
has become such a pariah, that there perhaps-been misunderstanding there as to
how we view the institution itself and other
of its officers. But if they come in there and
Noriega goes and they respect the will of
the people, I-you know, we see a very
useful role for the Panamanian Defense
Force, in their own internal security and for
their own-any threat they might feel they
had to the external security.
Q. Mr. President, has the PDFThe President. I really do have to go.
Q. If the PDF asked for U.S. military
help, how can we respond? What would we
do?
The President. Asked for it to do what?
Q. If they asked for military support-if
the PDF asks for military support from the
United States.
The President. Support for what?
Q. Military troops.


The President. For what purpose?
Q. To move in on Noriega.
The President. If the PDF asks for support to get rid of Noriega, they wouldn't
need support from the United States to get
rid of Noriega. He's one man, and they
have a well-trained force. That's myQ. What about if-[inaudible]-opposition asked for military support?
The President. I've outlined what we're
doing. I've outlined what we're doing. I'd
love to see this be resolved diplomatically.
And when you have overwhelming world
opinion on your side, maybe something is
possible in the short-range future that has
not been possible over the difficult past.
It's been a great pleasure.
Q. Do you still expect a smooth summit
in terms of resolving the missile issue?
The President. We'll work it out.
Q. This is Panama day.
The President. No, no, it's a good question. It will work out. This alliance is strong.
Note: The interview began at 1:21 p.m. on
board Air Force One. Helen Thomas, United
Press International; Rita Beamish, Associated Press; Frank Sesno, Cable News Network;
Joe Walsh, NBC/Mutual Radio; and Steve
Kurkjian, Boston Globe, participated in the
interview.


Remarks at the Mississippi State University Commencement
Ceremony in Starkville
May 13,1989


Congratulations to you. Thank you all
very much. President Zacharias and members of the board of trustees, members of
the distinguished faculty, administrators,
friends, soon to be graduates, I can't tell
you how much I appreciate that warm Bulldog welcome. Before I get too far into these
remarks, I don't believe I've ever heard a
more beautiful or remarkable rendition of
the "Star Spangled Banner." Richard
Gaddis-just wonderful. And thank you all
for the warmth of this welcome here today.
And I am very honored and privileged to
address your commencement.


I was at Alcorn State, another part of this
great State, earlier on. And I told them that
I was reminded of my own graduation, because I could see on the faces of some of
these kids the apprehension about the
President coming here and how long they
might have to endure the message. And I
was reminded of a graduation at Yale, and
the speaker got up and went on and on. He
finally-at the beginning he said, "Yale-Y
is for youth." He talked about that for 20
minutes; "A is for altruism"-18; "L is for
loyalty"-32 minutes; "E is for excellence."
Finished his speech-there was only one


551




May 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


person left, head down in prayer. And the
speaker said, "Were you praying for those
values?" He said, "No, sir, I was giving
thanks that I didn't go to Mississippi State
University." [Laughter]
I want to say what a great honor it is to
see a long-time family friend, one of the
great patriots of this or any other era, the
Honorable John Stennis, who resides right
here on this campus. Judge Stennis, Senator
Stennis, call him what you will. He doesn't
merely hail from Mississippi: He is Mississippi. And his service to the United States of
America will not be forgotten. Now, I wondered whether we could ever fill those big
shoes. But I say this not as a partisan but as
an observer of some time, as President
Zacharias said, of the public scene. And you
have two great United States Senators in
Thad Cochran and in Trent Lott, and I'm
proud to be with them here today.
And I salute the two Members of Congress that are with us today. One of them,
Congressman Montgomery, and I were
elected to Congress on the same day. I'm
delighted he's here. His great-grandfather,
Colonel W.B. Montgomery, was instrumental in rebuilding Mississippi after the war,
and he played a major role in founding this
university. And so, this afternoon I want to
recognize those pioneering efforts and to
salute my dear friend, the colonel's greatgrandson, your own Congressman, Sonny
Montgomery. He always kids me that I win
only when I'm wearing my Mississippi State
shorts. I brought them along today with a
plea: Can't we do better than this? [Laughter] Twenty years. If you don't do better
than that by me, you're going to get this.
[Laughter]
[At this point, the President held up an old,
worn pair of Mississippi State exercise
shorts and indicated that if they were not
replaced by something better that he would
wear shorts from the University of Mississippi, a rival school.]
You know, I come from a State where we
like to sing "The Eyes of Texas Are Upon
You." Well, today, my friends, the eyes of
America are upon Starkville, Mississippi.
For we meet, to begin with, at a special
school, special because for 109 years MSU
has made education a lasting legacy and


opportunity its bequest. We gather, also, in
a very special State, special for its people.
You realize that who we are matters more
than what we have. And you value home
and family and tradition and service to
country.
I thought of that today as Air Force One
brought me to Mississippi, and of how, for
me, this afternoon also marks another journey, back to some of my own pivotal years,
the years I spent as an undergraduate. It
was 41 years ago next month that I, too,
received my degree, 1948. In 1948 there
were only 172,000 television sets owned in
the entire United States of America. Milton
Berle was "Mr. Television," taking pies in
the face. Harry Truman was Mr. President,
giving 'em hell. And in many ways, it was a
different America: less congestion, less pollution, less high tech. Pac Man was a
camper, not a video game. [Laughter] And
we had problems, sure: at home, gas shortages and housing problems and veterans adjusting to domestic life after World War II.
Abroad, the Cold War had turned frigid.
The Communist bloc was solidifying. China
and the Middle East were rent asunder by
war. And in a Europe torn by conflicting
ideologies, the Soviets were blockading
West Berlin.
And yet, with the end of World War II,
America was unified as few could have
imagined. I'm sure many of you have seen
that famous Life magazine photo that captured the spirit of those times: the sailor in
Times Square embracing a woman in the
mass exultation of V-J Day, a victory for
freedom that came after so much sacrifice.
Like the woman swept off her feet, the
spirit of rejoicing, and more importantly the
limitless possibilities of America, swept us
all. And I, too, felt that sense of idealism
and opportunity and headed on out with
Barbara-headed out to Texas to make the
most of the American Dream.
But today I look back upon those times,
and I am struck by the wonder of how
much this country has achieved. What
newly married vet in his early twenties
could have envisioned just how wide the
golden door of opportunity would swing in
four short decades? And I ask myself, what
made this achievement possible? What


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caused America's technological and scientific advance, a prosperity and power unprecedented in world history? One thing, I believe, is what Mississippi's own William
Faulkner called "the old verities and truths
of the heart." My friends, it is these verities
that in 1948 allowed us to meet our problems together. We took pride in our identity as a nation and solace in our faith in God.
And above all, we believed in the simple,
the basic truths like kindness and civility,
self-sacrifice and courage, compassion and
concern for others, timeless values which
span the generations, values which show
that America is great because America is
good.
An old saying notes how "the world has
turned over many times." It has since I
graduated. The postwar period has given
way to a new world, a world still perilous,
but alive with prospects for peace and with
the certainty of change. Yesterday at Texas
A&M in Bryan, Texas, I talked of that
change, of a new policy that moves beyond
containment of the Soviet Union. And the
new policy seeks to bring the Soviet Union
into the family of nations, a policy, if you
will, of reintegration. And as the Soviet
Union moves toward greater openness and
democratization, and as they meet the challenge of responsible international behavior,
we will match their steps with steps of our
own. And if we succeed, the future of every
graduate today is going to be safer. The
world we know will be more free. We can
dedicate ourselves then to helping others
even more.
Yet there are some things that haven't
changed since 1948. Our values haven't.
We see these values everywhere: a churchbased child-care center, choir practice, or
the PTA. And they uplift American society,
for they reflect the tenets of "do unto
others," tenets I respect and which I will
try hard to serve as President of the United
States. And they are the values of America's
good, quiet, decent people, Americans who
know that we are not the sum of our possessions but of how we conduct ourselves. And
these people form the heart of our society,
and they enrich its central unit, the family.
Here these values play a special role, for
they teach that life is not a celebration of
self and our fate is not divisible.


As I mentioned to the graduating class at
Alcorn, I will do nothing as President, nothing at all, to weaken our society by weakening the fundamental role of family in our
society. Instead, I will do all I can to emphasize its importance and to reinforce its
role. I've been very lucky-a wonderful
wife and five great kids. They're through
college. And I remember receiving letters
from them, and there would always be that
"P.S." at the bottom, those three little
words, "Please send money," that special
bond between parents at home and kids
away at school. I expect these parents have
never, ever received a letter like that.
Five kids and 11 lively grandkids-and by
themselves, they could field the Bulldogs'
entire pitching staff. And I understand you
people with the earphones staying plugged
in to the baseball game. [Laughter] If I
were sitting up there, I'd be doing exactly
the same thing. [Laughter] Never say that
Mississippians do not have their priorities
sorted out right. [Laughter]
But like all kids, ours provide a Rubik
Cube of questions. And like most families,
they supply that love and allegiance which
make us more fulfilled. And, believe me,
sometimes we need that loyalty. I'm reminded of the alumnus who sent his coach
a telegram before the big game. It read:
"Remember, coach, we're all behind youwin or tie." [Laughter]
The individual is important, but the
family unit can be our secret weapon and
our shield. And as President, I want to
strengthen it. To help the family, we must
keep America prosperous, strong, and free.
We must stop the scourge of drug abuse,
and we will. We must build an educational
system which invests in our children. And
for those who, for whatever reason sickness, poverty, the death of a loved onefeel alone and isolated, let us become their
family, not in a legal sense but in a human
sense: helping, supporting, caring for our
neighbor.
Today millions of Americans are doing
just that: giving of themselves and helping
others. And we term their work voluntarism, or community service. For they show
how the definition of a successful life must
include serving others.


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May 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


The French writer Jean Cocteau was
once asked what he would take if his house
were on fire and he could remove only one
thing. "I would take the fire," he replied.
[Laughter] He liked what worked. Well, so
do I. Community service works because it's
real, not abstract. It makes achievements
feasible. Compassion helps one child escape
heroin addiction. Generosity allows another
to eat a decent meal. And through faith in
God, still another overcomes the curse of
bigotry and hatred.
And that's why I have created the Office
of National Service, which will enlist new
volunteers to help meet unmet social needs.
Project Victory, or Mission Impossible?
Look to the heroes of today for an answerlook to David Pettry, an MSU agronomist
who has traveled around the world to nurture soil management; or Steve Cooper,
who works in Starkville's Help Find the
Children campaign; or Donnie Prisock-Dr.
Donnie-a quadriplegic who earned his
Ph.D. and who counsels handicapped students right here at this school. Heroes?
Every one; for they know that the private
sector-and individuals-have the resources
and the responsibility to confront issues like
hunger and health care, drug abuse and
teen pregnancy. A famous adage says that
"Luck is the residue of design." Well,
America's luck can be the residue of voluntarism's design.
My friends, you've worked hard and stud

ied and struggled for 4 years, and now
you've endured the hardest part: listening
to the commencement address. [Laughter]
And I haven't even begun. Let's see, Y-MI-S. [Laughter]
But let me leave you with the thought
that Mississippi has given America some indelible leaders: in politics, John Stennis; in
publishing, Eugene Butler; in entertainment, country's Jerry Clower. And always,
you've treasured Faulkner's "verities and
truths of the heart." Community servicenational service-reflects those verities:
"love and honor and pride and compassion
and sacrifice," values which can ennoble
the family and American society at large.
So, let Faulkner's "verities of the heart" be
our values, not merely for this generation
but for future generations. And inspired by
America's good, quiet, decent people, let us
help enrich America so that America can
continue to enrich the world.
Good luck to each one of you. My heartfelt congratulations! May your future be
worthy of your dreams. And may you
always say, as I do now, God bless the
United States of America. Thank you for
inviting me. Thanks a lot.
Note: The President spoke at 3:22 p.m. on
Thurman field. He was introduced by
Donald W. Zacharias, president of the university. Following his remarks, the President traveled to Lexington, KY.


Remarks at a Fundraising Reception for Senator Mitch McConnell
in Lexington, Kentucky
May 13, 1989


What a great United States Senator you
have, and how impressive this turnout is,
which will guarantee his reelection! I
couldn't be more pleased to be here, and
I'm pleased to see these three distinguished
Members of the Congress here. You may
not remember this ancient history, but Hal
Rogers was my Kentucky State chairman in
my quest for the Presidency. And what a
job that guy did, I'll tell you. And I want to
pay my respects to your own Congress

man-your own on the turf right here,
those of you from the Lexington areaLarry Hopkins, who's with us tonight and
doing a great job in Washington. And long
before he got into politics, I was a Jim Bunning fan. And now I'm even more of a Jim
Bunning fan, I'll tell you. And I want to pay
my respects to Bob Gable, our current State
party chairman. I'm delighted he's here,
and the other party officials. And of course,
I'd be remiss if I didn't in a personal way


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 13


pay my respects to Will and Sarah Farish
and to my old friend, Lee Brown-give
them a job to do, and it gets done. And I
am just delighted to be here with all three
of them.
Spring in the Bluegrass State, racing at
Churchill Downs, and voting for Mitch McConnell-it doesn't get much better than
that, wherever you are. Senator, your supporters have tonight given very generously
to your campaign, and I know what it is
that everyone here wants from me in
return. Too late-all six puppies are spoken
for. [Laughter] But I'll let you in on a
secret. The biggest secret in town is that
Will Farish's springer spaniel-or English
spaniel-is  actually  Millie's  boyfriend.
[Laughter] Up to now we've tried to keep
his name out of the press, though. [Laughter] I think it's okay now, though, to reveal
his name-Tug Farish III. [Laughter] Just
what my elitist image name-puppies with
Roman numerals after their names. [Laughter]
But here we are in Kentucky. You may
have read that the pups are sleeping, or
have been, on the Washington Post and the
New York Times-[laughter]-the first time
in history that those papers have been used
to prevent leaks. [Laughter]
Will and I-you got to-we'll confess it:
we're partial to those English spanielsMillie, Tug, the puppies, and all that. But
when I arrived in Kentucky tonight, I saw
the strangest thing: bloodhounds, everywhere, searching for your former Senator
still. They have not found him yet. But they
know where this one is. He's in Washington, doing the people's business, and I've
never seen a guy work harder for the
people that sent him up there than Mitch
McConnell. He's never forgotten how he
got to Washington.
And I might say-and this is a matter of
at least note to me-and that is that Mitch
McConnell was the first United States Senator to be in my corner to endorse me when
I ran for the Presidency of the United
States-the very first one. And I say that
because he has always stood up for his convictions, a man of principle and character,
the courage of those convictions. One of the
reasons I am here tonight is-I will never
forget and will always appreciate-the fact


that Mitch McConnell stood out early, took
a position, and stayed with it. He's that kind
of guy; he's that kind of Senator.
In a very short time in the U.S. Senate,
he's gained the kind of clout that Kentucky
needs in Washington. And he's achieved the
stature that caused me to choose him as
chairman of our delegation to El Salvador
to monitor those very important elections.
And I knew I could count on Mitch for this
sensitive foreign policy assignment. And I'll
be looking to him for his advice and counsel
as we chart America's course in the years
ahead.
And speaking of delegations monitoring
elections, let me just make a reference to
Panama, because we had two delegations
down there monitoring these electionsone headed by former Presidents Ford and
Carter; one headed by Congressman
Murtha of the United States House of Representatives and Senator McCain of Arizona. And both of them came back and said
the following: One, the affections of the
people of Panama about the United States is
intact. Two, the election was clearly fraudulent. There's nobody that's looked at the
election down there that has anything to
say other than that it was fraudulent and
free. They made the point that it would be
in the interests of peace and freedom and
democracy around the world if the Panamanian people could be granted their wish to
have Mr. Endara be the new President of
Panama.
And let me just assure you of this: I will
act prudently in Central America. I will act
as much as we possibly can in concert with
the nations of Central and South America.
We do not want to return to the days of the
imperialistic gringos of the North. But let
everybody be clear on one point: I will protect the lives of Americans in Panama,
whether they're military or civilian. We will
not let Americans' lives be put at risk by a
dictator down there.
I mentioned Mitch's interest in foreign
policy and his leadership there. But on domestic issues as well-important issues like
keeping the economy strong-he's right out
there. You see, there is great mutual respect between us. Mitch understands words
like principle and loyalty. And as you know,


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May 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


those words are very, very important to all
of us. Certainly, I say they're very important to me. So, take it from me, I know
from experience you can count on Mitch
McConnell.
Let me simply say, I know you haven't
even eaten yet, and I've had two graduation speeches and a couple of miles of running over in Houston before going to Mississippi, and I'm just really delighted to be
here. But let me just say a word about[laughter]-let me just say one other serious
word, because yesterday I gave a speech
over at Texas A&M in Bryan, Texas, about
our relationship with-do I hear a couple of
Aggies in the crowd down there?-a speech
about our relationship with the Soviet
Union. And there are some young people
here tonight, and I'd like to address myself
to them and say I think you've got a wonderful chance to live in a more peaceful
world, to grow up without the fear that
some of your parents have had about nuclear holocaust or a world at war. And yesterday I made this proposal that we offer to
the Soviets a chance to be reintegrated
back into the family of nations. And that is
going to be a driving goal of my Presidency.
But we're not going to do it from naivete.
We're not going to do it based on promises
or bold proposals. We're going to do it on
the facts. And I'm going to keep the United
States of America strong, but I am not


going to miss an opportunity to discuss
global peace and to work for the relief of
regional tensions with Mr. Gorbachev. We
are going to do that, but we're going to do
it in a timely fashion, a prudent fashion,
with the interests of the free world foremost all the time.
These are exciting times, and we are the
United States of America. And we have
always led the alliance, and we're going to
continue to lead the alliance. But I would
conclude I am optimistic not only about the
future of the alliance but I am optimistic
about the changes that are taking place in
the Soviet Union. And I'll do my level
best-working with the three Congressmen
that are here, with the Senator that is
here-to enhance United States standing
and to make clear to everyone in the world
that we are committed to world peace, that
we're going to stay strong in the pursuit of
that peace.
Thank you all very much. Thank you
very, very much for your support of this
outstanding Senator. I'm delighted to be
with you. God bless you, and God bless the
United States of America. Thank you very,
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 9:25 p.m. in
the reception tent at Lane's End Farm. Following his remarks, the President returned
to Washington, DC.


Message on the Observance of Police Week and Police Officers'
Memorial Day, May 1989
May 13, 1989


America has a long tradition of excellence
in law enforcement. Throughout the country, in each and every community, citizens
expect the highest standards of conduct and
character in those men and women who
work in this field: honor, integrity, diligence, bravery, and professionalism. Police
Week is a fitting time to show our special
appreciation for these individuals who
render an indispensable service to all of us
and who set a splendid example of selflessness and valor.


Police Officers' Memorial Day poignantly
reminds us that law enforcement officials
face great danger every day of the year.
Whether responding to an accident on a
dark snow-covered rural highway, or arresting drug dealers in the inner-city, police
officers save lives-often at the risk of their
own. Today, we honor those who have
fallen in the line of duty. They have paid
the greatest price possible for our safety,
and this observance is but a small repayment toward the lasting debt we owe to


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 15


each of them.
I encourage all Americans to join me in
expressing our heartfelt respect and gratitude to the Nation's law enforcement officers, not only during Police Week and
Police Officers' Memorial Day, but also


throughout the year. These dedicated individuals who uphold the law and protect our
lives and property deserve our constant
support.
GEORGE BUSH


Remarks at the National Peace Officers' Memorial Day Ceremony
May 15, 1989


Thank you, Suzy. If it doesn't start clearing up, we're issuing snorkels to everybody
out there. [Laughter] Thank you, Suzy
Sawyer, and of course, to Dewey Stokes and
Craig Floyd, my respects as well. You have
great leadership, and I salute them. I want
to say how pleased I am that the Secretary
of the Treasury is with me, Nick Brady; our
Attorney General, the able Dick Thornburgh; and our drug czar, Secretary Bill
Bennett. The fact that we four are here is
intentional. It sends the signal of our commitment and of our interest. And I know
Members of Congress are here as well. I
spotted my own Senator, Senator Phil
Gramm of Texas, and Senator Pete Wilson.
But I'm going to be in trouble because I
can't see over there-who else is there. But
I know many are sitting right over here,
and we salute them. I see Senator Ford and
others, and we're just delighted that they
are here today.
Last fall a retired New York police lieutenant gave me badge number 14072, and I
have it with me today-the badge his son
wore the day he was gunned down by a
gang of cocaine cowards. Matt Byrne asked
me to keep Eddie's badge as a "reminder of
all the brave police officers who put their
lives on the line for us every single day. "
Matt, your son's badge, as I have told you, is
kept in my desk at the Oval Office. And
during the debate on gun-related violence
that has raged in this country the past several months, neither it nor what it represents has ever been far from my mind. I've
heard the many voices, the courageous and
the compassionate, the wounded and the
widowed, and I salute the survivors that are
here today.


We gather today to respond to those
voices and to honor the fallen by launching
a national strategy, a partnership with
America's cities and States, to take back the
streets. It calls for a return to common
sense. And it begins with a clear-eyed vision
of the kind of problems we face, the kind of
people we are, the kind of values that we
hold, and the kind of nation we intend to
bequeath to our children.
The problem is violent crime, and in particular, the blood that's been shed by increasingly sophisticated guns in the hands
of a new class of criminals. Usually, but not
always, the deaths are tied to a cycle of
dollars and drugs and dependency. The
principles are simple. My generation well
remembers what some believe was FDR's
finest speech: the "Four Freedoms," an address to a joint session of the Congress. And
the last, often forgotten, but arguably the
most fundamental of those freedoms was
simply this: freedom from fear. Our sworn
duty to "insure domestic Tranquility" is as
old as the Republic, placed in the Constitution's preamble even before the common
defense and the general welfare. And so,
when we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our goal must be
a nation in which law-abiding citizens are
safe and feel safe.
To achieve this goal, people must be held
accountable for their actions, and that's
common sense. Most Americans are lawabiding, and most believe that there is such
a thing as right and wrong, good and evil.
And whether it's the brutalization of a
young runner in a park or terrorizing a
young man onto a crowded highway, these
are acts that cannot be excused or ex

557




May 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


plained away. A commonsense approach to
crime means that if we're going to affect
people's behavior we must have a criminal
justice system in which there is an expectation that if you commit a crime you will be
caught; and if caught, you will be prosecuted; and if convicted, you will do time. For
far too long, a privileged class of violent and
repeat offenders have calculated that crime
really does pay, that our criminal justice
system is a crapshoot where the risks are
worth the rewards. Well, it's time we
change the odds and up the stakes enormously.
And we will lead the way. We'll do our
part and then some. But no Federal effort
can succeed without the full partnership of
the cities and the States that you so nobly
represent. Unfortunately, nowhere is your
front-line role more evident than in the
honor roll that will be read today: of 161
officers killed in the line of duty last year,
152 were State or local cops. And you are
the first line of defense, and your respective
governments have an obligation to adopt
tough legislation and provide the resources-in police, prosecutors, and prisons-to fully back you up.
At the trial of Eddie Byrne's executioners,
there was testimony that the hit was ordered from prison to send a message to the
people behind the badge. And one witness
said that they hoped to see the attack on
the television news at Riker's Island. Well,
today we have a message of our own: We're
going to take back the streets by taking
criminals off the streets. And it is an attack
on all four fronts: new laws to punish them,
new agents to arrest them, new prosecutors
to convict them, and new prisons to hold
them.
I am announcing today-and there is no
more fitting place than right here-a comprehensive new offensive for combating
violent crime-for Eddie Byrne, for every
officer we honor here today, and for America. The first front of this campaign, new
laws, starts with the semiautomatic and socalled assault weapons that criminals have
taken as their gun of choice. And again,
common sense has to play an important
part in this discussion. The fact of the
matter is, nearly half the households in this
country have guns, and guns are already


out there. And the overwhelming majority
are legitimately owned, for legitimate purposes. But in contrast to legitimate gun
ownership is the chilling fact that something like 80 percent of all firearms used by
felons are stolen or otherwise unlawfully obtained. Throughout our nation's history, the
hard lesson we've learned is that criminals
will get guns. And so, let me be very clear
about our response: The right to own a gun
is not a license to harm others.
And so, first I am calling on Congress
today to do for dangerous firearms what it
has wisely done for dangerous drugs: to
double the mandatory minimum penalties
for the use of semiautomatic weapons in
crimes involving violence or drugs. And the
math is simple. Anyone who uses a semiautomatic for crime, or so much as has one
on them during a crime, will do an automatic 10 extra years in Federal prison-no
probation, no parole, no matter which
judge they get.
And secondly, we just can't plea-bargain
away the lives of your loved ones, the lives
of our cops and kids. And I'm directing the
Attorney General to advise America's prosecutors to end plea bargaining for violent
Federal firearms offenses. Those who use
guns will do time-hard time.
And third, when a criminal carries a gun
and someone dies, they must pay with their
own lives. We are calling on Congress today
to enact the steps necessary to implement
the death penalty and to newly designate
the use of a firearm as an aggravating factor
for determining whether the death sentence should be imposed.
And I call on America's Governors to
match this Federal initiative and propose
these same three standards at home: mandatory time, no deals without cooperation,
and the death penalty where appropriate.
Your States owe it to those here today, and
to the American people.
And fourth, 2 months ago, at my direction, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and
Firearms suspended the importation of certain so-called assault weapons. ATF is continuing its examination to determine which,
if any, of those weapons are not acceptable
under standards in existing law. And at the
conclusion of this study, and after careful


558




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 15


consideration, we will permanently ban any
imports that don't measure up to these
standards.
Recently the U.S. News cover story on
guns summed up a related challenge: "the
difficulty in drafting laws that will separate
assault weapons used in crime from semiautomatics frequently used for legitimate
hunting and sport." And there is substantial
controversy and debate on this point.
You're all well aware of that. But one thing
that we do know about these assault weapons is that they are invariably equipped
with unjustifiably large magazines. The notorious AKS-47, for example, comes with a
magazine that pumps off 30 explosive bullets without reloading. And that is whyfifth-we stand on the steps here in front of
the Capitol and ask its support for legislation prohibiting the importation, manufacture, sale, or transfer of these insidious gun
magazines of more than 15 rounds.
The current debate was first sparked
when an unstable gunman in Stockton, California, purchased an AKS-47 over the
counter and used it to lay waste to an elementary school playground. Patrick Edward
Purdy had no business buying that gun. He
was arrested on his first weapons charge
before his 15th birthday. And by his fourth
firearms arrest, Purdy had finally turned 18,
and with it chalked up the first of two adult
convictions. Although for violent and weapons offenses, both convictions were misdemeanors. Purdy crawled through the loophole that bars only felons from buying guns
and got that deadly AKS-47. That is outrageous.
And therefore, we also propose that Congress close this Purdy loophole and others
like it that allow deadly weapons to fall into
deadly hands. Again, that's just plain
common sense. We must not allow deadly
weapons to fall into deadly hands.
But we need to do more than just enact
new laws. And in a recent movie about the
L.A. gang wars, a woman shouts encouragement to a cop on patrol, telling him: "You
get them off the street." And he answers:
"Lady, we're trying." And the woman offers
a four-word solution: "You need more
help." And believe me, we know it. Our
police need more help. And I'm here today
to tell you that we're prepared to match


rhetoric with resources and call on our
cities and States to do the same.
The second front, if you will, of our new
offensive calls for increased manpower and
a new strategy on guns, a strategy based on
models of proven effectiveness. I have directed the Attorney General and the Treasury Secretary, working together with State
and local enforcement, to launch a comprehensive, coordinated offensive against our
nation's most violent criminals. And I am
requesting funding for hiring 825 new Federal agents and staff-375 at ATF, 300 at
the FBI, and 150 Deputy U.S. Marshals.
Many of these hirings will permit experienced investigators from all three agencies
to promptly combat violent crime in the
field.
Of course, arresting these thugs doesn't
help if we don't have the muscle to prosecute each criminal to the fullest extent of
the law. And that's why the third front of
this campaign calls for Congress to back up
these new troops with 1,600 new prosecutors and staff. And now, there probably isn't
a police officer here who hasn't seen a case
where a dangerous felon-properly arrested, fully prosecuted, and sentenced to the
maximum-walked out of jail early, sometimes years early, because prisons are bursting at the seams. That is not right.
Part of our commonsense approach is a
simple recognition that it doesn't do any
good to provide new Federal agents, new
assistant U.S. Attorneys, and new laws with
long-term penalties if we don't have the
prison cells to keep criminals where they
belong. A chain is only as strong as its weakest link. And so, as the fourth front in this
comprehensive effort, I am calling on the
Congress to authorize an additional $1 billion, over and above the $500 million already slated for 1990, for Federal prison
construction. These 24,000 new beds will
boost Federal prison capacity by nearly 80
percent.
Not since Lincoln has a President stood in
front of the Capitol and been just a few
miles from the front lines of a war. Never
was the toll more visible than in the faces of
the brave men and women, the families,
gathered here today. And when I first stood
here as President, over there, only mo

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May 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ments after taking the oath of office, I
made a promise: "This scourge will stop."
And that's a promise that we intend to
keep.
Ladies and gentlemen, I offer my condolences for your fallen loved ones and for
your fellow officers. And I salute your commitment, and I salute your courage, and as
a citizen-grateful for the protection you
have provided for me and my family and
my fellow countrymen-I thank you, and I
wish you Godspeed. Thank you all, and God


bless the United States of America. Thank
you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:29 p.m. at
the West Front of the Capitol. In his opening remarks, he referred to Suzy Sawyer,
executive director of the Fraternal Order of
Police Ladies Auxiliary; Dewey Stokes, national president of the Fraternal Order of
Police; and Craig Floyd, president of the
National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund.


White House Fact Sheet on Combating Violent Crime
May 15, 1989


The President outlined today a comprehensive program to combat violent crime.
The program is designed to strengthen the
Nation's criminal justice system and the
Federal, State, and local law enforcement
partnership. The program is grounded in
the President's belief that greater certainty
of apprehension, prosecution, and punishment will help deter crimes of violence. It
includes proposals to strengthen current
Federal, State, and local laws, to step up
enforcement and to hold perpetrators of
crimes fully accountable for their actions.
The President is proposing a commonsense approach to crime with initiatives to
limit access to weapons by criminals, to
reform the criminal justice system, to enhance enforcement and prosecution, and to
expand prison capacity to ensure both the
certainty and severity of punishment.
Fundamental Principles
Four principles underlie the goals of our
criminal justice system and the means for
accomplishing them.
* A primary purpose of government is to
protect citizens and their property. Americans deserve to live in a society in which
they are safe and feel secure.
* Those who commit violent criminal offenses should, and must, be held accountable for their actions.
* Our criminal justice system must have
as its objective the swift and certain appre

hension, prosecution, and incarceration of
those who break the law.
* Success in accomplishing our criminal
justice system goals requires a sustained, cooperative effort by Federal, State, and local
law enforcement authorities.
The President today proposed a comprehensive four-part program to strengthen
current laws, enhance enforcement and apprehension of criminals, facilitate prosecutions, and expand Federal prison capacity.
Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1989
I. STRENGTHENING CURRENT LAWS
To ensure that those who commit violent
criminal offenses are held fully accountable
for their actions, it is essential to eliminate
certain gaps in existing law and to strengthen some existing statutes.
A. Enhanced Penalties for Firearms
Violations
The President proposed seven changes in
Federal firearms laws which would:
1. double the mandatory penalty from 5
to 10 years under 18 U.S.C. 924(c) for
the use of a semiautomatic firearm
during the commission of a violent
crime or drug felony;
2. amend the Armed Career Criminal
statute to count as predicate offenses
acts of juvenile delinquency which if


560




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 15


committed by an adult would constitute a serious drug offense; many
youthful repeat offenders now escape
the enhanced career criminal penalties
because most of their prior offenses
were charged as juvenile delinquency;
3. allow for pretrial preventive detention
of defendants in cases involving certain
serious Federal firearms and explosive
offenses;
4. authorize criminal penalties and mandatory minimum sentences for theft of
a firearm;
5. enhance penalties for smuggling firearms into the United States while engaged in, or in the furtherance of, drug
trafficking;
6. require mandatory revocation of Federal supervised release for those possessing a firearm anytime before the
term of their supervised release expires;
7. double the current penalty for a knowing and materially false statement on
ATF Form 4473 to a maximum sentence of 10 years imprisonment.
The President also urged all States to
adopt model legislation providing mandatory minimum sentences for criminal offenses
involving firearms to parallel Federal mandatory minimum provisions.
He directed the Attorney General to provide the States with related technical assistance through the Law Enforcement Coordinating Committees (LECC's). At present, 30
States have some provision for mandatory
terms of imprisonment for use of firearms
in the commission of a crime.
The President proposed providing a 5 -percent bonus to the formula portion of
drug law enforcement grants for those
States which adopt this model legislation.
B. Restricting Plea Bargaining
If our criminal justice system is to achieve
its objective of ensuring that those who
commit violent firearms offenses are held
fully accountable for their actions, plea bargaining practices nationwide must be reformed. Too often, serious felons walk away
from court after pleading guilty to minor
offenses and misdemeanors because overburdened prosecutors have accepted plea


agreements rather than going to trial. The
lesser charges result in lesser sentences or
probation, and repeat offenders continue to
beat the system. To speed an end to such
plea bargaining:
1. The President directed the Attorney
General to issue and fully implement guidelines for Federal prosecutors regarding plea
bargaining under the Sentencing Reform
Act to ensure that Federal charges always
reflect both the seriousness of the defendant's conduct and the Department's commitment to statutory sentencing goals and
procedures. This will ensure that Federal
prosecutors seek minimum mandatory penalties for all violent firearms offenses.
2. The President urged State and local
governments to reform their plea bargaining and sentencing practices along similar
lines and to devote increased resources to
prosecutions.
C. Enacting Death Penalty Procedures
The criminal justice system must accord
paramount importance to the protection of
innocent life. The murderous assaultweapon-armed gang member, the terrorist,
the traitor, and the assassin, who threaten
American lives and the Nation's security,
must know that they will face the death
penalty for their crimes.
The President proposed to restore an enforceable death penalty for the most aggravated Federal crimes. His proposal includes
adequate standards and constitutionally
sound procedures for applying the Federal
death penalty provisions that now appear in
Federal statutes for homicide, espionage,
and treason. It would also authorize the
death penalty for a number of new offenses,
such as murder for hire. In direct response
to the increase in firearms-related violence,
the proposal specifies that the use of a firearm in committing the offense or a previous
conviction of a violent felony involving a
firearm constitute aggravating factors justifying capital punishment.
D. Restricting Imported Weapons
When the study of imported weapons by
the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms is completed, the administration will
make permanent the temporary suspension


561




May 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


on the imported weapons, if any, that fail to
meet the criteria specified in the Gun Control Act of 1968 (18 U.S.C. 925).
E. Preventing Circumvention of Import
Laws
The administration will propose an
amendment to ensure that actions taken
under the provisions of the Gun Control
Act of 1968 shall not be circumvented by
domestic assembly of such weapons or any
combination of domestic and foreign assembly of such weapons.
F. Restricting Gun Clips and Magazines
The administration will propose legislation prohibiting the importation, manufacture, transfer, or sale of gun magazines of
over 15 rounds for use by private citizens.
G. Limiting Access to Weapons by
Criminals
In addition to greater penalties for misusing firearms, it is also important to limit
access to weapons by criminals. This can be
facilitated in three ways:
1. Strengthening and Expanding Prohibitions on Access to Weapons by Criminals.
a. The President proposed to bar the sale
of firearms to, or possession of firearms by,
persons convicted of any violent offense, expanding the existing prohibition to cover
individuals convicted of violent misdemeanor offenses.
b. The President also proposed to bar the
sale of firearms to, or possession of firearms
by, persons who are convicted of any serious drug offense.
2. Improving Mechanisms for Identifying
Criminals Who Attempt to Purchase Firearms. The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 requires the Attorney General to develop a
system for the immediate and accurate
identification of felons and others who attempt to purchase firearms, but are barred
by Federal law [18 U.S.C. 922(gXl)] from
buying or possessing firearms. The initial
stage of the study must be completed by
November 18, 1989.
a. The President directed the Attorney
General to expand the National Criminal
Records Identification System Implementation study to include a review and evaluation of State and local procedures which


have effectively limited criminal access to
firearms and, based on that review and in
consultation with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, to develop recommendations for model State legislation and procedures to complement and enhance efforts
to reduce felons' access to firearms.
Model State legislation or procedures
might include a reasonably structured waiting period or use other devices to facilitate
accuracy in determining whether an individual seeking to purchase a weapon from a
licensed gun dealer is ineligible by reason
of Federal law. At present, more than 20
States have waiting periods, identification
requirements, or other procedures which
effectively limit criminal access to weapons.
b. The President urged States to transfer
criminal history conviction, sentencing, and
other case disposition records to the proper
Federal authorities. He also directed the Attorney General to recommend additional
improvements in the criminal records data
system. The quality of criminal history data
is a critical factor in crime control and prevention. At present, the only criminal history records consistently reported by States
and localities are arrest records.
Timely and accurate reporting of conviction, sentencing, and other case disposition
records is essential to the effective operation of the Nation's criminal justice system.
To improve the national data base, States
should make such criminal record reporting
mandatory and take steps to ensure that
centralized State criminal history repositories are adequately funded and managed. In
addition, States should maintain records and
report on all serious crimes committed by
juveniles, who frequently continue their
criminal careers into adulthood but often
escape early identification as repeat offenders and recidivists because their juvenile
records are not reported.
3. Eliminating Loopholes and Clarifying
Existing Offenses. The President also proposed to eliminate loopholes and clarify existing offenses related to the sale or transfer
of firearms, in order to:
a. facilitate the prosecution of unlicensed
gun dealers engaged in illegal weapons
transfers to aliens or transients;
b. expand Federal jurisdiction to permit


562




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 15


prosecution of transactions in stolen
firearms and weapons lacking serial
numbers in cases where the firearms
have previously moved in interstate or
foreign commerce (present law requires the firearms be moving in interstate commerce at the time of the offense);
c. provide a uniform standard to determine whether a person is under Federal firearms disabilities based upon State
convictions;
d. require that persons convicted under
State law of a serious drug offense or
violent felony apply to Federal authorities in order to have their firearms
rights restored;
e. amend provisions regarding the disposal of forfeited firearms; and
f. clarify the definition of burglary in the
Armed Career Criminal Act to eliminate loopholes caused by differing State
laws.
H. Making Drug Testing a Condition of
Release
The President also proposed to authorize
and fund nationwide implementation in
1990 of drug testing as a mandatory condition of Federal probation, parole, or supervised release. It is estimated that 81,500
people will be on some form of Federal
supervised release in 1990. The Justice Department and the Federal Judiciary will coordinate implementation of this program.
The President urged States to adopt similar mandatory drug testing programs as a
condition of parole.
II. AUGMENTING ENFORCEMENT
A primary purpose of government is to
protect citizens and their property. This requires the sustained cooperative commitment of Federal, State, and local law enforcement officials. Apprehending violent
offenders requires increased enforcement
personnel, improved cooperation among
law enforcement authorities, and not permitting the exclusion of evidence on legal
technicalities.
A. Additional A TF Special Agents
The President proposed to increase funds
for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and


Firearms to provide for the hiring, training,
and equipping of 375 ATF special agents,
inspectors, and support personnel to investigate assault weapon and other firearms violations by armed career criminal and repeat
offenders.
B. Additional US. Marshals
The President proposed to increase funds
for the U.S. Marshals to provide for about
150 additional positions for the Marshals
Fugitive Investigations and Court Orders
Program. This would direct greater Federal
efforts to capturing fugitives and career
criminals.
C. Additional FBI Agents
The President proposed to increase funds
for the FBI to provide for about 300 additional positions for the Bureau's Violent
Crime and Major Offenders Program and
Organized Crime Program and to assist
States and localities to improve their efforts
in fighting violent crime through greater
Federal/ State cooperation.
D. Coordinated Task Forces
The President directed the Attorney
General and Secretary of the Treasury to
develop a coordinated strategy for the deployment of the additional U.S. Marshals,
ATF and FBI agents. Their deployment will
emphasize working closely with State and
local authorities in task forces to target and
investigate career criminals who are subject
to prosecution as repeat offenders under
Federal firearms laws and related statutes.
E. State and Local Resources
The President urged State and local authorities to increase their law enforcement
resources devoted to identifying and apprehending violent criminal offenders.
F. Exclusionary Rule Reform
The President proposed to establish a
general "good faith" exception to the exclusionary rule which would permit evidence
to be admitted if the officers carrying out a
search or seizure acted with an objectively
reasonable belief that their conduct was in
conformity with fourth amendment requirements. The reform legislation would
clarify that, in the absence of explicit statu

563




May 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tory authority for doing so, Federal courts
may only exclude evidence on the basis of
constitutional violations.
III. ENHANCING PROSECUTION
In order to assure that criminals are held
accountable for their offenses, certainty of
prosecution must accompany severity of
punishment. Federal, State, and local authorities must expand and coordinate their
prosecutorial efforts.
A. Additional Assistant US. Attorneys
The President proposed to increase funds
for the U.S. Attorneys Offices to support
1,600 additional positions to handle the increased number of Federal defendants and
to prosecute more drug cases, weapons offenses, and other priority matters.
B. Additional Criminal Division Attorneys
The President proposed to increase funds
for the Justice Department Criminal Division to support 168 additional positions to
focus on drug cases, weapons offenses, and
other priority matters, including activities
to foster State and local cooperation and
coordinated law enforcement strategies.
C. Additional Housing for Unsentenced
Prisoners
The President proposed additional funds
for the U.S. Marshals Service to provide
transportation and 300,000 added jail days
for unsentenced prisoners and pretrial detainees.
D. Additional Judicial Branch Resources
The President proposed increasing the
administration's budget request for the Judiciary by $40 million for FY 1990 to cover
costs associated with processing increased
numbers of criminal defendants and for additional Federal criminal prosecutions.
E. Habeas Corpus Reform
The President proposed immediate enactment of habeas corpus reform to establish a
general 1-year time limit on Federal applications by State prisoners and to require
deference in Federal proceedings to the results of fair and reasonable State court determinations. This will correct the existing
system of review, under which over 10,000
cases are annually filed in Federal court.


IV. EXPANDING PRISON CAPACITY
Prison overcrowding remains a national
problem. The most acute problem is at the
Federal level. At both the Federal and
State level prison overcrowding is a factor
in sentencing. At the State and local levels
it is often responsible for the early release
of convicted criminals.
A. Expanding Federal Prison Construction
The President proposed an additional $1
billion for Federal prison construction,
bringing the total 1990 budget to over $1.5
billion. This will increase prison capacity by
about 77 percent, adding over 24,000 new
Federal prison beds. The present rated Federal prison capacity is 30,951 beds; the
present Federal prison population is approximately 48,000.
B. Converting Unused Federal Properties
The President directed the Secretary of
Defense, the Secretary of Education, and
the Administrator of the General Services
Administration to work with the Attorney
General to identify expeditiously properties
and facilities suitable for conversion for use
as Federal prisons or jails.
C Deporting Criminal Aliens
The President proposed to provide the
Attorney General with $14 million for the
Immigration and Naturalization Service
(INS) and the Executive Office for Immigration Review in order to expedite the deportation of convicted criminal aliens.
Crimes committed by aliens are rising
disproportionately in relation to the general
population and entailing more violent and
drug-related crime.
The Federal Bureau of Prisons has identified 9,254 aliens in its facilities, 20.6 percent of its total inmate population.
D. Encouraging State Prison Construction
The President commended and encouraged State prison construction efforts. States
currently have construction of 63,452 new
bedspaces underway. An additional 78,094
bedspaces are planned, and funding has
been secured for their construction. Moreover, States have requested construction of
72,190 additional bedspaces.


564




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 15


E. Review of Court-Ordered Prison Caps
The President directed the Attorney
General to conduct a review of the role of
court orders and consent decrees in prison
crowding situations, including an assessment of the scope of judicial authority in
formulating and issuing such orders, the
impact of such orders on the operation of
prison systems and public security, and nonjudicial means of addressing prison crowding. The Attorney General will report his
findings to the President and recommend
any necessary remedial actions.
Legislation to implement elements of this
initiative will be transmitted shortly by the
Attorney General.
FUNDING SUMMARY


FUNDING SUMMARY-Continued


Unsentenced          Prisoner
Support.............................
Courts....................................
Drug Testing:
Mandatory Testing..............
Criminal Alien Deportation:
INS.........................................
EOIR (Executive Office
for          Immigration
Review).............................
State Grant Bonus:
Office of Justice Programs (Bonus)...................
Subtotal (nonprison)........
Prisons:
Federal Prison Construction.....................................


$13.0 million
$40.0 million
$10.7 million
$12.5 million
$1.6 million
$6.0 million
$189.1 million
$1.0 billion


Enforcement:
BATF.....................................
U.S. Marshals........................
FBI.........................................
Prosecution:
U.S. Attorneys......................
Criminal Division................


$18.8 million
$12.0 million
$19.5 million
$49.6 million
$5.4 million


This will bring the total 1990 prison construction
budget to over $1.5 billion, which includes
$115 million available from the Special Forfeiture Fund available to the Office of National
Drug Control Policy, and $401 million in the
original Bush Budget.
Total Increase.......... 1 $1,189.1 billion
1 This total can be accommodated within the
overall domestic discretionary spending cap set
in the Bipartisan Budget Agreement.


White House Statement on the President's Meeting With Cornelio
Sommaruga of the International Committee of the Red Cross
May 15, 1989


The President met today with Cornelio
Sommaruga, president of the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The
visit provided an opportunity for President
Bush to express American appreciation for
the impressive humanitarian and human
rights work of the ICRC around the world.
ICRC efforts on behalf of refugees, the
hungry, the displaced, political prisoners,


and prisoners of war are well-known and
well-respected.
The President and Mr. Sommaruga specifically discussed ICRC activities in Afghanistan and Sudan, and Mr. Sommaruga
thanked President Bush for the recent special contribution of $10 million as a humanitarian gesture for ICRC activities in these
countries.


565




May 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks to the Crewmembers of the Space Shuttle Atlantis and the
Winners of the Orbiter-Naming Competition
May 16, 1989


I'd say please be seated, but I don't-well,
you all, please be seated. And to our Senators and Congressmen here, a special warm
welcome. And Admiral Truly, I'm very delighted to see you, sir. And of course, to
Captain David Walker and Ron and Mary
and Mark and Norm, let me say this: that
Commander Walker and crew, friends and
families of the shuttle Atlantis, distinguished members, we are just pleased that
you all are here and sorry that the weather
did not cooperate.
You know, the late Jackie Gleason immortalized the words, "And away we go." Well,
it's a pleasure to be here with Americans
who, by exploring the horizons of outer
space, have made those words reality. And
so, we gather here today to celebrate the
continuity of our space program and really
of our country itself, of America herself. In
a sense, today's setting reflects the continuity. You are pioneers pushing back the
boundaries of our technological future. And
this house embodies the greatness of America's present and past.
And the two space programs that we celebrate-they, too, reflect America's continuity. For in Atlantis' deployment of Magellan, we salute achievement which has
come to pass; and in Endeavor, the glory
which still lies ahead. Some of you may
recall that Winston Churchill said, "The farther backward you can look, the farther forward you are likely to see."
Well, Magellan was named after the seafaring explorer of the 16th century. And as
the first U.S. planetary mission since 1978,
it marks the rebirth of America's planetary
program. From Magellan, we're going to
learn more about Venus and, thus, ourselves. For Venus, I am told, is the planet
most like Earth.
To Commander Walker and his outstanding Atlantis crew, and to the entire NASA
organization, my heartfelt congratulations.
Every time I talk to one of these astronauts,
they always point out the support they get
from a magnificent team that for a fleeting


moment they leave behind on Earth. So,
my salute goes to everybody involved in
this important work. We salute the courage
and enterprise of this crew especially, but
also all who are on this team. You've reaffirmed your nation's genius in science and
technology; and yet, I think we would all
agree, it really is only just a beginning: 4
more solar system missions through the
mid-1990's, 13 more shuttle flights in 1989
and '90. These flights will chart new frontiers in science and exploration. And we'll
explore those frontiers through the leaders
of tomorrow.
And so, we see some of those leaders in
the students we have here today from Mississippi and from Georgia. For in a nationwide orbiter-naming competition, involving
over 71,000 students and 6,100 entries from
elementary and secondary schools, you
showed how the possibilities of tomorrow
point us onward and upward.
My friends, you know, choosing a name
can be a thankless task. Consider the new
father who was once reproached by Sam
Goldwyn. "You're going to call your son
William?" he said. "What kind of a name is
that? Every Tom, Dick, and Harry is called
William." [Laughter]
Well, somehow you all fared much better
than that. Both of your schools chose the
name Endeavor, which Webster's defines as
"to make an effort, strive; to try to reach or
achieve." And each of your schools has lived
that definition. In the division 1 category,
kindergarten through grade 6, the national
winner is a team of 9 fifth-graders from
Senatobia Middle School, in Senatobia, Mississippi. And through your team, younger
elementary students learned about space up
close and personal, like simulating a space
camp's wireless communications or trying
on a team-made spacesuit. And then in division 2, grades 7 through 12, the winning
team came from a nearby State: Tallulah
Falls Schools, Inc., in Tallulah Falls, Georgia. Here students developed a math magazine, "Math Exploration With James Cook,"


566




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 16


and then created a play comparing Cook's
18th-century sea exploration to Endeavor's
20th-century space exploration.
The orbiter-naming contest was, and is, a
partnership between NASA and the Council
of Chief State School Officers. The CCSSO
played a key role in organizing this tremendous contest. And I'd like to thank its members and also my good friend, Congressman
Tom Lewis, whose legislation created the
event. But most of all, I want to thank you,
Commander Walker; the crew; and the students. For you've acted not for us alone but
for generations to come. And in so doing,
you're making possible, now and tomorrow,
that picture of the orbiter lifting off, its rise
a swirl of magic, and of Americans cheering
its safety and success and dreaming of the
new worlds and faraway heavens which
form America's destiny. And that is the con

tinuity of America and of our space shuttle
program, which points us toward the stars.
And so, thank you; my heartfelt congratulations. God bless you all, and God bless the
United States of America. Thank you very,
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 1:17 p.m. in
Room 450 of the Old Executive Office
Building. In his opening remarks, he referred to Adm. Richard H. Truly, Administrator of the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration. The crew of the "Atlantis" included: Capt. David M. Walker,
USN, commanding officer; Lt. Col. Ronald
J Grabe, USAF, pilot; Mary L. Cleave, mission specialist; Maj. Mark C. Lee, USAF,
mission specialist; and Norman E. Thagard,
mission specialist.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Annual Report of the
National Science Foundation
May 16, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I am pleased to transmit the annual
report of the National Science Foundation
for Fiscal Year 1988. This report describes
research supported by the Foundation in
the mathematical, physical, biological,
social, behavioral, and computer sciences;
engineering; and education in those fields.
Achievements such as the ones described
here are the basis for much of our Nation's
strength-its economic growth, national security, and the overall well-being of our
people.
Federal investments in research and de

velopment should be increased even
beyond the current strong levels. Such investments should focus on basic research.
As we move into the 1990's, the Foundation will continue its efforts to expand our
Nation's research achievements, our productivity, and our ability to remain competitive in world markets through innovation and discoveries.
I commend the Foundation's work to you.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
May 16, 1989.


Nomination of Robert D. Orr To Be United States Ambassador to
Singapore
May 16, 1989
The President today announced his inten- of the United States of America to the Retion to nominate Robert D. Orr to be Am- public of Singapore. He would succeed
bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Daryl Arnold.


567




May 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


In 1980 Governor Orr was elected Governor of Indiana, and reelected in 1984. Prior
to this he was elected Lieutenant Governor
of Indiana in 1972. He has also served as a
member of the Indiana State Senate, 1968 -1972. Governor Orr is the former chairman
of the Republican Governors' Association
and has served on the National Governors'


Association executive committee.
Governor Orr graduated from Yale University (A.B., 1940). He was born November
17, 1917, in Evansville, IN. He served in
the U.S. Army during World War II and
was awarded the Legion of Merit. He is
married and has three children.


Remarks to Members of the American Retail Federation
May 17, 1989


Thank you so much for that warm welcome. And let me just say to Don Seibert
and Joe O'Neill that I'm delighted to be
here. It gives me a chance to express to all
of you my appreciation for the support that
this organization has given us already and
the support that you gave to the previous
administration, of which I was very proud
to have been a part. I heard John Sununu
[Chief of Staff to the President] refer to the
minimum wage, and that's what I wanted
to talk to you about and solicit your support
on today.
We're moving, as you know, toward a
very different business climate in this country, and our view of what it takes to compete must change. You know, I think we've
heard enough about the shop-worn liberal
agenda of more government: mandated
government, more broad attempts to run
the businesses, and intrusive campaigns to
legislate competitiveness. That tired agenda
doesn't work. The notion that the Government should control business decisions has
never made much sense, and it makes very
little sense to me today. So, it is time to
move on to the real issue: building a better,
more competitive United States-and not
through the intrusion of government but
through the energy and the will of the
American people. And I still believe that
free markets work. I know that there is no
such thing as pure free trade in the world
today, but we believe in free trade, and
obviously in fair trade as well.
What the world has learned over the last
40 years is that government intervention
cripples economies, creates barriers for


business, kills innovation; and in the final
analysis, it costs jobs. And yet, even as the
world is beginning now to recognize this
truth and you see the changes going on,
even in many of the Socialist economies,
there are those who are still trying to keep
the agenda of government intervention
alive and active here at home. And many
are well-intentioned, but you know what
they say about good intentions. Let me
assure you, we are not going down that
road.
And we've already made progress in limiting excessive paperwork and regulations,
and that work has got to continue-can't
begin to tell you I think it's finished. I'd be
thrown out of here by you people that have
to wrestle with some of these forms. Drawing on the creative energy of the private
sector, I believe we can reach a regulatory
balance that is flexible and responsive at
the lowest possible cost to business.
And so, thanks to American enterprise
and a government that got out of the way,
we've created almost 20 million new jobs
since the recovery began in 1982. And employment, as you all know, is at record
levels. This brings its own challenges. With
labor markets getting tighter, opportunities
for jobs abound. Many businesses are scrambling for people, with labor shortages driving up wages. Entry-level jobs in some regions of the country with low unemployment start at $5.00 an hour. And this is a
case where the market alone is doing more
than the Government could do or should
do.
Across America, the skills gap is eclipsing


568




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 17


the wage gap, and that's the real problem.
And that's a problem where I think the
Government does have a role. Caught up in
the politics of the minimum wage, it's too
easy to forget who it is we're trying to help,
and how. The issue is not minimum wage:
it's a question of minimum skills. And we're
entering a new era of opportunity. Impending labor shortages offer the promise of a
job for everyone who is serious about wanting a job-if they're prepared. My difference with the majority in Congress is not
about 30 cents an hour on the minimumwage legislation: it's about hundreds of
thousands of people-largely young people,
largely unskilled people-who won't have a
job to go to if the minimum wage legislation before the Congress now becomes law.
Artificial wage hikes simply mean the
entry-level jobs are cut back on. The first to
go are the young and the disadvantaged
who are just beginning to develop workplace skills. It is haunting how thousands of
young Americans in the inner cities believe
that they have no stake in our system, no
future, no hope. Believing they have nothing to lose, they act as if they have absolutely nothing to gain. And we can't allow this
to continue, and it won't if we make sure
that more of them can find jobs. I am absolutely, firmly convinced that the best poverty program is a job with dignity in the private sector. And the vast majority of minimum-wage workers are young secondary
earners from families with incomes well
above the poverty line, if you look at the
statistics. And the fact is, fewer than 1 in 10
minimum-wage earners are heads of households and in poverty. They deserve our
help, and raising the minimum wage may
help some of them. But the cost will be
measured in lost jobs, losses that will weigh
hardest on the minimum-wage earners who
are young and disadvantaged. And most
need the experience that those entry-level
jobs can provide.
So, I say to Congress: If you want to help
the poor, don't take away their jobs. And
there are other better strategies to help the
working poor that won't cost them their
jobs. And I've proposed an effective training wage-we've had a long battle about
that. Minimum-wage differential, it used to
be called; now we call it a training wage


that would preserve jobs, promote skills development, and give more Americans
access to work experience.
We've proposed, also, a new child-care
tax credit to enhance the incomes of poorer
working families with young children, and
enable them to take, or train for, a real job.
And I might say that, in the process, we
have preserved the concept of parental
choice, which I think strengthens the
family, as opposed to the legislation on child
care being proposed by others up there,
which mandates standards from Washington, DC and restricts parental choice.
The jobs we're creating demand higher
levels of skills than ever before, so we've set
up a package of educational reforms to promote parental choice and encourage excellence and to make our educational system
more accountable. We've proposed alternative certification for teachers and principals
so that interested, capable people from
business or science or engineering and
other professions can go ahead and help
teach in the public schools. It's a shame
when somebody wants to take a sabbatical
out of business or elsewhere, is prohibited
by almost meaningless regulations that have
been promulgated over the year by the
education establishment. So, we're trying to
move forward in terms of alternative certification, and I would enlist the support of
all of you for this worthy goal.
We're proposing significant improvements in the Job Training Partnership Act,
already so effective at linking public and
private efforts to help those young people
that are most at risk get the training that
they need for productive lives.
But the best way to make disadvantaged
youth and the working poor part of a competitive, opportunity-based economy is to
continue to create jobs and prepare people
to fill them. And we must limit any increase
in the minimum wage so that it won't extract an excessive cost in lost jobs and that
it won't increase inflation in the United
States. And then we have to have that effective training wage to preserve opportunity for those who need it the most.
And I have a choice to make. I can sign
the legislation pending in Congress and go
back to the tired agenda of government


569




May 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


intervention that so often hurts the very
people that it attempts to help, or we can
step forward to keep America on the path
to a competitive future, a future that is
bright with opportunity. And for me, the
choice is very clear: If the majority in the
Congress rejects my offer of a reasonable
compromise-and we have made such a
proposal-a veto is going to be inevitable.
And one thing I will not compromise: I will
not compromise the future of the working
poor, and that is what's at stake in this legislation before Congress today. And I'm not
going to compromise either a generation of
young people. They deserve more than the
false promises and failed ideas that hurt
their chances to have a job. They deserve a
job in a growing, noninflationary economy,
and I'm going to do my level best to see
that everybody has that opportunity.
I thank you, and I refuse to leave here
without soliciting your help in sustaining


my veto, if that is required. And I would
also solicit your help for my parental choice
child-care initiative that I think many
would find far superior to the legislation
that's being created on the Hill that would
have the Government mandate to local
communities, to churches, to whatever, all
the standards. We cannot go that route in
this country if we're to preserve the
strength of the family and of the community in our social structure. So, I solicit your
support for that. And again, looking over
my shoulder, I thank you for all the support
you've already given us. Thank you all very,
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:03 a.m. in
Room 450 of the Old Executive Office
Building. In his opening remarks, he referred to Donald Seibert and Joseph P.
O'Neill, chairman of the board and president of the federation, respectively.


Continuation of Roland R. Vautour as an Under Secretary of
Agriculture
May 17,1989


The President today announced that
Roland R. Vautour will continue to serve as
Under Secretary of Agriculture for Small
Community and Rural Development.
Since September 1987, Mr. Vautour has
served as Under Secretary for Small Community and Rural Development at the Department of Agriculture in Washington,
DC. Prior to this, he served as the Farmers
Home Administration State Director for


Vermont, New Hampshire, and the U.S.
Virgin Islands, 1981-1987. He was owner
and principal broker for Sterling Realty,
1969-1981, and vice president and general
manager of the Madonna Mountain Corp.,
1964-1969.
Mr. Vautour received a bachelor of science degree in business administration from
the University of New Hampshire. He is
married and has four children.


Continuation of Charles E.M. Kolb as a Deputy Under Secretary of
Education
May 17,1989


The President today announced that
Charles E.M. Kolb will continue to serve as
Deputy Under Secretary of Education for
Planning, Budget, and Evaluation.


Since September 1988, Mr. Kolb has
served as Acting Deputy Under Secretary
in the Office of Planning, Budget, and Evaluation at the Department of Education in


570




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 17


Washington, DC. Prior to this, he served as
the Deputy General Counsel for Regulations and Legislation at the Department of
Education, 1986-1988, and Assistant General Counsel for the Office of Management
and Budget, 1983-1986. He was an associate with Foreman and Dyess in Washington, DC, 1982-1983, and an associate with
Covington and Burling in Washington, DC,
1979-1982. He also served as a law clerk to
the Honorable Joseph H. Young, United


States District Judge in the U.S. Court
House in Baltimore, MD, and as an associate with Cahill, Gordon, and Reindel in
New York, NY.
Mr. Kolb graduated from Princeton University (A.B., 1973); Balliol College, Oxford
University (B.A., 1975; M.A., 1980); and the
University of Virginia (J.D., 1978). He was
born in Salisbury, MD, on November 6,
1950. He resides in Alexandria, VA.


Nomination of Antonio Lopez To Be an Associate Director of the
Federal Emergency Management Agency
May 17, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Antonio Lopez to be an
Associate Director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (National Preparedness Directorate). He would succeed
George Woloshyn.
Mr. Lopez most recently served as Special Assistant to the President and Director
of the White House Military Office in Washington, DC. Prior to this he served on the
George Bush for President and Bush-Quayle
1988 campaigns. From 1985 to 1987, Mr.
Lopez was self-employed in Covington, TN,
as an international business development
consultant. He served as manager for business development, Latin America, for the
Vollrath Co. in Sheboygan, WI, 1982-1985.


Mr. Lopez received a bachelor of science
degree in mechanical engineering from the
University of Colorado at Boulder, and a
master of science degree in systems management from the University of Southern
California at Los Angeles. He served in the
U.S. Air Force from 1955 to 1982, retiring
as a colonel. Among his many military decorations, Mr. Lopez was awarded the Defense Superior Service Medal, the Distinguished Flying Cross, and 12 air medals. He
is a Vietnam war veteran and flew 389
combat missions. He was born in Los Angeles, CA. Mr. Lopez is married to the former
Ruth B. Fryer. They have four children and
four grandchildren.


White House Statement on the Proposed Foreign Acquisition of the
ABB-Westinghouse Joint Venture
May 17, 1989


The President today decided against intervening in the possible acquisition by
ASEA Brown Boveri Ltd. (ABB), a Swiss/
Swedish firm, of Westinghouse Electric Corporation's interest in an ABB-Westinghouse
joint venture for the manufacture, distribution, sale, and servicing of electrical transmission and distribution equipment in the
United States.


The President based his decision on the
results of the investigation by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United
States (CFIUS), chaired by Treasury Secretary Nicholas F. Brady. CFIUS conducted a
thorough investigation of various issues relating to the manufacturing and maintenance of extra-high voltage (EVH) transformers. During the investigation, ABB re

571




May 17 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


confirmed its intention to continue the
manufacture, servicing, repair, research,
and design in the United States of these
high voltage transformers.
The ABB-Westinghouse investigation was
conducted pursuant to section 5021 of the
Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of
1988. That provision, known as the ExonFlorio provision, authorizes the President to
investigate and, if necessary, to suspend or
prohibit a proposed foreign acquisition of a
U.S. business engaged in U.S. interstate


commerce. The criteria to suspend or prohibit a transaction are that the President
must find:
-credible evidence to believe that the
foreign investor might take actions that
threaten to impair the national security;
-that existing laws, other than the International Emergency Economic Powers
Act and the Exon-Florio provision itself,
are inadequate and inappropriate to
deal with the national security threat.


Remarks on Signing the Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday
Commission Extension Act
May 17, 1989


Mrs. King. President Bush, Vice President Quayle, Members of the Cabinet and
the Congress, and to all of my friends and
supporters, ladies and gentlemen, this is a
great occasion for those of us who have
struggled to make a reality the dream of
Martin Luther King, Jr., and this is a continuing effort in that direction to institutionalize his teachings and his great legacy.
It is a great honor to join with you on this
historic occasion in this ceremony today.
First, I want to thank Congressman John
Conyers on the House side and Senator Sam
Nunn on the Senate side for all of their
outstanding leadership as sponsors of the
Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday
Legislation Extension Act, and all of the
congressional cosponsors from both sides of
the aisle who helped to pass this legislation
extending the Martin Luther King Federal
Holiday Commission. I can say that it was
genuinely a great bipartisan victory in the
spirit of President Bush's Inaugural Address,
and I want to thank all of the Members who
have cooperated so beautifully. With pride
and the highest hopes for the future, it
gives me greatest pleasure to thank our
President for his outstanding leadership in
helping to make our newest national holiday all that it should be, all that it must be
if we are to fulfill the promise of democracy.
The observance of this holiday is both an


important learning experience and a call to
action to address injustice anywhere.
Through the holiday, we can learn about
the values and responsibilities of our democracy. We can learn about how a great
vision and a great nation began to confront
and nonviolently challenge institutional
racism. We can honor our obligation to protest evil and injustice as one of the highest
traditions of our American heritage. We can
learn about the values of tolerance and
compassion and develop a greater sense of
responsibility to the poor and suffering, and
even to each other. We can learn about the
values of brotherhood and sisterhood, love,
peace, reconciliation, community service,
honesty, courage, freedom, and self-discipline. These values transcend politics, ideology, and national boundaries; for they speak
to the essence of the human soul in a way
that can only be universally uplifting and
challenging.
May the Almighty God bless this occasion
and all that it represents. May He enable us
to apply the gifts and talents He has given
us in the service to others. May His grace
strengthen us to work with order and patience, with forgiveness, gratitude, and joy,
as we seek to make this a better nation and
world so that generations yet unborn will
continue to sing with pride: America, God
shed His grace on thee, and crown thy good
with brotherhood and sisterhood from sea


572




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 17


to shining sea.
The President. Coretta, thank you for
those inspiring words. I know I speak for
everybody in paying tribute to you for your
steadfast support of this most worthwhile
Commission. I planned on welcoming you
all to the tropical rain forest-[laughter]that we call the Rose Garden. But the East
Room has an advantage: leakproof-if anything in the White House can be leakproof.
[Laughter] At least it's dry. And we're delighted that Coretta Scott King and Dexter
and so many others are here.
I want to welcome the members of the
Commission, the King Federal Holiday
Commission; the Members of Congress that
are here, the leadership in the Senate and
in the House. And I'm just delighted that
you all are here, and thank you for your
important role in all of this. I salute the
party leaders that are here. I see Lee and
others-Lee Atwater-and everybody joining in a tribute to Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr., and his ideals.
The bill that I'll be signing shortly underscores the importance of honoring the
memory and the shining ideals of a great
American hero, Martin Luther King, Jr.
And all of us know his creed of faith, centered firmly in the great heritage of American ideals. On the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, Dr. King issued his challenge in the
words of Thomas Jefferson: "We hold these
truths to be self-evident, that all men are
created equal." And he was a reformer and
a crusader. His mission was to move America closer to the ideal, to bring the promise
of equality and liberty and justice for all
within the reach of all.
The Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday Commission plays a central role in preserving a great national treasure. And over
the past 5 years, the Commission's done a
great deal to make observance of the King
holiday a national and international event.
And our agenda for the next 5 years must
be to build on that beginning, to see to it
that the third Monday of every January becomes a day of hope, renewal, and rededication to the ideals of Dr. King, those that
he upheld-a day dedicated to the memory,
if you will, of a man who campaigned for
peaceful change; of a man who stood for
human dignity and certainly the fulfillment
of individual excellence; of a man deter

mined, committed, mind and heart, to
march, to live, and to die for those -America's ideals.
So, Reverend King once wrote: "Injustice
anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." And simple words expressing a
great truth: Justice is indivisible. And all of
us must draw on the best in ourselves to
make justice for all our cause. We've made
great progress. But the memory of all that
Dr. King stood for reminds us that our work
is not done. So, let's continue his work towards a society that treats all men and
women, whatever their origin, whatever
the color of their skin, with dignity and
respect. Let's ensure that our communities,
where our children can learn, live, and
grow, are free from the fear of violence
and, yes, the lure of drugs. And let's work
together towards a society that extends
great opportunities and awakens hope to
build a better America for all of us. And
let's pass the King legacy on to our children, whose ideals and attitudes will shape
our society into the next century.
I want to share with you a few words
from the prizewinning essay on Martin
Luther King, written by a young man-in
this case, a fifth-grader-in Seattle. He
writes: "I am only 11 years old, so I cannot
really stop the racism. But I can control
what happens in my heart and what I do
with my life." That kid may only be 11, but
there's wisdom in those words for all of us:
A truly free society is within reach if, in our
hearts, we abolish bias and bigotry and discrimination. And so, let's make that society,
one with freedom and equality for all, our
living memorial to a great man and a great
American.
And now, Coretta, Mrs. King, if you will
join me, I will sign this bill formally reauthorizing the Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday Commission.
Note: The President spoke at 1:31 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Dexter King, son of
Martin Luther King, Jr., and president of
the King Center in Atlanta, GA, and H. Lee
Atwater, chairman of the Republican National Committee. H.R. 1385, approved May
17, was assigned Public Law No. 101-30.


573




May 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Discussion With Teachers at the Wilson Magnet High School in
Rochester, New York
May 18, 1989


Ms. Johnston. You've already been somewhat introduced. I'm especially pleased that
you asked for an opportunity to meet with
the teachers of Wilson, really for a couple of
reasons. Primary in the whole development
of Wilson is very much akin to your message of accountability. It was a real driving
force in our development. And the other
reason is that, really, from my perspective,
in terms of school reform, in school improvement, the real critical key role is the
teacher role. It's creative and loving talent
of teachers that really make a difference
between a school that is just adequate and a
school that really stretches for excellence
for all kids.
This is a wonderful group of people, and I
think that you're going to be able to have
an opportunity to hear a lot of different
perspective. I'd like to start with Mr. Hathaway, who's on your left. Eddie's with us
since about 1980.
Teacher. Right, 10 years. [Laughter]
Ms. Johnston. Ten of your best, right,
Eddie? Mr. Hathaway, I think, can give you
a little overview of the building.
The President. Yeah. I'd love to know
about the change and all that, too.
Teacher. Well, Mr. President, Wilson is
one building that's made up of three
houses, three programs, if you will, but with
one common goal. You know the building,
of course, is Wilson Magnet, but the three
houses that we have in here-the Academy
of Excellence, which meets the needs of the
humanities and languages-is our draw. We
have a house known as Transition Tech,
which meets the special needs of students
in special need, and we also have the
School of Science and Technology. I'm a
part of that program. And in that program,
we teach and emphasize computers and science. Our goal though, of course, is total
commitment to the students. We've been
fortunate here in the Rochester community
because we have a total commitment from
everybody. And we're trying to meet the
needs of society by using the whole commu

nity as a team: industry, the outside forces
right here in the community, higher education, and of course, the hard-working staff
here at Wilson. That's Wilson in a nutshell.
The President. Well, it's important, and
it's impressive.
Teacher. We've been successful for many
reasons. Gary, do you want to mentionTeacher. Well, we're a small school
and
The President. Like numbers?
Teacher. Well, under a thousand. That
makes a successful school. Teachers care,
and that's what kids like. I've read papers
by kids-I teach English-and some of the
papers that the seniors are writing this
year-they're talking about-the Wilson
teachers care about kids. And kids like to
know that there's somebody there that
cares about them.
Teacher. Another part of Wilson that
really helps make it such a success is our
home aids guidance program. We take on a
group of youngsters, about 20, from the
time they enter the building until the time
they graduate; and we become almost parents, surrogate parents. You could talk to
anyone on this staff, and they would have
stories for you, a lot of the different, wonderful things that are done for our kids,
with our kids.
The President. Do you ever run into any
parental resentment? You get 20 kids, and
you find somebody that maybe needs some
love and attention and caring, as Gary said.
But do you ever run into some parent that
doesn't want that kind of involvement?
Teacher. I never have. As a matter of fact,
a particular situation that I'm involved in
right now-I have nothing but parents who
are very supportive of everything that
we're doing.
The President. I think they all would be. I
just wondered if some felt that intrusiondon't worry, we'll take care of our kids at
home; you look after them at school-because the program goes into the homes, too,
or not?


574




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 18


Teacher. Yes, definitely. Mr. Geraci will
tell you, we've worked a number of times
with students that we've had difficulties
with at home. And one of the emphases
here at Wilson is the team approach, again.
If I have a difficult student-well, go ahead,
Bill.
Teacher. Back to your point on the parents, do they resent teachers getting involved? I think parents for so long have
been divorced, so to speak, from the process that their kids go through during the
day. And finally, somebody is coming to
them and asking for their input. And it is a
refreshing thing for them to finally have
the teachers want their involvement. And
that's a big reason why this school has been
successful. The community around the
school has put a commitment in. The teachers have put a commitment in. The school
district has put the commitment in. And
really, what we've done here is we've put
together commitments from seven or eight
different areas-business, college, parents,
teachers, kids-put them all together. And
over the course of the last 8 or 9 years,
during the transition of this building, we've
seen quite a bit of success here.
Teacher. We've been lucky, Mr. President, in that the staff works very hard here;
just about everybody is willing to go out to
the homes and meet with the families, regardless of what the family situation can be.
And it can be difficult at times.
The President. A kid doesn't show or is a
dropout factor and all that?
Teacher. Every day we can run into that,
but we're always there to help the kids.
Teacher. I think part of the commitment
idea is being helped with this school-based
plan that's been instituted by the school district. This involves a team of people-parents, students, administrators, and teachers
together-working for what's best for the
school. And we have an outstanding team of
21 individuals, which myself and Eddie are
a member of.
The President. Wait a minute! That's a
faculty committee?
Teacher. It's a combination committee of
parents, students-there are two student
members, three parent members, some administrative members, and teaching members. And we are a team that has this com

mitment, and we realize that for a school to
be successful you need all three groups
working together-the parents and community, the students, and the faculty and staff.
And that is something we've instituted this
year through the auspices of the school district. But it's something that I think is going
to fit our school very well. And we've had
some successes now, and we're starting to
move forward with our team.
Teacher. To get back to your original
question about parents: Every day we have
to make some parental contacts, but most of
the time, just about every time, it's been
with success. They say thanks for calling,
thanks for calling, which could have been
rare in other instances, until we instituted
some of these programs out here.
Teacher. As a writing assignment, I asked
the seniors to write their parents a letter
and tell them how much they appreciated
things that they've done for them over the
years. And I've gotten calls, a couple of calls
already. And one father said, "I'm not an
emotional man, but this really touched me."
He said that it really did.
Teacher. Similar to that, I'm a senior class
adviser this year, and in the last will and
testament, which usually ends up being
kind of a real funny kind of thing, most of
the kids are leaving love and thank you to
teachersThe President. That helped them and
stuff?
Teacher.    throughout the building.
The President. That's fantastic.
Teacher. It's been mentioned, I think a
couple of times, about industry getting involved. And we have a program called
PRISM, Program for Rochester Students in
Science and Math. And we take students
who are not motivated in those areas, and
even though I don't have a home base, I
work with the parents through that particular program. And that's been very helpful
in getting some of the students to raise
their levels of self-esteem. Some of them
come in with low self-esteem or low selfexpectations for themselves. So, we bring in
role models. And they go to industry, and
they can see certain areas that they could
get into. And it's been a real help as far as
trying to motivate some of the students to


575




May 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


raise their levels of expectations and working with the parents to give them that idea
that, yes, they can achieve this particular
goal.
The President. Has this obvious commitment-you can't sit here, but feel that from
the beginning-but has this resulted in
lower incidence of vandalism or drugs and
this kind of thing in the school than in some
other schools, would you say? I know everywhere there are problems, everywhere, in
all levels of society. But I just can't help but
feel that with what you're describingTeacher. Mr. President, undoubtedly, it
does in the sense that when you lay the
districtwide demographics of suspensions or
attendance or any of the incidences that is
implied in the question against this school,
the culture of caring here works against
that kind of behavior, and it shows up in
the districtwide statistics.
Your first question about the history-10
years ago this was a school where to show
up here was to fail. The politics of the community were so negative about coming here
that if you were a child whose parents had
any power, they had you somewhere else. I
mean before. And the 10 years involvement,   including  tremendous   Federal
magnet support, gave authority and cooperation opportunities under strong leadership, massive community participation, outstanding involvement by staff people. And
they have grown a culture here where
there are now waiting lists, and to come
here is to assume I will succeed. And then
you are picked up and literally carriedpushed-through the system.
The President. How wide is your first
strike-zone orbit to come here? What is it,
Monroe County that —
Teacher. It's a city magnet school.
The President. So, it's citywide then?
Teacher. Yes.
The President. A magnet attracts people
fromTeacher. Well, we've gone to schools of
choice since systemwide-the whole 912
programs-there are no neighborhood
schools. But this is one of the models of why
to do that. I mean one of the questions I
constantly run into with the staff is that the
greatest strength of being here is that the
students have chosen, the parents have


chosen, to come here. That's a piece of the
relationship that's very powerful as you
start a relationship.
Teacher. Mr. President, we don't skim; we
don't take the top 10 percent. We don't get
the cream of the crop all the time. We want
to pull in different-an A person, not
always an A student, somebody who says,
I'm interested in this program; I want to go
to this magnet, even though
The President. Who decides that? Who
decides who gets in? If you have more applications than you have spaces, is there a
board that decides that, or is thereTeacher. In the early days of recruitment,
we really had to go recruit-an application
got you here. Since then, as the applications
have come up, there's been a constant revision in terms of what role the school plays
in the acceptance and what role the central
system plays. What we end up doing now is
monitoring the distribution of race and sex
and previous achievement. And you're absolutely right: This school takes pretty much
a cross-section and yet has been able to
maintain both the support and the excellence.
The President. A cross section of the economic base.
Teacher. Because the teachers take on the
ownership-[ inaudible].
Teacher. I teach special education. I meet
the needs of learning-disabled and disturbed students. And what that means to
me is that I can offer them the least restrictive environment. And because of the
teachers here-the staff has been so supportive in meeting my needs and my students' needs, in terms of physics or biology,
something I couldn't offer to them in the
classroom. So, the teachers here offer a cognitive as well as affective education for the
students. It's just not academics, and that's
where you really get the support of also
Wilson Magnet High School.
Teacher. Mr. President, the commitment
you're seeing in this community is that the
community is trying to make the commitment to raise the level of all students.
Wilson Magnet is a leadership school in that
process, but it's one school among many
where we're trying to raise the level for
every kid, including the special-ed kids, the


576




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 18


kids in this school, and the kids in the rest
of the system. And that's one of the things
that makes Rochester unique, because it's
such a broad-based effort to do it-total,
systemwide-that's got the support of the
business community, the social agencies,
working with a very responsive school
system.
The President. I got a touching letter
when I was in New Jersey, to a school of
excellence, a really good-achieving high
school. I got a letter from this girl who had
been standing out on the-she said: "Well,
don't forget those of us that"-I forget how
she phrased it-"aren't bright, but try
harder." And we were saluting, in this instance, excellence, and listening carefully
and hoping to use what we learned there to
make a national example, as we'd like to do,
from this experience. But it was a very
moving and touching letter because, you
know, what she was saying is, well, we're
not the brightest, but we try harder, and
we're going to work hard. This was one
who was not a high achiever, but was disadvantaged.
Teacher. The skimming concept was a discussion we had before you came in saying[laughter]-saying we as a community are
not interested, I don't believe, in a skimming system, but in a system that raises
everybody.
The President. Yes, well, that's what I
thought of what Ed said.
Teacher. I've just been given a signal that
indicates that there are I think about 350
wonderful Wilson students that are most
anxious to meet you, Mr. President, so I
have toThe President. Well, let's do it. I'm sure
glad our Congressmen-both Congressman
LaFalce and Congressman Horton came up
with us on Air Force One. And I don't dare
speak for Congressmen, but in this instance
we were talking about how much we were
looking forward to it, and they telling me
how much I would enjoy it. And they're
right. So, I'm glad they're with us here
today.


Teacher. And we're glad, too. Thank you.
Teacher. Thank you, Mr. President.
The President. Thank you all very much.
Well, I'm just sorry Barbara's not here because she loves-and she really is trying
hard to help on this whole volunteer sector
thing. Her main focus has been literacy, but
she's-you know, everything ties into literacy. So, she's really working hard at it. But
today, I was telling Sue, we're having the
President of the French Republic come to
our house. So, first she bawled me out about
that. And secondly, because the house has
been closed all winter-it's up on the seashore-so she's up trying to get everything
ready.
Teacher. You just brought up a good
point: literacy. We've got to be working as a
team always, always.
The President. Yes. It gets through everything-work force and to our competitiveness and being able to compete abroad and
to retraining when industries-you know,
one's a loser and another's a winner-the
whole retraining. It's almost-and you know
far better than I-some of the examples are
so tragic: people that fight it and hide it
and because of pride and not wanting their
kids to know. It's just-but anyway, I'll fill
my wife in on all of this.
Teacher. And please bring her.
The President. She'd love to. I know she'd
love to come sometime.
Teacher. We'd love it.
The President. We'll try, we'll try. I've
often thought what it would be like to live
in times where you didn't have any budget
problems in the Federal Government because there are so many worthwhile things.
Thank you all very much-nice to see you.
Note: The President spoke at 10:48 a.m. in
the school library. Suzanne Johnston was
the principal of the school, and William
Geraci, Joseph Baldino, Darlene Sauerhafer,
Edward Hathaway, Reggie Simmons, and
Barbara Drmacichi were teachers who participated in the discussion. Gary Simon was
a school administrator.


577




May 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks to Students at the Wilson
Rochester, New York
May 18, 1989
Thank you all very much. That is the best
educated, brightest Wildcat I've ever seen
in my entire life, and I've seen a lot of
Wildcats. First, Suzanne Johnston, your able
leader, has told me that, in addition to this
enthusiastic gathering-and we're plugged
in by overflow TV, and so what I want to
do is, at the outset, thank those kids and
teachers and others who are watching this
gala performance from some other room.
And I'm sorry that we will miss the personal connection, but I just wanted you to
know-I can tell them in here eyeball-toeyeball, but I wanted the rest of you to
know how pleased I am to be here in this
great school. And thank you all for this
warm welcome. And if ever we need a
cheerleader for a serious proposal to go to
the Congress, I'm going to call up Walter
Jahnke and get him down there and he
can-no wonder the guy's staying so fitanybody going through all those gyrations.
[Laughter] And then, as for this cheerleading, I commend you on your timing. Had it
been off, you would have taken the head off
of the guy next to you. [Laughter] So, I saw
that, and I use this cheering squad here to
simply say I am pleased to be here. I'm
sorry Barbara is not with me because her
interest in this Excellence in Education is
really good, and she's really fascinated with
this concept and hopes to be able to help
this concept of magnet schools. And so, I
salute you all.
You know, when I was in school a thousand years ago, they kept telling-you
know, study hard, do my work every day,
and that way I'd be prepared to choose a
field to go into. The only problem is, the
teachers were talking about a field of endeavor, politics or law or something, and I
was talking about a field-right field, left
field, center field, or something of that
nature. But then it became clear that sports
are important, but it's even more important
to make a strong commitment to education-your education-to the future-to


Magnet High School in
your future. And that is why I wanted to
come here today.
I've done a little homework, and I know
of the reputation of this school in the Rochester area, and indeed nationwide. And I
think that if this visit does nothing else but
to encourage others to use this model to
achieve excellence it will have been well
worth it. And so, I'm delighted to be here.
And I've just met with some of the teachers-and an impressive group of people.
And I don't expect every kid here to get up
and give a testimony about how great the
teachers are, but I can speak to it because
they are sensational. And when you just
were in there and listened to that, commitment was the word that kept coming
through. And not only do they have it but
they were telling us that you all have it,
and I salute you-I wish you well.
And I can tell you, I hope that this visit,
Sue, hasn't been a terrible drain on the facilities here and on all these advance
people and security people and telephone
people. But I promised her I would leave
on time so you can get back to normal. But
I won't forget this visit, because what
you're doing is an example for the entire
country. And I'm going to do my level best
as President-leave aside the politics-as
the President of the United States to get
this message of excellence and commitment
and magnet schools way even beyond the
confines of New York, all the way to the
West Coast and up to Alaska. You're the
future. And I congratulate you, and I thank
you very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 11:16 a.m. in
the school gymnasium. In his opening remarks, he referred to Suzanne Johnston,
principal of the school, and WalterJahnke,
a math teacher who led the students in
cheering. Prior to his remarks, the President
attended robotics arm and computer demonstrations by the students.


578




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 18


Remarks to Supporters of the Brainpower Coalition in Rochester,
New York
May 18, 1989


President Whitmore, thank you for that
warm Rochester welcome. And to President
Whitmore and Congressman LaFalce, Congressman for this district, Frank Horton, my
friend of long time, I'm just delighted to be
here. I want to especially thank the Governor of the State for the courtesy that he
shows me, and I thank all of you for coming
here today. And I appreciate his taking the
time to come and join hands as we salute
not just the program that Kodak has, the
program of participation, partnership, but
the program that we saw just a few minutes
ago at the Wilson Magnet School. And I
want to take this opportunity to thank all of
them, too, for this welcome.
You know, some of you may remember,
[former Senator] Barry Goldwater was a talented amateur photographer. And one day
he took a picture of President John F. Kennedy and sent it to him, requesting an inscription. And back it came, dutifully inscribed: "For Barry Goldwater, whom I
urge to follow the career for which he has
shown so much talent-photography."
[Laughter] "From his friend, John Kennedy." Well, Barry didn't take his friend's
advice. He fashioned a brilliant career in
politics, not photography.
But today I am really delighted to be
back in a city-Rochester-and at a company-Eastman Kodak-which has become
synonymous with the career that President
Kennedy alluded to. And it is a pleasure to
join you. And I came here because Rochester and Kodak embody the notion that
helping others through cooperation-partnership agreements between all levels of
government, private enterprise, voluntary
organizations-is America at her best. And
locally, this kind of cooperation has made
possible such landmarks as the Eastman
Theatre and the Al Sigal Center and helped
Rochester become a bastion of commerce
and make the Flower City among America's
highest cities in terms of corporate participation and corporate giving.
And your story, of course, is well-known


locally. But I want this message to get out
to the entire Nation. For in being here
today, I honor the countless individuals and
companies across America who are following your example. And I was telling Kay
coming over here-Mr. Whitmore, in the
car-that I hope that this visit will symbolize the importance that we place on these
partnerships and that the message will be
received across our entire country. For
those not yet involved, I challenge you to
get involved. And for America's public and
private sectors, they can exceed the sum of
their parts.
In a sense, this is what George Eastman
had in mind when he founded Eastman
Kodak in 1880. For he knew that cooperation begets productivity and that productivity would enrich America's standard of
living and her standard in the world. As
President, I intend to spur the partnerships
which nurture that productivity. And that is
why recently I unveiled a bipartisan partnership with Congress that will cut the Federal deficit by $65 billion over the coming
fiscal year. Productivity is the reason, too,
that I favor the creation of urban enterprise
zones, a partnership with business.
And each of these partnerships will help
productivity propel America, and so will an
even nobler partnership-and I'm talking
here about the one you're involved ineducation, a partnership with the future.
For ultimately the greatest productivity
stems from a creative mind.
Here at Eastman Kodak, you celebrate
that fact. For you know what George Eastman said in 1924 is even truer today: "The
progress of the world depends almost entirely on education." Kay Whitmore is even
more succinct in talking about your own
company. "Kodak's future depends on its
work force," he said. And he's absolutely
correct about that.
And some of you may recall the television
series, "Dragnet," and how Sergeant
Friday-remember him-was fond of
saying, "Just the facts, ma'am." [Laughter]


579




May 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Well, the fact is that Rochester's education
challenges parallel the Nation's. The challenges that you face in these school-very
much the same in many parts of the country. And the fact is that unless we act our
children will be ill-equipped to read, to
write, or understand new technologies-to
compete in the workplace. And the fact is
that education partnerships can help us act
boldly and urgently to keep America
number one.
Let me share a story with you, a story
about two ways to look at education. The
master of the house was planning his
garden and told his gardener to plant a certain kind of tree. And the gardener objected, explaining that the tree was slow growing and would take a hundred years to
reach its full growth. The master's response-that I found interesting-he says,
"In that case, there's no time to lose. Plant
it this afternoon." [Laughter]
And that's the way that Rochester and
Eastman Kodak look at education. And that
explains why a few years back your business
and community and education leaders sat
down, faced their problems head-on, and
decided to act. And looking at your city's
public schools, they didn't like what they
saw: a dropout rate of-I was told it was 30
percent; a third of all the ninth-graders
dropped out before graduation from high
school; and nearly two-thirds of all ninthgraders tested 1 to 2 years below the grade
levels.
And these problems demanded the solutions that only partnerships can achieve. So,
in 1986 a community task force, headed in
this case by the Urban League, issued its
report. It was called, "A Call To Action"to uplift the quality of the public schools.
And to make that dream a reality, you
came up with a great idea: a new partnership called the Rochester Brainpower Coalition, a partnership anchored by Eastman
Kodak which understood that the private
sector has the resources and responsibility
to help make education better, to help education help America.
And earlier today, as I mentioned, and as
Kay said, we were over at the Wilson
Magnet High School, where I saw just how
much progress has been made. It's hard to
choke back a tear or two when you see the


commitment of those children and the
spirit of the teachers over there. Ten years
ago, that school was beset by crime and
plunging grades and urban flight. But
today, helped by Rochester Brainpower,
Wilson is the ninth-ranked school in the
State of New York by the Department of
Education.
And what made such progress possible?
Teamwork between students, parents, and
teachers to raise standards and increase accountability, and Rochester's Brainpower
support-creative and monetary-of your
school district's pioneering plan, which U.S.
News terms "a model for educational
reform." And some of you-I had a chance
to talk to some of your colleagues that are
over there helping these kids. And that was
inspiring as it could be.
You know, in 1988 Rochester Brainpower
received the President's Citation for Private
Sector Initiatives. Well, seeing Wilson firsthand today, it is easy to understand why
that happened. For it, like other schools,
has benefited from the coalition's programs
which blend creativity and just plain
common sense. One program, for instance,
says to the kids: "If you excel now in school,
we'll give you a job when you graduate
from school." And another program vows:
"If you hit the books, local companies will
offer college scholarship aid." A third program helps the teachers-God bless the
teachers-and helps them hone their skills.
And through another, business provides
management help to local schools. And a
huge media campaign perhaps says it best,
as two billboards urge: "Stay In School.
You're Too Good To Lose," and "Help A
Teacher Help A Child." What marvelous
sentiment is reflected on those two billboards. I hope that we see those springing
up all across the United States.
And, yes, already Rochester Brainpower
has united the community. In the future, its
impact will lift the community. And its
heart will be Eastman Kodak, not only in
1989 but well into the 21st century-you
know, not only in this community but in
communities across the country, if they
learn the Kodak partnership message and
then execute.
Like the wise man planting a tree for


580




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 18


future generations, Kodak is planting its
own seeds. For it is you who are lending
people and equipment, at company expense, to teach kids engineering and robotics, and providing other long-term financial
aid to help at-risk youth discover the meaning of an education. It's Kodak which has
given some $125 million to more than 1,000
colleges and universities and which is now
more involved than ever at the precollege
level, enhancing the academic excellence so
central to America.
My administration supports that goal. And
accordingly, last month I sent a major new
education package to the Congress which
demands excellence. We will achieve excellence through greater accountability-and I
heard that today from the teachers at
Wilson-and by spurring local flexibility and
parental choice. And I saw that today at
Wilson-the concept of choice in action.
And above all, our program, like yours, says
that if excellence breeds achievement, then
excellence should be rewarded.
We're asking the Congress, for instance,
to create a program to recognize and
reward the schools that have demonstrated
substantial educational improvements and a
new Magnet Schools of Excellence program
to encourage more schools like Wilson.
We're proposing to create urban emergency grants to help school systems hit hardest
by drug abuse and trafficking. And through
scholarships, we want to give America's
youth a special incentive to excel-science,
math, and engineering.
No, our program isn't a be-all and an endall. We're living in times of complicated resource allocation. But it is a commitment, a
commitment to help business and academia
make America much more productive, a
commitment to partnerships, a commitment which you obviously share. And for
that, I thank you. And I'd like to think that
George Eastman is proud of you, too, looking down, no doubt, through the latest telephoto lens from wherever he may be.
[Laughter] For he knew that giving-he exemplified this in his life-he knew that
giving was a two-way street.
One day in 1924-year that I was bornGeorge Eastman gave away $30 million to


the University of Rochester, M.I.T., Hampton, and Tuskegee-a rather amazing gift,
I'd say. That was when $30 million was $30
million-[laughter]-but all in 1 day. But he
began giving to nonprofit institutions-this
is the key point-when his salary was $60 a
week. Even then he knew that profit and
philanthropy were not mutually exclusive.
And I've said repeatedly that from now
on in America, any definition of a successful
life must include serving others. For while
few of us can give away $30 million, all of
us can help-can take pride in helping-an
inner-city child overcome, perhaps, poverty, to become a productive citizen. Giving
means more than money: It means making
a commitment to someone else's life. And
that is how George Eastman defined success. And that is why when he died the
New York Times proclaimed, "George Eastman was a stupendous factor in the education of the modern world." And he showed
that productivity could nurture generosity
and that generosity could help us all. And
then, through the promise of partnerships,
let us, too, increase America's productivity
so that America's generosity can enrich not
merely our age but generations to come.
I salute Kodak for your looking into the
future. I salute Wilson for coping with the
problems of the present so those kids will
have a great future. I salute the farsighted
school board that encourages this kind of
new thinking. I salute the Members of Congress who have been helpful in pushing forward these objectives. It's a great pleasure
for me to be here, and I thank you for
inviting me and for this wonderful occasion.
I won't forget it. God bless you all. God
bless the United States of America. Thank
you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:01 p.m. in
Building One of the Elmgrove Eastman
Kodak facility. He was introduced by Kay
Whitmore, president of the coalition. In his
remarks, the President referred to Gov.
Mario Cuomo. Following his remarks, the
President attended a luncheon in the facility's lunchroom and then traveled to Kennebunkport, ME.


581




May 18 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Savings and Loan
Crisis Financing Plan
May 18, 1989


The Ways and Means Committee vote
would put the S&L financing plan nominally on-budget, but would waive the entire
amount from Gramm-Rudman-Hollings.
This amounts to a direct assault on GrammRudman-Hollings budget discipline. It creates an artificial accounting approach that is
called on-budget, but is in effect off-budget


in terms of the way the spending is counted.
Finally, the committee action creates a
contentious issue for the House floor and the
conference with the Senate. That means
delay, and every day we wait costs at least
$10 million. The Senate completed its action
a month ago. The House must act and act
quickly.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Student
Demonstrations in China
May 20, 1989


President Bush this morning received his
daily intelligence briefing, including an
update on the status of events in China.
The situation remains uncertain. Both sides
have exercised restraint, and we urge that
restraint to continue. The United States
stands for freedom of speech and freedom


of assembly, and President Bush commented yesterday on the inexorable march of
democracy in China. The demonstrations of
the last few days indicate that the hunger
for change remains strong. We remain
hopeful that a dialog between the Government and the students is possible.


Remarks at the Boston University Commencement Ceremony in
Massachusetts
May 21, 1989


Thank you, President Silber. And President and Madame Mitterrand, it's a great
honor to have you here today. And to Governor Dukakis, my respects-the chief executive of this great State and my friend as
well, to Mayor Flynn, His Eminence Cardinal Law, and Dr. Metcalf, Dr. Wiesel, and,
yes, Kimberly, to you for that wonderful
speech earlier on, and to Nancy Joaquim,
who rendered both "The Marseillaise" and
"The Star-Spangled Banner" in such fine
way.
It's a pleasure to be back in Boston, back
in one of my home States-[laughter]-and
I am delighted and honored to receive a


doctor of laws from Boston University along
with President Mitterrand. Doctor of lawsdoes this now make us a couple of Boston
lawyers, my   friend,  Mr. Mitterrand?
[Laughter] Who knows? I also would like to
salute another most distinguished visitor:
Prime Minister Mahathir of Malaysia, a
friend to the United States, whose son is
graduating today. We're honored to have
him here. And I want to congratulate Barbara on a BU degree of her very own.
[Laughter] And now that you're an alumna,
take note: this kinder and gentler America
that I'm speaking of does not always include
the Terriers. [Laughter]


582




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 21


My sincerest congratulations go to every
Boston University graduate and to all you
proud parents cooking out along the 50 -yard line there. [Laughter] And as Boston
University graduates, you take with you a
degree from a great institution, and something more: knowledge of the past and responsibility for the future. And take a look
at our world today. Nations are undergoing
changes so radical that the international
system you know and will know in the
future will be as different from today's as
today's world is from the time of Woodrow
Wilson. How will America prepare, then,
for the challenges ahead?
It's with your future in mind that, after
deliberation and a review, we are adapting
our foreign policies to meet this challenge.
I've outlined how we're going to try to promote reform in Eastern Europe and how
we're going to work with our friends in
Latin America. In Texas, I spoke to another
group of graduates of our new approach to
the Soviet Union, one of moving beyond
containment, to seek to integrate the Soviets into the community of nations, to help
them share the rewards of international cooperation.
But today I want to discuss the future of
Europe, that mother of nations and ideas
that is so much a part of America. And it is
fitting that I share this forum with a very
special friend of the United States. President Mitterrand, you have the warm affection and high regard of the American
people. And I remember well about 8 years
ago when you joined us in Yorktown in
1981 to celebrate the bicentennial of that
first Franco-American fight for freedom.
And soon I will join you in Paris, sir, to
observe the 200th anniversary of the
French struggle for liberty and equality.
And this is just one example of the special
bond between two continents.
But consider this city-from the Old
North Church to Paul Revere's home nestled in the warm heart of the Italian North
End, to your famous song-filled Irish pubs,
the Old and New Worlds are inseparable in
this city-but as we look back to Old World
tradition, we must look ahead to a new
Europe. Historic changes will shape your
careers and your very lives.
The changes that are occurring in West

emn Europe are less dramatic than those
taking place in the East, but they are no
less fundamental. The postwar order that
began in 1945 is transforming into something very different. And yet certain essentials remain., because our alliance with
Western Europe is utterly unlike the cynical power alliances of the past. It is based
on far more than the perception of a
common enemy; it is a tie of culture and
kinship and shared values. And as we look
toward the 21st century, Americans and
Europeans alike should remember the
words of Raymond Aron, who called the
alliance a moral and spiritual community.
Our ideals are those of the American Bill of
Rights and the French Declaration of the
Rights of Man. And it is precisely because
the ideals of this community are universal
that the world is in ferment today.
Now a new century holds the promise of
a united Europe. And as you know, the nations of Western Europe are already
moving toward greater economic integration, with the ambitious goal of a single
European market in 1992. The United
States has often declared it seeks a healing
of old enmities, an integration of Europe.
And at the same time, there has been an
historical ambivalence on the part of some
Americans toward a more united Europe.
To this ambivalence has been added apprehension at the prospect of 1992. But whatever others may think, this administration is
of one mind. We believe a strong, united
Europe means a strong America.
Western Europe has a gross domestic
product that is roughly equal to our own
and a population that exceeds ours. European science leads the world in many fields,
and European workers are highly educated
and highly skilled. We are ready to develop
with the European Community and its
member states new mechanisms of consultation and cooperation on political and
global issues, from strengthening the forces
of democracy in the Third World to managing regional tensions to putting an end to
the division of Europe.
A resurgent Western Europe is an economic magnet, drawing Eastern Europe
closer toward the commonwealth of free
nations. A more mature partnership with


583




May 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Western Europe will pose new challenges.
There are certain to be clashes and controversies over economic issues. America will,
of course, defend its interests. But it is important to distinguish adversaries from
allies, and allies from adversaries. What a
tragedy, what an absurdity it would be if
future historians attribute the demise of the
Western alliance to disputes over beef hormones and wars over pasta. We must all
work hard to ensure that the Europe of
1992 will adopt the lower barriers of the
modern international economy, not the
high walls and the moats of medieval commerce.
But our hopes for the future rest ultimately on keeping the peace in Europe.
Forty-two years ago, just across the Charles
River, Secretary of State George Marshall
gave a commencement address that outlined a plan to help Europe recover. Western Europe responded heroically and later
joined with us in a partnership for the
common defense: a shield we call NATO.
And this alliance has always been driven by
a spirited debate over the best way to
achieve peaceful change. But the deeper
truth is that the alliance has achieved an
historic peace because it is united by a fundamental purpose. Behind the NATO
shield, Europe has now enjoyed 40 years
free of conflict, the longest period of peace
the Continent has ever known. Behind this
shield, the nations of Western Europe have
risen from privation to prosperity, all because of the strength and resolve of free
peoples.
With a Western Europe that is now
coming together, we recognize that new
forms of cooperation must be developed.
We applaud the defense cooperation developing in the revitalized Western European
Union, whose members worked with us to
keep open the sealanes of the Persian Gulf.
And we applaud the growing military cooperation between West Germany and
France. And we welcome British and
French programs to modernize their deterrent capability and their moves toward cooperation in this area. It is perfectly right
and proper that Europeans increasingly see
their defense cooperation as an investment
in a secure future. But we do have a major
concern of a different order: There's a


growing complacency throughout the West.
And, of course, your generation can
hardly be expected to share the grip of past
anxieties. With such a long peace, it is hard
to imagine how it could be otherwise. But
our expectations, in this rapidly changing
world, cannot race so far ahead that we
forget what is at stake. There's a great irony
here.
While an ideological earthquake is shaking asunder the very Communist foundation, the West is being tested by complacency. We must never forget that twice in
this century American blood has been shed
over conflicts that began in Europe. And
we share the fervent desire of Europeans to
relegate war forever to the province of distant memory. But that is why the Atlantic
alliance is so central to our foreign policy.
And that's why America remains committed
to the alliance and the strategy which has
preserved freedom in Europe. We must
never forget that to keep the peace in
Europe is to keep the peace for America.
NATO's policy of flexible response keeps
the United States linked to Europe and lets
any would-be aggressors know that they
will be met with any level of force needed
to repel their attack and frustrate their designs. And our short-range deterrent forces,
based in Europe and kept up to date, demonstrate that America's vital interests are
bound inextricably to Western Europe and
that an attacker can never gamble on a test
of strength with just our conventional
forces. Though hope is now running high
for a more peaceful continent, the history
of this century teaches Americans and Europeans to remain prepared.
As we search for a peace that is enduring,
I'm grateful for the steps that Mr. Gorbachev is taking. If the Soviets advance solid
and constructive plans for peace, then we
should give credit where credit is due. And
we're seeing sweeping changes in the
Soviet Union that show promise of enduring, of becoming ingrained. At the same
time, in an era of extraordinary change, we
have an obligation to temper optimismand I am optimistic-with prudence.
For example, the Soviet Foreign Minister
informed the world last week that his nation's commitment to destroy SS-23 missiles


584




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 21


under the recently enacted INF treaty may
be reversible. And the Soviets must surely
know the results of failure to comply with
this solemn agreement. Perhaps their purpose was to divide the West on other issues
that you're reading about in the papers
today. But regardless, it is clear that Soviet
"new thinking" has not yet totally overcome the old.
I believe in a deliberate step-by-step approach to East-West relations because recurring signs show that while change in the
Soviet Union is dramatic, it's not yet complete. The Warsaw Pact retains a nearly 12 -to-i advantage over the Atlantic alliance in
short-range missiles and rocket launchers
capable of delivering nuclear weapons and
more than a 2-to-i advantage in battle
tanks. And for that reason, we will also
maintain, in cooperation with our allies,
ground and air forces in Europe as long as
they are wanted and needed to preserve
the peace in Europe. At the same time, my
administration will place a high and continuing priority on negotiating a less militarized Europe, one with a secure conventional force balance at lower levels of
forces. Our aspiration is a real peace, a
peace of shared optimism, not a peace of
armed camps.
Nineteen ninety-two is the 500th anniversary of the discovery of the New World, so


we have five centuries to celebrate nothing
less than our very civilization-the American Bill of Rights and the French Rights of
Man, the ancient and unwritten constitution of Great Britain, and the democratic
visions of Konrad Adenauer and Alcide de
Gasperi. And in all our celebrations, we observe one fact: This truly is a moral and
spiritual community. It is our inheritance,
and so, let us protect it. Let us promote it.
Let us treasure it for our children, for
Americans and Europeans yet unborn. We
stand with France as part of a solid alliance.
And once again, let me say how proud I am
to have received this degree from this
noble institution, and to have shared this
platform with the President of the French
Republic, Franqois Mitterrand.
Thank you very, very much. Vive la
France and long live the United States of
America! Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:33 p.m. at
Dickerson Field on the campus of the university. In his opening remarks, he referred
to John Silber, president of Boston University; Bernard Cardinal Law, Archbishop of
Boston; Arthur G.B. Metcalf, chairman of
the university's board of trustees; Elie
Wiesel, Andrew Mellon Professor in the Humanities; and Kimberly Sudnick, a graduating student and commencement speaker.


The President's News Conference With President Mitterrand of
France
May 21, 1989


President Mitterrand. Ladies and gentlemen, the French guests here and myselfwe're coming to the end of our stay in the
United States; and this meeting with the
press is, more or less, the last event. And
the journalists who have been good enough
to follow us during the last 24 hours will
have appreciated, I think, that we've had a
very full day. But you will, of course, be
able in a moment to ask the questions
which you feel most suited to the requirements of the day. And President Bush and
myself will be at your disposal to reply to


them.
But personally, and also on behalf of my
country, I would like to say how very
deeply sensitive we are to the way in which
Mrs. Bush and President Bush have received us, my wife and myself. They received us in a very warm, homely family,
and restful atmosphere; but at the same
time, we were able to have some intensive,
political, serious conversations which were
given, as it were, more life-thanks to the
forest air and the sea breeze that we were
able to breathe.


585




May 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Now President Bush will be saying a few
words, and then we'll be open to questions.
But I'd like to personally thank all those
who have been good enough to accompany
us during our stay and comment on what
we have done.
President Bush. Thank you, Mr. President. Well, first, let me just say what a
pleasure it was having President Mitterrand
and Madame Mitterrand as our guests in
Maine. We've just come from the commencement of Boston University. And nothing better symbolizes the strength of the
friendship and the common values which
we share-which our two nations shareand which really the President celebrated
with us 8 years ago, when he came to Yorktown, celebrating the 200th anniversary of
that battle.
So, the weekend was not all work and no
play; it provided a good opportunity for us
to discuss many of the main issues on the
international agenda. And by the end of
this week, both of us will be traveling to
Brussels for the NATO summit. We agreed
on the central role the Atlantic alliance has
played in keeping the peace for the past
four decades, the enduring value of this
partnership in the common defense in the
years ahead. And we also agreed on the
critical contribution the nuclear deterrent
has made in keeping us free and secure and
at peace.
We also talked about the opportunities
that lie before us in the light of the changes
now taking place in the Soviet Union and in
Eastern Europe. And both of us will watch
developments in the Soviet Union, seeking
signs of lasting change. Of course, we discussed the dramatic events now taking
place in Beijing, in China. The President, I
believe, shares my view-I'll let him speak
for himself-that our goal should be a bold
one, to move beyond containment, towards
the integration of the Soviet Union into the
community of nations. And of course, we
discussed how the United States will relate
to France and the rest of Western Europe
in the years ahead.
I sensed an excitement on his part about
the future. We exchanged views about the
themes that I touched on in my earlier remarks here at BU: America's readiness for a
more mature transatlantic partnership, the


vision of a commonwealth of free nations as
a bridge to overcome the divisions of
Europe. And we also discussed the potential
for improved cooperation with the EC
[Commission of the European Communities] as we approach 1992 and the single
European market, as well as the prospects
for greater Western European cooperation
in addressing the political and global issues
around the world. And I heard his clarion's
call for cooperative action on the environment, and I salute him for that.
Beyond the NATO summit and East-West
relations, we exchanged views on so many
subjects, many of which will be on the
agenda at the Paris economic summit. We
agreed that more needs to be done in practical, realistic ways to deal with the environment and to deal with the problems of
global warming. And we also reviewed ways
of advancing the peace process in the
Middle East, the urgent need to try to find,
or be helpful in finding, a solution to the
situation in Lebanon.
On the question of peace and democracy
in this hemisphere, in Central America, we
share the view that democracy must be restored in Panama and that the commitments undertaken at Esquipulas are the key
to peace and democracy in the region.
Now we'd be glad to take questions.
Student Demonstrations in China
Q. Mr. President, the students in China
have been told to leave Tiananmen Square
or face military attack. What's your reaction
to that, and do you have any message for
the students, other than that the United
States supports freedom of speech and freedom of assembly?
President Bush. We do support freedom
of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of
the press; and clearly, we support democracy. I don't want to be gratuitous in giving
advice, but I would encourage restraint. I
do not want to see bloodshed. We revere
the model of Martin Luther King in this
country for his peaceful protest; and so, I
might suggest a familiarization with that for
the people in China. And I would urge the
Government to be as forthcoming as possible in order to see more democratization
and to see a peaceful resolution of this
matter.


586




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 21


Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. President Mitterrand, do you think
that progress has been made in bringing
French and American views-well, in
hoping to bring German and American
views closer together on the question of
modernization of nuclear short-term weapons in Europe? And do you think that you
are there to act as an intermediary, a conciliator?
President Mitterrand. The only role I play
is the role that is my natural role as a
member of the alliance. But I am not particularly there to act as a mediator. Obviously, I'm happy if views can be reconciled
and believe, I think, that they can be reconciled. I think that we have now the elements of ideas that could form a decision
that will be taken just in a week's time. And
I think that the decision that will be taken
will be found positive from the point of
view of all members of the alliance. You
know what my suggestions on the subject
are because I made them clear in Paris.
Q. Mr. President, on that point, the indication out of Bonn today was that the West
Germans have not accepted the explicit
conditions that were handed to Mr. Stoltenberg [West German Finance Minister] on
Friday for talks on SNF. A West German
spokesman said that those conditions were
merely-I think he said-a basis for further
dialog. Is the U.S. position negotiable at this
point, and how do you sum up the likelihood of resolving this before the NATO
summit?
President Bush. I think great progress has
been made. One way to guarantee there
will not be progress is to lock each other in,
in public statements, so I do not intend to
comment on the specifics. The report I saw
from Bonn was somewhat more encouraging than the way you phrased this one, in
terms of being very, very close together
with the Germans. This is an alliance that
contains many countries, and we are in
active consultation with the Germans and
others. And of course, I had the benefit
over this weekend of hearing directly from
President Mitterrand on his views, but I
think that we could well have this resolved
before the summit.


US. Immigration Laws
Q. You spoke about the common bond
between the United States and France and
the economic changes that will be coming
about in 1992 and, of course, the obvious
benefit to the United States. Yet we have
an immigration law at the present that disfavors Europeans. Do you see this matter
being resolved so that Europeans can continue to contribute to the United States?
President Bush. I want to see the immigration matter resolved, and yes, I do foresee it being resolved.
Student Demonstrations in China
Q. Mr. Bush, you have a personal interest
in China and the Chinese people, yet your
statements have seemed to be very cautious
and diplomatic. Have you made any private
representation to the Chinese leadership or
given any suggestions to them on how to
resolve-or what you might help with in
the democracy movement in China?
President Bush. We have been in touch
with our Ambassador on this very key question. I think this perhaps is a time for caution because we aspire to see the Chinese
people have democracy, but we do not
exhort in a way that is going to stir up a
military confrontation. We do not want to
have a situation like happened in Burma or
some other place. And so, as we counsel
restraint and as we counsel peaceful means
of effecting change-that is sound advice.
And I think to go beyond that and encourage steps that could lead to bloodshed
would be inappropriate.
For President Mitterrand-his next question, unless you've exhausted them all. I'll
take a couple ofShort-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. It's really primarily for President Bush,
but of course, if President Mitterrand
wishes to add on-[laughter]. Mr. President,
you said we could well have agreement on
SNF before the summit. I gather you're
talking about the West Germans, because
we're getting reports out of London that
Mrs. Thatcher is not, as the English say,
best pleased about this. And this is confusing, because we also understand that you
took Mrs. Thatcher's wishes into account


587




May 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


when you were formulating your counterproposal and that, in fact, you were in
rather close touch with the British. Do you
think we could go to Brussels with the British not having signed on to this, and yet you
would have agreement with the West Germans?
President Bush. Mr. President Mitterrand?
President Mitterrand. Well, I can appreciate exactly what kind of a dialog you were
hoping to achieve, but the rules of the
game are that it's my turn to answer. Well,
you may be asking for an opinion, but I
would say this: that within the Atlantic alliance, there is full equality among all partners. And on this problem, like on other
problems, at the outset, people have diverging views, different opinions. But the important thing is to come to a meeting of the
minds and to achieve a common answer,
and this has always been the case in the
alliance. A particular view will only carry
more weight if it carries more wisdom and
more common sense. So, I'm not going to
sit here and award prizes to this view or
that view. There's no particular view which
would prevail. The important thing is that
the general interest of the alliance should
prevail, and it will.
Student Demonstrations in China
Q. Mr. President, you called for restraint
in China, and you said that the lessons of
Martin Luther King could well be heeded
here. Do you believe the protesters should
go home? Do you think there is a revolution underway in China now?
President Bush. I don't think that it
would be appropriate for the President of
the United States to say to the demonstrators and the students in Beijing exactly
what their course of action should be. That
is for them to determine. They know the
United States commitment to democracy, to
the commitment to freedom, to the aspiration we have that all people will live in
democratic societies. But I'm not about to
suggest what I think they ought to do,
except to spell out peaceful and continue to
fight for what you believe in, stand up for
what you believe in, but beyond that, I
cannot go.
No, go ahead. Follow-on?


Q. How unstable is the situation?
President Bush. Well, I don't know. I
think we have to wait and see. There's certainly an enormous expression on the part
of many people-students and others-for
change, toward movement toward democracy. I lived there; I saw a society totally
different than the one that exists in China
today. China has moved, in some areas, towards democracy. Now, the quest is-and
the appeal from these kids is-to move further. And so, I am one who feels that the
quest for democracy is very powerful, but I
am not going to dictate or try to say from
the United States how this matter should be
resolved by these students. I'm not going to
do it.
As for John's [John Cochran, NBC News]
question, we have been in very close touch
with Mrs. Thatcher. And I listened attentively and with great interest to what President Mitterrand said, and I agree with him:
that we can get together on this vexing
question. There are strong-willed people
from strong countries, and they each have
an opinion. But my role has been to try,
behind the scenes, to be helpful for working
this problem out. And I should salute the
President of France, as he has tried to be
extraordinarily helpful in working this problem out. Now, your job is to know every
step of the way the nuances of difference
that exist between the parties, and mine is
to see if we can't iron out those differences.
And that's exactly what I'm doing, what
Secretary [of State] Baker is doing, and
what others are doing.
East- West Relations
Q. Mr. President, you were talking about
the attitude we should have towards the
Soviet Union, particularly on the part of the
allies. Do you think that the Cold War has
come to an end, and if so, has it come to an
end once and for all?
President Mitterrand. People seem to
want us to play the role of crystal-gazers,
which we are not. It's like a revolution, you
only know afterwards if a thing turned out
to be a revolution. As far as the Cold War is
concerned, one thing is clear, and that is
that we are moving out of the Cold War.
And the chances are that this will be true


588




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 21


for a very long time. There will be moments when things will be more difficult,
doubtless, but I don't see us slipping right
back into the Cold War. Of course, anything is possible-a lot will depend on the
trend of developments within the Soviet
Union.
Q. Mr. President, you said in your speech
today that you're grateful for some of these
proposals with Secretary Gorbachev, yet
some in your administration have made no
secret of their disdain for some of these
proposals. In talking about "beyond containment," did the recent proposals of Secretary Gorbachev on conventional and nuclear weapons meet any of your tests for going
beyond containment?
President Bush. Yes. I not only encourage
him to continue to make proposals but I'd
encourage him to unilaterally implement
the proposals. Many of them address themselves to conventional forces where they
have an extraordinary, preponderant imbalance-where they have the weight on their
side. And so, I'd like to see that, but I don't
think anybody is criticizing the specific proposals. All we want to see is real progress.
And when you have the historic imbalance
that exists on conventional forces, yes, I
welcome the proposals and like to see them
implemented. And it's in that area that
we're looking for reality versus rhetoric.
And I know that some are quite restless
about the pace that I have set in dealing
with the Soviet Union, but I think it's the
proper pace. And I will be prepared when
Jim Baker goes back to talk some more. I'm
most anxious to be sure that the alliance is
together on these questions.
And so, we have time, and in the meantime, I welcome not only the change of
openness and the change of reform but I
want to see it continue. And I welcome the
proposals, but I would like to see them implemented. And that would still leave a
large imbalance in favor of the Soviets on
many of these proposals-not all of them.
Some of them talk to get where we need to
be engaged, because they talked to getting
down to equal numbers. But no, I salute the
man, as I said, for certain kinds of steps that
he has taken. But I hope I'll be forgiven for
being cautious and for being prudent and
not for being stampeded into something


that might prove to be no good for the
alliance or not good for the United States.
Soviet President Gorbachev of the Soviet
Union
Q. For President Mitterrand and also for
President Bush. Mr. Gorbachev has been
described by the President's spokesman as a
"drugstore cowboy." Do you agree with this
description?-a question for both Presidents.
President Mitterrand. I think that one
must be wary of caricatures. Mr. Gorbachev
is worth very much more than that.
President Bush. So much for Marlin. In
fairness to the man
Mr. Fitzwater. No, don't defend me.
President Bush. No, don't defend you?
Which I would be perfectly prepared to do.
Boston Harbor Cleanup
Q. Mr. President, being back in Boston,
does it encourage you to do anything about
restoring the money for the Boston Harbor
that the Congress
President Bush. Hey, I'm pleased that the
cleanup seems to be going forward. How's
that for an answer?
US. International Influence
Q. This is a question, I guess-it's a question for both people. Do you believe that
the American public is aware of the limits
of American power and of your ability to
really influence political events like those in
China, Panama, and Europe?
President Mitterrand. Well, I think on
these questions of influence-influence can
be of a material kind and military or peaceful. But it can also be of a moral kind and
psychological. There's a whole rainbow, a
whole range, of possibilities. Of course, the
first problem that you're always up against
is the problem of noninterference in other
people's affairs. That being said-but it's a
question of human rights. One mustn't stop
at that, and I think one must give priority
to the public assertion of the basic principles of human rights, and that is what must
be prevailed.
So, I think that, with reference to the
countries you are mentioning, these principles should be recalled to the countries concerned. But recourse to arms is probably


589




May 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


not the kind of method that is fully in tune
with the requirements of our day. And to
think that you can win whole populations
over to your way of thinking by threatening
them with guns or tanks is obviously wrong.
What is also very important, and more
important, is to win over international
public opinion, to mobilize public opinion,
both within and without the country, so
that those governments which fail in the
respect of human rights will be, both within
and without, with their backs to the wall on
the subject. That being said, I know of no
miracle cure in these matters, no unfailing
method that always works. And if I were
able to come here to Boston and someone
could give me the golden key that would
open all these doors, well, I'd be very
happy and perhaps somewhat surprised.
American Hostages in Lebanon
Q. Mr. President, in your discussions this
weekend concerning Lebanon, did you discuss the situation concerning the hostages,
and have you any news concerning avenues
that could be pursued towards their eventual release?
President Bush. On the hostages-any
avenues to pursue on that?
Q. Did you discuss it this weekend?
President Bush. Well, it was just touched
on because-but we discussed Lebanon in
depth. And the hostage situation obviously
continues to be on our mind, and President
Mitterrand was most sympathetic-the
French people held various times against
their will. And so, that underlies the concerns that I feel. But Lebanon transcends
just our own keen interest in the hostage
question: to see a once-peaceful country,
where various factions could live together,


now ripped asunder by war and by outside
pressures, demands world action. And yet
again, when you look at the alternatives,
they aren't that clear. And we have called
for the cease-fire, supporting the Arab
League posture: getting foreign troops out
of Lebanon and trying to have the election
process go forward so you can have an
elected president that fulfills the will of the
people.
President Mitterrand was very helpful because he has a unique view of Lebanon,
with France's history there. And yet I don't
think either of us came up with a simple
answer. I saluted what he tried to do when
he encouraged the Secretary-General of the
United Nations to go there. But for various
reasons, that did not work out. So, we did
talk about a couple of other specific approaches that we might take, which I think
should remain confidential. But it was discussed in detail. It is a matter of enormous
urgency. And in the United States, of
course, you heard Cardinal Law [Archbishop of Boston] today appropriately singling
out Lebanon because of the religious divisions there. And I wish there was an easy
answer to it, and the United States stands
ready to help, if we can.
We're off. Thank you.
President Mitterrand. Thank you.
Note: President Bush's 12th news conference began at 1:28 p.m. on Dickerson Field
at Boston University. President Mitterrand
spoke in French, and his remarks were
translated by an interpreter. Marlin Fitzwater was President Bush's Press Secretary.
Following the news conference, President
Bush returned to Washington, DC.


Remarks on the Observance of Cuban Independence Day
May 22, 1989


What a great pleasure, and thank you for
that warm welcome. It's I who should be
welcoming you to celebrate this wonderful
occasion, the 87th anniversary of Cuban independence, and, you know, a special day.
But you know, I would be delighted to be


here on any day, for we Americans owe a
debt of gratitude to the Cuban people. And
that debt goes back to 1776, when George
Washington's troops were short of food and
supply.
Some of you may remember how the


590




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 22


women of Havana banded together and
raised 1.2 million livres for the cause of
American freedom. And 126 years later, another people fought bravely for the cause of
freedom. For it was on May 20th, 1902,
after a long and brutal struggle, that the
Cuban Republic was born. And we gather
here to remember that victory and the fact
that freedom knows no boundaries. Perhaps
it was Cuba's George Washington, that
great President, Jose Marti, who said it best:
"To beautify life is to give it an object."
My friends, our object is human liberty
and a free, united, and democratic Cuba.
And as President I am unalterably committed to a free, united, democratic Cuba; and
I'm not going to ever falter in that support.
I know that you all are with me in that, and
so is our country, for we oppose those who
mock the very rights that we treasure: freedom of speech, religion, assembly, economic
freedom. And in response, our demand is
plain and simple: democracy and respect
for human rights-not sometime, not someday, but now.
And this afternoon I call on Fidel Castro
to free all political prisoners and to conform
to accepted international standards regarding human rights. And I challenge him to
allow unrestricted access to the United Nations and other organizations monitoring
their compliance, and a policy of nonintervention in the internal affairs of other
states. And on this celebration of Cuban Independence Day I challenge him, Fidel
Castro, to take concrete and specific steps
leading to free and fair elections and full
democracy.
A useful first step would be to accept a
proposed plebiscite in Cuba. I also strongly
believe that Cubans who wish to leave
Cuba should be allowed to do so-a fundamental human right guaranteed by free nations. And I challenge Castro-[applause]and I challenge him to show that Cuba is
truly independent by sharply reducing the
Soviet military presence there. And this I
pledge: Unless Fidel Castro is willing to
change his policies and behavior, we will
maintain our present policy toward Cuba.
Knock off this wild speculation as just
that-some suggesting that our administration is going to unilaterally shift things with
Fidel Castro. I am not going to do that, and


I'm glad you're here to hear it directly from
me.
And until we see some of these changes
I'm talking about, we will continue to
oppose Cuba's reentry to the Organization
of American States. And this too I promise:
To help break down the monopoly on information that Castro has maintained for 30
years, we will continue Radio Marti, and we
will push forward our proposal on TV Marti.
It is important that the people of Cuba
know the truth, and we will see that the
people of Cuba do know the truth about
their dictator and about the world.
And the thirst for democracy is unquenchable. And totalitarian systems everywhere are feeling new pressures from the
people. You see it today on the television
sets, coming out of China. We've seen those
beginnings of it in the Soviet Union and
many, many other countries around the
world. And so, don't tell me that Cubans
don't want freedom and democracy; they
do. And I challenge Fidel Castro to let the
will of the people prevail.
In short, what we want to do is to advance that day when Cuban Independence
Day achieves a new and a richer meaning:
freedom from the evil of tyranny and oppression; freedom from the economic
misery wrought by the Communist misrule-the freedom that can liberate lives
and lift the human heart-and, yes, the
freedom of democracy.
To achieve that freedom, heroes must
lead the way. In a sense, they already have,
and are. For Cuba can claim many, many
heroes-those who struggled valiantly
almost 90 years ago and those who struggle
today-unsung heroes, for example, like
longtime political prisoner Alfredo Mustelier Nuevo, who refuses to give up; heroes
like Dr. Claudio Benedi, here on stage, who
has condemned eloquently-repeatedlyCastro's violation of human rights; or another great patriot of the Western Hemisphere, a hero of mine, a hero of our times,
and I'm referring, of course, to Armando
Valladares. Let the American people see
him now-22 years in Castro's prisons. And
he wrote a book about that ordeal. It meant
a lot to the entire Bush family and has certainly been an inspiration to me. You've all


591




May 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


read it, I hope. And if not, why, we can
boost the sales by recommending it.
[Laughter] It's called "Against All Hope,"
and it describes how he, how Armando, survived beatings and starvations and unspeakable horror. And I'm sure many of you have
read it, but it's a tribute to the arching
human spirit, to that will to live, which
helped endure the cruelest of regimes; a
tribute, also, to the courage of the Cuban
people, resolute and unafraid.
I had a discussion-I told Armando, I
think, this-with one of the great leaders in
this hemisphere. And he wondered why we
were doing what we were doing in Central
America. And I said, "Well, I'll tell you
why. It's a book called 'Against All Hope.'
That book relates to the deprivation of
human rights in Cuba." And he said, "Well,
what does that have to do with Central
America?" I said, "Read the book, and
you'll see. Read the book, because you'll
understand that a deprivation of human
rights in a Cuban prison is no different than
the deprivation of human rights in a prison
in Nicaragua." And he did, and I hope it's


made a difference in that country's approach to foreign policy. But whether it did
or not, the respect I have for Armando and
the courage he has shown really knows no
bounds. It is absolutely without limits, and
the fact that he headed our delegation
fighting for human rights, I think, said an
awful lot about our commitment, the commitment of every American to human
rights and to freedom.
And so, the courage that is demonstrated
by these-and I risk offending by failing to
mention others right here in this room-but
that courage has helped you and your families endure. And one day it will, I am convinced-I really believe this-unite a million free Cuban Americans with their longsuffering Cuban brothers. And if hope can
stay alive in the heart of Armando Valladares, surely we will see Cuba free again.
Thank you for coming. God bless you,
and God bless America. Thank you very,
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:34 p.m.
during a briefing in Room 450 at the Old
Executive Office Building.


Nomination of Thomas Joseph Murrin To Be Deputy Secretary of
Commerce
May 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Thomas Joseph Murrin to
be Deputy Secretary of Commerce. He
would succeed Donna F. Tuttle.
Mr. Murrin was president of Westinghouse Energy and Advance Technology
Group, 1983-1987. From 1952 until 1987,
he served in various capacities for Westinghouse Electric Corp., including president of
the Public Systems Co., 1974; senior vice
president of the Public Systems Group,
1974; executive vice president of the Defense and Public Systems Group, 1971;
group vice president of defense, 1967; and


corporate vice president of manufacturing,
1965. In 1959 he was appointed European
manufacturing representative, based in
Geneva, Switzerland, and was superintendent of factory planning for the new distribution transformer plant in Athens, GA, in
1955. He joined the Carnegie Mellon University as distinguished service professor in
technology and management.
Mr. Murrin graduated from Fordham
University (B.S., 1951). He is married, has
eight children, and resides in Pittsburgh,
PA.


592




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 22


Remarks at a White House Dinner Honoring the Nation's Governors
May 22, 1989


Good evening, everybody. Fellow public
servants, politicians, stemwinding orators[laughter]-it's a tough group to speak with,
but look, it's an honor to welcome you to
what Franklin Roosevelt called the house
owned by all the people and which Harry
Truman termed the finest prison in the
world. [Laughter] Incidentally, Barbara and
I don't feel that way about this magnificent
place. We love it, and please, don't any one
of you attempt to do anything about that.
[Laughter]
I want to commend Governor Baliles for
his leadership of the NGA [National Governors' Association], and let me pass our best
wishes to Terry Branstad, who's coming in.
As you know, Henry Bellmon-I didn't see
Henry tonight, but he'll like this one-his
fellow Oklahoman Will Rogers once said,
"Politics isn't worrying this country onetenth as much as parking space." [Laughter]
What he meant was that often Washington
loses perspective and we forget what matters: people and their concerns. I concluded
long ago that as Governors you are where
the action is. And there's always a budget to
be balanced or a school to be built, or
you've got to find what works. And I, too,
like what works. And I try to understand
your problems; and if I didn't, I have a
hunch that one of your own, John Sununu,
my able Chief of Staff, would help me out
on that.
But as we gather here tonight beneath a
painting which forms a study in how problems can be met and overcome-and I'm
talking of course about Healy's magnificent
painting of Abraham Lincoln about the end
of the War Between the States-it makes a
profound impression on me. Incidentally,
there's another variety of this painting upstairs that some of you have seen, and it's
the exact same pose. But in the one upstairs, he's conferring with his three generals, but in exactly the same pose as this one,
except there's a rainbow, which signifies the
end of this war that divided us and symbolizes hope for the future.
But Lincoln, as I'm sure for others of you,


is one of my favorite Presidents, and I know
most Americans feel that way. But I'm reminded daily of him, for so often we pass
the room which served as his office upstairs.
As he abolished slavery, he saved the
Union, and he preserved for future generations the canons of democracy. And in this
painting you get a feeling, I think, of his
agony and his greatness. In fact, all around
it, you feel a sweep of history when you're
in this marvelous building, and of the men
and women who acted boldly, courageously
to write the pages of our history. I believe
that our pages, too, can be extraordinary,
pages that you all are writing-Barbara and
I in some way might be writing.
You look around at the world today-and
we were chatting about this here-the fascinating changes that are taking place-obviously in the Soviet Union, but clearly today
in China. Bar and I lived there in 1974 and
1975, and if anybody had predicted that the
force of democracy was such that you'd see
a million kids in Tiananmen Square-and
nobody would have believed it back then,
and here they are. You look at the changes
inside the Soviet Union. You look at the
accord in Angola. You look at Panama,
where really almost for the first time you've
seen this tremendous expression of the
democratic will of the people, and then see
that aborted by a totalitarian-and then see
the countries in Central America unite in a
resolution at the OAS [Organization of
American States], condemning this kind of
behavior, because they themselves sense
this inexorable move to democracy. And we
are living in very, very exciting times.
And around the globe, leaders are learning what you already know: To survive,
government must be responsive and responsible, for if not, the people are gonna
find leaders who are. And that's why we
have the marvelous device called a free
election. And it's not easy, of course.
But sometimes you, I know, must feel as
Lincoln did. One night, a stranger found
him in the street with two of his sons, both
of whom were sobbing uncontrollably.


593




May 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


"Whatever is the matter with the boys, Mr.
Lincoln?" a stranger asked. He sighed and
observed, "Just what's the matter with the
whole world. I've got three walnuts, and
each wants two." Well, that's the way our
business is. That's the way it is for Governors, and that's the way it is with the President of the United States. We're pulled in
countless directions, but we treasure these
American lessons. Democracy works; our
system works. It works in Dover or in Des
Moines; it works in Portland, RichmondPortland, Oregon; Portland, Maine. And it
works because when it comes to problemsolving Washington does not know best; the
people do.
Jefferson wrote: "The God who gave us
life, gave us liberty at the same time." Let
us use that liberty to find solutions, to find
what works, enrich our lives. And in that


spirit, I ask all of you to raise your glasses to
the American people and to you, the Governors, their trustees, and to the American
system that remains after 200 years the
greatest in the history of the world, the
model for nations struggling to be free this
very day.
Thank you all for being with us. Jerry,
and to you, sir, and all the Governors, Barbara and I salute you and extend to you our
most profound respects.
Note: The President spoke at 9:40 p.m. in
the State Dining Room at the White House.
In his remarks, he referred to Governors
Gerald L. Baliles of Virginia and Terry
Branstad of Iowa, chairman and vice chairman of the National Governors' Association, respectively, and Gov. Henry Bellmon
of Oklahoma.


Letter to Congressional Leaders on Savings and Loan Financing
Legislation
May 22, 1989


Dear:
I am writing to secure the assistance of
the House leadership in resolving the current crisis in the savings and loan industry.
At present, several hundred insolvent savings and loans cannot be permanently restructured or closed without passage of new
legislation. As Secretary Brady has indicated, each day's delay adds more than $10
million to the cost of this enormous problem. Delay also jeopardizes the confidence
in our financial system that expeditious enactment of this legislation was intended to
sustain.
On February 6, I asked the Congress "to
join me in a determined effort to resolve
this threat to the American financial system
permanently, and to do so without delay."
During my address to a Joint Session of
Congress on February 9, I asked that this
vital legislation be enacted within 45 days.
Shortly thereafter my Administration forwarded comprehensive legislation to Congress to implement this program.
The Senate moved rapidly and, on April


19, 1989, passed legislation very similar to
our proposal. In the House, the legislation
has been thoroughly debated in the full
Banking Committee, the Financial Institutions Subcommittee, and the Ways and
Means Committee. Now is the time for the
House to act, yet this vital measure still has
not been scheduled for floor consideration.
At the estimated rate of ongoing losses,
more than $330 million in additional taxpayer costs have been incurred since Senate
passage.
I ask your cooperation to secure the following actions:
First, the legislation should be reported
promptly to the House floor under a rule
that expedites passage. Further delay in
final House passage of this bill would be
both costly and unnecessary.
Second, I ask the leadership of the House
to hold absolutely firm against any attempt
to weaken those vital elements of the legislation which protect the American taxpayer
from additional costs. Such elements in

594




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 23


elude higher capital requirements, sound
accounting principles, and strengthened
civil and criminal penalties against wrongdoing in insured institutions.
Third, I ask that the interests of American
savers and taxpayers be held paramount.
Special interest amendments that could
weaken the safety and soundness of our financial system, or provisions that impose
additional costs for otherwise worthy purposes such as housing subsidies, do not
belong in this bill and should be deleted.
Finally, I urge Congress to resist efforts to
reformulate the financing program adopted
by both the House and Senate Banking
Committees. Such efforts can only delay
final passage of the legislation and could
have undesirable economic consequences.
This urgently needed legislation should not
become the vehicle for undermining the
spending discipline established by the
Gramm-Rudman-Hollings     law,   which
proved beneficial in the recent successful
budget discussions between Congress and
my Administration. This discipline will be
essential to achieving our mutual budget
deficit reduction goals in the future.


To date, Congress and the Executive
Branch have worked cooperatively to protect our financial markets from instability
and to avoid unnecessary costs. Indeed, bipartisan majorities in both the Senate and
House have defeated determined special interest lobbying against the tough capital
standards needed to protect American taxpayers from a repeat of this tragedy. I look
forward to working with Congress in passing responsible legislation to resolve the
current savings and loan crisis and to insure
that this situation will not be repeated.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives; Thomas Foley and Robert H. Michel,
majority and minority leaders of the House
of Representatives, respectively; and Tony
Coelho and Newt Gingrich, majority and
minority whips of the House of Representatives, respectively. The letter was released
by the Office of the Press Secretary on May
23.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the President's Meeting
With Chairman Wan Li of China
May 23, 1989


The President today met with Wan Li,
Chairman of the Standing Committee of
the National People's Congress, from 2:30
p.m. to 3:30 p.m. Following the plenary
meeting, Wan Li visited the Residence to
greet Mrs. Bush.
The Chinese leader briefed the President
on the outcome of the recent Sino-Soviet
summit and on the student demonstrations
in China. "We are strongly committed to
democracy around the world," the President said. "It is the underpinning of our
being as a nation. I urge nonviolence and


restraint in your present situation. I urge
that Voice of America not be jammed and
that reporters be given open access."
The President told Chairman Wan that
he remains personally committed to expanding the normal and constructive relations the United States enjoys with China.
The world has a stake in China's economic
progress, national security, and political vitality. The United States hopes to see the
continuing implementation of economic
and political reforms, which undoubtedly
will also help advance these goals.


595




May 23 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Mark L. Edelman To Be Deputy Administrator of
the Agency for International Development
May 23, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Mark L. Edelman to be
Deputy Administrator of the Agency for
International Development, U.S. International Development Cooperation Agency.
He would succeed Jay F. Morris.
Since 1987 Mr. Edelman has served as
Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon.
Prior to this, he was Assistant Administrator
for Africa at the Agency for International
Development, 1984-1987, and senior adviser to the Administrator, and Executive Secretary, 1983-1984. He was Deputy Assistant
Secretary for the Bureau of International
Organization Affairs at the Department of


State, 1981-1983, and a program analyst for
the Agency for International Development,
1981. He was a legislative assistant to Senator John C. Danforth in Washington, DC,
1977-1981. Mr. Edelman has served as
State budget director in Jefferson City, MO,
1973-1976; budget examiner for the Bureau
of the Budget in the Office of Management
and Budget, 1968-1972; and a management
intern and Africa budget analyst for the
U.S. Information Agency, 1965-1967.
Mr. Edelman graduated from Oberlin
College (A.B., 1965). He was born June 27,
1943, in St. Louis, MO. He is married to the
former Nancy M. Wasell.


Message to the Congress Reporting on the National Emergency
With Respect to Iran
May 23, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I hereby report to the Congress on developments since the last report of November
15, 1988, concerning the national emergency with respect to Iran that was declared in
Executive Order No. 12170 of November
14, 1979, and matters relating to Executive
Order No. 12613 of October 29, 1987. This
report is submitted pursuant to section
204(c) of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, 50 U.S.C. 1703(c), and
section 505(c) of the International Security
and Development Cooperation Act of 1985,
22 U.S.C. 2349aa-9. This report covers
events through March 28, 1989, including
those that occurred since the last report
under Executive Order No. 12170 dated
November 15, 1988. That report covered
events through October 1, 1988.
1. Since the last report, there have been
no amendments to the Iranian Assets Control Regulations, 31 C.F.R. Part 535 (the
"IACRs"), or the Iranian Transactions Regulations, 31 C.F.R. Part 560 (the "ITRs"), administered by the Office of Foreign Assets


Control ("FAC"). The major focus of licensing activity under the ITRs remains the importation of certain non-fungible Iranianorigin goods, principally carpets, which
were located outside Iran before the embargo was imposed, and where no payment or
benefit accrued to Iran after the effective
date of the embargo. Since October 1, 1988,
FAC has made 583 licensing determinations
under the ITRs.
Numerous Customs Service detentions
and seizures of Iranian-origin goods (including carpets, caviar, dates, pistachios, and
gold) have taken place, and a number of
FAC and Customs investigations into potential violations of the ITRs are pending. Several of the seizures have led to forfeiture
actions and imposition of civil monetary
penalties. An indictment has been issued in
the case of United States v. Benham Tahriri,
which is now pending in the United States
District Court for the District of Vermont.
2. The Iran-United States Claims Tribunal
(the "Tribunal"), established at The Hague


596




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 23


pursuant to the Claims Settlement Agreement of January 19, 1981 (the "Algiers Accords"), continues to make progress in arbitrating the claims before it. Since the last
report, the Tribunal has rendered 22
awards, for a total of 418 awards. Of that
total, 308 have been awards in favor of
American claimants: 193 of these were
awards on agreed terms, authorizing and
approving payment of settlements negotiated by the parties, and 115 were decisions
adjudicated on the merits. The Tribunal has
dismissed a total of 25 other claims on the
merits and 56 for jurisdictional reasons. Of
the 29 remaining awards, two represent
withdrawals and 27 were in favor of Iranian
claimants. As of March 28, 1989, awards to
successful American claimants from the Security Account held by the NV Settlement
Bank stood at $1,136,444,726.00.
As of March 28, 1989, the Security Account has fallen below the required balance
of $500 million 25 times. Each time, Iran
has replenished the account, as required by
the Algiers Accords, by transferring funds
from the separate account held by the NV
Settlement Bank in which interest on the
Security Account is deposited. Iran has also
replenished the account once when it was
not required by the Accords, for a total of
26 replenishments. The most recent replenishment as of March 28, 1989, occurred on
March 22, 1989, in the amount of $100,000,
bringing the total in the Security Account
to $500,011,034.15. The aggregate amount
that has been transferred from the interest
account to the Security Account is
$624,698,999.39. The amount in the interest account as of March 28, 1989, was
$128,220,636.82.
Iranian and U.S. arbitrators agreed on
two neutral arbitrators to replace Professor
Karl-Heinz  Bockstiegel  and  Professor
Michel Andre Virally, who had submitted
letters of resignation. On December 16,
1988, Professor Bengt Broms of Finland replaced Professor Bockstiegel as Chairman of
Chamber One, and on January 1, 1989, Professor Gaetano Arangio-Ruiz of Italy replaced Professor Virally as Chairman of
Chamber Three. Professor Bockstiegel had
also served as President of the Tribunal.
After Iran and the United States were
unable to agree on a new President of the


Tribunal, former Netherlands Supreme
Court Chief Judge Charles M.J.A. Moons,
the appointing authority for the Tribunal,
appointed Professor Robert Briner to the
position on February 2, 1989. Professor
Briner, who has been a member of the Tribunal since 1985, will continue to serve as
Chairman of Chamber Two.
3. The Tribunal continues to make
progress in the arbitration of claims of U.S.
nationals for $250,000 or more. Over 68
percent of the nonbank claims have now
been disposed of through adjudication, settlement, or voluntary withdrawal, leaving
169 such claims on the docket. The largest
of the large claims, the progress of which
has been slowed by their complexity, are
finally being decided, sometimes with sizable damage awards to the U.S. claimant.
Since the last report, nine large claims have
been decided. One U.S. company received
an award on agreed terms of $10,800,000.
4. The Tribunal continues to process
claims of U.S. nationals against Iran of less
than $250,000 each. As of March 28, 1989, a
total of 362 small claims have been resolved, 82 of them since the last report, as a
result of decisions on the merits, awards on
agreed terms, or Tribunal orders. One contested claim has been decided since the last
report, raising the total number of contested claims decided to 24, 15 of which favored the American claimant. These decisions will help in establishing guidelines for
the adjudication or settlement of similar
claims. To date, American claimants have
also received 56 awards on agreed terms
reflecting settlements of claims under
$250,000.
The Tribunal's current small claims
docket includes approximately 185 active
cases. It is anticipated that the Tribunal will
issue new scheduling orders later this spring
to bring its active docket to approximately
225 active cases.
5. In coordination with concerned government agencies, the Department of State
continues to present United States Government claims against Iran, as well as responses by the United States Government
to claims brought against it by Iran. Since
the last report, the Department has filed
pleadings in eight government-to-govern

597




May 23 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ment claims, and presented one claim at a
hearing before the Tribunal. In addition,
two claims have been settled.
6. Since the last report, nine bank syndicates have completed negotiations with
Bank Markazi Jomhouri Islami Iran ("Bank
Markazi," Iran's central bank) and have
been paid a total of $11,235,741.87 for interest accruing for the period January 1-18,
1981 ("January Interest"). These payments
were made from Dollar Account No. 1 at
the Federal Reserve Bank of New York,
("FRBNY"). Moreover, under the April 13,
1988, agreement between the FRBNY and
Bank Markazi, the FRBNY returned
$7,295,823.58 of Iranian funds to Bank Markazi. That transfer represents the excess of
amounts reserved in Dollar Account No. 1
to pay off each bank syndicate with a claim
for January Interest against Bank Markazi.
7. The situation reviewed above continues to implicate important diplomatic, fi

nancial, and legal interests of the United
States and its nationals and presents an unusual challenge to the national security and
foreign policy of the United States. The Iranian Assets Control Regulations issued pursuant to Executive Order No. 12170 continue to play an important role in structuring
our relationship with Iran and in enabling
the United States properly to implement
the Algiers Accords. Similarly, the Iranian
Transactions Regulations issued pursuant to
Executive Order No. 12613 continue to advance important objectives in combatting
international terrorism. I shall continue to
exercise the powers at my disposal to deal
with these problems and will continue to
report periodically to the Congress on significant developments.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
May 23, 1989.


Remarks at the Annual White House News Photographers
Association Dinner
May 23, 1989


Marlin says it's okay to talk; this will be a
modified photo op. [Laughter] Actually, I
dropped in to see if my prints were ready.
[Laughter] It's no secret that I'm a great fan
of the White House photographers. After
all, the first 100 days were saved by those
puppy pictures. [Laughter] An animal lover
like me doesn't lightly bestow a fond nickname like "photo dogs." I know that your
space is cramped there in the West Wing.
Some of the photographers, as a matter of
fact, asked if they could set up a darkroom
someplace where nothing much is happening. I was all for it until they suggested the
Oval Office. [Laughter]
And you know, Larry asked me to help
hand out the awards a little later on here.
And I saw the list, and, yes, it's an impressive group, but some key categories got
overlooked. And so, I talked it over with
the photo general of the United States,
David Valdez, and tonight I'm proud to announce the first annual Presidential Photog

raphers Awards-very serious business here.
With Oscars, you get a gold statuette;
Grammys, a record player; and Golden
Globes. And here it is, this 9-inch step
ladder-[laughter]-highly coveted. This is
the highly coveted Golden Step Ladder
Award. [Laughter]
We start with the photo dog fashion
awards. I asked Director of the CIA Bill
Webster why Air Force One never gets
taken over by terrorists. And he said, "The
bad guys take one look at the way the photographers are dressed and figure that the
plane's already been hijacked." [Laughter]
There are some exceptions. The first
runner-up for this coveted award for the
best dressed photographer goes to Time's
Diana Walker, affectionately known as Lady
Di. She has that "12 days on safari in Botswana" look that you're all striving for.
[Laughter] She's the one that did that photo
essay last week called "Twelve Hours With
George Bush." She claimed it felt like the


598




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 23


first 100 days.
But anyway, the winner of this coveted
award-she only was runner-up-goes to
one of Diana's colleagues, Dirck Halstead.
[Laughter] Now, Dirck has never been suspected of being a terrorist because the
Secret Service says that, while terrorists do
at times wear Guccis, rarely if ever are
their blue jeans starched and pressed.
[Laughter]
Now, there's a corollary of Murphy's Law,
which White House photographers have a
knack for proving: Under any conditions,
anywhere, whatever you are doing, there is
some ordinance under which you can be
booked. And so, the 1989 First Amendment
Award, coveted award for freedom of expression, goes to the CNN [Cable News
Network] cameraman arrested on a pool
stakeout this month outside a high security
installation-Joe & Mo's. [Laughter] And
let's hear it for Albert Certo of CNN. [Applause] Can someone please remove his
handcuffs, because we want him ready for
the picture.
Those looking for proof of a kinder and
gentler America need only look around the
White House press room at the number of
people napping. [Laughter] And I stopped
speaking at photo ops because I was afraid
I'd wake up the dozing cameramen. But we
call the next award the Rip Van Winkle
Award, coveted award given each year to
the photographer who earns the most overtime while asleep. [Laughter] The competition in this category was tough. [Laughter]
And the final rankings-and this was scientifically done-are John Bullard of ABC[laughter]-Percy Arrington of NBC, and
CNN's Hank Disselkamp. Win, place, and
show-a photo finish if there ever was one.
Sleep on, out there.
Now, that's not an easy job. Two months
ago, a U.S. News and World Report photographer took a fall off the East Room press
platform. He said he was okay until I said,
"Scratch one newsman." But then he
bounced back and carries more equipment
than any other three photographers combined. Or from U.S. News and World
Report, the winner of this year's Arnold Schwarzenegger Award-[laughter]Darryl Heikes.
The competition is intense among the


news magazines. It was Darryl himself who
suggested that U.S. News come out with its
first annual swimsuit issue. [Laughter] Can't
quite see Mort Zuckerman in thongs, but[laughter].
And I'm constantly impressed by the ingenuity of this White House press corps.
Take the runner-up for our last award,
lighting man Marvin Purbaugh of NBC.
Marvin recently became the first American
to actually produce a Thousand Points of
Light. [Laughter] He lit the Roosevelt
Room by bouncing the kleigs off Marlin's
head. [Laughter]
And our final award is named for the
well-known Milo Minderbinder, the irrepressible entrepreneur on "Catch-22." The
winner-you guessed it-has sold keychains
to tourists-[laughter]-luggage tags to local
reporters, press passes to foreign media.
[Laughter] And so, give me a hand for this
unanimous winner of the 1989 Milo Award,
Mr. Opportunity Society himself, the guy
that's giving entrepreneurship a bad
name-[laughter]-Newsweek's own Larry
Downing, the only guy who gets his trips on
Air Force One counted as frequent flyer
miles. [Laughter] No, one of the things I do
like about Larry, though, is his loyalty. In
Beijing, the microphones picked up his patriotic challenge to some Chinese security
guards: "Stop pushing me," he said. "Our
President may sound like an idiot, but he's
our President, and we're going to take pictures of him." [Laughter] Thanks a lot,
Larry. [Laughter]
Marlin will see that you receive these
coveted awards. But right now, I'd like all
these lucky winners to stand up. Diana and
Dirck, Albert, John, Percy, Hank, Darryl,
Marvin, and Larry. Bad sports-only two of
them stood up.
No, but as these awards suggest, the various characters-and I use the word advisedly-assembled in this room probably make
up about as diverse a collection of personalities as ever found in a single profession.
But over the years, I've observed certain
qualities that you do have in common: the
determination as well as the ability to work
hard; take an elbow, give one in return,
Cynthia; a willingness to go the extra mile,
even on the slimmest chance that it will


599




May 23 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


produce a memorable shot; grace under
pressure-and I mean it-and a total belief
in your work. And more importantly, more
personally, the very name that I've bestowed, "photo dogs"-and you've adopted-say a lot about the good-natured relationship that we enjoy and the good will
that's shared on both sides.
And I will say this from the bottom of a
grateful heart: Knowing the Bush family as
you do now, I have always appreciated the
thoughtfulness and the consideration and
the kindness that you have shown to our
family and, indeed, the kindness and consideration that you have shown in our quest
for privacy from time to time. And that


means a great deal. So, thank you all. It's
time to declare a lid. And any followup
questions can go to Rich Little-and I'm
scared to death. [Laughter] Thank you all.
And lights, please.
Note: The President spoke at 9:20 p.m. in
the International Ballroom at the Washington Hilton Hotel. In his remarks, he referred to Marlin Fitzwater, the President's
Press Secretary; Larry A. Rubenstein, chairman of the awards dinner and assistant
picture editor at Reuters; David Valdez, the
President's photographer; Cynthia Johnson
and Dirck Halstead, photographers for
Time magazine; and entertainer Rich Little.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the President's Meeting
With Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel
May 24, 1989


The President just completed a productive half-hour meeting with Israeli Defense
Minister Yitzhak Rabin. President Bush
reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to a close
relationship with our long-term friend and
strategic partner Israel. Toward this end,
the President made clear his determination
to provide Israel with the resources necessary for its security.
The two leaders also discussed the situation in the West Bank and Gaza. The President told Defense Minister Rabin that the
recent elections proposal put forward by
the Government of Israel constitutes an im

portant contribution to a process that has
the potential to bring about negotiations
leading to a comprehensive settlement consistent with Israeli security and Palestinian
political rights. The President noted that
the Israeli elections proposal gives us something to work with, and we are now looking
for a constructive Arab response to it. The
President also voiced his deep concern over
the escalating violence in the occupied territories and expressed the strong hope that
all parties would exercise maximum restraint.


Remarks at the United States Coast Guard Academy
Commencement Ceremony in New London, Connecticut
May 24, 1989


Thank you all very much. And Mr. Superintendent, my friend, Rick, thank you for
inviting me here. Thank all of the-particularly those in the white uniforms who are
fixing to move on-for that warm welcome.
To Admiral Yost, the Commandant, and
Secretary [of Transportation] Skinner, Dr.


Alex Haley, and all the distinguished, broke,
but happy parents sitting over here[laughter]-this is a special day. I want to
single out Admiral Cueroni, who will be
leaving the service that he has served so
well. And it was my pleasure as Vice President of the United States to work directly


600




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 24


with him when he headed the south Florida
effort fighting narcotics. And he showed us
a lot of class then, and he showed the country a lot of class for his many years in service to the Coast Guard.
I want to congratulate each member of
this year's class on receiving your commission into such a proud service. You mention
the Coast Guard, and most people think
about lives saved at sea, daring rescue operations; but those daily acts of heroism are
just one part of the vital work that this
Coast Guard performs. Right now, in Prince
William Sound, the Coast Guard continues
to work around the clock in a major environmental cleanup. And let me at this
point, on behalf of a grateful nation, commend Admiral Yost. Through his personal
commitment, his involvement, and the
leadership that he has shown, he has served
his country in the finest tradition of the
United States Coast Guard. And those of us
who care about the environment-and that
is 250 million Americans at a minimumhe's showing us the way. And your service-backing him up in every way. And I
am very proud of what Paul Yost has done.
Right now, off the Florida coast, Coast
Guard patrols are chasing down drug smugglers, helping to keep the drugs off the
streets. And that may be all in a day's work
for the Coast Guard, but it is absolutely
vital to our national health, our well-being,
and our security.
I'm sure on that long first day of Swab
Summer that you never thought 4 years
could pass so quickly, but they have; and
you've worked hard. Billet Night has come
and gone-[laughter]-and you're readySemper Paratus, in the words of your
motto-ready to enter the Coast Guard
service, enter the world. And the truth is,
that's what commencement is all about.
The world is yours, and today's ceremony is
really part of the change of command from
one generation to the next.
Today our world-your world-is changing, East and West. And today I want to
speak to you about the world we want to
see and what we can do to bring that new
world into clear focus.
We live in a time when we are witnessing
the end of an idea: the final chapter of the
Communist experiment. Communism is


now recognized, even by many within the
Communist world itself, as a failed system,
one that promised economic prosperity but
failed to deliver the goods, a system that
built a wall between the people and their
political aspirations. But the eclipse of communism is only one half of the story of our
time. The other is the ascendancy of the
democratic idea. Never before has the idea
of freedom so captured the imaginations of
men and women the world over, and never
before has the hope of freedom beckoned
so many-trade unionists in Warsaw, the
people of Panama, rulers consulting the
ruled in the Soviet Union. And even as we
speak today, the world is transfixed by the
dramatic events in Tiananmen Square. Everywhere, those voices are speaking the language of democracy and freedom. And we
hear them, and the world hears them. And
America will do all it can to encourage
them.
So, today I want to speak about our security strategy for the 1990's, one that advances American ideals and upholds American aims. Amidst the many challenges we'll
face, there will be risks. But let me assure
you, we'll find more than our share of opportunities. We and our allies are strong,
stronger really than at any point in the
postwar period, and more capable than
ever of supporting the cause of freedom.
There's an opportunity before us to shape a
new world.
What is it that we want to see? It is a
growing community of democracies anchoring international peace and stability, and a
dynamic free-market system generating
prosperity and progress on a global scale.
The economic foundation of this new era is
the proven success of the free market, and
nurturing that foundation are the values
rooted in freedom and democracy. Our
country, America, was founded on these
values, and they gave us the confidence
that flows from strength. So, let's be clear
about one thing: America looks forward to
the challenge of an emerging global
market. But these values are not ours alone;
they are now shared by our friends and
allies around the globe.
The economic rise of Europe and the nations of the Pacific Rim is the growing suc

601




May 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


cess of our postwar policy. This time is a
time of tremendous opportunity, and destiny is in our own hands. To reach the world
we want to see, we've got to work, and
work hard. There's a lot of work ahead of
us. We must resolve international trade
problems that threaten to pit friends and
allies against one another. We must combat
misguided notions of economic nationalism
that will tell us to close off our economies to
foreign competition, just when the global
marketplace has become a fact of life. We
must open the door to the nations of Eastern Europe and other Socialist countries
that embrace free-market reforms. And finally, for developing nations heavily burdened with debt, we must provide assistance and encourage the market reforms
that will set those nations on a path towards
growth.
If we succeed, the next decade and the
century beyond will be an era of unparalleled growth, an era which sees the flourishing of freedom, peace, and prosperity
around the world. But this new era cannot
unfold in a climate where conflict and turmoil exist. And therefore, our goals must
also include security and stability: security
for ourselves and our allies and our friends,
stability in the international arena, and an
end to regional conflicts.
Such goals are constant, but the strategy
we employ to reach them can and must
change as the world changes.
Today the need for a dynamic and adaptable strategy is imperative. We must be
strong-economically, diplomatically, and,
as you know, militarily-to take advantage
of the opportunities open to us in a world of
rapid change. And nowhere will the ultimate consequences of change have more
significance for world security than within
the Soviet Union itself.
What we're seeing now in the Soviet
Union is indeed dramatic. The process is
still ongoing, unfinished. But make no mistake: Our policy is to seize every-and I
mean every-opportunity to build a better,
more stable relationship with the Soviet
Union, just as it is our policy to defend
American interests in light of the enduring
reality of Soviet military power. We want to
see perestroika succeed. And we want to
see the policies of glasnost and peres

troika-so far, a revolution imposed from
top  down-institutionalized  within  the
Soviet Union. And we want to see perestroika extended as well. We want to see a
Soviet Union that restructures its relationship toward the rest of the world-a Soviet
Union that is a force for constructive solutions to the world's problems.
The grand strategy of the West during
the postwar period has been based on the
concept of containment: checking the
Soviet Union's expansionist aims, in the
hope that the Soviet system itself would one
day be forced to confront its internal contradictions. The ferment in the Soviet
Union today affirms the wisdom of this
strategy. And now we have a precious opportunity to move beyond containment.
You're graduating into an exciting world,
where the opportunity for world peace,
lasting peace, has never been better. Our
goal, integrating the Soviet Union into the
community of nations, is every bit as ambitious as containment was at its time. And it
holds tremendous promise for international
stability.
Coping with a changing Soviet Union will
be a challenge of the highest order. But the
security challenges we face today do not
come from the East alone. The emergence
of regional powers is rapidly changing the
strategic landscape. In the Middle East, in
south Asia, in our own hemisphere, a growing number of nations are acquiring advanced and highly destructive capabilitiesin some cases, weapons of mass destruction
and the means to deliver them. And it is an
unfortunate fact that the world faces increasing threat from armed insurgencies,
terrorists, and, as you in the Coast Guard
are well aware, narcotics traffickers-and in
some regions, an unholy alliance of all
three.
Our task is clear: We must curb the proliferation of advanced weaponry. We must
check the aggressive ambitions of renegade
regimes, and we must enhance the ability
of our friends to defend themselves. We
have not yet mastered the complex challenge. We and our allies must construct a
common strategy for stability in the developing world.
How we and our allies deal with these


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 24


diverse challenges depends on how well we
understand the key elements of defense
strategy. And so, let me just mention today
two points in particular: first, the need for
an effective deterrent, one that demonstrates to our allies and adversaries alike
American strength, American resolve; and
second, the need to maintain an approach
to arms reduction that promotes stability at
the lowest feasible level of armaments.
Deterrence is central to our defense strategy. The key to keeping the peace is convincing our adversaries that the cost of aggression against us or our allies is simply
unacceptable. In today's world, nuclear
forces are essential to deterrence. Our challenge is to protect those deterrent systems
from attack. And that's why we'll move
Peacekeeper ICBM's out of fixed and vulnerable silos, making them mobile and thus
harder to target. Looking to the longer
term, we will also develop and deploy a
new highly mobile single-warhead missile,
the Midgetman. With only minutes of warnings, these new missiles can relocate out of
harm's way. Any attack against systems like
this will fail. We are also researching-and
we are committed to deploy when ready-a
more comprehensive defensive system,
known as SDI. Our premise is straightforward: Defense against incoming missiles endangers no person, endangers no country.
We're also working to reduce the threat
we face, both nuclear and conventional.
The INF treaty demonstrates that willingness. In addition, in the past decade, NATO
has unilaterally removed 2400 shorter range
theater warheads. But theater nuclear
forces contribute to stability, no less than
strategic forces, and thus it would be irresponsible to depend solely on strategic nuclear forces to deter conflict in Europe. The
conventional balance in Europe is just as
important and is linked to the nuclear balance. For more than 40 years-and look at
your history books to see how pronounced
this accomplishment is-for more than 40
years the Warsaw Pact's massive advantage
in conventional forces has cast a shadow
over Europe.
The unilateral reductions that President
Gorbachev has promised give us hope that
we can now redress that imbalance. We
welcome those steps because, if implement

ed, they will help reduce the threat of surprise attack. And they confirm what we've
said all along: that Soviet military power far
exceeds the levels needed to defend the
legitimate security interests of the U.S.S.R.
And we must keep in mind that these reductions alone, even if implemented, are
not enough to eliminate the significant numerical superiority that the Soviet Union
enjoys right now.
Through negotiation, we can now transform the military landscape of Europe. The
issues are complex, stakes are very high.
But the Soviets are now being forthcoming,
and we hope to achieve the reductions that
we seek. Let me emphasize: Our aim is
nothing less than removing war as an
option in Europe.
The U.S.S.R. has said that it is willing to
abandon its age-old reliance on offensive
strategy. It's time to begin. This should
mean a smaller force, one less reliant on
tanks and artillery and personnel carriers
that provide the Soviets' offensive striking
power. A restructured Warsaw Pact, one
that mirrors the defensive posture of
NATO, would make Europe and the world
more secure.
Peace can also be enhanced by movement towards more openness in military activities. And 2 weeks ago, I proposed an
"open skies" initiative to extend the concept of openness. That plan for territorial
overflights would increase our mutual security against sudden and threatening military
activities. In the same spirit, let us extend
this openness to military expenditures as
well. I call on the Soviets to do as we have
always done. Let's open the ledgers: publish
an accurate defense budget. But as we
move forward we must be realistic. Transformations of this magnitude will not
happen overnight. If we are to reach our
goals, a great deal is required of us, our
allies, and of the Soviet Union. But we can
succeed.
I began today by speaking about the triumph of a particular, peculiar, very special
American ideal: freedom. And I know there
are those who may think there's something
presumptuous about that claim, those who
will think it's boastful. But it is not, for one
simple reason: Democracy isn't our cre

603




May 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ation; it is our inheritance. And we can't
take credit for democracy, but we can take
that precious gift of freedom, preserve it,
and pass it on, as my generation does to
you, and you, too, will do one day. And
perhaps, provided we seize the opportunities open to us, we can help others attain
the freedom that we cherish.
As I said on the Capitol steps the day I
took this office as President of the United
States: "There is but one just use of power,
and it is to serve people." As your Commander in Chief, let me call on this Coast
Guard class to reaffirm with me that American power will continue in its service to the
enduring ideals of democracy and freedom.
Congratulations to each and every one of


you. Thank you, and God bless the United
States of America. Thank you all very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:13 p.m. on
Nitchman Field at the Academy. He was
introduced by Rear Adm. Richard P. Cueroni, Superintendent of the US. Coast Guard
Academy. In his opening remarks, the President referred to Adm. Paul A. Yost, Jr.,
Commandant, U.S. Coast Guard; Secretary
of Transportation Samuel K. Skinner; and
author Alex P. Haley, who received an honorary doctor of humane letters degree from
the Academy. Following his remarks, the
President returned to Washington, DC.


Nomination of C. Austin Fitts To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Housing and Urban Development
May 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate C. Austin Fitts to be an
Assistant Secretary of Housing and Urban
Development (Federal Housing Commissioner). He would succeed Thomas T.
Demery.
Since 1978 Mr. Fitts has served in several
capacities with Dillon, Read & Co., Inc., in
New York City, including managing direc

tor, 1986 to present; senior vice president,
1984-1986; vice president, 1982-1984; and
an associate, 1978-1982.
Mr. Fitts graduated from Bennett College
(A.A., 1970), the University of Pennsylvania
(B.A., 1974), and the Wharton School of
Business (M.B.A., 1978). He was born in
1950 in Philadelphia, PA, and resides in
New York City.


Appointment of Barbara Hackman Franklin as a Member of the
Advisory Committee for Trade Policy and Negotiations
May 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to appoint Barbara Hackman Franklin
to be a member of the Advisory Committee
for Trade Policy and Negotiations for a
term of 2 years. She would succeed Lawrence A. Bossidy.
Ms. Franklin is currently president and
chief executive officer of Franklin Associates, a Washington-based management consulting firm, which she founded in 1984.
Since 1979, she has been senior fellow of


the Wharton School of Business of the University of Pennsylvania; and for 8 years she
served as director of the Wharton government and business program. Ms. Franklin
has served two terms on the Advisory Committee for Trade Negotiations, 1982-1986,
and has chaired its Task Force on Tax
Reform. In addition, Ms. Franklin serves in
various capacities, including member of the
Services Policy Advisory Committee; adviser to the Comptroller General of the


604




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 25


United States; and a member of the board
of visitors of the Defense Systems Management College. In 1973, Ms. Franklin served
as one of the first Commissioners of the U.S.
Consumer Product Safety Commission.
Ms. Franklin graduated from Pennsylva

nia State University (B.A., 1962) and Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration (M.B.A., 1964). She was born in Lancaster, PA. She is married to Wallace
Barnes, and the couple resides in Washington, DC.


Designation of Linda Arey Skladany as Acting Chairman of the
Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission
May 25,1989


The President today designated Linda
Arey Skladany to be Acting Chairman of
the Occupational Safety and Health Review
Commission. She would succeed Elliot Ross
Buckley.
Since 1988 Mrs. Skladany has served as
Commissioner for the Occupational Safety
and Health Review Commission. She has
served as the Republican candidate for
Congress for the Fifth District of Virginia,
1987-1988. She has served on the Advisory
Committee for Trade Negotiations, 1988 -1989, and as Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director for Public Liaison at the White House, 1985-1987. She


was Director of the Executive Secretariat at
the Department of Transportation, 1984 -1985; Special Assistant to the Deputy Secretary at the Department of Transportation,
1983-1984; Special Assistant at the Department of Justice, 1982-1983; and Special
Assistant to the Executive Secretary at the
Department of Education, 1981-1982.
Mrs. Skladany graduated from the College of William and Mary (B.A., 1966);
Wake Forest University (M.A., 1975); and
the University of Richmond School of Law
(J.D., 1977). She was born November 25,
1944. She is married and resides in Alexandria, VA.


Nomination of Fred T. Goldberg, Jr., To Be Commissioner of
Internal Revenue
May 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Fred T. Goldberg, Jr., to
be Commissioner of Internal Revenue at
the Department of the Treasury. He would
succeed Lawrence B. Gibbs.
Since 1984 Mr. Goldberg has served as
Chief Counsel for the Internal Revenue
Service. He served as a partner with
Latham, Watkins, and Hills in Washington,
DC., 1982-1984. He served as Assistant to
the Commissioner of the Internal Revenue
Service, 1981-1982; Acting Director of the
Legislation and Regulations Division, Office
of the Chief Counsel, Internal Revenue
Service, 1982; and partner with Latham,


Watkins and Hills in Washington, DC.,
1981. He has also served as an associate
with Latham, Watkins and Hills, 1973-1981;
as an instructor in political science and economics at Yale College, 1971-1973; as assistant dean, Calhoun College, Yale University,
1971-1973; and as special assistant to the
Assistant Director for Programs Planning
and Evaluation of the Office of Economic
Opportunity, 1970.
He graduated from Yale University (B.A.,
1969; J.D., 1973). Mr. Goldberg was born on
October 15, 1947. He is married, has four
children, and resides in Bethesda, MD.


605




May 25 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Edward Joseph Perkins To Be Director General of
the Foreign Service
May 25, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Edward Joseph Perkins, a
career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to be Director
General of the Foreign Service at the Department of State. He would succeed
George Southall Vest.
Since 1986 Ambassador Perkins has
served as Ambassador to the Republic of
South Africa. Prior to this he served as Ambassador to the Republic of Liberia, 1985 -1986. He was Director of the Office of West
African Affairs in the Bureau of African Affairs at the Department of State, 1983 -1985; deputy chief of mission for the U.S.
Embassy in Monrovia, Liberia, 1981-1983;
counselor for political affairs in Accra,


Ghana, 1978-1981; and management analysis officer for the Office of Management
Operations at the Department of State,
1975-1978. He was administrative officer
for the Bureau of Near Eastern and South
Asian Affairs, 1974-1975; personnel officer
in the Office of the Director General, 1972 -1974; and deputy assistant director for management of the U.S. Operations Mission in
Thailand, 1970-1972.
Ambassador Perkins served in the U.S.
Army for 3 years and the U.S. Marine Corps
for 4 years. He graduated from the University of Maryland (B.A., 1967) and the University of Southern California (M.P.A., 1972;
D.P.A., 1978). He is married and has two
children.


Remarks Upon Departure for Europe
May 26, 1989


Well, I depart for Europe this morning to
meet with all our North Atlantic allies and
also to pay visits to Italy, Germany, and the
United Kingdom for discussions with leaders of those alliance nations on issues of
common interest. I'm especially pleased
that my first visit to Europe as President is
to celebrate the 40th anniversary of NATO.
America is a proud partner in the Atlantic
alliance, and American interests have been
well served by the alliance.
Twice in the first half of this century
Europe was the scene of world war, and
twice Americans fought in Europe for the
sake of peace and freedom. Today Europe
is enjoying a period of unparalleled prosperity and uninterrupted peace, longer than it
has known in the modern age, and NATO
has made the difference. And the alliance
will prove every bit as important to American and European security in the decade
ahead. The importance of the alliance and
its democratic underpinnings is the message
I now take to Europe. NATO has been a


success by any measure, but success breeds
its own challenges. Today dramatic changes
are taking place in Europe, both East and
West. For us, those changes bring new challenges and unparalleled opportunities.
For too long, unnatural and inhuman barriers have divided the East from the West.
And we hope to overcome that division, to
see a Europe that is truly free, united, and
at peace. We are ready to work with a
united Europe, to extend the peace and
prosperity we enjoy to other parts of the
world. And we hope to move beyond containment: to integrate the Soviet Union into
the community of nations. We welcome the
political and economic liberalization that
has taken place so far in the Soviet Union
and in some countries of Eastern Europe.
We will encourage more changes to follow.
Many common concerns confront us.
Beyond the traditional economic and security spheres, we and our partners in the alliance are working hard on a growing international agenda, from a common approach


606




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 26


to environmental protection to cooperation
against drug trafficking and against terrorism. We also welcome Europe's progress towards a truly common market and a growing European cooperation on security issues
as the basis of an even more dynamic transatlantic partnership. As we approach 1992,
it is essential that we work with our European partners to ensure an open and expanding world trading system, and that we
take strong steps to prevent trade disputes
from obscuring our common political and
Statement on United States Action
May 26, 1989
Today the United States Trade Representative [Carla A. Hills] will submit to the
Congress a report concerning actions to be
taken under the so-called Super 301 provisions of the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988. Those provisions provide that priority practices and countries
shall be identified for the self-initiation of
investigations under section 301.
I have discussed this matter extensively
with Ambassador Hills and the other members of the Economic Policy Council. We
agreed that the Super 301 provisions should
be used (1) as a tool to open foreign markets and (2) in support of the objectives of
the United States in the ongoing Uruguay
round of trade negotiations of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. This approach is designed to be consistent with the
intent of Congress in drafting the legislation.
The list below indicates the specific priority practices and countries that can most
effectively be the subjects of investigations
under section 301. The priority practices
are grouped under headings that correspond to major types of trade barriers and
distortions the United States is working to
eliminate in the Uruguay round. The priority countries have been selected on the basis
of the number and pervasiveness of significant barriers to U.S. exports.


security concerns. NATO is based on the
many bonds between us: our shared heritage, history, and culture; our shared commitment to freedom, democracy, and the
rights of the individual. Barbara and I are
looking forward to visiting Europe.
Thank you all very much.
Note: The President spoke at 7:07 a.m. on
the tarmac at Andrews Air Force Base in
Camp Springs, MD.
Against Foreign Trade Barriers
SUPER 301 PRIORITY PRACTICES AND
COUNTRIES
Quantitative restrictions/import
licensing
1. Licensing of agricultural and
manufactured products........ Brazil
Government procurement
2. Satellites....................... Japan
3. Supercomputers........................ Japan
Standards
4. Forest products............ Japan
Services
5. Insurance....................... India
Investment
6. Investment restrictions............ India
A satisfactory resolution of the above
issues will significantly advance the objectives of U.S. trade policy. Our goal is to
open markets and to eliminate trade barriers. We oppose protectionism in any and
all forms. Therefore, I urge the Governments of Japan, India, and Brazil to work
constructively with us to resolve these
issues expeditiously. The process of investigating and negotiating with priority countries on each of the priority practices will
begin by June 16.
We also considered carefully a large


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May 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


number of practices that are not listed. In
several cases, we decided that we could
best pursue remedying these practices multilaterally in the GATT or in the Uruguay
round of trade negotiations. Two examples
are EC airbus subsidies and Japanese rice
quotas.
The Uruguay round of the GATT continues to be the centerpiece of our trade strategy. While the lack of effective multilateral
rules and enforcement mechanisms has
forced us to resort to section 301, we look
forward to the day when such actions will
be unnecessary.
Finally, I want to announce today a separate administration initiative with Japan. I
have directed the Secretaries of State and
Treasury and the U.S. Trade Representative


to form a high-level committee to include
Commerce, Labor, and other interested
agencies to propose negotiations with Japan
on structural adjustment matters. Such matters include structural impediments to
trade, balance-of-payments adjustment, and
such issues as bid-rigging, market allocation,
and group boycotts. These negotiations
would initially focus on major structural
barriers to imports, such as rigidity in the
distribution system and pricing mechanisms. The negotiations sought by the
United States in this Structural Impediments Initiative will address broader issues
and will take place outside section 301,
which appropriately deals with the investigation and resolution of particular unfair
trade practices.


Remarks at the Welcoming Ceremony in Rome
May 26, 1989


Well, let me begin by thanking all of you
and my personal friend, my good friend,
Prime Minister De Mita, for welcoming us
to Italy at this late hour. Since ancient
times, the saying goes, "All roads lead to
Rome," and that's still true. And it is very
fitting that here I begin my first step on
this first trip to Europe as President of the
United States. Italy has long been a wellspring of Western culture and Western values,
fostering the alliance and a more unified
Europe. I hope that our visit to Rome will
demonstrate just how strongly the United
States respects and appreciates Italy's role
as a staunch ally and as a constant friend.
When our common security has been
threatened, you have been ready to
strengthen the alliance. And when Europe
appeared ready to loosen the ties that sustained it, you kept these important transatlantic ties alive and strong. And when conflict has threatened, you have been in the
front ranks of those searching for solutions.
The bond between the United States and
Italy runs deep. It's a bond of family, of
culture, of shared interests and common
vision. The world around us is changing,
but we can be sure that our friendship will
endure.


Mr. Prime Minister, when we last met,
we talked of new developments around the
world: of change in the East, of new opportunities for arms reduction, of the growing
unity of Europe. And in recent weeks, I've
spoken of America's vision for world peace.
I have said that we are prepared to move
beyond containment, toward policy that
works to bring the Soviet Union into the
community of nations. We will be actively
engaged in Eastern Europe, promoting
measures to encourage political and economic liberalization in Poland. The United
States welcomes a stronger and more
united Europe. We believe, as I know you
do, that European unity and the transatlantic partnership reinforce each other.
Over the next 2 days, we'll have the opportunity to engage in renewed dialog, as
partners, certainly as friends. And I hope
that our conversations are shaped by our
shared expectations for the future and by
our determination to see our future succeed. I am delighted to be back in Rome.
Thank you again for this warm welcome.
Note: The President spoke at 10:27 p.m. on
the tarmac at Ciampino Airport.


608




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 27


Remarks Following an Audience With Pope John Paul II in Vatican
City
May 27, 1989


His Holiness. Mr. President, your visit this
evening represents the latest of many contacts between the United States of America
and the Holy See. A number of your predecessors and many other illustrious Americans have been welcomed here before you.
Our meeting offers me the opportunity to
reciprocate the much-appreciated hospitality that I received in your country and to
recall the kind, personal attention that as
Vice President you showed me as I left Detroit in September 1987, the year of the
bicentennial of your Constitution.
Our encounter this time has also a special
historical context, coming as it does in a
year that now commemorates the 200th anniversary of your first Congress under the
Constitution and, likewise, the 200th anniversary of the establishment at Baltimore of
the first Catholic diocese in your land. For
the Holy See, this is an occasion to express
again its esteem for all the American people
and for two centuries of that ethnic and
fraternal experience in history called the
United States of America.
Thirteen years ago, your country celebrated another historical bicentennial connected with your Declaration of Independence. It was then that my predecessor, Paul
VI, spoke words that are applicable once
again and that merit new attention. "At
every turn," he said, "your bicentennial
speaks to you of moral principles, religious
convictions, unalienable rights given by the
Creator." We honestly hope that this commemoration of your bicentennial will constitute a rededication to those sound moral
principles formulated by your Founding Fathers and enshrined forever in your history.
It is America's dedication to the great
heritage that is hers, to those values of the
spirit, a number of which you alluded to
earlier this year in your Inaugural Address,
that offers hope and confidence to those


who look to her with friendship and
esteem. In that inaugural address, Mr. President, you made reference to power as existing to help people, to serve people. This is
true at different levels, including power at
the political and economic level. We see
this, too, at the level of each community,
with its power of fraternal love and concern. In all these areas, an immense challenge opens up before the United States in
this third century of her nationhood. Her
mission as a people engaged in good works
and committed to serving others has horizons the length of your nation and far
beyond-as far as humanity extends.
Today the interdependence of humanity
is being reaffirmed and recognized through
world events. The moral and social attitudes
that must constitute a response to this interdependence is found in worldwide solidarity. In treating this question in a recent encyclical, I have stated that solidarity is not a
feeling of vague compassion or shallow distress at the misfortunes of so many people
both near and far. On the contrary, it is a
firm and persevering determination to
commit oneself to the common good; that is
to say, to the good of all and of each individual, because we are all really responsible
for all. Truly, the hour of international
interdependence has struck. What is at
stake is the common good of humanity.
Mr. President, I know how deeply committed you are to the efforts being made to
liberate the youth of America from the destructive forces of drug abuse and to alleviate poverty at home and abroad. Material
poverty and drug abuse, however, are only
symptoms of a deeper moral crisis eating
away at the very texture of society in
almost every part of the world. All men and
women of good will are called to take up
the challenge and assume their responsibilities before the human family to address


609




May 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


this crisis and to counteract the spiritual
poverty that lies at the base of so much of
human suffering.
By reason of her history, her resources,
her creativity, but above all by reason of
the moral principles and spiritual values espoused by her Founding Fathers and institutionally bequeathed to all her citizens,
America truly has the possibility of an effective response to the challenges of the
present hour: justice for all her citizens;
peaceful relations beyond her borders;
international solidarity; and in particular, a
worldwide solidarity in the course of life, in
the course of every human person.
Leaving Detroit and in saying goodbye to
America in 1987, I expressed these
thoughts: Every human person, no matter
how vulnerable or helpless, no matter how
useful or productive for society, is a being
of inestimable worth, created in the image
and likeness of God. This is the dignity of
America, the reason she exists, the condition for her survival; yes, the ultimate test
of her greatness: to respect every human
person, especially the weakest and most defenseless ones, those as yet unborn.
Mr. President, may God bless America
and make her strong in her defense of
human dignity and in her service to the
Almighty.
The President. Your Holiness, Mrs. Bush
and I are deeply honored to meet with you
once again. Late in 1987-as you said, it
was in Detroit, at the close of your second
pastoral visit to our country, I had the
honor, the privilege, of thanking you on
behalf of my fellow citizens for the insightful message that you brought to our shores.
And you inspired us, and you challenged us.
And this evening, during our private discussion, I've benefited once again from your
wise counsel.
When I became President, I did say in
my inaugural speech that a new breeze is
blowing. And there is no doubt we are witness to dynamic changes in much of the
world, changes that move toward greater
freedom and basic human rights. In your
New Year's greeting to the Vatican diplomatic corps, representing over 100 nations,
you stressed the fundamental importance of
religious freedom. And when people are
free to worship God, they prepare a ground


in which a commitment to all human rights
can grow strong. Religious freedom is a
right that governments must protect, not
threaten.
The United States also shares the Holy
See's concern for world peace. While we're
still far from realizing the biblical injunction
to turn our swords into plowshares, we've
made progress in reducing armaments and
in decreasing the threat of war. And that
progress must continue, and it will continue. Fortunately, in Europe our efforts to
maintain peace have been successful. And
as we look around the world, we're pleased
to see that tensions have been reduced in
parts of southern Africa and Asia. We're
working hard to help bring peace and
greater freedom to Central America.
We've heard your eloquent appeals for an
end to the violence in Lebanon. And my
heart, too, aches for the people of that once
peaceful land. And I can assure you that we
will continue to do everything we can to
help bring peace and to help restore Lebanon's unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, with the disbanding of militias and
the withdrawal of all foreign forces.
Your Holiness has said several times that
peace is more than an absence of war, and
we agree. History teaches us that there is
no true, lasting peace until human rights
are recognized and people are free to develop their full potential. Your Holiness, this
spring, in the land of your birth, a historic
roundtable agreement was reached which
opened the paths to greater freedom and
opportunity. That accord is a tribute to the
spirit of the Polish people, as well as to the
determination of the Polish Church and,
indeed, the Holy See. And just this month,
due in large part to your leadership, the
Church was legalized in Poland. This triumph represents the first full normalization
of church-state relations in any Communist
state, and it is a tribute to your enduring
commitment to freedom.
As you know, I recently announced a
package of financial measures that signal
our active engagement in encouraging economic and political reform in Poland and
elsewhere in Eastern Europe. We hope
these programs will help the Polish people
achieve the economic recovery and political


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 27


participation they so rightly deserve.  and freedom  throughout the world. On
Your Holiness, I am grateful for this op-  behalf of all of us, thank you very much.
portunity to visit with you, to share in your
wisdom. And I assure you of our intent to  Note: His Holiness Pope John Paul II spoke
work ever more fervently for peace, justice,  at 7:10 p.m. in the Papal Library.
Remarks to Students at the American Seminary in Vatican City
May 27, 1989


What a neat welcome, thank you. [Applause] I've got to go to supper, come on
here. [Applause] What a wonderful welcome. You remember the old American expression, often said of a group or an individual, "He hasn't got a prayer." Well-[laughter]-I am delighted to meet an audience
about whom that will never be said.
[Laughter] What a wonderful, wonderful
welcome!
I'll just say a couple of things. Barbara
and I want to thank you for this warm welcome, this touch of America to our European tour-and we're touched. When I heard
from my friend, Frank Shakespeare, our
Ambassador, how many would be here, I
was surprised and touched.
As you know, I've just had an audience
with His Holiness Pope John Paul II. He
was so generous with his time and so generous with his thinking and imparted to me
once again his views on world peace and his
views on how perhaps we can all work together to help in that regard. He has devoted his whole life to serving God, and the
things that we focused on in this meeting
were broad questions of peace and freedom
and justice as they apply, or might be applied, all around the world. So, it's a talk
that I'll long remember. I leave once again
inspired by his moral and spiritual leader

ship, and I know that that same leadership
inspires everyone here-all of you, certainly-as well as has your faith, I might say, in
an Almighty through whom all things are
possible.
I wish you well. I'd like-lest you don't
recognize him-to introduce not all of my
colleagues but our distinguished Secretary
of State, my friend Jim Baker over here.
Next to him is my Chief of Staff, Governor
John Sununu. And then next to him is General Brent Scowcroft, my national security
adviser. I'm sure most of you recognize our
Ambassador to the Vatican, Frank Shakespeare, and his daughter with him.
Bless you all. Thank you for this warm,
warm welcome.
[At this point, the seminarians spontaneously sang "God Bless America. " ]
Bless you all, thank you for this warm,
warm welcome. And it makes me determined to leave here, inspired as I am, redouble our efforts in every way possible for
world peace, for strength, for the family, for
freedom of religion, and all the things that
everybody here believes in. Thank you for
such a warm, cordial welcome. I can't tell
you how good it makes me feel.
Note: The President spoke at 7:18 p.m. in
the Sala Clementina at the Vatican.


Toast at a Dinner Hosted by Prime Minister Ciriaco De Mita in
Rome
May 27,1989


Mr. Prime Minister and leaders of the
legislative branch, distinguished guests, it's


a very great honor for me to be welcomed
in such a warm and generous way by the


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May 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Italian people and their government. You
know, Barbara and I have been to this marvelous country, this beautiful country, many
times; and as always, we've been received
with kindness and generosity. This trip is
my first visit to Europe as President of the
United States. And I think of no place that
is better to begin than right here in Italy
and to be right here in Rome.
Mr. Prime Minister, it is traditional when
visiting Italy for American leaders to note
the millions of our citizens who claim an
Italian background, so I will brag-now 12
million and rising. And among the many
Italian-Americans, there are Fiorello La
Guardia-some old enough to rememberJoe DiMaggio in sports; Tony Fauci, now at
the National Institutes of Health; and of
course, our Supreme Court Justice Antonin
Scalia. And Italian-Americans are one link
that binds the United States and Italy-but
only one. For we are united by our belief in
individual liberty, human dignity, and the
rule of law, and by the shared values of
family, faith, and work.
We also admire your country's record of
success in combating terrorism and organized crime. And I'm especially grateful for
your help in stopping the scourge of narcotics, which torments both our nations. We're
going to continue our intense cooperative
efforts to fight terrorism and narcotics and
to protect air travelers. And just as this cooperative effort brings our peoples even
closer together and helps to strengthen our
already excellent bilateral relations, so, too,
will the action that I'm pleased to announce
tonight.
After studying ways to relax U.S. visa requirements, we will soon begin a pilot program to end these requirements for your
citizens. In the future, Italians who wish to
visit our country, whether as tourists or on
business, will no longer need to apply for
visas; and we look forward to that day.


But along with our domestic initiatives, I
think, too, of the strong military ties between our two countries and within the Atlantic alliance, the most enduring alliance
in the history of man. And to protect that
alliance and the shared commitment to
freedom which underlies it is our continuing mission not merely as Americans or Italians but as believers in democracy. Of this,
I am certain: We will do our part, and I
know Italy will do its part.
For when our common security has been
in danger, you have stood ready to defend
the alliance. And when the need arose for
NATO to relocate that 401st Tactical Fighter Wing within southern Europe, Italy welcomed it. And when strategic interests were
at risk in the Persian Gulf and in Lebanon,
Italy sent ships and peacekeeping forces.
And when NATO confronted widespread
Soviet deployment of these multiple-warhead SS-20 missiles, Italy stood tall in response. And at times when Europe seemed
ready to turn inward, you have reinforced
our transatlantic ties. And for that, Mr.
Prime Minister, Italy has our gratitude and
our profound respect. So, together, let us
reaffirm the ties that bind us, and let's continue to build peace and the commonwealth of free nations not for ourselves but
also for our children-the kind of peace and
freedom which lasts.
And in that spirit, Mr. Prime Minister, I
ask all of our guests tonight to rise and raise
their glasses. To Italian-American friendship, our transatlantic heritage, and to the
Western alliance and the shared values of
freedom and democracy that have made
that alliance strong, and to your health, Mr.
Prime Minister, and the peace and prosperity of your great country.
Note: The President spoke at 9:20 p.m. in
the dining room at Villa Madama.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 28


White House Fact Sheet on the Nonimmigrant Visa Waiver Pilot
Program
May 27, 1989


The Nonimmigrant Visa Waiver Pilot Program (NVWPP) is a 3-year test program
mandated by law (section 313 of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986) to
waive, under certain conditions, temporary
visitor visas. The administration must report
back to Congress on the pilot program in
the summer of 1990.
The countries are selected by the Secretary of State and the Attorney General.
They are countries with the highest volume
of nonimmigrant visa issuance and which
offer reciprocal treatment of American citizen travelers. The purpose of the program


is to promote tourism and reduce visa processing costs.
The program was instituted in the United
Kingdom and Japan in 1988. Italy is the
third country to qualify for the program.
Under the program, nationals of these countries, during the duration of the pilot program, will not be required to obtain visas to
visit the United States for up to 90 days for
tourism and business.
We will work with the countries that participate in the program to ensure the safety
of air travelers and to thwart terrorism and
drug trafficking.


Remarks at a Memorial Day Ceremony in Nettuno, Italy
May 28, 1989


Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for honoring us today at this service. We gather
today to mark Memorial Day in America, to
honor the thousands of young men and
women buried here and elsewhere who put
themselves in harm's way so that others
might live in freedom.
As we gather, it's dawn in America, Memorial Day weekend, the first days of
summer. And soon, the screen doors will
slam; parks are going to sound with the
crack of the baseball bat; children's voices
will rise in the summer breeze pungent
with the scent of barbecue smoke. And the
rites of summer are marked by American
tradition. As morning comes to Indianapolis,
the smells of coffee and gasoline will mingle
in the heat rising off that sun-baked raceway. And further west, there's going to be
another race, as the blast of a ship's whistle
sends the riverboats Huck Finn and Tom
Sawyer steaming down the Mississippi off
the docks of St. Louis.
Memorial Day weekend-by the time
today's ceremony concludes, the first rays of
sunlight will streak across the Potomac,
flashing first atop the monument to the


founder of our Republic, then reaching
down to touch the silent rows of white
markers on the green Virginia hillside that
is Arlington Cemetery. And soon the gathering light will reveal a lone figure, a man
in uniform, standing guard at the Tomb of
the Unknown Soldier, a round-the-clock
vigil unbroken in more than 50 years. Another moment and the dawn will flood the
park that lays beneath the gaze of Lincoln,
embracing the candles that flicker each
night along the walls of the Vietnam Memorial. And soon the plaintive sound of taps
will rise in the wind in cities and hamlets all
across America, heard by veterans of four
wars as they gather to salute the fallen. In
town after town, the ritual at sunrise will be
the same, as first the flag is raised, then
slowly lowered to half-mast.
The thoughts of some will turn eastward
toward the Sun, across the ocean, across
four decades, to this grassy plain above the
shores of the Mediterranean, where 45
years ago, the U.S. 3d Infantry Division,
among the most decorated in World War II,
led the bloody advance toward the liberation of Rome. And on that Memorial Day


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May 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


weekend, 1944, I wasn't yet 20 years old,
flying torpedo bombers off the U.S.S. San
Jacinto on the other side of the world, as
she headed from Wake Island to Saipan.
But like Americans everywhere, the men
aboard our ship had eagerly followed the
news of the Italian campaign.
And during 4 long months of 1944, the
combatants of World War II were locked
near Nettuno in a deadly embrace. But
before the week was out, the face of the
world's greatest conflict would be changed
and the fate of the enemy sealed. On June
4th, American troops entered Rome, the
streets lined by cheering Italians, and by
midnight General Mark Clark's 5th Army
stood on the banks of the Tiber. And the
word went out to a waiting America: For
the first time since the landings at Salerno
in September of 1943, the enemy was in
full retreat. It was the beginning of the end.
And 2 days later a new front opened with
D-day, the Normandy landing.
The fight to liberate Italy was as fierce
and heroic as any seen in the war. The
dangers to each adversary-the danger was
such that the outcome of the war itself
seemed to hang at that moment on the
valor and vigor of each man who struggled
near the water's edge. One such soldier was
Sergeant Sylvester Antolak, an Ohio farmboy, the youngest son of Polish immigrants.
On a drizzly morning some 45 years ago
this week, he led Sergeant Audie Murphy
and others in a bold charge through the
rain and the ruin near Cisterna, one man
against a machinegun nest that blocked the
road to Rome. And three times he was cut
down by fire; three times he got back up,
tucking his gun under his shattered arm.
And by the time he disabled the gunners,
10 enemy soldiers surrendered to this man
whom their bullets could not stop.
Sergeant Antolak fell near Cisterna that
same day. He rests here beneath the pines
of Nettuno with nearly 8,000 soldiers, his
grave one of two marked with our Congressional Medal of Honor. Joined by the names
of another 3,000 missing etched in the
white marble of the chapel, they come from
every American State from Texas to Maine,
Alaska to Florida, New York to California.
And these white crosses and Stars of David
ring the world-across the battlefields of


Europe and the jungles of Asia, the deserts
of North Africa and the hillsides of our
homeland-in silent tribute to America's
battles for freedom in this century.
It was with the memory of the sacrifices
of the American, British, and French soldiers who fell during the campaign to liberate Italy and the sacrifices of millions of
other Europeans and Americans in the
cause of freedom fresh in mind that NATO
was created after the war.
As I reflect on this scene and anticipate
the dynamic and forward-looking Europe of
the 1990's, I think of generations of young
people on both sides of the Atlantic who
have grown up in peace and prosperity.
With no experience in the horror and destruction of war, it might be difficult for
them to understand why we need to keep a
strong military deterrent to prevent war,
and to preserve freedom and democracy.
The answer is here, among the quiet of the
graves.
The cost of maintaining freedom is
brought home to us all when tragedy
strikes, as it did last month aboard the
U.S.S. Iowa. The loss of those fine sailors,
the tears of their families and the loved
ones, remind all of us of the risk and sacrifice in human terms that security sometimes demands. And let me add how impressive were the many expressions of sympathy that I received from leaders around
the world, and particularly by the eloquent
words of Italy's distinguished President,
President Cossiga, as he shared the sorrow
of our loss.
Sergeant Antolak also understood the cost
of freedom. Today in his hometown of St.
Clairsville, Ohio, population 6,000, the
townspeople will gather by the local courthouse to dedicate a white granite memorial
to the county's Medal of Honor winners.
George and Stanley Antolak will be there to
remember their brother-their hero and
ours. It's the kind of scene that will be repeated today and tomorrow in parks and
churchyards all across America.
A bit north of Mark Twain's Hannibal,
just up the Mississippi from that steamboat
race I mentioned, lies the town of Quincy,
Illinois. When World War II came, Quincy
offered up her sons in service. Three broth

614




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 28


ers: Donald, Preston, and William Kaspervik
joined the Army Air Corps. And their story
is a common one, and yet uncommon in the
way of all those who answered the call to
serve.
The first brother, Donald, was killed
when the two bombers collided on maneuvers in New Mexico, and their mother
grieved. Preston, the second brother, died
just south of here in Sicily shortly after Patton's successful invasion. And their mother
was overcome once again. And 10 days
later, the third brother, William, went
down during a dangerous bombing mission
over the mountains of central Italy. On the
day of his death, his mother received a
letter from him urging her not to worry.
When the third telegram came, she
couldn't bring herself to go to the door.
William and Preston Kaspervik are buried
here in soil that they helped free. Brothers
in life, brothers in arms, brothers in eternity.
Their mother died 20 years ago, but back
home in Quincy, the extraordinary sacrifice
of this ordinary American family is still remembered. And today, as they do every
year, the VFW and the American Legion
will honor Quincy's fallen natives with a
hometown parade down Main Street, high
above the banks of the Mississippi.


As we gather today, it is dawn in America, Memorial Day weekend. And as the
Sun rises and the summer begins, the
images both here and at home are of countries that are prosperous and secure, countries confident of their place in the world
and aware of the responsibility that comes
with that place. Soon that lone soldier at
Arlington will resume his paces, 21 steps in
each direction, the changing of the guard
precisely on the half hour. And at Gettysburg, the schoolchildren will scatter flowers
on other unknown graves, blue and gray,
side-by-side, Americans.
On Memorial Day, we give thanks for the
blessings of freedom and peace and for the
generations of Americans who have won
them for us. We also pray for the same
strength and moral reserve demonstrated
by these veterans, as well as for the true
and lasting peace found in a world where
liberty and justice prevail.
And with that prayer, I ask that you join
in your own silent prayers as we place a
wreath to commemorate the sacrifice of
those buried here at Nettuno and the sacrifice of all men and women who have given
their lives for freedom. Thank you very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:41 a.m. at
the Sicily-Rome American Cemetery.


Remarks to the American Embassy Employees and Their Families
in Rome
May 28, 1989


Thank you, Mr. Secretary, and thank all
of you for that warm Memorial Day weekend welcome. First, to Ambassador Rabb
and Ruth, let me simply add our profound
thanks for a job well done. I'll tell you, you
stay around Max for about 24 hours, and
that exhausting energy level is something.
And it all has been steered into improving
relations-this energy of his-improving relations between Italy and the United States.
And yesterday, when I met with the Italian leaders, I told them I don't believe this
bilateral relationship has ever been strong

er. And I think a large bit of the credit for
that goes to our able Ambassador and his
wife. And then I'd have to add to every
single one of you that works here in the
United States Embassy: Thank you for a job
superbly done!
I will say just a word about our new Ambassador, Pete Secchia, a good friend of
both the Secretary's and mine. He'll do a
good job-energetic. He knows what he
doesn't know. He knows he's going to have
to learn a lot from the staff here, but you're
going to like him, and I'm convinced the


615




May 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Italians will, as well. I believe the Senate
will act promptly on that nomination. And
he and his Joan-that Jim Baker and I know
very well-will be along; but what remarkably big shoes they have to fill.
Thanks, in large measure, to your efforts-I agree with Max-this visit has gone
well. I saw Barbara Watson, who is the
admin officer of the United States Embassy.
And I looked at her very carefully before I
went over and shook hands. And I wanted
to see if she looked in a high state of irritation-[laughter]-or if she looked perfectly
normal. And I would say this-I saw her-it
wasn't that she looked on edge at all.
[Laughter] But I told her that we would
leave on time, and she smiled from ear to
ear and was very gracious. [Laughter] And I
say all that because I have been on the
receiving end-when I served in Chinathe receiving end of a visit from a President
of the United States, and I know what it's
like: a pluperfect pain. [Laughter]
No, she was very pleasant about it. And it
gives me the occasion to thank all of youthe admin and the security and the political
side of the Embassy and commercial or
military, whatever-for the superb cooperation. Our people tell me they've never seen
a more cooperative effort, and I think it has
shown through in the way this visit has
gone. And I might say, parenthetically, my
thanks to the members of the U.S. Navy for
providing us that wonderful music here on
this very celebratory day.
Now, we've had good talks here-substantive talks with President Cossiga and then,
of course, with the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister. We had a gala evening last
night and then-I agree with the objective
side of what Max said about the ceremony
at Nettuno. Oh, I'm sure most of you all
have been there. And if you haven't, you've
got to see it. You've got to see that tribute
to those who gave their lives fighting for
our country, fighting for freedom. It was
very, very moving for Barbara and me. And
I expect any American who goes and takes
a look at that beautiful cemetery will have
that with them for the rest of their lives.
And so, I want to thank those who handle
that end of our visit, those who serve to
keep up that beautiful memorial to our
fallen brothers.


I know, as I say, that this has been a
complicated event. And now, as you know,
we go on from here to NATO, to the meeting there that is very, very important for
the alliance. I happen to believe this alliance has never been stronger. And I salute
my immediate predecessor, President
Reagan, for his role in guaranteeing the
strength of the alliance.
So, we go there in a time of great optimism, a time when our values, worldwide,
are winning-the values of freedom and democracy and all the things that we believe
in and things these kids learn about in
school every single day and get from their
families. So, it's an optimistic time for the
alliance. And it's a great time for the
United States of America.
I look forward to that part of it. But there
was something more than symbolic about
Italy being my first stop, because I think it
signals to the Italian people how important
we view not only their participation in
NATO and their willingness to undertake
complicated NATO assignments but the
strength of our bilateral relationship that so
many of you have worked many years to
encourage and to strengthen. So, I'm grateful again for that. And please make no mistake: When we chose Italy, we did it very,
very carefully. And we came here to symbolize exactly this: the strength of the
friendship between our two peoples.
Now, thank you all very much. What I
really want to do-and I don't know that
we can talk these kids into it-but what I
really want to do is see if we can get the
kids-and to be a kid, you've got to be[laughter]-you guys are out-you've got to
be, what, about 15, to come so we can have
a group picture taken up here. And if anybody feels offended, we've got to do that.
But in the meantime, let me end this waybecause this is a marvelous Memorial Day
weekend-and let me simply say thank you,
and God bless the United States of America.
Thank you all very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:30 p.m. at
the US. Ambassador's residence. He was introduced by Secretary of State James A.
Baker III. In his opening remarks, the President referred to Ambassador Maxwell M.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 28


Rabb, Mrs. Ruth Rabb, and Ambassador- marks, the President traveled to Brussels.
designate Peter F. Secchia. Following his reRemarks Upon Arrival at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Summit Meeting in Brussels
May 28, 1989


Mr. Prime Minister, it is really a pleasure
to be back once again in Brussels. And I'm
especially pleased that my first visit as
President of the United States comes as the
nations of NATO celebrate 40 years of alliance and the longest period of peace and
freedom that Europe has known in the
modern age.
Americans and Belgians share the memories of war and hard-won peace in this century. Flanders, the battle of Ardennes, Bastogne-those names are part of our history
as well as your own, part of our shared
heritage of freedom and the sacrifices it requires. Belgium, no stranger to conquest
and division, recognized from the first the
importance of alliance in the postwar world.
And today, as permanent home to NATO
and the European Community, Brussels
stands at the center of a Europe free, at
peace, and prosperous as never before, a
Europe that is steadily moving toward the
single market and unprecedented political
and economic opportunities. In Brussels,
the signs of this European renaissance are
everywhere.
Belgium has been a good friend and a
valued ally, one that has always acted with
alliance interests in mind. Early in this
decade, Belgium was one of five NATO nations that made the difficult decision to
base INF systems on its own soil. And those
deployments gave us the leverage that we
needed to negotiate the first-ever nuclear
arms reduction treaty; indeed, one that
banned an entire generation of nuclear


weapons. That's the kind of courageous and
realistic approach that explains NATO's success. NATO is at once ready to ensure the
common defense and to reduce arms and
seek to diminish tensions with the East.
As I've said a number of times, we seek
to move to a policy beyond containment.
We want to see an end to the division of
Europe, and we want to see it ended on the
basis of Western values. We will join Western European nations in encouraging the
process of change in the Soviet Union,
pointing to the day when the Soviet Union
will be welcomed as a constructive participant in the community of free nations.
I'm looking forward to important discussions with the King of the Belgians, King
Baudouin, and the NATO heads of government. I look forward, as well, to my meeting with Prime Minister Martens, my
friend, my discussions also with Mr. Delors
of the European Community, and Secretary-General Woerner at NATO.
The future of NATO depends on the alliance's ability to deal with our enduring security concerns and our evolving economic
relationship. We look to Belgium to continue to play its important role in our close
and cooperative transatlantic partnership. I
am delighted to be back, and thank you,
Mr. Prime Minister, for this warm welcome.
Note: The President spoke at 6:07 p.m. on
the tarmac at Brussels International Airport. In his remarks, he referred to Jacques
Delors, President of the European Communities Commission.


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May 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks Announcing a Conventional Arms Control Initiative and a
Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters in Brussels
May 29, 1989


The President. I'll have a brief statement
before taking some questions. This morning
I met with the other NATO leaders and
shared with them my views on the role of
the North Atlantic alliance in a changing
Europe. NATO, we all agree, is one of the
great success stories, and it's guaranteed the
peace in Europe, provided a shield for 40
years for freedom and prosperity. And now
our alliance faces new challenges at a time
of historic transition as we seek to overcome the division of Europe.
I call it "beyond containment," and today
I'm proposing a major initiative to help
move us toward that momentous objective.
If it were accepted, it would be a revolutionary conventional arms control agreement. I believe the alliance should act decisively now to take advantage of this extraordinary opportunity, and I urge that NATO
adopt a 4-point proposal to bring the
Vienna negotiations to a speedy conclusion.
First, lock in Eastern acceptance of the
proposed Western ceilings on each side's
holdings of tanks and armored troop carriers. Additionally, we would seek agreement
on a similar ceiling for artillery, provided
there's some definitional questions that
have to be resolved there. But all of the
equipment reduced would be destroyed.
We would then, number two, expand our
current NATO proposal so that each side
would reduce to 15 percent below current
NATO levels in two additional categories:
Attack and assault, or transport helicopters
and all land-based combat aircraft. All of
the equipment reduced would be destroyed.
And third, propose a 20-percent cut in
combat manpower in United States-stationed forces and a resulting ceiling in U.S.
and Soviet ground and air forces stationed
outside of national territory in the Atlanticto-the-Urals zone at approximately 275,000
each. This manpower ceiling will require
the Soviets to reduce their forces in Eastern
Europe by about 325,000 people. Withdrawn soldiers and airmen on both sides


would be demobilized.
And then, fourthly, accelerate the timetable for reaching a CFE [conventional
armed forces in Europe] agreement along
these lines and implementing the required
reductions. I believe that it should be possible to reach such agreement in 6 months or
maybe a year and to accomplish the reductions by 1992 or 1993.
Now, if the Soviet Union accepts this fair
offer, the results would dramatically increase stability on the Continent and transform the military map of Europe. We can
and must begin now to set out a new vision
for Europe at the end of this century. This
is a noble mission that I believe the alliance
should be ready to undertake. And I have
no doubt that we are up to the task.
And incidentally, in addition -to these
arms control proposals, I mentioned in
there that we are prepared to change our
no-exceptions policy on trade. And I called
again for a ban on chemical weapons. And I
would reiterate my support for our openskies proposal, and in the meeting it was
discussed by the Prime Minister of Canada.
Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press
International]?
Q. Mr. President, does this revolutionary
plan signal the end of the Cold War?
The President. Well, I don't know what it
signals, except it signals a willingness on our
part to really put Mr. Gorbachev to the test
now. And so, I don't like to dwell in antiquated history. But I do like to get the idea
that we are out front as an alliance-because this has broad alliance support-in
challenging Mr. Gorbachev to move forward now more quickly on the most destabilizing part of the military balance, and
that is on conventional forces.
Q. Well, were you pressured by him and
the allies?
The President. No, I think I said when I
first came in we were going to take our
time and we were going to study and we're
going to think it out, and we did exactly
that. And you know and I know that some


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 29


voices were raised in Congress that we
were going too slow. But we knew exactly
what we were doing all along, and we've
now said: "This is what we suggest, and this
is the way we plan to lead the alliance and
lead the free world."
Q. Mr. President, why is it possible to
make such drastic cuts in conventional
weapons and not move on nuclear aircraft-nuclear ground-based short-range
missiles, which seems to disturb the Germans and really a majority of the alliance?
The President. Because the conventional
forces, the existing imbalance, is so great
that that is the most urgent problem and
the most destabilizing.
Q. Following up on that question: If the
Soviets accept this proposal, would that
enable us to talk about reducing or eliminating short-range forces?
The President. After agreement was
reached and after there was some implementation, yes. We are not unwilling to negotiate on SNF.
Q. What was the reaction of the NATO
leaders this morning when you told them?
Did you consult with all the allies before
you put it on the table?
The President. We had widespread-and I
would think everyone was consulted. I
know we had widespread consultation
and
Secretary Baker. The answer is yes.
The President. The answer is yes to all
NATO members, and-it's been done over
the last few days.
Q. What did they tell you about it? Why
did they find it appealing?
The President. Well, I'll leave it to them
to wax euphoric. But I'll tell you, I was
very, very pleased with the response in the
meeting just concluded.
Q. Mr. President, can you ever see a time
when you might not have nuclear forces in
Europe?
The President. No.
Q. Never?
Q. Mr. President, is there any indication
The President. We need the concept of
flexible response, and I can't in the foreseeable future see us getting away from that.
Q. Is there any indication that this disagreement with the West Germans over the


SNF issue will be resolved here at the
NATO summit?
The President. Well, I'm not really at liberty to go into too much on that, because
right now we put together a working group
to try to work out some resolution. But you
see, this bold proposal-in terms of conventional forces-should give those who have
had difficulty with our position on SNF a
chance to regroup and rethink and give
them a little leeway that they haven't had
heretofore.
Q. Do you expect early negotiation by
the Secretary of State with Mr. Shevardnadze or Mr. Gorbachev on this proposal,
Mr. President?
The President. The sooner the better.
Q. There's been some criticism in Congress, as you mentioned, about that you
have been too cautious in approaching the
Soviet Union. Was that sentiment expressed
today by anyone, and how did they-was
there any mention of how the West should
respond to Gorbachev?
The President. No, it wasn't mentioned by
anyone in there. And generally, when it
was-your question about how to respond
to Gorbachev-without putting words into
the mouths of various participants, there
was enthusiastic endorsement. Now, I can't
speak for everybody, but for those who
have intervened so far.
Q. Mr. Bush, have you "costed out" this
proposal? And did the budgetary constraints
play any part in your decision to try to
The President. No, the budgetary constraints didn't, and I haven't seen a full cost
analysis. Some of this would be quite expensive for us, short-run-the pulling people
out. But we did check militarily; I did not
want to propose something that was militarily unsound. And our top military people
are for this. Our SACEUR Commander
[General John Galvin, Supreme Allied Commander, Europe], who wears many hats,
who represents many countries, obviously,
is for this. And so, we checked it in that
sense.
Q. Mr. President, in some of your early
policy speeches, you expressed deep skepticism about what was going on in the Soviet
Union. You said this new relationship
cannot be bestowed; it must be earned.


619




May 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Your Secretary of Defense [Cheney] said he
felt Gorbachev would fail. What prompted
change in your thinking to make a proposal
like this?
The President. This is to put it to the test.
This is to say: Here we go, we're out there
now with a proposal that the United States
puts forward and that has widespread alliance support. Now test it. How serious are
you? Are you-really want to reduce the
imbalances that exist in all these categories,
or do we want rhetoric? And so, what we're
saying-we're not changing; I'm not changing my mind. I've said I want to see perestroika succeed. I said I want to see us move
forward in arms reductions. Indeed, we've
set a date for the resumption of the START
[strategic arms reduction] talks-but eyes
wide open. And here we go now, on the
offense with a proposal that is bold and
tests whether the Soviet Union will move
towards balance, or whether they insist on
retaining an unacceptable conventional
force imbalance.
I've got time for-is this a followup?
Soviet Political and Economic Reforms
Q. This is a followup. On the subject of
Mr. Gorbachev, do you believe he will fail?
The President. I want to see him succeed-and I've said that, and I'll repeat it
here. I'm not making predictions as to
what's going to happen inside the Soviet
Union. Those are hard tea leaves to read.
But I would like to see him succeed. He
seems stronger now than he has been earlier on; but he faces enormous problems.
And I hope he looks at this proposal as a
way to help solve some of those enormous
problems. It gets to the question of finance
to maintain this number of troops outside of
his country.
Conventional Arms Control Initiative
Q. Mr. President, does this four-point proposal represent your conditions that the Soviets must accept before you will open talks
on the short-range missiles?
The President. Well, as I said earlier,
we've got to have a reduction in conventional forces and then some implementation
of that proposal.
Q. Mr. President, you described this as a
proposal to the other allies. Do you expect


it's going to be adopted as a formal alliance
position at the end of this meeting, and
then will you put it on the table at CFE
very soon?
The President. I can't answer procedurally. I'd like to see it adopted, but I don't
know that the people have had enough
time to really-do you know what's planned
on that, Al [Alton G. Keel, Jr., Ambassador
to NATO]?
Ambassador Keel. I think, clearly, the alliance will adopt it, Mr. President, in terms
of the concept, but then will assign it to the
proper mechanism here at NATO to finish
the details on it.
Q. Why actually destroy the equipment
and demobilize the troops?
The President. Well, because then we get
verified-we hope-verified reductions that
last. You can't just juggle around the players
on the chessboard.
Q. Mr. President, following Helen's earlier question, there's been a lot of talk at the
White House recently about public relations
gambits. Do you believe that this initiative
by the United States puts Mr. Gorbachev on
the defensive, and does it in any way put
the United States back on the top of any
public relations war that might be going
on?
The President. Well, one, we've eschewed
getting involved in a public relations battle.
This is too serious a business. Alliance security is too serious; the safety and security of
American forces, for which I have direct
responsibility as Commander in Chief, is too
serious to be jeopardized by feeling we
always have to be out front on some public
relations gambit. And I think we all know
that in certain quarters in the United States,
my administration has taken a little bit of a
hammering for not engaging in the public
relations battle.
But what we've been doing is formulating
what I think is a very prudent plan, and
now that plan is out there on the table. So,
I really can't comment on the public relations aspect. What I'm interested in is the
security aspect and the strength of the alliance and then the future-the ability of the
alliance to move beyond containment.
Q. A long-term benefit of this proposal
would obviously be a decrease in defense


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


spending. Now, how much of this proposal
was driven by budget considerations?
The President. Well, I thought I answered
that, but let me try again to be clearer:
None. What drove the proposal was the
military and alliance considerations. And I
would agree that if this proposal is fully
implemented-longer-run, as you put it-it
would result in less spending, particularly if
these troops and weapons are demobilized,
as we say.
I've got time for one more and then I've
got to go to a luncheon.
Q. Mr. President, just to be clear on one
point, what you're proposing is an agreement with the Warsaw Pact, not anything
that you will do unilaterally; that you won't
take any of these steps yourselves outside
an overall agreement with theThe President. This is a NATO proposal,
and it would be negotiated with the Pact.
But it means that-obviously, when you're
dealing with the Pact-that the Soviet
Union is going to have to be the key player.
And this part of the proposal, as it relates to
U.S. troops, clearly is one where both the
Soviet General Secretary and I have to have
agreement; but I want to keep the negotiations and the initiatives inside of the alliance.
We came over here to say the alliance
has worked. It's kept the peace for 40 years,
and we want to continue to keep it strong.
And that's one reason I am very pleased
with the alliance response to our proposal.
They don't see it as soloing off there, taking
care of U.S. interest; they see it as in the
interest of the alliance. And again, I believe
I speak-I believe-well, I know most of


the people there feel that way, and I hope
all of them.
This is the last one, and then I'm going in
peace.
Q. A tick-tock question: When did you
make the final decision to accept this idea?
How did it evolve?
The President. Twelve days ago.
Summit With President Gorbachev
Q. One last one, sir. Do you have any
interest in discussing this with Mr. Gorbachev at a summit meeting? Do you have
any interest or intention of discussing this
proposal or other arms proposals with Mr.
Gorbachev at a summit meeting?
The President. When I have a summit
meeting with Mr. Gorbachev, I expect we'll
discuss a wide array of subjects.
Q. Do you anticipate that this year?
The President. When that happens, I will
have wide, far-flung discussions; and no
date has been set for that.
Q. Why 12 days ago?
Q. Is it likely to be speeded up, though,
Mr. President, because of this proposal?
The President. Hadn't thought of it, Jack
[Jack Nelson, Los Angeles Times], in this
connection, but I would not rule that out.
But we'll see how it's digested there in
Moscow-I hope favorably.
Q. Isn't it time for a summit now, sir,
now that you've laid this out?
The President. Baker's got some more
work to do.
Note: The President spoke at 12:24 p.m. in
the United States Mission Annex at NATO
Headquarters.


Declaration of the Heads of State and Government Participating in
the Meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Brussels
May 30, 1989


I
NATO's 40 Years of Success
1. As our Alliance celebrates its 40th Anniversary, we measure its achievements


with pride. Founded in troubled times to
safeguard our security, it has withstood the
test of four decades, and has allowed our
countries to enjoy in freedom one of the
longest periods of peace and prosperity in
their history. The Alliance has been a fun

621




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


damental element of stability and cooperation. These are the fruits of a partnership
based on enduring common values and interests, and on unity of purpose.
2. Our meeting takes place at a juncture
of unprecedented change and opportunities. This is a time to look ahead, to chart
the course of our Alliance and to set our
agenda for the future.
A Time of Change
3. In our rapidly changing world, where
ideas transcend borders ever more easily,
the strength and accomplishments of democracy and freedom are increasingly apparent. The inherent inability of oppressive
systems to fulfill the aspirations of their citizens has become equally evident.
4. In the Soviet Union, important changes
are underway. We welcome the current reforms that have already led to greater
openness, improved respect for human
rights, active participation of the individual,
and new attitudes in foreign policy. But
much remains to be done. We still look forward to the full implementation of the announced change in priorities in the allocation of economic resources from the military to the civilian sector. If sustained, the
reforms will strengthen prospects for fundamental improvements in East-West relations.
5. We also welcome the marked progress
in some countries of Eastern Europe towards establishing more democratic institutions, freer elections and greater political
pluralism and economic choice. However,
we deplore the fact that certain Eastern
European governments have chosen to
ignore this reforming trend and continue all
too frequently to violate human rights and
basic freedoms.
Shaping the Future
6. Our vision of a just, humane and democratic world has always underpinned the
policies of this Alliance. The changes that
are now taking place are bringing us closer
to the realization of this vision.
7. We want to overcome the painful division of Europe, which we have never accepted. We want to move beyond the postwar period. Based on today's momentum of
increased cooperation and tomorrow's


common challenges, we seek to shape a
new political order of peace in Europe. We
will work as Allies to seize all opportunities
to achieve this goal. But ultimate success
does not depend on us alone.
Our guiding principles in the pursuit of
this course will be the policies of the
Harmel Report in their two complementary
and mutually reinforcing approaches: adequate military strength and political solidarity and, on that basis, the search for constructive dialogue and cooperation, including arms control, as a means of bringing
about a just and lasting peaceful order in
Europe.
8. The Alliance's long-term objectives are:
-to ensure that wars and intimidation of
any kind in Europe and North America
are prevented, and that military aggression is an option which no government
could rationally contemplate or hope
successfully to undertake, and by doing
so to lay the foundations for a world
where military forces exist solely to
preserve the independence and territorial integrity of their countries, as has
always been the case for the Allies;
-to establish a new pattern of relations
between the countries of East and
West, in which ideological and military
antagonism will be replaced with cooperation, trust and peaceful competition;
and in which human rights and political
freedoms will be fully guaranteed and
enjoyed by all individuals.
9. Within our larger responsibilities as
Heads of State or Government, we are also
committed
-to strive for an international community founded on the rule of law, where all
nations join together to reduce world
tensions, settle disputes peacefully, and
search for solutions to those issues of
universal concern, including poverty,
social injustice and the environment, on
which our common fate depends.
II
Maintaining our Defence
10. Peace must be worked for; it can
never be taken for granted. The greatly improved East-West political climate offers


622




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


prospects for a stable and lasting peace, but
experience teaches us that we must remain
prepared. We can overlook neither the capabilities of the Warsaw Treaty countries
for offensive military action, nor the potential hazards resulting from severe political
strain and crisis.
11. A strong and united Alliance will
remain fundamental not only for the security of our countries but also for our policy of
supporting political change. It is the basis
for further successful negotiations on arms
control and on measures to strengthen
mutual confidence through improved transparency and predictability. Military security
and policies aimed at reducing tensions as
well as resolving underlying political differences are not contradictory but complementary. Credible defence based on the
principle of the indivisibility of security for
all member countries will thus continue to
be essential to our common endeavour.
12. For the foreseeable future, there is no
alternative to the Alliance strategy for the
prevention of war. This is a strategy of deterrence based upon an appropriate mix of
adequate and effective nuclear and conventional forces which will continue to be kept
up-to-date where necessary. We shall
ensure the viability and credibility of these
forces, while maintaining them at the
lowest possible level consistent with our security requirements.
13. The presence of North American conventional and nuclear forces in Europe remains vital to the security of Europe just as
Europe's security is vital to that of North
America. Maintenance of this relationship
requires that the Allies fulfill their essential
commitments in support of the common defence. Each of our countries will accordingly assume its fair share of the risks, roles
and responsibilities of the Atlantic partnership. Growing European political unity can
lead to a reinforced European component
of our common security effort and its efficiency. It will be essential to the success of
these efforts to make the most effective use
of resources made available for our security.
To this end, we will seek to maximize the
efficiency of our defence programmes and
pursue solutions to issues in the area of economic and trade policies as they affect our
defence. We will also continue to protect


our technological capabilities by effective
export controls on essential strategic goods.
Initiatives on Arms Control
14. Arms Control has always been an integral part of the Alliance's security policy
and of its overall approach to East-West relations, firmly embedded in the broader political context in which we seek the improvement of those relations.
15. The Allies have consistently taken the
lead in developing the conceptual foundations for arms control, identifying areas in
which the negotiating partners share an interest in achieving a mutually satisfactory
result while safeguarding the legitimate security interests of all.
16. Historic progress has been made in
recent years, and we now see prospects for
further substantial advances. In our determined effort to reduce the excessive weight
of the military factor in the East-West relationship and increasingly to replace confrontation by co-operation, we can now exploit fully the potential of arms control as
an agent of change.
17. We challenge the members of the
Warsaw Treaty Organization to join us in
accelerating efforts to sign and implement
an agreement which will enhance security
and stability in Europe by reducing conventional armed forces. To seize the unique
opportunity at hand, we intend to present a
proposal that will amplify and expand on
the position we tabled at the opening of the
CFE negotiations on 9th March. [France
takes this opportunity to recall that, since
the mandate for the Vienna negotiations excludes nuclear weapons, it retains complete
freedom of judgment and decision regarding the resources contributing to the implementation of its independent nuclear deterrent strategy.] We will
-register agreement, based on the ceilings already proposed in Vienna, on
tanks, armoured troop carriers and artillery pieces held by members of the
two Alliances in Europe, with all of the
withdrawn equipment to be destroyed.
Ceilings on tanks and armoured troop
carriers will be based on proposals already tabled in Vienna; definitional
questions on artillery pieces remain to


623




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


be resolved;
-expand our current proposal to include
reductions by each side to equal ceilings at the level 15 per cent below current Alliance holdings of helicopters
and of all land-based combat aircraft in
the Atlantic-to-the-Urals zone, with all
the withdrawn equipment to be destroyed;
-propose a 20 per cent cut in combat
manpower in US stationed forces, and a
resulting ceiling on US and Soviet
ground and air force personnel stationed outside of national territory in
the Atlantic-to-the-Urals zone at approximately 275,000. This ceiling would
require the Soviet Union to reduce its
forces in Eastern Europe by some
325,000. United States and Soviet forces
withdrawn will be demobilized;
-seek such an agreement within six
months to a year and accomplish the
reductions by 1992 or 1993. Accordingly, we have directed the Alliance's
High Level Task Force on conventional
arms control to complete the further
elaboration of this proposal, including
its verification elements, so that it may
be tabled at the beginning of the third
round of the CFE negotiations, which
opens on 7th September 1989.
18. We consider as an important initiative
President Bush's call for an "open skies"
regime intended to improve confidence
among   States  through  reconnaissance
flights, and to contribute to the transparency of military activity, to arms control and
to public awareness. It will be the subject of
careful study and wide-ranging consultations.
19. Consistent with the principles and objectives set out in our Comprehensive Concept of Arms Control and Disarmament
which we have adopted at this meeting, we
will continue to use arms control as a means
to enhance security and stability at the
lowest possible level of armed forces, and to
strengthen confidence by further appropriate measures. We have already demonstrated our commitment to these objectives:
both by negotiations and by unilateral
action, resulting since 1979 in reductions of
over one-third of the nuclear holdings assigned to SACEUR in Europe.


Towards an Enhanced Partnership
20. As the Alliance enters its fifth decade
we will meet the challenge of shaping our
relationship in a way which corresponds to
the new political and economic realities of
the 1990s. As we do so, we recognize that
the basis of our security and prosperityand of our hopes for better East-West relations-is and will continue to be the close
cohesion between the countries of Europe
and of North America, bound together by
their common values and democratic institutions as much as by their shared security
interests.
21. Ours is a living and developing partnership. The strength and stability derived
from our transatlantic bond provide a firm
foundation for the achievement of our longterm vision, as well as of our goals for the
immediate future. We recognize that our
common tasks transcend the resources of
either Europe or North America alone.
22. We welcome in this regard the evolution of an increasingly strong and coherent
European identity, including in the security
area. The process we are witnessing today
provides an example of progressive integration, leaving centuries-old conflicts far
behind. It opens the way to a more mature
and balanced transatlantic partnership and
constitutes one of the foundations of Europe's future structure.
23. To ensure the continuing success of
our efforts we have agreed to
-strengthen our process of political consultation and, where appropriate, co-ordination, and have instructed the Council in Permanent Session to consider
methods for its further improvement;
-expand the scope and intensity of our
effort to ensure that our respective approaches to problems affecting our
common security are complementary
and mutually supportive;
-renew our support for our economically
less-favoured partners and to reaffirm
our goal of improving the present level
of co-operation and assistance;
-continue to work in the appropriate
fora for more commercial, monetary
and technological co-operation, and to
see to it that no obstacles impede such
co-operation.


624




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


Overcoming the Division of Europe
24. Now, more than ever, our efforts to
overcome the division of Europe must address its underlying political causes. Therefore all of us will continue to pursue a comprehensive approach encompassing the
many dimensions of the East-West agenda.
In keeping with our values, we place primary emphasis on basic freedoms for the
people in Eastern Europe. These are also
key elements for strengthening the stability
and security of all states and for guaranteeing lasting peace on the continent.
25. The CSCE process encompasses our
vision of a peaceful and more constructive
relationship among all participating states.
We intend to develop it further, in all its
dimensions, and to make the fullest use of
it.
We recognize progress in the implementation of CSCE commitments by some Eastern countries. But we call upon all of them
to recognize and implement fully the commitments which all CSCE states have accepted. We will invoke the CSCE mechanisms-as most recently adopted in the
Vienna Concluding Document-and the
provisions of other international agreements, to bring all Eastern countries to:
-enshrine in law and practice the human
rights and freedoms agreed in international covenants and in the CSCE documents, thus fostering progress towards
the rule of law;
-tear down the walls that separate us
physically and politically, simplify the
crossing of borders, increase the
number of crossing points and allow
the free exchange of persons, information and ideas;
-ensure that people are not prevented
by armed force from crossing the frontiers and boundaries which we share
with Eastern countries, in exercise of
their right to leave any country, including their own;
-respect in law and practice the right of
all the people in each country to determine freely and periodically the nature
of the government they wish to have;
-see to it that their peoples can decide
through their elected authorities what
form of relations they wish to have


with other countries;
-grant the genuine economic freedoms
that are linked inherently to the rights
of the individual;
-develop   transparency, especially in
military matters, in pursuit of greater
mutual understanding and reassurance.
26. The situation in and around Berlin is
an essential element in East-West relations.
The Alliance declares its commitment to a
free and prosperous Berlin and to achieving
improvements for the city especially
through the Allied Berlin Initiative. The
Wall dividing the city is an unacceptable
symbol of the division of Europe. We seek a
state of peace in Europe in which the
German people regains its unity through
free self-determination.
Our Design for Co-operation
27. We, for our part, have today reaffirmed that the Alliance must and will reintensify its own efforts to overcome the division of Europe and to explore all available
avenues of co-operation and dialogue. We
support the opening of Eastern societies
and encourage reforms that aim at positive
political, economic and human rights developments. Tangible steps towards genuine
political and economic reform improve possibilities for broad co-operation, while a
continuing denial of basic freedoms cannot
but have a negative effect. Our approach
recognizes that each country is unique and
must be treated on its own merits. We also
recognize that it is essentially incumbent
upon the countries of the East to solve their
problems by reforms from within. But we
can also play a constructive role within the
framework of our Alliance as well as in our
respective bilateral relations and in international organizations, as appropriate.
28. To that end, we have agreed the following joint agenda for the future:
-as opportunities develop, we will
expand the scope of our contacts and
co-operation to cover a broad range of
issues which are important to both East
and West. Our goal is a sustained effort
geared to specific tasks which will help
deepen openness and promote democracy within Eastern countries and thus
contribute to the establishment of a


625




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


more stable peace in Europe;
-we will pursue in particular expanded
contacts beyond the realm of government among individuals in East and
West. These contacts should include all
segments of our societies, but in particular young people, who will carry
the responsibility for continuing our
common endeavour;
-we will seek expanded economic and
trade relations with the Eastern countries on the basis of commercially sound
terms, mutual interest and reciprocity.
Such relations should also serve as incentives for real economic reform and
thus ease the way for increased integration of Eastern countries into the international trading system;
-we intend to demonstrate through increased co-operation that democratic
institutions and economic choice create
the best possible conditions for economic and social progress. The development of such open systems will facilitate co-operation and, consequently,
make its benefits more available;
-an important task of our co-operation
will be to explore means to extend
Western experience and know-how to
Eastern countries in a manner which
responds to and promotes positive
change. Exchanges in technical and
managerial fields, establishment of cooperative training programmes, expansion of educational, scientific and cultural exchanges all offer possibilities
which have not yet been exhausted;
-equally important will be to integrate
Eastern European countries more fully
into efforts to meet the social, environmental and technological challenges of
the modern world, where common interests should prevail. In accordance
with our concern for global challenges,
we will seek to engage Eastern countries in co-operative strategies in areas
such as the environment, terrorism,
and drugs. Eastern willingness to participate constructively in dealing with
such challenges will help further co-operation in other areas as well;
-East-West understanding can be expanded only if our respective societies
gain increased knowledge about one


another and communicate effectively.
To encourage an increase of Soviet and
Eastern studies in universities of our
countries and of corresponding studies
in Eastern countries, we are prepared
to establish a Fellowship/Scholarship
programme to promote the study of
our democratic institutions, with candidates being invited from Eastern as
well as Western Europe and North
America.
Global Challenges
29. Worldwide developments which
affect our security interests are legitimate
matters for consultation and, where appropriate, co-ordination among us. Our security
is to be seen in a context broader than the
protection from war alone.
30. Regional conflicts continue to be of
major concern. The co-ordinated approach
of Alliance members recently has helped
toward settling some of the world's most
dangerous and long-standing disputes. We
hope that the Soviet Union will increasingly
work with us in positive and practical steps
towards diplomatic solutions to those conflicts that continue to preoccupy the international community.
31. We will seek to contain the newly
emerging security threats and destabilizing
consequences resulting from the uncontrolled spread and application of modern
military technologies.
32. In the spirit of Article 2 of the Washington Treaty, we will increasingly need to
address worldwide problems which have a
bearing on our security, particularly environmental degradation, resource conflicts
and grave economic disparities. We will
seek to do so in the appropriate multilateral
fora, in the widest possible co-operation
with other States.
33. We will each further develop our
close co-operation with the other industrial
democracies akin to us in their objectives
and policies.
34. We will redouble our efforts in a reinvigorated United Nations, strengthening its
role in conflict settlement and peacekeeping, and in its larger endeavours for world
peace.


626




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


Our "Third Dimension"
35. Convinced of the vital need for international co-operation in science and technology, and of its beneficial effect on global
security, we have for several decades maintained Alliance programmes of scientific cooperation. Recognizing the importance of
safeguarding the environment we have also
co-operated, in the Committee on the Challenges of Modern Society, on environmental
matters. These activities have demonstrated
the broad range of our common pursuits.
We intend to give more impact to our programmes with new initiatives in these
areas.
The Future of the Alliance
36. We, the leaders of 16 free and demo

cratic countries, have dedicated ourselves to
the goals of the Alliance and are committed
to work in unison for their continued fulfillment.
37. At this time of unprecedented promise in international affairs, we will respond
to the hopes that it offers. The Alliance will
continue to serve as the cornerstone of our
security, peace and freedom. Secure on this
foundation, we will reach out to those who
are willing to join us in shaping a more
stable and peaceful international environment in the service of our societies.
Note: The communique was not issued as a
White House press release.


North Atlantic Treaty Organization Communique: A
Comprehensive Concept of Arms Control and Disarmament
May 30, 1989


1. At Reykjavik in June 1987, Ministers
stated that the arms control problems
facing the Alliance raised complex and
interrelated issues that needed to be evaluated together, bearing in mind overall
progress in arms control negotiations as well
as the requirements of Alliance security and
of its strategy of deterrence. They therefore
directed the Council in Permanent Session,
working in conjunction with the appropriate military authorities, to "consider the
further development of a comprehensive
concept of arms control and disarmament".
2. The attached report, prepared by the
Council in response to that mandate, was
adopted by Heads of State and Government
at the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Brussels on 29th and 30th May 1989.
A Report Adopted by Heads of State and
Government at the Meeting of the North
Atlantic Council in Brussels on 29th and
30th May 1989
I. INTRODUCTION
1. The overriding objective of the Alliance is to preserve peace in freedom, to


prevent war, and to establish a just and
lasting peaceful order in Europe. The Allies'
policy to this end was set forth in the
Harmel Report of 1967. It remains valid.
According to the Report, the North Atlantic
Alliance's "first function is to maintain adequate military strength and political solidarity to deter aggression and other forms of
pressure and to defend the territory of
member countries if aggression should
occur". On that basis, the Alliance can carry
out "its second function, to pursue the
search for progress towards a more stable
relationship in which the underlying political issues can be solved". As the Report
observed, military security and a policy
aimed at reducing tensions are "not contradictory, but complementary". Consistent
with these principles, Allied Heads of State
and Government have agreed that arms
control is an integral part of the Alliance's
security policy.
2. The possibilities for fruitful East-West
dialogue have significantly improved in
recent years. More favourable conditions
now exist for progress towards the achievement of the Alliance's objectives. The Allies


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May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


are resolved to grasp this opportunity. They
will continue to address both the symptoms
and the causes of political tension in a
manner that respects the legitimate security
interests of all states concerned.
3. The achievement of the lasting peaceful order which the Allies seek will require
that the unnatural division of Europe, and
particularly of Germany, be overcome, and
that, as stated in the Helsinki Final Act, the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of all
states and the right of peoples to self-determination be respected and that the rights of
all individuals, including their right of political choice, be protected. The members of
the Alliance accordingly attach central importance to further progress in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE) process, which serves as a
framework for the promotion of peaceful
evolution in Europe.
4. The CSCE process provides a means to
encourage stable and constructive EastWest relations by increasing contacts between people, by seeking to ensure that
basic rights and freedoms are respected in
law and practice, by furthering political exchanges and mutually beneficial cooperation across a broad range of endeavours,
and by enhancing security and openness in
the military sphere. The Allies will continue
to demand full implementation of all the
principles and provisions of the Helsinki
Final Act, the Madrid Concluding Document, the Stockholm Document, and the
Concluding Document of the Vienna Meeting. The latter document marks a major advance in the CSCE process and should stimulate further beneficial changes in Europe.
5. The basic goal of the Alliance's arms
control policy is to enhance security and
stability at the lowest balanced level of
forces and armaments consistent with the
requirements of the strategy of deterrence.
The Allies are committed to achieving continuing progress towards all their arms control objectives. The further development of
the Comprehensive Concept is designed to
assist this by ensuring an integrated approach covering both defence policy and
arms control policy: these are complementary and interactive. This work also requires
full consideration of the interrelationship
between arms control objectives and de

fence requirements and how various arms
control measures, separately and in conjunction with each other, can strengthen Alliance security. The guiding principles and
basic objectives which have so far governed
the arms control policy of the Alliance
remain valid. Progress in achieving these
objectives is, of course, affected by a
number of factors. These include the overall state of East-West relations, the military
requirements of the Allies, the progress of
existing and future arms control negotiations, and developments in the CSCE process. The further development and implementation of a comprehensive concept of
arms control and disarmament will take
place against this background.
II. EAST-WEST RELATIONS AND ARMS CONTROL
6. The Alliance continues to seek a just
and stable peace in Europe in which all
states can enjoy undiminished security at
the minimum necessary levels of forces and
armaments and all individuals can exercise
their basic rights and freedoms. Arms control alone cannot resolve longstanding political differences between East and West nor
guarantee a stable peace. Nonetheless,
achievement of the Alliance's goal will require substantial advances in arms control,
as well as more fundamental changes in political relations. Success in arms control, in
addition to enhancing military security, can
encourage improvements in the East-West
political dialogue and thereby contribute to
the achievement of broader Alliance objectives.
7. To increase security and stability in
Europe, the Alliance has consistently pursued every opportunity for effective arms
control. The Allies are committed to this
policy, independent of any changes that
may occur in the climate of East-West relations. Success in arms control, however,
continues to depend not on our own efforts
alone, but also on Eastern and particularly
Soviet readiness to work constructively towards mutually beneficial results.
8. The immediate past has witnessed unprecedented progress in the field of arms
control. In 1986 the Stockholm Conference
on Disarmament in Europe (CDE) agree

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


ment created an innovative system of confidence and security-building measures, designed to promote military transparency
and predictability. To date, these have been
satisfactorily implemented. The 1987 INF
Treaty marked another major step forward
because it eliminated a whole class of weapons, it established the principle of asymmetrical reductions, and provided for a stringent verification regime. Other achievements include the establishment in the
United States and the Soviet Union of nuclear risk reduction centres, the US/Soviet
agreement on prior notification of ballistic
missile launches, and the conduct of the
Joint Verification Experiment in connection
with continued US/Soviet negotiations on
nuclear testing.
9. In addition to agreements already
reached, there has been substantial progress
in the START negotiations which are intended to reduce radically strategic nuclear
arsenals and eliminate destabilising offensive capabilities. The Paris Conference on
the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons has
reaffirmed the authority of the 1925
Geneva Protocol and given powerful political impetus to the negotiations in Geneva
for a global, comprehensive and effectively
verifiable ban on chemical weapons. New
distinct negotiations within the framework
of the CSCE process have now begun in
Vienna: one on conventional armed forces
in Europe between the 23 members of
NATO and the Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO) and one on confidence- and security-building measures (CSBMs) among all
35 signatories of the Helsinki Final Act.
10. There has also been substantial
progress on other matters important to the
West. Soviet troops have left Afghanistan.
There has been movement toward the resolution of some, although not all, of the remaining regional conflicts in which the
Soviet Union is involved. The observance of
human rights in the Soviet Union and in
some of the other WTO countries has significantly improved, even if serious deficiencies remain. The recent Vienna CSCE
Follow-up meeting succeeded in setting
new, higher standards of conduct for participating states and should stimulate further progress in the CSCE process. A new
intensity of dialogue, particularly at high

level, between East and West opens new
opportunities and testifies to the Allies'
commitment to resolve the fundamental
problems that remain.
11. The Alliance does not claim exclusive
responsibility for this favourable evolution
in East-West relations. In recent years, the
East has become more responsive and flexible. Nonetheless, the Alliance contribution
has clearly been fundamental. Most of the
achievements to date, which have been described above, were inspired by initiatives
by the Alliance or its members. The Allies'
political solidarity, commitment to defence,
patience and creativity in negotiations overcame initial obstacles and brought its efforts
to fruition. It was the Alliance that drew up
the basic blueprints for East-West progress
and has since pushed them forward towards
realisation. In particular, the concepts of
stability, reasonable sufficiency, asymmetrical, reductions, concentration on the most
offensive equipment, rigorous verification,
transparency, a single zone from the Atlantic to the Urals, and the balanced and comprehensive nature of the CSCE process, are
Western-inspired.
12. Prospects are now brighter than ever
before for lasting, qualitative improvements
in the East-West relationship. There continue to be clear signs of change in the internal and external policies of the Soviet Union
and of some of its Allies. The Soviet leadership has stated that ideological competition
should play no part in inter-state relations.
Soviet acknowledgement of serious shortcomings in its past approaches to international as well as domestic issues creates opportunities for progress on fundamental political problems.
13. At the same time, serious concerns
remain. The ambitious Soviet reform programme, which the Allies welcome, will
take many years to complete. Its success
cannot be taken for granted given the magnitude of the problems it faces and the resistance generated. In Eastern Europe,
progress in constructive reform is still
uneven and the extent of these reforms remains to be determined. Basic human rights
still need to be firmly anchored in law and
practice, though in some Warsaw Pact
countries improvements are underway. Al

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May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


though the WTO has recently announced
and begun unilateral reductions in some of
its forces, the Soviet Union continues to
deploy military forces and to maintain a
pace of military production in excess of legitimate defensive requirements. Moreover,
the geo-strategic realities favour the geographically contiguous Soviet-dominated
WTO as against the geographically separated democracies of the North Atlantic Alliance. It has long been an objective of the
Soviet Union to weaken the links between
the European and North American members of the Alliance.
14. We face an immediate future that is
promising but still uncertain. The Allies and
the East face both a challenge and an opportunity to capitalise on present conditions
in order to increase mutual security. The
progress recently made in East-West relations has given new impetus to the arms
control process and has enhanced the possibilities of achieving the Alliance's arms control objectives, which complement the
other elements of the Alliance's security
policy.
III. PRINCIPLES OF ALLIANCE SECURITY
15. Alliance security policy aims to preserve peace in freedom by both political
means and the maintenance of a military
capability sufficient to prevent war and to
provide for effective defence. The fact that
the Alliance has for forty years safeguarded
peace in Europe bears witness to the success of this policy.
16. Improved political relations and the
progressive development of cooperative
structures between Eastern and Western
countries are important components of Alliance policy. They can enhance mutual confidence, reduce the risk of misunderstanding, ensure that there are in place reliable
arrangements for crisis management so that
tensions can be defused, render the situation in Europe more open and predictable,
and encourage the development of wider
cooperation in all fields.
17. In underlining the importance of
these facts for the formulation of Alliance
policy, the Allies reaffirm that, as stated in
the Harmel Report, the search for constructive dialogue and cooperation with the
countries of the East, including arms con

trol and disarmament, is based on political
solidarity and adequate military strength.
18. Solidarity among the Alliance countries is a fundamental principle of their security policy. It reflects the indivisible
nature of their security. It is expressed by
the willingness of each country to share
fairly the risks, burdens and responsibilities
of the common effort as well as its benefits.
In particular, the presence in Europe of the
United States' conventional and nuclear
forces and of Canadian forces demonstrates
that North American and European security
interests are inseparably bound together.
19. From its inception the Alliance of
Western democracies has been defensive in
purpose. This will remain so. None of our
weapons will ever be used except in selfdefence. The Alliance does not seek military superiority nor will it ever do so. Its
aim has always been to prevent war and
any form of coercion and intimidation.
20. Consistent with the Alliance's defensive character, its strategy is one of deterrence. Its objective is to convince a potential aggressor before he acts that he is confronted with a risk that outweighs any
gain-however great-he might hope to
secure from his aggression. The purpose of
this strategy defines the means needed for
its implementation.
21. In order to fulfill its strategy, the Alliance must be capable of responding appropriately to any aggression and of meeting
its commitment to the defence of the frontiers of its members' territory. For the foreseeable future, deterrence requires an appropriate mix of adequate and effective nuclear and conventional forces which will
continue to,be kept up to date where necessary; for it is only by their evident and
perceived capability for effective use that
such forces and weapons deter.
22. Conventional forces make an essential
contribution to deterrence. The elimination
of asymmetries between the conventional
forces of East and West in Europe would be
a major breakthrough, bringing significant
benefits for stability and security. Conventional defence alone cannot, however,
ensure deterrence. Only the nuclear element can confront an aggressor with an unacceptable risk and thus plays an indispen

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


sable role in our current strategy of war
prevention.
23. The fundamental purpose of nuclear
forces-both strategic and sub-strategic-is
political: to preserve the peace and to prevent any kind of war. Such forces contribute to deterrence by demonstrating that
the Allies have the military capability and
the political will to use them, if necessary,
in response to aggression. Should aggression
occur, the aim would be to restore deterrence by inducing the aggressor to reconsider his decision, to terminate his attack
and to withdraw and thereby to restore the
territorial integrity of the Alliance.
24. Conventional and nuclear forces,
therefore, perform different but complementary and mutually reinforcing roles.
Any perceived inadequacy in either of
these two elements, or the impression that
conventional forces could be separated
from nuclear, or sub-strategic from strategic
nuclear forces, might lead a potential adversary to conclude that the risks of launching
aggression might be calculable and acceptable. No single element can, therefore, be
regarded as a substitute compensating for
deficiencies in any other.
25. For the foreseeable future, there is no
alternative strategy for the prevention of
war. The implementation of this strategy
will continue to ensure that the security
interests of all Alliance members are fully
safeguarded. The principles underlying the
strategy of deterrence are of enduring validity. Their practical expression in terms of
the size, structure and deployment of forces
is bound to change. As in the past, these
elements will continue to evolve in response to changing international circumstances, technological progress and developments in the scale of the threat-in particular, in the posture and capabilities of the
forces of the Warsaw Pact.
26. Within this overall framework, strategic nuclear forces provide the ultimate
guarantee of deterrence for the Allies. They
must be capable of inflicting unacceptable
damage on an aggressor state even after it
has carried out a first strike. Their number,
range, survivability and penetration capability need to ensure that a potential aggressor
cannot count on limiting the conflict or regarding his own territory as a sanctuary.


The strategic nuclear forces of the United
States provide the cornerstone of deterrence for the Alliance as a whole. The independent nuclear forces of the United Kingdom and France fulfill a deterrent role of
their own and contribute to the overall deterrence strategy of the Alliance by complicating the planning and risk assessment of a
potential aggressor.
27. Nuclear forces below the strategic
level provide an essential political and military linkage between conventional and strategic forces and, together with the presence
of Canadian and the United States forces in
Europe, between the European and North
American members of the Alliance. The
Allies' sub-strategic nuclear forces are not
designed to compensate for conventional
imbalances. The levels of such forces in the
integrated military structure nevertheless
must take into account the threat-both
conventional and nuclear with which the
Alliance is faced. Their role is to ensure that
there are no circumstances in which a potential aggressor might discount the prospect of nuclear retaliation in response to
military action. Nuclear forces below the
strategic level thus make an essential contribution to deterrence.
28. The wide deployment of such forces
among countries participating in the integrated military structure of the Alliance, as
well as the arrangements for consultation in
the nuclear area among the Allies concerned, demonstrates solidarity and willingness to share nuclear roles and responsibilities. It thereby helps to reinforce deterrence.
29. Conventional forces contribute to deterrence by demonstrating the Allies' will to
defend themselves and by minimising the
risk that a potential aggressor could anticipate a quick and easy victory or limited
territorial gain achieved solely by conventional means.
30. They must thus be able to respond
appropriately and to confront the aggressor
immediately and as far forward as possible
with the necessary resistance to compel him
to end the conflict and to withdraw or face
possible recourse to the use of nuclear
weapons by the Allies. The forces of the
Allies must be deployed and equipped so as


631




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


to enable them to fulfill this role at all
times. Moreover, since the Alliance depends
on reinforcements from the North American continent, it must be able to keep open
sea and air lines of communication between
North America and Europe.
31. All member countries of the Alliance
strongly favour a comprehensive, effectively
verifiable, global ban on the development,
production, stockpiling and use of chemical
weapons. Chemical weapons represent a
particular case, since the Alliance's overall
strategy of war prevention, as noted earlier,
depends on an appropriate mix of nuclear
and conventional weapons. Pending the
achievement of a global ban on chemical
weapons, the Alliance recognises the need
to implement passive defence measures. A
retaliatory capability on a limited scale is
retained in view of the Soviet Union's overwhelming chemical weapons capability.
32. The Allies are committed to maintaining only the minimum level of forces necessary for their strategy of deterrence, taking
into account the threat. There is, however,
a level of forces, both nuclear and conventional, below which the credibility of deterrence cannot be maintained. In particular,
the Allies have always recognised that the
removal of all nuclear weapons from
Europe would critically undermine deterrence strategy and impair the security of
the Alliance.
33. The Alliance's defence policy and its
policy of arms control and disarmament are
complementary and have the same goal: to
maintain security at the lowest possible
level of forces. There is no contradiction
between defence policy and arms control
policy. It is on the basis of this fundamental
consistency of principles and objectives that
the comprehensive concept of arms control
and disarmament should be further developed and the appropriate conclusions
drawn in each of the areas of arms control.
IV. ARMS CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT:
PRINCIPLES AND OBJECTIVES
34. Our vision for Europe is that of an
undivided continent where military forces
only exist to prevent war and to ensure selfdefence, as has always been the case for the
Allies, not for the purpose of initiating aggression or for political or military intimida

tion. Arms control can contribute to the
realisation of that vision as an integral part
of the Alliance's security policy and of our
overall approach to East-West relations.
35. The goal of Alliance arms control
policy is to enhance security and stability.
To this end, the Allies' arms control initiatives seek a balance at a lower level of
forces and armaments through negotiated
agreements and, as appropriate, unilateral
actions, recognising that arms control agreements are only possible where the negotiating partners share an interest in achieving a
mutually satisfactory result. The Allies' arms
control policy seeks to remove destabilising
asymmetries in forces or equipment. It also
pursues measures designed to build mutual
confidence and to reduce the risk of conflict by promoting greater transparency and
predictability in military matters.
36. In enhancing security and stability,
arms control can also bring important additional benefits for the Alliance. Given the
dynamic aspects of the arms control process, the principles and results embodied in
one agreement may facilitate other arms
control steps. In this way arms control can
also make possible further reductions in the
level of Alliance forces and armaments, consistent with the Alliance's strategy of war
prevention. Furthermore, as noted in Chapter II, arms control can make a significant
contribution to the development of more
constructive East-West relations and of a
framework for further cooperation within a
more stable and predictable international
environment. Progress in arms control can
also enhance public confidence in and promote support for our overall security policy.
Guiding Principles for Arms Control
37. The members of the Alliance will be
guided by the following principles:
-Security: Arms control should enhance
the security of all Allies. Both during
the implementation period and following implementation, the Allies' strategy
of deterrence and their ability to
defend themselves, must remain credible and effective. Arms control measures should maintain the strategic unity
and political cohesion of the Alliance,
and should safeguard the principle of


632




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


the indivisibility of Alliance security by
avoiding the creation of areas of unequal security. Arms control measures
should respect the legitimate security
interests of all states and should not facilitate the transfer or intensification of
threats to third party states or regions.
-Stability: Arms control measures should
yield militarily significant results that
enhance stability. To promote stability,
arms control measures should reduce or
eliminate those capabilities which are
most threatening to the Alliance. Stability can also be enhanced by steps that
promote greater transparency and predictability in military matters. Military
stability requires the elimination of options for surprise attack and for largescale offensive action. Crisis stability requires that no state have forces of a size
and configuration which, when compared with those of others, could
enable it to calculate that it might gain
a decisive advantage by being the first
to resort to arms. Stability also requires
measures which discourage destabilising attempts to re-establish military advantage through the transfer of resources to other types of armament.
Agreements must lead to final results
that are both balanced and ensure
equality of rights with respect to security.
-Verifiability: Effective and reliable verification is a fundamental requirement
for arms control agreements. If arms
control is to be effective and to build
confidence, the verifiability of proposed
arms control measures must, therefore,
be of central concern for the Alliance.
Progress in arms control should be
measured against the record of compliance with existing agreements. Agreed
arms control measures should exclude
opportunities for circumvention.
Alliance Arms Control Objectives
38. In accordance with the above principles, the Allies are pursuing an ambitious
arms control agenda for the coming years in
the nuclear, conventional and chemical
fields.


Nuclear Forces
39. The INF Agreement represents a
milestone in the Allies' efforts to achieve a
more secure peace at lower levels of arms.
By 1991, it will lead to the total elimination
of all United States and Soviet intermediate
range land-based missiles, thereby removing
the threat which such Soviet systems presented to the Alliance. Implementation of
the agreement, however, will affect only a
small proportion of the Soviet nuclear armoury, and the Alliance continues to face a
substantial array of modern and effective
Soviet systems of all ranges. The full realisation of the Alliance agenda thus requires
that further steps be taken.
Strategic Nuclear Forces
40. Soviet strategic systems continue to
pose a major threat to the whole of the
Alliance. Deep cuts in such systems are in
the direct interests of the entire Western
Alliance, and therefore their achievement
constitutes a priority for the Alliance in the
nuclear field.
41. The Allies thus fully support the US
objectives of achieving, within the context
of the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks, fifty
percent reductions in US and Soviet strategic nuclear arms. US proposals seek to enhance stability by placing specific restrictions on the most destabilising elements of
the threat-fast flying ballistic missiles,
throw-weight and, in particular, Soviet
heavy ICBMs. The proposals are based on
the need to maintain the deterrent credibility of the remaining US strategic forces
which would continue to provide the ultimate guarantee of security for the Alliance
as a whole; and therefore on the necessity
to keep such forces effective. Furthermore,
the United States is holding talks with the
Soviet Union on defence and space matters
in order to ensure that strategic stability is
enhanced.
Sub-Strategic Nuclear Forces
42. The Allies are committed to maintaining only the minimum number of nuclear
weapons necessary to support their strategy
of deterrence. In line with this commitment, the members of the integrated military structure have already made major uni

633




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


lateral cuts in their sub-strategic nuclear armoury. The number of land-based warheads
in Western Europe has been reduced by
over one-third since 1979 to its lowest level
in over 20 years. Updating where necessary
of their sub-strategic systems would result
in further reductions.
43. The Allies continue to face the direct
threat posed to Europe by the large numbers of shorter-range nuclear missiles deployed on Warsaw Pact territory and which
have been substantially upgraded in recent
years. Major reductions in Warsaw Pact systems would be of overall value to Alliance
security. One of the ways to achieve this
aim would be by tangible and verifiable reductions of American and Soviet land-based
nuclear missile systems of shorter range
leading to equal ceilings at lower levels.
44. But the sub-strategic nuclear forces
deployed by member countries of the Alliance are not principally a counter to similar
systems operated by members of the WTO.
As is explained in Chapter III, sub-strategic
nuclear forces fulfill an essential role in
overall Alliance deterrence strategy by ensuring that there are no circumstances in
which a potential aggressor might discount
nuclear retaliation in response to his military action.
45. The Alliance reaffirms its position that
for the foreseeable future there is no alternative to the Alliance's strategy for the prevention of war, which is a strategy of deterrence based upon an appropriate mix of
adequate and effective nuclear and conventional forces which will continue to be kept
up to date where necessary. Where nuclear
forces are concerned, land-, sea-, and airbased systems, including ground-based missiles, in the present circumstances and as
far as can be foreseen will be needed in
Europe.
46. In view of the huge superiority of the
Warsaw Pact in terms of short-range nuclear missiles, the Alliance calls upon the
Soviet Union to reduce unilaterally its shortrange missile systems to the current levels
within the integrated military structure.
47. The Alliance reaffirms that at the negotiations on conventional stability it pursues the objectives of:
-the establishment of a secure and stable
balance of conventional forces at lower


levels;
-the elimination of disparities prejudicial
to stability and security; and
-the elimination as a matter of high priority of the capability for launching surprise attack and for initiating largescale offensive action.
48. In keeping with its arms control objectives formulated in Reykjavik in 1987
and reaffirmed in Brussels in 1988, the Alliance states that one of its highest priorities
in negotiations with the East is reaching an
agreement on conventional force reductions
which would achieve the objectives above.
In this spirit, the Allies will make every
effort, as evidenced by the outcome of the
May 1989 Summit, to bring these conventional negotiations to an early and satisfactory conclusion. The United States has expressed the hope that this could be
achieved within six to twelve months. Once
implementation of such an agreement is underway, the United States, in consultation
with the Allies concerned, is prepared to
enter into negotiations to achieve a partial
reduction of American and Soviet landbased nuclear missile forces of shorter
range to equal and verifiable levels. With
special reference to the Western proposals
on CFE tabled in Vienna, enhanced by the
proposals by the United States at the May
1989 Summit, the Allies concerned proceed
on the understanding that negotiated reductions leading to a level below the existing level of their SNF missiles will not be
carried out until the results of these negotiations have been implemented. Reductions
of Warsaw Pact SNF systems should be carried out before that date.
49. As regards the substrategic nuclear
forces of the members of the integrated
military structure, their level and characteristics must be such that they can perform
their deterrent role in a credible way across
the required spectrum of ranges, taking
into account the threat-both conventional
and nuclear-with which the Alliance is
faced. The question concerning the introduction and deployment of a follow-on
system for the Lance will be dealt with in
1992 in the light of overall security developments. While a decision for national authorities, the Allies concerned recognize the


634




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


value of the continued funding by the
United States of research and development
of a follow-on for the existing Lance shortrange missile, in order to preserve their options in this respect.
Conventional forces
50. As set out in the March 1988 Summit
statement and in the Alliance's November
1988 data initiative, the Soviet Union's military presence in Europe, at a level far in
excess of its needs for self-defense, directly
challenges our security as well as our aspirations for a peaceful order in Europe. Such
excessive force levels create the risk of political intimidation or threatened aggression.
As long as they exist, they present an obstacle to better political relations between all
states of Europe. The challenge to security
is, moreover, not only a matter of the numerical superiority of WTO forces. WTO
tanks, artillery and armoured troop carriers
are concentrated in large formations and
deployed in such a way as to give the WTO
a capability for surprise attack and largescale offensive action. Despite the recent
welcome publication by the WTO of its assessment of the military balance in Europe,
there is still considerable secrecy and uncertainty about its actual capabilities and
intentions.
51. In addressing these concerns, the
Allies' primary objectives are to establish a
secure and stable balance of conventional
forces in Europe at lower levels, while at
the same time creating greater openness
about military organization and activities in
Europe.
52. In the Conventional Forces in Europe
(CFE) talks between the 23 members of the
two alliances, the Allies are proposing:
reductions to an overall limit on the
total holdings of armaments in Europe,
concentrating on the most threatening
systems, i.e. those capable of seizing
and holding territory;
-a limit on the proportion of these total
holdings belonging to any one country
in Europe (since the security and stability of Europe require that no state
exceed its legitimate needs for self-defence);
-a limit on stationed forces (thus restricting the forward deployment and con

centration of Soviet forces in Eastern
Europe); and,
-appropriate  numerical sub-limits on
forces which will apply simultaneously
throughout the Atlantic to the Urals
area.
These measures, taken together, will necessitate deep cuts in the WTO conventional
forces which most threaten the Alliance.
The resulting reductions will have to take
place in such a way as to prevent circumvention, e.g. by ensuring that the armaments reduced are destroyed or otherwise
disposed of. Verification measures will be
required to ensure that all states have confidence that entitlements are not exceeded.
53. These measures alone, however, will
not guarantee stability. The regime of reductions will have to be backed up by additional measures which should include measures of transparency, notification and constraint applied to the deployment, storage,
movement and levels of readiness and availability of conventional forces.
54. In the CSBM negotiations, the Allies
aim to maintain the momentum created by
the successful implementation of the Stockholm Document by proposing a comprehensive package of measures to improve:
-transparency about military organization,
-transparency and predictability of military activities,
-contacts and communication,
and have also proposed an exchange of
views on military doctrine in a seminar setting.
55. The implementation of the Allies' proposals in the CFE negotiations and of their
proposals for further confidence and security-building measures would achieve a quantum improvement in European security.
This would have important and positive
consequences for Alliance policy both in the
field of defence and arms control. The outcome of the CFE negotiations would provide a framework for determining the
future Alliance force structure required to
perform its fundamental task of preserving
peace in freedom. In addition, the Allies
would be willing to contemplate further
steps to enhance stability and security if the
immediate CFE objectives are achieved

635




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


for example, further reductions or limitations of conventional armaments and equipment, or the restructuring of armed forces
to enhance defensive capabilities and further reduce offensive capabilities.
56. The Allies welcome the declared
readiness of the Soviet Union and other
WTO members to reduce their forces and
adjust them towards a defensive posture
and await implementation of these measures. This would be a step in the direction
of redressing the imbalance in force levels
existing in Europe and towards reducing
the Warsaw Pact capability for surprise
attack. The announced reductions demonstrate the recognition by the Soviet Union
and other WTO members of the conventional imbalance, long highlighted by the
Allies as a key problem of European security.
Chemical Weapons
57. The Soviet Union's chemical weapons
stockpile poses a massive threat. The Allies
are committed to conclude, at the earliest
date, a worldwide, comprehensive and effectively verifiable ban on all chemical
weapons.
58. All Alliance states subscribe to the
prohibitions contained in the Geneva Protocol for the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare. The Paris Conference on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons reaffirmed the importance of the commitments made under the Geneva Protocol
and expressed the unanimous will of the
international  community  to  eliminate
chemical weapons completely at an early
date and thereby to prevent any recourse
to their use.
59. The Allies wish to prohibit not only
the use of these abhorrent weapons, but
also their development, production, stockpiling and transfer, and to achieve the destruction of existing chemical weapons and
production facilities in such a way as to
ensure the undiminished security of all participants at each stage in the process. Those
objectives are being pursued in the Geneva
Conference on Disarmament. Pending
agreement on a global ban, the Allies will
enforce stringent controls on the export of
commodities related to chemical weapons


production. They will also attempt to stimulate more openness among states about
chemical weapons capabilities in order to
promote greater confidence in the effectiveness of a global ban.
V. CONCLUSIONS:
Arms Control and Defence
Interrelationships
60. The Alliance is committed to pursuing
a comprehensive approach to security, embracing both arms control and disarmament, and defence. It is important, therefore, to ensure that interrelationships between arms control issues and defence requirements and amongst the various arms
control areas are fully considered. Proposals
in any one area of arms control must take
account of the implications for Alliance interests in general and for other negotiations. This is a continuing process.
61. It is essential that defence and arms
control objectives remain in harmony in
order to ensure their complementary contribution to the goal of maintaining security
at the lowest balanced level of forces consistent with the requirements of the Alliance strategy of war prevention, acknowledging that changes in the threat, new
technologies, and new political opportunities affect options in both fields. Decisions
on arms control matters must fully reflect
the requirements of the Allies' strategy of
deterrence. Equally, progress in arms control is relevant to military plans, which will
have to be developed in the full knowledge
of the objectives pursued in arms control
negotiations and to reflect, as necessary, the
results achieved therein.
62. In each area of arms control, the Alliance seeks to enhance stability and security.
The current negotiations concerning strategic nuclear systems, conventional forces and
chemical weapons are, however, independent of one another: the outcome of any one
of these negotiations is not contingent on
progress in others. However, they can influence one another: criteria established and
agreements achieved in one area of arms
control may be relevant in other areas and
hence facilitate overall progress. These
could affect both arms control possibilities
and the forces needed to fulfill Alliance


636




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


strategy, as well as help to contribute generally to a more predictable military environment.
63. The Allies seek to manage the interaction among different arms control elements
by ensuring that the development, pursuit
and realisation of their arms control objectives in individual areas are fully consistent
both with each other and with the Alliance's guiding principles for effective arms
control. For example, the way in which
START limits and sub-limits are applied in
detail could affect the future flexibility of
the sub-strategic nuclear forces of members
of the integrated military structure. A CFE
agreement would by itself make a major
contribution to stability. This would be significantly further enhanced by the achievement of a global chemical weapons ban.
The development of Confidence- and Security-Building Measures could influence the
stabilising measures being considered in
connection with the Conventional Forces in
Europe negotiations and vice versa. The removal of the imbalance in conventional
forces would provide scope for further reductions in the sub-strategic nuclear forces
of members of the integrated military structure, though it would not obviate the need
for such forces. Similarly, this might make
possible further arms control steps in the
conventional field.
64. This report establishes the overall
conceptual framework within which the
Allies will be seeking progress in each area
of arms control. In so doing, their fundamental aim will be enhanced security at
lower levels of forces and armaments.
Taken as a whole, the Allies' arms control
agenda constitutes a coherent and comprehensive approach to the enhancement of
security and stability. It is ambitious, but we


are confident that-with a constructive response from the WTO states-it can be fully
achieved in the coming years. In pursuing
this goal, the Alliance recognises that it
cannot afford to build its security upon
arms control results expected in the future.
The Allies will be prepared, however, to
draw appropriate consequences for their
own military posture as they make concrete
progress through arms control towards a
significant reduction in the scale and quality of the military threat they face. Accomplishment of the Allies' arms control agenda
would not only bring great benefits in itself,
but could also lead to the expansion of cooperation with the East in other areas. The
arms control process itself is, moreover, dynamic; as and when the Alliance reaches
agreement in each of the areas set out
above, so further prospects for arms control
may be opened up and further progress
made possible.
65. As noted earlier, the Allies' vision for
Europe is that of an undivided continent
where military forces only exist to prevent
war and to ensure self-defence; a continent
which no longer lives in the shadow of
overwhelming military forces and from
which the threat of war has been removed;
a continent where the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states are respected
and the rights of all individuals, including
their right of political choice, are protected.
This goal can only be reached by stages: it
will require patient and creative endeavour.
The Allies are resolved to continue working
towards its attainment. The achievement of
the Alliance's arms control objectives would
be a major contribution towards the realisation of its vision.
Note: The communique was not issued as a
White House press release.


Statement on the Death of Representative Claude Pepper
May 30, 1989


Claude Pepper gave definition and meaning to the concept of public service. He
fought for the poor and the elderly in his


own determined way. Those who agreed
with him were proud to follow his banner.
Those who disagreed with him always re

637




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


spected him. Claude Pepper was a gentle- miss him. Barbara and I will miss him, too.
man, a noble human being. America will
The President's News Conference Following the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization Summit Meeting in Brussels
May 30, 1989


The President. Good afternoon. First, I
want to pay my respects to Manfred
Woerner and thank him for the way in
which this meeting has been conducted, for
his thorough staff work, and for his able
leadership in the hall. And I think that the
successful results at this summit have given
us a double hit-both conventional forces
and short-range nuclear forces. And taken
in tandem, it demonstrates the alliance's
ability to manage change to our advantage,
to move beyond the era of containment.
Our overall aim is to overcome the division of Europe and to forge a unity based
on Western values. The starting point, of
course, is to maintain our security while
seeking to lessen tensions and adapt to
changing circumstances. Our conventional
parity initiative seeks to capitalize on the
opportunity we have and to do so without
delay. We want to finally free Europe from
the constant threat of surprise attack. We
want to free Europe from the political
shadow of Soviet military power. And we
want to free Europe to become the center
of cooperation, not confrontation. We want
to open up opportunities for greater U.S.European cooperation on the other great
issues of our day-for example, on environment and regional conflicts. A reduced military presence, when combined with a less
threatening Soviet presence in Europe, can
create a stronger basis for engagement in
Europe over the long haul.
America is and will remain a European
power. Similarly, our SNF [short-range nuclear forces] agreement demonstrates our
ability to adapt to change while remaining
true to our core security principles. We've
agreed to future negotiations after the implementation of a conventional forces
agreement-after the implementation of
the agreement is underway for the conven

tional force agreement. Any negotiated
SNF reductions will not be carried out until
the CFE [conventional armed forces in
Europe] agreement is implemented. And
we've underscored that our objective in negotiations is to achieve partial reductions,
clearly leaving an SNF deterrent at lower,
equal, and verifiable levels. Partial means
partial.
We also stress that our strategy of deterrence requires land-, sea-, and air-based nuclear systems, including ground-based missiles, for as far as we can foresee. And while
we will not take the modernization decision
until 1992, the allies recognize the value of
continued U.S. funding for the research and
development of the follow-on to the Lance
system.
And lastly, we are placing great emphasis
on a rapid negotiated reduction of the conventional  asymmetries   that  threaten
Europe. Based on results in that area, we
can negotiate SNF reductions, as well, while
ensuring the continued presence of the nuclear deterrent.
And now I would be glad to take some
questions. Excuse me, we've got to start
with our U.S. protocol. Those of you from
the non-U.S. press, excuse me if I go first to
the UP [United Press International] and
then to the AP [Associated Press].
Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. Mr. President, the communique says
that chemical weapons are abhorrent, and
you called for total elimination. Most people
think nuclear weapons are totally abhorrent. Why not totally eliminate them, as
your predecessor had called for?
The President. Well, the communique addresses itself to where nuclear forces are
concerned-blah, blah, land, sea, air-based
systems, including ground-based missiles. In


638




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


the present circumstances, as far as can be
foreseen, they'll be needed in Europe. And
I would just stand by that. This is a decision
that has been thoroughly consulted with the
military and that's the way it is.
Q. Mr. President, your spokesman said
today that the formula for negotiations on
short-range nuclear missiles was a very
strong victory for the United States and the
NATO alliance. How can it be a victory for
the United States without being a defeat for
Chancellor Kohl and Mr. Genscher [West
German Foreign Minister], given that the
United States and Germany were on such
opposing sides of this issue?
The President. Well, they strongly supported it, it's my understanding. And I
don't view it as a victory for the United
States; I view it as a victory for the alliance.
So, they can speak for themselves, but I'm
very pleased that it worked out and that
there was alliance harmony on this very important question.
Q. Did both sides make concessions, sir?
The President. Well, I can only speak for
the United States, and we had certain broad
parameters that-I've addressed part one of
them, and that was this question of partial
reduction, no third-zero question. The other
one was to agree to begin the negotiations
on SNF following tangible implementation.
That was one of our strong conditions, or
strong negotiating points, if you will. And
then no implementation of agreed reduction on SNF forces before completion of
these reductions. So, I'm very happy.
But I want to-put it this way, we're here
as part of an alliance, and I don't think we
ought to have winners and losers out of a
summit that everybody concedes has been
very, very unified. And so, it's an alliance
victory or an alliance decision, and I'm
proud to have had a part in that.
West Germany and the Alliance
Q. Mr. President, all politics may be local,
but hasn't the continued insistence of the
Germans been damaging to the alliance?
The President. Talk to the people that
have been around here for a long time, and
they'll tell you that they've never seen
more unity and more upbeat feeling after a
meeting.
Q. Do you think the Foreign Ministers


who missed dinner last night would agree
with you on that? [Laughter]
The President. No, they probably would
dissent, but they went along today, kept
their eyes open.
Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. Mr. President, is it possible that you
could start negotiations on SNF missiles
before the modernization decision has been
made? And do you think that's a good way
to go into negotiations without a commitment to upgrade these-the Soviets say,
okay, if we don't have a commitment, we'll
get rid of all of them-and where's your
position?
The President. Well, the modernization
decision doesn't need to be taken until '92.
And we have spelled out the procedures for
negotiating on SNF, and that will come
after the agreement on the conventional
forces.
And that is the important point. I don't
believe the layman-I know we've got a lot
of experts on this side, and I don't want to
restrict my questions to those of us like
myself who are not longtime arms control
expert-but I can tell you that most people
in our country don't realize the imbalance
that exists on these conventional forces, and
it is destabilizing. And the question is SNF,
short-range nuclear forces, where they've
got, in terms of launchers, what, 1,200 or
something of that nature to our 88. Why
don't they just negotiate-just unilaterally
reduce to equal numbers? Now, there
would be a good challenge.
So, we've got this order set up as to how
we're going to go about it. The alliance has
taken a firm position, and so I'm not going
to go into a hypothetical question of that
nature.
Q. On this questionThe President. Oh, sorry, Brit [Brit Hume,
ABC News]. Go ahead, Carl [Carl Leubsdorff, Dallas Morning News], and then Brit.
Q. On this question of partial, the word is
underlined for emphasis in the document.
Was that done at our behest, or Mrs.
Thatcher's [Prime Minister of the United
Kingdom] behest, or whose behest?
The President. If we can wake up [Secretary of State] Jim Baker, you'll have to ask


639




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


him. But I would simply say there was total
agreement on it, and it speaks for itself.
Partial is partial, and to try to interpret it
some other way misses the boat.
Conventional Arms Control
Q. Mr. President, in light of the fact that
you have added several new weapons categories to the NATO bargaining position and
to the conventional arms talks, is it realistic
to suppose that these talks can be carried
out successfully in the brief period of time
that you have now asked for?
The President. Well, yes, we can meet
that timetable. We've challenged the Soviets to meet us, you might say-the alliance.
NATO is tasked to be back on September
7th with our internals to be farther along.
And so, I would certainly say yes, let's do
that. We all remember September 7th,
don't we? [Laughter]
Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. Mr. President, you've said that the
modernization decision has been put off
until 1992, but you have a commitment to
keep the weapons systems up to date.
When are changes to be made?
The President. Not before 1992.
Public Opinion
Q. Mr. President, you've said that your
efforts here are not a public relations battle
with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, but
if this were a battle, who's winning, yourself
or Mr. Gorbachev?
The President. Too hypothetical, Ellen
[Ellen Warren, Knight-Ridder]-too hypothetical. I've read who some think is winning, but that was yesterday.
Q. Well, do you expect the hammering
about your alleged lack of leadership in the
United States to quiet down now as a result
of your performance here?
The President. I haven't felt under siege
in the United States because I've known
exactly what we wanted to do. And I made
statements to that effect earlier on: that we
were going to have a review and then have
proposals. And we did exactly that. So, I
will concede I've read such reports, but
they haven't troubled me any.


Soviet Defense Budget
Q. Mr. Gorbachev has apparently for the
first time revealed specific defense budget
figures in Moscow today. And he also says
he is proposing to cut defense spending by
14 percent over 1990 and '91-that's equal
to about $17.3 billion. Is that a lot? Is that
meaningful? What do you think about it?
The President. Well, this will help himthis proposal. If he hits our bid, that should
save him a lot of money in the long run,
because he has a disproportionate number
of conventional forces. And therein, as you
know, that's where a lot of the expense for
defense comes from. So, I don't know, but it
sounds like a substantial number to mebut again, I hadn't seen that. I will say this
for those who may wonder what the Soviet
reaction has been-and it's very preliminary-but the initial contact with our Embassy in Moscow was-I would put fairly
positive. Brent [Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs], is that about
right?
General Scowcroft. Cautious.
The President. Cautious, but we're leading on the side of saying it's positive. In
other words, they didn't really slam the
door and come in on a negative vein.
Summit With President Gorbachev
Q. On that point, Mr. President, wouldn't
it seem that if you want to strike this agreement even as early as 6 months, that there
would be a summit meeting with Mr. Gorbachev before the end of the year?
The President. Well, again, if there was
something constructive to come out of such
a meeting, I would certainly be prepared to
meet, and I believe that Secretary Baker
has conveyed that to [Foreign] Minister
Shevardnadze.
Q. Has Mr. Gorbachev responded to your
letter of Sunday?
The President. No, sir.
NATO Summit
Q. Mr. Bush, you used some strong language yesterday about leading the alliance
and leading the free world-that wasn't
your term, but did you feel it was important-if not for yourself, then for the alliance, for the United States-to assert your

640




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


self in a strong way at this particular
summit this time?
The President. Yes, I think it is highly
important that the United States-to be
seen as fully engaged, trying to come up
with creative proposals, and fulfilling its historic leadership responsibilities. I would like
to put it in terms of alliance unity, though,
and what all these decisions. There's
plenty of room for credit out there, and I
would insist that it's to the degree we got
unanimity-an alliance victory.
Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. Mr. President, the stress you put on
the speed of negotiations-6 months to a
year-and the decision to wait until '92,
modernization, are there some progress
points if there are no negotiations or
progress in the negotiations within a year to
reexamine the 1992 deadline?
The President. To be honest with you, I
don't know the answer to that question. I
expectQ. Do I get another one?
The President. No, you don't get another
one, either. [Laughter] That was too hard.
But my own personal view would be that if
there were some dramatic change somewhere that changed the theses that underlined this agreement that we'd want to
review things; but I'm not predicting that. I
want to see it go forward.
Q. To follow up, Mr. President
The President. Follow up?
Q. Yes, sir, it is a followup.
The President. Is it directly related?
Q. Directly. Following tangible implementation-that's being read as obviously
not complete implementation. Can you tell
us how far tangible is?
The President. No, I can't tell you how far
it is, but it has to be so that you and I would
look at it and we'd both agree that there
had been sincere implementation.
Q. Mr. President, in the Comprehensive
Concept it states that ground-based missiles
will be needed as far as can be foreseen.
Now, even though the modernization decision has been put off, is there any alternative to modernizing those missiles?
The President. Is there any alternative to
modernizing it? We will cross that bridge in
1992.


Conventional Arms Control
Q. As you know, Mr. Gorbachev is
coming to Bonn soon, and his operative
style has been to try to up the ante when
the U.S. makes a proposal. On your conventional arms proposal, do you think you've
gone down as far as the West can safely go
in reducing conventional forces, and can
you go no further than what you've proposed yesterday?
The President. I see no reason talking
about further cuts and further reductions
when we have just tabled a sound proposal
that addresses ourselves to this enormous
imbalance, so I just would defer on that.
Q. Mr. President, you were criticized
early on for a slow start. Now this proposal
is being described as bold; you yourself said
revolutionary. I wonder if there is any element of I-told-you-so in your attitude now
to reaction to these proposals?
The President. Not really. [Laughter3 Not
really. No, listen, I'm not going to get into
that game with Congress or anyone else.
[Laughter]
Q. Mr. President, looking ahead, what
impact do you think your proposals will
have on U.S.-Soviet relations, and specifically on strategic arms talks?
The President. I hope that these proposals
have an ameliorating effect, that things will
get only better. I think it's a serious proposal. I think they see a solid, united alliance,
and that is important in this. And so, I
would hope that it would have a good effect
on whatever follows on, and strategic arms
reduction talks follow on. I have never
questioned whether Gorbachev knew that
we were serious and wanted to move forward with him. I've read speculation on
this, but I have reason to believe that he
knows that we have been serious, taking
our time to formulate proposals. I do think
that this one will be tangible evidence of
this. And so, I hope it would lead to-if a
conventional forces talks can be catalytic
for strategic talks, so be it. But I hope that
the seriousness of all of this and the unity of
the alliance will be persuasive to him, to
make him know that we do want to go
forward.
Q. Mr. President, as you know, the
United States has strongly opposed-and so


641




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


has NATO-including aircraft in these negotiations up to now. Could you tell us what
your thinking was in deciding to reverse
that position and to propose the 15-percent
cut?
The President. Trying to correct disparity-and it was really that simple. And I realize there have been some concerns ofwe are very understanding of the French
reservation in this regard-I might say very
diplomatically and beautifully expressed by
President [Francois] Mitterrand. But it is
simply that: disparity.
East- West Relations
Q.  Mr. President, Secretary-General
Woerner spoke about the future being as
important or more important than the past
for the alliance. He spoke about NATO
vision. Does NATO's vision include EastWest alliance?
The President. I don't see an East-West
alliance, but I see a Europe much more
free, and one whose innate desire to have
more democracy comes to the surface. But
I don't see it as an East and West joining in
some formal alliance, if that was what the
question was.
Q. I believe the game is called a followup
questionThe President. You learn fast. [Laughter]
Q. NATO exists because of the perceived
threat that the Soviet Union provided. Now
the Soviet Union isn't perceived as a threat
anymore. Surely, an East-West alliance
would then exist for a perceived threat
from elsewhere
The President. Well, I've answered my
question on-you asked me whether I felt
there would be some formal alliance between Pact countries-I guess you meant
between Warsaw Pact and NATO. And I
don't think it would require a formal alliance in order to have much, much better
relationships that include security considerations; but we're a long way from there.
We're just beginning to see the differentiation in Europe, and our whole policy for
the United States-let me set aside NATO
for a minute-will be to watch for those
changes and try to facilitate them and work
with those who are willing to move towards
freedom and democracy.
Indeed, we've made some proposals on


Poland. I will be going to both Poland and
Hungary, and I will make clear that if they
move toward these Western values that
have served the alliance so well for a long
time that, speaking for the United States,
we will be ready to have much better relations.
Arms Reduction
Q. Mr. President, can you say this morning that there will be no third zero? And if
you can say it, why cannot the Comprehensive Concept say it?
The President. I thought I already did say
it.
Q. I didn't think so.
The President. There will be no third
zero. There will be no third zero. [Laughter] Partial means partial.
Eastern European Reforms
Q. Mr. President, Vice President Quayle,
in an interview with a reporter the other
day, said that if some of these Eastern European countries move too far toward Western values that the Soviets might intervene
militarily and that we have not planned
how we might respond to that. He said we
ought to do that. Do you agree that that's
a-he called it a big risk. Do you agree it's a
big risk, and do you think that we ought to
be deciding what to do if the Soviets
shouldThe President. I'm old enough to remember Hungary in 1956, and I would want to
do nothing in terms of statement or exhortation that would encourage a repeat of
that. And so, I would leave it right there.
I'd like to think that the situation will move
in the opposite direction. But who would
have predicted the kind of public, up until
now peaceful demonstration in Tiananmen
Square? Who would have predicted the
kind of move inside the Soviet Union on
perestroika and, indeed, glasnost? So, when
you're dealing with things as complex as
relations between countries, I think prudence is the order of the day, and I've said
that all along. But back to your question, I
don't think anyone knows the answer to
that. I mean, we're not certainly predicting
that.
Q. Well, then, do you disagree with the


642




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


Vice President?
The President. I don't even know what he
said. And, Jack [Jack Nelson, Los Angeles
Times], I learned long ago not to comment
on things that I haven't read personally
when we're trying to get one member of an
administration to be juxtaposed against another. It's bad business, and I'm not going
to do that. But I have great confidence in
the Vice President, I might add, and I think
his pronouncements on foreign policy have
been very sound.
Conventional Arms Control
Q. Mr. President, notwithstanding the obvious fact that they all work for you
anyway, how much of a problem, if any, did
you have getting the Pentagon on board on
these proposals?
The President. The Pentagon did what it
should have done. And they looked at various options from the military standpoint,
and they analyzed it. And the Joint Chiefs
were fully engaged in the process, and my
contacts were principally, but not exclusively, with Bill Crowe [Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff]. One of the things I wanted
to do in talking to our alliance partners was
assure them that our military was behind
the final proposal. Indeed, I was very
pleased in talking to General Galvin [Supreme Allied Commander, Europe] before
this proposal was tabled to have his assurances that what we have proposed here is
sound militarily. And that made it a much
better position to present to the alliance.
Q. Do you expect any foot-dragging or
grumbling or maybe even a little leaking
along the way as you go forward?
The President. In our own leak-proof bureaucracy? No, I don't expect that. [Laughter] And I would discourage it. But is it apt
to happen? I would hope not.
Last one. Charles [Charles Bierbauer,
CNN]?
Q. Mr. President, were you, at any point,
unhappy with the pace and the projections
of that slow and lengthy policy review to
the extent-as you described, you had a 12 -day sort of crash course in some of these
new proposals. Can you give us some of
your personal sense of how you got to this
point?
The President. Well, first we undertook


these reviews. I'm not sure everyone here
understands that. And I said that I needed
some time when I became President-new
President, January 20th-to review not only
this subject, the NATO-related subjects, but
a wide array of subjects. We're almost
through all of the reviews. And during what
Mr. Bierbauer is referring to, during this
time, I came under some fire for being recalcitrant, reluctant to move forward.
Indeed, when Mr. Gorbachev would make
one of his many proposals, they would be
coming to me and saying, "Well, don't you
think you have to do something?" And I
would say, "No, we want to take our time
and act in a prudent manner."
I had in my mind that what we wanted to
do was to be sure that the alliance was together on any-or would come together on
any proposal we made to the alliance. But I
think there was some feeling in Congress,
some criticism of my speed, or lack of it, in
the United States Congress; but I'm so
immune to political criticism that I just kind
of write it off. I was elected to do what I
think is right. And I think we've come up
with a good proposal here.
And I will end, this being the last question, not with a filibuster but simply to say I
have been told by others here that the alliance really has never had a meeting that's
more upbeat and where we've taken rather
significant steps in unity. And so, whatever
the wait, whatever the political arrows
might have been fired my way, it's all been
worth it, because I think we have something sound and solid to build on now.
And again, I end by thanking my colleagues, the other heads of government,
chiefs of state that were here, for the total
cooperation and the spirit in which these
proposals were received and discussed and
the way in which NATO adopted its final
position. I think it's a good thing: it's good
for NATO; I really happen to believe that
it's good for the entire free world.
Thank you all very much.
Note: The President's 13th news conference
began at 12:49 p.m. in the Luns Press Theatre at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Headquarters. In his opening remarks,
he referred to Manfred Woerner, SecretaryGeneral of NATO.


643




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989
Remarks at the American School in Brussels
May 30, 1989


Thank you all very much. I love this enthusiasm-anything to get out of school.
[Laughter] And here we are. [Laughter]
But speaking of which, first, let me thank
Dr. Beckwith, Jennifer Beckwith, for extending us this hospitality: a large one-room
schoolhouse and the great American tradition of basketball. But I also want to pay my
respects to, and recognize, Ambassador
Glitman over here. You all know every one
of these three, but I am so grateful to each
one of them for the leadership they've
given the various embassies-Mike Glitman;
Al Keel, whom we've been living with for
48 hours; and of course, my old friend, Al
Kingon. So, I want to say to them that I am
deeply grateful to each of them for the job
he is doing.
And I hope that this result of this NATO
meeting today will make your lives here
much better, because I do think that the
alliance, having come together in this meeting, sent a strong signal. And many of you
in this room, although you might be in
Brussels, or you might be in Al Kingon's
office, helped work on this whole NATO
initiative and helped spend your time working at NATO. So, I'm grateful to those who
have been a part of all of this-but in a
way, you all are, because under [Secretary
of State] Jim Baker, we have an outstanding
team.
Let me say, I have great respect for those
of you in the Foreign Service. And you're
talking to one who was supported so strongly when I first went up to the United Nations as Ambassador-didn't really know
what I was walking into, and here was this
fantastic, dedicated service ready to carry
out the instructions of the Secretary of State
and help this new Ambassador. And it made
a profound impression on me. And then I
saw it again when I was in China as the
head of the liaison office there. So, I have
respect for the Foreign Service. I have respect for those of you who are attached to
the embassies, be it as career people, from
Commerce, and certainly our military,
USIA [U.S. Information Agency], and many


other organizations. Public service is a
noble calling, and you who serve overseas
exemplify its very best. So, thank you all
very much for what you do all the time.
I didn't quite know how to receive the
welcome that I received when I went in
here to one of Jennifer's offices, right there
outside the girls' locker room. [Laughter]
This one caught my eye: "Yo, President
Bush!" [Laughter] I think that's what it said.
[Laughter] "I think you're really cool." I
want the press to listen to this one. "You
make all the right decisions," and "I'm glad
you're coming to school," and "I love your
hair." [Laughter] I wonder-that might
have been for Barbara-that might have
been yours. Maybe that was for the Silver
Fox-who knows? Anyway, it was signed
"Kohl K.," and both Bushes appreciate it.
And this one caught my eye out there-I
didn't have long to digest these: "Dear
President Bush, remember me?" [Laughter]
Funny thing is, I do. "I am Margaret Hogg.
I have come to the last three Christmas
parties when you were Vice President."
And yes, she did, her dad being a distinguished naval officer. "The first one we
came to, my brothers and I ate all the
strawberries." [Laughter] "The second time,
we took five big candy bars-five each
when we were only supposed to take two."
It really would-but nice to see you. "We're
waiting for you across the road. We'll be
waving," she said. Well, what better welcome can a President have? [Laughter]
But we are heading on to Bonn in just a
minute, but I really wanted to just pop in
here and tell you that you are not forgotten-you are loved; you are respected. And
thank you all very much. And to you, Jennifer, thank you for taking the lead in this
trilingual-I thought I heard-maybe it was
only two-but nevertheless-[laughter]teaching these kids. And I tell you, one of
the things that has been marvelous about
this summit is the understanding that our
values, the alliance's values-but our values
are winning the battle around the world.
There's no longer a question of whether


644




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


we've been on the right side on democracy
and freedom and those things; we are. And
now the beautiful thing about it is, I think,
as we look at Eastern Europe and we look
in other places in the world, we see that it's
the American values that are prevailing.
And I think that right here in this wonderful school, the kids-in addition to their
families, they get it right here in this school,
inculcating in them the values that are carrying the day worldwide for the great


United States of America.
Thank you all, and God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 2:40 p.m. in
the school gymnasium. In his opening remarks, he referred to Dr. Jennifer Beckwith,
principal of the school; Maynard W Glitman, US. Ambassador to Belgium; Alton G.
Keel, Jr., US. Ambassador to NATO; and
Alfred Kingon, US. Ambassador to the
Commission of the European Communities.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters
Following Discussions With Chancellor Helmut Kohl in Bonn,
Federal Republic of Germany
May 30, 1989


The Chancellor. Mr. President, ladies and
gentlemen: allow me to welcome you, Mr.
President, very cordially here to the Federal Republic of Germany. This is a good day
for us. A few days ago we celebrated the
40th anniversary of the Federal Republic of
Germany, and these 40 years were also 40
years of friendship and partnership with the
United States. Over these four decades,
American soldiers defended, together with
our troops, freedom and peace in our country. And a lot of what was decisive for the
early history of our country was initiated by
the United States, and we always received
support by the United States.
I would like to welcome you very cordially as a proven friend of our country, as a
personal friend who has always stood ready
to help me in difficult times. And yesterday
and today we met in order to celebrate the
40th anniversary of NATO. We jointly discussed in the spirit of friendship difficult
questions which are now important for our
future. Your initiative, your new proposal
for disarmament, is an enormous step into
the future, and it shows the inspiration
emanating from the leadership role of the
United States. Mr. President, that was a
wise, a right decision at a very important
point in time. And now it's up to the other
side to actually take that hand which has
been extended to it, and then that will be a
great work of peace.


We have taken up already our talks. I
would just like to mention two points on
our agenda. First of all, we talked about the
foundation of the European Community
and then about the completion of the internal market of the European Community by
the 31st of December, 1992. This will lend
a new quality to European policy, and you
know the Federal Republic of Germany has
been a motor, an engine, behind this development.
But we are also a motor for open world
trade. And if from time to time I hear reports and read reports from the United
States that people are afraid and we would
isolate ourselves against the rest of the
world, drawing up barriers to trade, I say to
people: This will not happen in any case,
and certainly not receive the support of the
Federal Republic of Germany. On the contrary, I firmly believe that in the next years
to come, the European Community and the
United States of America will enjoy deepened relations-political relations and economic relations.
For us, the relationship with the United
States is of existential importance. And
therefore, we also discussed another very
important point which goes beyond day-today politics, that is to say, the fact that we
want to intensify the exchange of pupils
and students. We want as many young Ger

645




May 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


mans as possible to go to the United States
and to get to know the country. And we
also would like to see as many young Americans as possible come over here to our
country. And to use an image that's out of
this planting of young trees: A forest may
grow which stands as a symbol of the solid
friendship between our two countries. To
put it quite simply, Mr. President, we're
glad you're here. You are a friend among
friends.
The President. Let me just be very brief
and first thank Chancellor Kohl for this
warm reception. I told him that I don't believe German-American relations have ever
been better. And secondly, I am very
pleased with the reaction to the NATO decision that was taken. I think it shows
NATO to be together; it shows NATO to be
strong. And indeed, I think in challenging
Mr. Gorbachev to come forward now, we
have moved in the right direction in unity.
It is in the interest of NATO; it is clearly in
the interest of the United States and all the
members in NATO-the Federal Republic.
And I happen to believe that what we've
proposed is in the interest of the Soviet
Union.
So, we will see what the reaction is, but
this was a wonderful celebration of the 40th
anniversary of NATO. And, Chancellor
Kohl, once again my sincere thanks to you,
sir, for your hospitality and for the total
cooperation between the United States and
the Federal Republic.
Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. Mr. Chancellor, sir, do you consider
yourself a winner? Do you consider yourself
a winner or a loser on the short-range missiles? Did you get what you wanted, or is it
a real compromise?
The Chancellor. I think we were all just
winners in Brussels. I think that the alliance


has given itself the best kind of birthday
present it could have given. After difficult
discussions, we came to a joint decision, and
this decision is what applies. I think we'veall of us-had the personal experience of
having to make compromises, and I think
that this is a good thing. And we also came
to a compromise here. And just as one concrete answer to your question, there are
only winners; and actually that's a very rare
experience for a politician, and I relish that.
Q. Is this compromise enough for you to
win the election next year? [Laughter]
The Chancellor. I am completely certain
as to the result of the elections in 1990. And
as a very concrete answer to your question,
I think it is very helpful with regard to the
majority of the German people that we
have here a government and a head of government who has proved his friendship
with the United States over the course of
the years. So, insofar, yesterday and today
will indeed be helpful.
Q. Mr. President, when will you go to
Berlin?
The President. The answer is, I don't
know; and you can have another question.
[Laughter]
Q. Would you expand the Berlin initiative
of your predecessor?
The President. Defend it?
Q. No, expand it, enlarge it?
The President. We might well; we might
well. We might have something to say
about that tomorrow in Mainz.
Thank you very much.
Note: The Chancellor spoke at 6:21 p.m. in
the Chancellery. He spoke in German, and
his remarks were translated by an interpreter. Prior to their remarks, the President and
the Chancellor participated in a bilateral
meeting with U.S. and West German officials.


Toast at a Dinner Hosted by Chancellor Helmut Kohl in Bonn,
Federal Republic of Germany
May 30, 1989
Mr. Chancellor, and ladies and gentle-  this magnificent room and to be received so
men, it is a very great honor for us to be in warmly by the Chancellor of the Federal


646




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 30


Republic of Germany and by all of you. I
would have enjoyed my first visit here as
President regardless of its timing, for I have
often visited this wonderful country. And
always, Barbara and I have marveled at the
kindness of your people.
But there is a special significance to this
visit, for it coincides with two dates of great
importance to both our countries: the 40th
anniversary of the founding of the Federal
Republic of Germany and the Atlantic alliance. For four decades, each event has enriched the other. And today it is hard to
imagine a NATO without a democratic Germany, for yours has been, and remains, a
success story almost without parallel. It is
also hard to envision Germany without
NATO, for this alliance has been, and remains, a citadel of freedom at the center of
American foreign policy.
The history of postwar U.S.-German relations is of allies resolute and strong, united
by the values of family, faith, human rights,
and democracy, and ties-economic, cultural, military-that bind our democracies; a
common dedication to the cause of peacethat, too, unites us-and the knowledge that
Western unity is central to that cause. In
1989 we are nearer our goals of peace and
European reconciliation than at any time
since the founding of NATO and the Federal Republic, but we will achieve them only
if we uphold the principles which have
guided our friendship and the Atlantic alliance for 40 years.
Winds of change are blowing in Eastern
Europe, including in the Soviet Union. And
it's happening, in part, because Mr. Gorbachev has seen that our society works and
that his does not. And we welcome these
changes and are prepared to move beyond
containment to a policy that seeks to integrate the Soviet Union into the community
of nations. And we're encouraged by
changes in Eastern Europe, particularly in
Poland and in Hungary. To encourage fundamental economic and political reform, we
will respond with a more active engagement of Eastern European governments


and peoples.
And if hope exists for ending the division
of Europe, it is because we have for 40
years been willing to defend our own freedom. In the future, let us learn from the
past, and that past tells us that preserving a
strong defense offers the greatest hope of
easing Europe's division and ensuring Europe's freedom. For peace through strength
will give the Soviet Union continued incentive to seek its security through democratization, economic reform.
The United States and its allies share a
vision of a less militarized Europe, where
great armies no longer face each other
across barbed wire and concrete walls. And
that is why I put forward my conventional
arms control initiative yesterday at the
NATO summit. We seek a Europe without
barriers, united by free markets, united by
democracy.
And tonight I'm pleased to make a
modest announcement. Beginning shortly,
holders of passports of the Federal Republic
of Germany visiting the United States as
tourists or on business will no longer be
required to obtain U.S. visas. I hope this is a
modest demonstration of the ever closer relationship between our two countries.
Forty years ago, the world marveled at
perhaps Germany's finest profile in courage. Some have termed it "the cradle of the
American-German friendship." And I refer,
of course, to the Berlin airlift. And together,
we stood as allies against the forces of tyranny. And today we must stand again, and
will. Apart, we cannot succeed. Together,
we cannot fail. And in that spirit, I ask you
all to rise and raise your glasses: To the
Federal Republic of Germany on its 40th
anniversary, to German-American friendship; to the most enduring alliance in the
history of man; and to the health of my
dear friend and colleague, the Chancellor of
the Federal Republic.
Note: The President spoke at 8:51 p.m. in
the dining room at Redoute Castle.


647




May 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Message to the Congress on Trade
May 31, 1989
To the Congress of the United States:
I hereby transmit the documents referred
to in Subsection 402(dX5) of the Trade Act
of 1974 with respect to a further 12-month
extension of the authority to waive Subsections (a) and (b) of Section 402 of the Act.
These documents constitute my decision to
continue in effect this waiver authority for
a further 12-month period.
I include as part of these documents my
determination that further extension of the
waiver authority will substantially promote
the objectives of Section 402. I also include
my determination that continuation of the
waivers applicable to the Hungarian Peo

With Hungary and China
ple's Republic and the People's Republic of
China will substantially promote the objectives of Section 402. The attached documents also include my reasons for extension
of the waiver authority, and for my determination that continuation of the waivers
currently in effect for the Hungarian People's Republic and the People's Republic of
China will substantially promote the objectives of Section 402.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
May 31, 1989.


Presidential Determination No. 89-14-Memorandum on Trade
With Hungary and China
May 31, 1989


Memorandum for the Secretary of State
Subject: Determination Under Section
402(dX5) of the Trade Act of 1974-Continuation of Waiver Authority
Pursuant to the authority vested in me
under the Trade Act of 1974 (Public Law
93-618), January 3, 1985 (88 Stat. 1978)
(hereinafter "the Act"), I determine, pursuant to Subsection 402(dX5) of the Act, that
the further extension of the waiver authority granted by Subsection 402(c) of the Act
will substantially promote the objectives of
Section 402 of the Act. I further determine


that the continuation of the waivers applicable to the Hungarian People's Republic and
the People's Republic of China will substantially promote the objectives of Section 402
of the Act.
This determination shall be published in
the Federal Register.
GEORGE BUSH
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 4:39 p.m., June 23, 1989]
Note: The determination was printed in the
"Federal Register" of June 27.


Statement on the Resignation of Speaker of the House of
Representatives Jim Wright
May 31, 1989


The Speaker and I are both from Texas.
We have been friends for many years. In
spite of the present situation, I believe the
Wright tenure was one of effectiveness and


dedication to the Congress of the United
States, and I recognize his distinguished
service to the people of his congressional
district. Barbara and I wish Jim and Betty
well in whatever lies ahead.


648




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 31


Remarks to American Embassy Employees and Their Families in
Bonn, Federal Republic of Germany
May 31, 1989


The President. Thank you, Mr. Secretary,
and let me just say a word about our Ambassador here in Bonn. We Bushes have
known Dick Walters for many years. And I
really can't think of any public servant who
has served his country in so many diverse
assignments, always with excellence, and in
whom I have more confidence than Dick
Walters. And he is a great Ambassador, a
great advocate for the United States; and he
can advocate the United States in about 11
different foreign languages, including in
German, and I think that's a wonderful
thing. And, Dick, thank you for your hospitality and for your leadership in this country that is so vitally important to the United
States.
I see a sign up here from Bonn Elementary. And it says-show me what the sign-it
says, "We are the world." And you know,
they're right-they are absolutely right
about that. And the youth are the world.
And what happened in NATO a couple of
days ago I hope guarantees a more peaceful
future for those that are the world-for you
young people here. And for that action, I
give great credit to the United States authorities that were involved: our Secretary
of Defense [Cheney]; our Secretary of State
[Baker] stayed up till all hours of the night
achieving what now is seen as a wonderful
arrangement; my National Security Adviser,
who-some of you would recognize his
name-is with me here today, Brent Scowcroft, General Scowcroft; our Chief of Staff
[Sununu]; and on and on it goes, because
this U.S. position was a cooperative position-we worked it out through the entire
bureaucracy. And it seems to have captured
the imagination certainly of the free world
and I hope, eventually, of the Soviet Union.
And so, we came to Bonn in the wake of
a very successful NATO meeting. But it
isn't a victory for the United States. Ours


was a team effort in going to NATO, and
the result was a team victory. The victory
was for NATO in coming together in unified fashion, demonstrating its solidarity
after 40 years of keeping the peace in
Europe.
To each of you in the Embassy, whether
you be Foreign Service or attached to the
Embassy with one of the other servicesCommerce, whatever else-USIA [U.S. Information Agency]-so many others, and
certainly to our military, let me pay my
respects. I normally try to single out the
admin officer. And because we've been
rushing around, I don't know who that poor
embattled soul is in Embassy BonnQ. Harry Geisel.
The President. Harry? There he is, he's
still smiling. [Laughter] And some of that is
because we told Harry we were leaving on
schedule and getting out of his way.
[Laughter] And now he's giving three
cheers for that. But I cite him because I was
on the receiving end of some of these visits
when I lived halfway around the world in
China, and I know that they can be a pluperfect pain. And so, I would only think,
Harry, and then everybody else in the political and the economic and every sectioncommunications-every section of this tremendous and effective Embassy that has
been involved in this visit, Barbara and I
are very grateful to each and every one of
you. And this hospitality, even though we
enjoyed it for such a short time, really rang
through loud and clear from the very
moment we got here.
I can tell you that we've just finished
talks with the Chancellor, and Jim with the
Foreign Minister. And I can say that a lot
because of your work, your professionalism
and-in the military sense, your dedication
to duty-the relationship between the Federal Republic and the United States has


649




May 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


never been better. And for that same conviction on the part of many of you here, the
relationship and the strength of NATO has
never been stronger.
So we really dropped by to say hail and
farewell and thank you from the grateful
heart of this President of the United States.
Many, many thanks, and God bless the
United States of America. Thank you all
very much.


Note: The President spoke at 11:20 a.m. at
the residence of Rita Suessmuth, President
of the Bundestag, the West German Parliament. In his opening remarks, he referred
to Vernon A. Walters, U.S. Ambassador to
West Germany. In his closing remarks, the
President referred to Harold W. Geisel, administrative officer at the US. Embassy in
Bonn; Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
and West German Foreign Minister HansDietrich Genscher.


Remarks to the Citizens of Mainz, Federal Republic of Germany
May 31, 1989


Thank you, Chancellor Kohl. At the
outset, let me tell you that-lest you think
that he has forgotten his home State because he is the Chancellor of the Federal
Republic-I will only tell you that in the
last 24 hours Chancellor Kohl has been convincing me that when I came to this State
and to Mainz, I would be coming to heaven.
[Laughter] And having gotten here, I think
he may just about be right, I'll tell you.
Thank you all very much.
Dr. Wagner and Lord Mayor, distinguished hosts, I want to also thank these
two bands, West German and American, for
that stirring music. And Chancellor Kohl, I
especially want to thank you again for inviting me to this beautiful and ancient city on
my first Presidential trip to the Republic of
Germany-the Federal Republic. And Herr
Kohl and I have concluded now our deliberations at the NATO summit in Brussels,
an excellent start to our working partnership as Chancellor and President.
And here in Mainz, by the banks of the
Rhine, it's often said that this heartland of
mountain vineyards and villages embodies
the very soul of Germany. So, Mainz provides a fitting forum for an American President to address the German people. Today
I come to speak not just of our mutual defense but of our shared values. I come to
speak not just of the matters of the mind
but of the deeper aspirations of the heart.
Just this morning, Barbara and I were
charmed with the experiences we had. I


met with a small group of German students,
bright young men and women who studied
in the United States. Their knowledge of
our country and the world was impressive,
to say the least. But sadly, too many in the
West, Americans and Europeans alike, seem
to have forgotten the lessons of our
common heritage and how the world we
know came to be. And that should not be,
and that cannot be.
We must recall that the generation
coming into its own in America and Western Europe is heir to gifts greater than
those bestowed to any generation in history:
peace, freedom, and prosperity. This inheritance is possible because 40 years ago the
nations of the West joined in that noble,
common cause called NATO. And first,
there was the vision, the concept of free
peoples in North America and Europe
working to protect their values. And
second, there was the practical sharing of
risks and burdens, and a realistic recognition of Soviet expansionism. And finally,
there was the determination to look beyond
old animosities. The NATO alliance did
nothing less than provide a way for Western Europe to heal centuries-old rivalries,
to begin an era of reconciliation and restoration. It has been, in fact, a second Renaissance of Europe.
As you know best, this is not just the 40th
birthday of the alliance, it's also the 40th
birthday of the Federal Republic: a republic
born in hope, tempered by challenge. And


650




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 31


at the height of the Berlin crisis in 1948,
Ernst Reuter called on Germans to stand
firm and confident, and you did-courageously, magnificently.
And the historic genius of the German
people has flourished in this age of peace,
and your nation has become a leader in
technology and the fourth largest economy
on Earth. But more important, you have
inspired the world by forcefully promoting
the principles of human rights, democracy,
and freedom. The United States and the
Federal Republic have always been firm
friends and allies, but today we share an
added role: partners in leadership.
Of course, leadership has a constant companion: responsibility. And our responsibility is to look ahead and grasp the promise
of the future. I said recently that we're at
the end of one era and at the beginning of
another. And I noted that in regard to the
Soviet Union, our policy is to move beyond
containment. For 40 years, the seeds of democracy in Eastern Europe lay dormant,
buried under the frozen tundra of the Cold
War. And for 40 years, the world has waited
for the Cold War to end. And decade after
decade, time after time, the flowering
human spirit withered from the chill of conflict and oppression; and again, the world
waited. But the passion for freedom cannot
be denied forever. The world has waited
long enough. The time is right. Let Europe
be whole and free.
To the founders of the alliance, this aspiration was a distant dream, and now it's the
new mission of NATO. If ancient rivals like
Britain and France, or France and Germany, can reconcile, then why not the nations
of the East and West? In the East, brave
men and women are showing us the way.
Look at Poland, where Solidarity, Solidarnoisc, and the Catholic Church have won
legal status. The forces of freedom are putting the Soviet status quo on the defensive.
And in the West, we have succeeded because we've been faithful to our values and
our vision. And on the other side of the
rusting Iron Curtain, their vision failed.
The Cold War began with the division of
Europe. It can only end when Europe is
whole. Today it is this very concept of a
divided Europe that is under siege. And
that's why our hopes run especially high,


because the division of Europe is under
siege not by armies but by the spread of
ideas that began here, right here. It was a
son of Mainz, Johannes Gutenberg, who liberated the mind of man through the power
of the printed word. And that same liberating power is unleashed today in a hundred
new forms. The Voice of America, Deutsche Welle, allow us to enlighten millions
deep within Eastern Europe and throughout the world. Television satellites allow us
to bear witness from the shipyards of
Gdansk to Tiananmen Square. But the momentum for freedom does not just come
from the printed word or the transistor or
the television screen; it comes from a single
powerful idea: democracy.
This one idea is sweeping across Eurasia.
This one idea is why the Communist world,
from Budapest to Beijing, is in ferment. Of
course, for the leaders of the East, it's not
just freedom for freedom's sake. But whatever their motivation, they are unleashing a
force they will find difficult to channel or
control: the hunger for liberty of oppressed
peoples who've tasted freedom.
Nowhere is this more apparent than in
Eastern Europe, the birthplace of the Cold
War. In Poland, at the end of World War II,
the Soviet Army prevented the free elections promised by Stalin at Yalta. And today
Poles are taking the first steps toward real
election, so long promised, so long deferred.
And in Hungary, at last we see a chance for
multiparty competition at the ballot box.
As President, I will continue to do all I
can to help open the closed societies of the
East. We seek self-determination for all of
Germany and all of Eastern Europe. And
we will not relax, and we must not waver.
Again, the world has waited long enough.
But democracy's journey East is not easy.
Intellectuals like the great Czech playwright Vaclav Havel still work under the
shadow of coercion. And repression still
menaces too many peoples of Eastern
Europe. Barriers and barbed wire still fence
in nations. So, when I visit Poland and Hungary this summer, I will deliver this message: There cannot be a common European
home until all within it are free to move
from room to room. And I'll take another
message: The path of freedom leads to a


651




May 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


larger home, a home where West meets
East, a democratic home, the commonwealth of free nations.
And I said that positive steps by the Soviets would be met by steps of our own. And
this is why I announced on May 12th a
readiness to consider granting to the Soviets
temporary waiver of the Jackson-Vanik
trade restrictions if they liberalize emigration. And this is also why I announced on
Monday that the United States is prepared
to drop the "no exceptions" standard that
has guided our approach to controlling the
export of technology to the Soviet Union,
lifting a sanction enacted in response to
their invasion of Afghanistan.
And in this same spirit, I set forth four
proposals to heal Europe's tragic division, to
help Europe become whole and free.
First, I propose we strengthen and broaden the Helsinki process to promote free
elections and political pluralism in Eastern
Europe. As the forces of freedom and democracy rise in the East, so should our expectations. And weaving together the slender threads of freedom in the East will require much from the Western democracies.
In particular, the great political parties of
the West must assume an historic responsibility to lend counsel and support to those
brave men and women who are trying to
form the first truly representative political
parties in the East, to advance freedom and
democracy, to part the Iron Curtain.
In fact, it's already begun to part. The
frontier of barbed wire and minefields between Hungary and Austria is being removed, foot by foot, mile by mile. Just as
the barriers are coming down in Hungary,
so must they fall throughout all of Eastern
Europe. Let Berlin be next-let Berlin be
next! Nowhere is the division between East
and West seen more clearly than in Berlin.
And there this brutal wall cuts neighbor
from neighbor, brother from brother. And
that wall stands as a monument to the failure of communism. It must come down.
Now, glasnost may be a Russian word,
but "openness" is a Western concept. West
Berlin has always enjoyed the openness of a
free city, and our proposal would make all
Berlin a center of commerce between East
and West-a place of cooperation, not a
point of confrontation. And we rededicate


ourselves to the 1987 allied initiative to
strengthen freedom and security in that divided city. And this, then, is my second
proposal: Bring glasnost to East Berlin.
My generation remembers a Europe ravaged by war. And of course, Europe has
long since rebuilt its proud cities and restored its majestic cathedrals. But what a
tragedy it would be if your continent was
again spoiled, this time by a more subtle
and insidious danger-Chancellor referred
to-that of poisoned rivers and acid rain.
America's faced an environmental tragedy
in Alaska. Countries from France to Finland
suffered after Chernobyl. West Germany is
struggling to save the Black Forest today.
And throughout, we have all learned a terrible lesson: Environmental destruction respects no borders.
So, my third proposal is to work together
on these environmental problems, with the
United States and Western Europe extending a hand to the East. Since much remains
to be done in both East and West, we ask
Eastern Europe to join us in this common
struggle. We can offer technical training,
and assistance in drafting laws and regulations, and new technologies for tackling
these awesome problems. And I invite the
environmentalists and engineers of the East
to visit the West, to share knowledge so we
can succeed in this great cause.
My fourth proposal, actually a set of proposals, concerns a less militarized Europe,
the most heavily armed continent in the
world. Nowhere is this more important than
in the two Germanys. And that's why our
quest to safely reduce armament has a special significance for the German people.
To those who are impatient with our
measured pace in arms reductions, I respectfully suggest that history teaches us a
lesson: that unity and strength are the catalyst and prerequisite to arms control. We've
always believed that a strong Western defense is the best road to peace. Forty years
of experience have proven us right. But
we've done more than just keep the peace.
By standing together, we have convinced
the Soviets that their arms buildup has been
costly and pointless. Let us not give them
incentives to return to the policies of the
past. Let us give them every reason to


652




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 31


abandon the arms race for the sake of the
human race.
In this era of both negotiation and armed
camps, America understands that West Germany bears a special burden. Of course, in
this nuclear age, every nation is on the
front line, but not all free nations are called
to endure the tension of regular military
activity or the constant presence of foreign
military forces. We are sensitive to these
special conditions that this needed presence
imposes.
To significantly ease the burden of armed
camps in Europe, we must be aggressive in
our pursuit of solid, verifiable agreements
between NATO and the Warsaw Pact. On
Monday, with my NATO colleagues in Brussels, I shared my great hope for the future
of conventional arms negotiations in
Europe. I shared with them a proposal for
achieving significant reductions in the near
future.
And as you know, the Warsaw Pact has
now accepted major elements of our Western approach to the new conventional arms
negotiations in Vienna. The Eastern bloc
acknowledges that a substantial imbalance
exists between the conventional forces of
the two alliances, and they've moved closer
to NATO's position by accepting most elements of our initial conventional arms proposal. These encouraging steps have produced the opportunity for creative and decisive action, and we shall not let that opportunity pass.
Our proposal has several key initiatives. I
propose that we lock in the Eastern agreement to Western-proposed ceilings on tanks
and armored troop carriers. We should also
seek an agreement on common numerical
ceiling for artillery in the range between
NATO's and that of the Warsaw Pact, provided these definitional problems can be
solved. And the weapons we remove must
be destroyed.
We should expand our current offer to
include all land-based combat aircraft and
helicopters by proposing that both sides
reduce in these categories to a level 15 percent below the current NATO totals. Given
the Warsaw Pact's advantage in numbers,
the Pact would have to make far deeper
reductions than NATO to establish parity at
those lower levels. Again, the weapons we


remove must be destroyed.
I propose a 20-percent cut in combat
manpower in U.S.-stationed forces and a resulting ceiling on U.S. and Soviet ground
and air forces stationed outside of national
territory in the Atlantic-to-the-Urals zone at
approximately 275,000 each. This reduction
to parity, a fair and balanced level of
strength, would compel the Soviets to
reduce their 600,000-strong Red Army in
Eastern Europe by 325,000. And these
withdrawn forces must be demobilized.
And finally, I call on President Gorbachev
to accelerate the timetable for reaching
these agreements. There is no reason why
the 5-to-6-year timetable as suggested by
Moscow is necessary. I propose a much
more ambitious schedule. And we should
aim to reach an agreement within 6 months
to a year and accomplish reductions by
1992, or 1993 at the latest.
In addition to my conventional arms proposals, I believe that we ought to strive to
improve the openness with which we and
the Soviets conduct our military activities.
And therefore, I want to reiterate my support for greater transparency. I renew my
proposal that the Soviet Union and its allies
open their skies to reciprocal, unarmed
aerial surveillance flights, conducted on
short notice, to watch military activities.
Satellites are a very important way to verify
arms control agreements, but they do not
provide constant coverage of the Soviet
Union. An open skies policy would move
both sides closer to a total continuity of coverage while symbolizing greater openness
between East and West.
These are my proposals to achieve a less
militarized Europe. A short time ago, they
would have been too revolutionary to consider, and yet today we may well be on the
verge of a more ambitious agreement in
Europe than anyone considered possible.
But we're also challenged by developments outside of NATO's traditional areas
of concern. Every Western nation still faces
the global proliferation of lethal technologies, including ballistic missiles and chemical weapons. We must collectively control
the spread of these growing threats. So, we
should begin as soon as possible with a
worldwide ban on chemical weapons.


653




May 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Growing political freedom in the East, a
Berlin without barriers, a cleaner environment, a less militarized Europe-each is a
noble goal, and taken together they are the
foundation of our larger vision: a Europe
that is free and at peace with itself. And so,
let the Soviets know that our goal is not to
undermine their legitimate security interests. Our goal is to convince them, step-bystep, that their definition of security is obsolete, that their deepest fears are unfounded.
When Western Europe takes its giant
step in 1992, it will institutionalize what's
been true for years: borders open to people,
commerce, and ideas. No shadow of suspicion, no sinister fear is cast between you.
The very prospect of war within the West is
unthinkable to our citizens. But such a
peaceful integration of nations into a world
community does not mean that any nation
must relinquish its culture, much less its
sovereignty.
This process of integration, a subtle weaving of shared interests, which is so nearly
complete in Western Europe, has now finally begun in the East. We want to help the
nations of Eastern Europe realize what we,
the nations of Western Europe, learned
long ago: The foundation of lasting security
Remarks to Military Personnel and
Federal Republic of Germany
May 31, 1989
Thank you very much for that welcome
back. Some of you may have all been
around here a couple years ago, and my
only regret is, I won't get to go running on
the track here this time. [Laughter] But I
was here about 3 years ago as Vice President, and things have changed since then.
Now, there's a new number one: the RheinMain Rockets. [Applause] But Secretary [of
State] Baker and I and General Scowcroft
[Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs] and our Chief of Staff, John
Sununu, and Barbara and all the rest of our
traveling squad are just delighted to be
here, heading off to London right now and


comes not from tanks, troops, or barbed
wire; it is built on shared values and agreements that link free peoples. The nations of
Eastern Europe are rediscovering the glories of their national heritage. So, let the
colors and hues of national culture return to
these gray societies of the East. Let Europe
forgo a peace of tension for a peace of trust,
one in which the peoples of the East and
West can rejoice-a continent that is diverse yet whole.
Forty years of Cold War have tested
Western resolve and the strength of our
values. NATO's first mission is now nearly
complete. But if we are to fulfill our
vision-our European   vision-the  challenges of the next 40 years will ask no less
of us. Together, we shall answer the call.
The world has waited long enough.
Thank you for inviting me to Mainz. May
God bless you all. Long live the friendship
between Germany and the United States.
Thank you, and God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 1:16 p.m. in
the Rheingoldhalle, an auditorium in
Mainz. In his opening remarks, he referred
to Dr. Carl-Ludwig Wagner, Minister-President of Rheinland-Pfalz, and Lord-Mayor
Herman-Harmut Weyel.
Their Families in Frankfurt,


then-eat your hearts out-the good old
U.S. of A. on Friday afternoon.
But let me be serious for just a minute
and say that it is an honor to stand before
an audience of men and women who serve
the Armed Forces of the greatest country
on the face of the Earth. And for over four
decades now-NATO having celebrated its
40th anniversary just 2 or 3 days agopeople like you have left home, often family
and loved ones, and you've served as guardians to this gateway to freedom. And your
presence here inspires a deep admiration
and gratitude-certainly from me personally, that is-we saw at that NATO meeting


654




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / May 31


from people all around the world. And so,
thank you for all you're doing to keep freedom secure. You've been directly responsible, each in his own way, for the longest
peace that Europe has known in centuries-over 40 years of peace. And that's an
achievement that the world now applauds
and that history will honor.
You know, people talk often about the
"right stuff," but the heroism and the humanity of American soldiers at Rhein-Main
and other bases are the stuff of legend.
Your dedication, I believe, is constant and
enduring, day after day. And I've been told
about some instances where your own humanity touches the lives of so many.
This is a special place, a place whose
spirit of service reaches back to the tense
days 40 years ago of the Berlin airlift, when
a pilot named Gail Halverson, during his
repeated runs, parachuted bags of candy to
the children of Berlin. They called him
Uncle Wiggley-Wings or the Chocolate
Bomber, and he was a man who brought
kindness to the cruelest of times.
And standing among you today is his son,
Major Brad Halverson, who organized the
Armenian airlift-children injured in that
devastating earthquake. And I was told by a
high-ranking Soviet official that that outreach to the people of Armenia said as
much to the Soviet Union as any message
that any President could possibly send. And
there's Captain Dawn Oerichbauer, the
medical crew director, who said, "The
whole mission was worth it when I saw the
hope and the hurt in the faces of the children."
And I know that also with us today is
Major Bob Anderson, chief of the mental
health clinic, a quiet hero who in his own
way has helped so many on this base deal
with the aftermath of terrorist threats. He's
put lives back together, warded off the chill
of fear.
And I single out a few because they represent the many. Here at Rhein-Main, with
lifesaving medical evacuation missions, triumphant hostage returns, the normal dayto-day mission of flying in the crowded skies
of Europe-for you, heroism with a human
touch is really the meaning of this mission.
And you've seen the tears of those devastat

ed by tragedy, and you've seen the tears of
joy stream down the faces of those returning to freedom and of those who love them.
And you've performed that everyday acts of
vigilance that make preparedness possible. I
think of all the security people-some guy
out guarding a C-5 all night, supply clerk
makes calls all day to find a part that's
needed, flight-line attendant deicing planes
at 4 a.m. on days something unlike this one.
And just this year, as NATO celebrates its
40th anniversary, we begin to sense new
opportunities for coexistence. We may be
seeing the dawning of a new age, but the
reasons why you are here have not
changed. There've been signs of progress
from the Soviet Union; and though we hope
for more, the nations of the alliance still
face a Soviet Union with preponderant and
awesome military power. And your presence in West Germany, your contribution
to the security of Western Europe, is absolutely essential.
And I might add that I left Germany
today feeling that the relations with the
Federal Republic and the United States, our
bilateral relations, have never been better.
And I want to thank each one of you for the
way you interact with our German friends.
It does show the best side of America to the
people in the Federal Republic of Germany. And I know that it's not easy serving
away from home, but because of you and
the sacrifices, our world is indeed safer and
more secure.
You know, in a letter to John Adams,
Thomas Jefferson once wrote: "I've seen
enough of one war never to wish to see
another." And out there today, I know, are
a number of children, some of them third
generation of Americans stationed here at
Rhein-Main, who have never seen war, and
I hope they never do. The power to wage
war is the power to prevent it, and that's
our mission here. And we must remain prepared for war even as we work hard for
peace. And believe me, we will strive hard
to achieve the lasting peace.
So, carry on. Thank you all. God bless
you, and God bless the United States of
America. Thank you all very, very much.


655




May 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Note: The President spoke at 5.43 p.m. on
the tarmac at Rhein-Main Air Force Base.


Following his remarks, the President traveled to London.


Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session Following Discussions
With Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in London
June 1, 1989


The President. Let me just thank the
Prime Minister on behalf of our entire traveling squad. She and I talked in detail about
a wide array of issues. I want to thank her,
and I want to assert here that the special
relationship that has existed between the
United Kingdom and the United States is
continuing and will continue. And once
again, Madam Prime Minister, my sincere
thanks to you for a very encouraging and
frank exchange that we had. It's only with
friends that you can take off the gloves and
talk from the heart. And I felt that I was
with a friend today, and I can assure the
people in the United Kingdom that, from
our side of the Atlantic, this relationship is
strong and will continue to be.
The Prime Minister. Thank you very
much, Mr. President. Ladies and gentlemen, the President comes here after a very,
very successful NATO summit due to the
leadership of the United States under the
Presidency of George Bush. We talked
about the followup to these matters. We
talked also about the very difficult situation
in the Middle East. We talked about the
situation in China. We talked about matters
in South Africa. And we have talked about
matters in the Argentine and in Central
America.
And so, I think you'll agree we have covered an extremely wide range of subjects,
and yet the morning has been too short. We
spoke together for about an hour and threequarters and then joined our foreign ministers and Mr. Scowcroft [Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs]. And
they, too, had considered some of these
matters and others. We then also talked
about the problems in Cambodia and the
problems with the Vietnamese boat people
still going to Hong Kong.
So, you can see that we have compressed
a great deal into the time. We think very


much the same way, which isn't surprising.
And we're absolutely delighted that we
have in President Bush a President of the
United States who is staunch and steadfast
on everything which is of fundamental
value to democracy, freedom, and justicenecessary to keep our country secure, and
yet forever stretching out the hand of
friendship with other nations across the European divide, trying to extend to the world
some of the benefits which we enjoy but
take for granted.
We are in a period when-as the President has said in some of his most excellent
speeches-it's the end of containment. It's
freedom on the offensive-a peaceful offensive-throughout the world. I think they
have been some of the most valuable and
happy talks I've had for a very long time,
and we thank and congratulate the President.
Q. Mrs. ThatcherQ. Mrs. Prime Minister
The Prime Minister. No, no, now, one at a
time.
Q. All right, Mrs. Thatcher, can I ask, first
of all
The Prime Minister. One moment. You
question me frequently. What about the
President?
European-U S. Relations
Q. Well, perhaps I can ask both of you: Is
Britain America's most important ally in
Europe?
The Prime Minister. I think you might put
it more tactfully. [Laughter] America has
allies throughout Europe and throughout
the free world. I would like to think that
we pride ourselves of being among the foremost of United States friends, and we will
always be. I think it's quite wrong that because you have one friend you should exclude the possibility of other friendships as


656




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 1


well. And I'm sure the President doesn't,
and I don't. We both have many friends in
Europe.
The President. Very good answer.
Q. Mr. Bush, can I ask you: Do you think
that West Germany and France will increasingly share the spotlight in the socalled special relationship you have with
Mrs. Thatcher?
The President. I think that the special relationship that I referred to in my opening
remarks speaks for itself. And I think the
remarks that the Prime Minister just made
about U.K.'s propensity for friendship with
other nations and the United States' friendship with other nations-those remarks
speak for themselves. And so, I would
simply say I expect this relationship to continue on the steady keel because it is so
fundamentally based on common values.
And the NATO alliance, for example, is not
going to divide up into inside cliques of
who is the closest friend to whom.
But the point I want to make here is that
I value the judgment, the conviction, the
principled stance of Prime Minister Thatcher. I've been privileged to know her and
work with her in a-for me, a lesser capacity, for 8 years. And this visit alone-as we
crossed many, many borders and discussed
the problems-reassures me and just reaffirms what I've always felt: that we have a
very, very special relationship. But it
needn't be at the expense of our friendship


with other countries.
The Prime Minister. Just one more. That's
the other television channel. One more.
Eastern Europe
Q. Mr. Bush, what exactly can Britain do
to bring about this further freedom in Eastern Europe that you said you want to see?
The President. Well, they've already done
one step, and that is to help NATO come
out with a very sound proposal. I can tell
you that the Prime Minister and her able
Foreign Minister [Sir Geoffrey Howe]
helped shape this whole NATO proposal,
which both of us think is a very forwardlooking document, adhering to principles.
So, it's not a question of the future; they've
already performed, since I've been here in
the last few days, a very useful role. And
there are many other areas where, just on
bilateral basis, that I'm sure the United
Kingdom can influence and encourage this
trend to democracy that the Prime Minister
referred to-many other areas. The U.K. is
widely respected in Eastern Europe.
The Prime Minister. Thank you. I think
Mrs. Bush awaits. No, that was the last question. Thank you for coming.
Note: The President spoke at 12:40 p.m. at
10 Downing Street, the Prime Minister's residence. Prior to their remarks, the President
and the Prime Minister participated in a
bilateral meeting with U.S. and British officials.


Remarks to American Embassy Employees and Their Families in
London
June 1, 1989


The President. Thank you so much for
that warm welcome back. Thank you, Mr.
Secretary. I'd like you to meet some that
have been traveling with us to NATO and
Italy, and then to Germany. I see General
Scowcroft standing over here, who I know
most of you feel you know because of his
many years of public service-Brent Scowcroft. In that far corner over there is a
household word for those who plug into


CNN: Marlin Fitzwater, my esteemedstanding right over there. I don't see our
Chief of Staff, John Sununu, but maybe he
branched off. [Laughter] But in any event, I
owe them a tremendous vote of thanks, to
say nothing of our able Secretary of State,
for the job that they did as a team representing our interests-the United States interest and, I think, the interest of the free
world-at NATO. Their support was abso

657




June 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


lutely superb-their imagination, their creativity. Jim Baker, who gets tired when he
drives to work in the morning-[laughter]-stayed up until about 1:30 hammering
out in the darnedest way an agreement that
has received strong support around the
world. And I am grateful to him and, as I
say, Brent and all those who are part of our
team, to say nothing of the support of Bob
Blackwill and others who are with us who
did an awful lot of heavy lifting.
So, we come in here today feeling encouraged, not overconfident. But I think
the alliance is strong; I think it's together.
And I think now we have to follow up and
do those things that our joint communique
committed us to do. And of course, we will
be needing the support of the able Foreign
Service offices in every post to get this job
done.
I have standing next to me-or I did
before I came to this podium-our mystery
guest. [Laughter] And I know that all of
you-it doesn't matter what your religious
convictions are-have the same respect and
love for Billy that Barbara and I have-Billy
Graham, Dr. Graham, who is here once
again doing the Lord's work. And I ran into
him downstairs, not just by accident, because if he hadn't come to see me, we'd
have darn sure gone to see him. And so, I
just wanted to welcome the great son of
North Carolina.
I want to thank everybody in this Embassy. We're now shifting to bilaterals, as we
say, because I have been on the receiving
end of Presidential visits. And they can be a
pluperfect pain. [Laughter] What is your
admin officer?
Audience member. Larry Russell.
The President. Larry Russell. Is Larry still
speaking to me? Where is he? [Laughter]
But I want to thank him, wherever he is,
because these admin officers bear a disproportionate share of the load. I don't want to
single him out, because I know there is political; I know the military play a part in all
of this; security plays a part on it; communicators are overworked. And the only thing I
can say is, you can breathe easy tomorrow
about 10, because I promise to leave on
schedule. [Laughter] But thank you, in the
meantime, for the fantastic support of this,
one of the greatest embassies that the


United States has anywhere in the world.
I meant what I said about the Foreign
Service. I think you have had an outstanding DCM [deputy chief of mission] here,
and the fact that he will be assuming very,
very high-level responsibilities back in
Washington is of enormous comfort to me.
And Ray is going to do a superb job back
there, taking on the breadth of responsibilities that not many have in that department. And I personally look forward to
working with him, and I know I can learn
an awful lot from what you taught him
right here in this Embassy. [Laughter]
I want to mention the Marines-sometimes we forget them, but I don't. And I
have great respect for them, and I want to
thank them for the job they do. And let me
also mention the citizens of the U.K., with
whom we all work in the Embassy. And I
expect some are here, but you can't tell
them from us. [Laughter] And that's one of
the great things about it. [Laughter]
But really, I am indebted to each of you,
because I know you never lose your allegiance to your own country-you never
should. But the contribution you make to
an embassy of this nature is simply incalculable, and I am grateful to all of you. And I
hear from the Ambassador and from all of
those with whom I have contact back home
of the great job that the Brits do who are
part of our Embassy. And I hope you feel
loved and wanted, because that's the way
we feel about you. So, thank you for your
contribution to the American foreign policy
and to the success of this Embassy.
I, too, want to mention what Jimmy said
about-Secretary Baker, I mean, said
about-[laughter]-Marie Burke. We can't
dwell on it, but she was a valued member
of the Foreign Service, and I was told
that-serving since 1971 in a number of
posts. And all I can do is express my condolences to her friends and, obviously, her
family, and my sympathy. And I would like
to think that someday the culprit can be
found and all of that. But the main thing is,
I know you all miss her, and I want you to
know that I respect that concept of service
that she epitomized.
This Embassy has got a new Ambassador,
and I have known Henry Catto and his


658




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 1


wife, Jessica, for a long time. And he will be
an outstanding Ambassador to the United
Kingdom. It is one of the very most important posts we have. And the fact that I
asked him to come here and that he accepted I hope sends a signal to our British
friends that in him they have somebody
who is very, very close to this President and
who has my full confidence. And I hope
that's something that brings joy to you, because I think an Ambassador often is seen as
the President's personal representative in
these countries. That's the way the law has
it, and that's the way it is. And Henry has
my full confidence, and as you come to
know him, get used to his eccentricities.
[Laughter] I don't know who to blame for
the cow on the front yard at Winfield
House, but nevertheless-Jessica? [Laughter] No, Jessica and Henry are going to do a
first-class job here, and I just wanted you to
know from me that I have full confidence
in them.
We came here just a few days ago, it
seems. We went to Italy, and there we not
only had a marvelous bilateral visit, but I
had the opportunity to go to Nettuno and
there honor our war dead, those who fell at
Anzio beachhead. And the spirit of the Italian people-not just at Anzio but in Rome
itself-for the American flag as it went by
was really wonderful; and I think our relations are good there. And in Belgium, of
course, the emphasis was multilateral, although again, we have good relations with
Belgium. The emphasis was on trying to
bring NATO together and project ourselves
out into an optimistic future with strength.
And as I say, I think that was accomplished.
We have a big job to follow up on all that
now. And again, the political section here, I
know, will be asked to present accurately
and fully, as will our military here, our position to our friends in the United Kingdom.
We've got to stay on the same wavelength
with them, and we will. We've been strong,
Margaret Thatcher being extraordinarily
gracious in her comments about this U.S.
initiative and this NATO collective decision.
So, that went well.
Yesterday in Germany-I wish all of you


could have been with us, not just for the
trip that Barbara and I had down the Rhine
on a beautiful sunny day, getting to-excuse
me, Billy-kiss the wine princess and things
like that. [Laughter] But again, you'd have
been proud, because all along the way, and
these castles and tourist hotels, where the
American flags were out for about 2
hours-going down the Rhine River on this
marvelous cruise boat not only with the
Chancellor of the Federal Republic and the
Foreign Minister but many of the leaders of
Germany.
And so, I can report to you-and I think I
can sort through cosmetics and reality-that
it's real. The job that many of you have
done when posted on the Continent itself is
paying off, because the bilateral relationship
with Germany is strong. And then today
our meetings with Margaret Thatcher went
very well, indeed. And of course, we just
were honored to be received by Her Majesty the Queen. And we had a delightful
luncheon at which the Queen presented
Barbara with a picture of the Queen and
one of our puppies that she just saw down
in Kentucky. [Laughter]
So, it's been a wonderful day, and I will
simply end where I began by thanking
you-all of you-whatever end of this complex Embassy you're in, for your service to
the greatest, freest, most wonderful country
on the face of the Earth. Thank you, and
God bless all of you.
Note: The President spoke at 3:15 p.m. at
the US. Ambassador's residence in London.
He was introduced by Secretary of State
James A. Baker III. In his remarks, the
President referred to Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; Marlin Fitzwater, Press Secretary
to the President; Robert D. Blackwill, Special Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs; evangelist Billy Graham;
Raymond Seitz, Assistant Secretary of Statedesignate for European Affairs; and Marie
Burke, a Foreign Service officer murdered
while serving in the US. Embassy in
London.


659




June 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


White House Statement on the Anniversary of the Signing of the
Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty With the Soviet Union
June 1, 1989


One year ago today, on June 1, 1988, the
President of the United States and the
President of the Soviet Union exchanged
the instruments of ratification bringing into
force the intermediate-range nuclear forces
(INF) treaty, the first in history to bring
about actual reductions in nuclear arsenals.
The goal of the INF treaty-the complete
elimination of INF missile systems under
conditions of strict verification-is being accomplished. Since the summer of 1988,
when eliminations began with the destruction of a Soviet SS-20 at Kapustin Yar and
an American Pershing II at Longhorn,
Texas, both sides have continued to eliminate INF missiles, launchers, and support
equipment in the presence of inspectors
from the other side.
The achievement of the INF treaty was a
signal victory for NATO solidarity and polit

ical resolve and a contribution to greater
security for our allies. It established the
long-held alliance principles of asymmetrical reductions to reach equality of forces
and effective verification as essential components of arms control agreements. These
principles remain keystones of our approach to arms control.
The agenda ahead is even more challenging as we move forward with NATO's conventional force proposals and the President's initiative this week for added reductions. Further, we seek stabilizing reductions in strategic arsenals and increased reliance on strategic defenses, and a truly
global and effective verifiable ban on chemical weapons. We will spare no effort to
achieve agreements that will reduce the
risk of war and strengthen the foundations
for peace.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on Landsat Satellite
Program Funding
June 1, 1989


The President today announced he had
approved funding for continued operations
of Landsat satellites 4 and 5 and for the
completion and launch of Landsat 6. The
President's action endorsed a recommendation from the National Space Council,
chaired by Vice President Dan Quayle. The
President also directed the National Space
Council and the Office of Management and
Budget to review options with the intention
of continuing Landsat-type data collections
after Landsat 6.
Landsat, which takes detailed photographs of the Earth, is the U.S. Government's civil, space-based, land-remote sensing program. Landsat-type imagery data is
important for such applications as global
change research, environmental monitoring, law enforcement, natural resource esti

mates, national security, and a variety of
private sector uses. In addition, Landsat
provides a visible symbol of the U.S. commitment to, and leadership in, the use of
space for the common good.
Over recent years, it has become increasingly evident that commercializing the
entire Landsat program would not be feasible until at least the end of the century.
Since earlier government planning was
based on commercializing the entire program, the absence of near-term commercial
viability threatened continuity of Landsat
and jeopardized continuity of Landsat data.
The National Space Council, at its first
meeting on May 12, recommended the
action endorsed by President Bush today.
Continued operation of Landsat 4 and 5
will require an additional $5 million in FY


660




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 1


89 and $19 million in FY 90. Cost of completion and launch of Landsat 6 by 1991 has


already been included in the Commerce
Department budget.


Nomination of Timothy B. Atkeson To Be an Assistant
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency
June 1, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Timothy B. Atkeson to be
Assistant Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency (International Activities). He would succeed Jennifer Joy
Manson.
Mr. Atkeson is currently a partner with
Steptoe and Johnson in Washington, DC.
From 1975 to the present, he has been in
private practice. Mr. Atkeson served as
General Counsel for the Council on Envi

ronmental Quality in the Executive Office
of the President, 1970 to 1973, and General
Counsel to the Office of Technology Assessment, United States Congress, 1974.
Mr. Atkeson graduated from Harvard
College (B.A., 1947); Oxford University
(B.A., 1949; M.A., 1954); and Yale Law
School (LL.B., 1952; J.D., 1951). He was
born April 18, 1927, and resides in Washington, DC.


Nomination of Shirley Temple Black To Be United States
Ambassador to Czechoslovakia
June 1, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Shirley Temple Black to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. She
would succeed Julian Martin Niemczyk.
Ambassador Black has served as a Representative to the 24th General Assembly of
the United Nations, 1969-1970. She has also
served as United States Ambassador to
Ghana, 1974-1976; and as Chief of Protocol
at the White House, 1976-1977. She was a
Member of the U.S. Delegation on African


Refugee Problems in Geneva, 1981; and a
Member of the Public Advisory Commission, United Nations Conference on Law of
the Sea. She was Deputy Chairman, U.S.
Delegation, United Nations Conference on
Human Environment in Stockholm, 1970 -1972. Ambassador Black has also served as
Special Assistant to the Chairman of the
President's Council on Environmental Quality, 1972-1974.
Ambassador Black was born April 23,
1928, in Santa Monica, CA. She is married to
Charles A. Black.


Continuation of Michael Ussery as United States Ambassador to
Morocco
June 1, 1989
The President today announced that Mi- Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotenchael Ussery would continue to serve as  tiary of the United States of America to the


661




June I / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Kingdom of Morocco.
Since 1988 Mr. Ussery has served as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America to the Kingdom of Morocco. Prior to this, he served as
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, Department of
State, 1985-1988; Special Assistant for
White House Liaison, 1983-1985; Special
Assistant in the Bureau of International Organization Affairs, Department of State,


1981-1983; and administrative assistant for
Congressman Carroll Campbell, 1979-1981.
In addition, he has served as planner for the
South  Carolina  Disaster  Preparedness
Agency, 1975-1976; and as a legislative aide
in the Georgia House of Representatives,
1973-1975.
Mr. Ussery graduated from Newberry
College (B.A., 1973). He was born January
20, 1951, in Columbia, SC. He is married
and resides in Alexandria, VA.


Nomination of C. Howard Wilkins, Jr. To Be United States
Ambassador to The Netherlands
June 1, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate C. Howard Wilkins, Jr., to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
the Kingdom of The Netherlands. He would
succeed John Shad.
Mr. Wilkins is the founder of Maverick
Development Corp. and has served as the
president since 1975. He has also served as
chairman of the board for Maverick Restaurant Corp. since 1981. Mr. Wilkins was vice


chairman of the board, Pizza Hut, Inc.,
1974 to 1975; founder of Pizza Hut Corp. of
America and president and chairman of the
board, 1970 to 1974; and franchise director,
then vice president of Pizza Hut, Inc., 1968
to 1970.
Mr. Wilkins graduated from Yale University (B.A., 1960). He was born in 1938 in
Wichita, KS. Mr. Wilkins is married, has five
children, and currently resides in Wichita,
KS.


Continuation of Richard Wood Boehm as United States Ambassador
to Oman
June 1, 1989


The President today announced that
Richard Wood Boehm would continue to
serve as Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to the Sultanate of Oman.
Mr. Boehm has served as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the
United States of America to the Sultanate of
Oman since 1988. Prior to this, he served as
diplomat-in-residence and visiting professor
at Howard University in Washington, DC,
1987-1988; United States Ambassador to
Cyprus, 1984-1987; Deputy Examiner in
the Bureau of Examiners for Foreign Serv

ice, Department of State, 1984; Adviser to
the United States Delegation to the United
Nations General Assembly in New York,
1983; and was appointed career member of
the Senior Foreign Service, 1981. In addition, he has served as Public Affairs Adviser
at the Bureau of Economic Affairs, Department of State, 1969-1971.
Mr. Boehm graduated from Adelphi University (A.B., 1959) and George Washington
University (M.A., 1969). He was born June
25, 1926, in New York, NY. He has two
children.


662




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 1


Nomination of Morris Dempson Busby for the Rank of Ambassador
While Serving as Coordinator for Counterterrorism
June 1, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Morris Dempson Busby to
be accorded the rank of Ambassador during
his tenure as Coordinator for Counterterrorism.
Since 1987 Ambassador Busby has served
as Roving Ambassador and Special Envoy
for Central America. He has also served as
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Inter-American Affairs, 1987-1988, and
headed a special State Department office to
oversee the assistance program to the Nicaraguan resistance, 1987. From 1984 to 1987
he served as Deputy Chief of Mission in
Mexico City. Ambassador Busby joined the
Department of State in 1973, serving in
various capacities, including Director of the
Office of Oceans and Polar Affairs, Deputy


Assistant Secretary for Oceans Affairs, and
Ambassador of the United States for Oceans
and Fisheries Affairs. From 1981 to 1983 he
was Alternate Representative to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, Switzerland.
Ambassador Busby graduated from Marshall University and received a master's
degree from George Washington University. He was a naval officer for 15 years. He
attended the U.S. Naval Destroyer School,
the Defense Intelligence School, and the
Naval War College. He has been awarded
the Meritorious Service Award, the Navy
Commendation Medal, and the Bronze Star.
He is a native of Huntington, WV. Ambassador Busby is married and has two children.


Designation of Roger B. Porter as Acting Chairman of the
President's Commission on White House Fellowships
June], 1989


The President has designated Roger B.
Porter to be Acting Chairman of the President's Commission on White House Fellowships.
Currently Mr. Porter is Assistant to the
President for Economic and Domestic
Policy. Prior to this, Mr. Porter served as
IBM professor of government and business
at Harvard University and faculty chairman
of the program for senior managers in government; Deputy Assistant to the President
and Director of the White House Office of
Policy Development; Executive Secretary of
the Economic Policy Council, 1974-1977;


and as Counselor to the Secretary of the
Treasury. In addition, he has served as Executive Secretary of the Cabinet Council on
Economic Affairs, 1981-1985; assistant dean
and tutor in politics at the Queen's College,
Oxford, 1971-1972; and associate director
of the Utah local government modernization study, 1972.
Mr. Porter received his B.A. degree from
Brigham Young University, B.Phil. from
Oxford University, and his M.A. and Ph.D.
from Harvard University. He is married, has
three children, and resides in Washington,
DC.


663




June 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Toast at a Dinner Hosted by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in
London
June 1, 1989


Well, Prime Minister and Mr. Thatcher
and distinguished ladies and gentlemen,
Barbara and I and all of our traveling squad
are just delighted to be here. And let me
start by thanking you, Madam Prime Minister, for your thoughtful and gracious comments. And I also want to thank you for
inviting us here and especially for the marvelous chat that we had today and for the
extraordinary hospitality of this evening.
And I'll speak for Barbara, which I normally
don't do-[laughter]-thank you for your
kind words about Barbara, and she is doing
very well indeed at home, thank you. And I
am not in the least bit jealous. I wonder
when we finish a press conference and
Helen Thomas of the UPI says, to end it,
"Thank you, Barbara's husband." [Laughter]
But nevertheless, thank you for your warm
words about her, and we're very proud of
her.
This is a most distinguished gathering,
and if I start singling out the excitement
that Barbara and I felt about meeting the
various individuals around here, I'd get into
serious trouble. I love politics, and we've
got some good, competitive politics around
this table. Neil [Neil Kinnock, British Labor
Party leader], nice to see you, sir, and the
associates on the other side. I love sports,
and I could learn about that stiff left arm
and looking at the pin and not getting nervous on putting from one distinguished guest
here, or bending my knees and volleying
properly from another. And so, you have
adequately accommodated my insatiable
quest for being the name-dropper of the
year by the distinguished guests here.
[Laughter]
But I want to single out one. In 1971 or
1972, I was the Ambassador at the United
Nations, and a distinguished former Prime
Minister was the Foreign Minister of the
United Kingdom. And he was in New York
for a very high-level meeting. And I was
the new boy on the block at that time, just
out of Congress, representing our country
at the U.N. And Sir Alec had solved some


terribly important business at the moment,
but it was a Sunday in New York. And Barbara and I were sitting in our luxurious Embassy high atop the Waldorf, and I said to
her, "I wonder what Sir Alec DouglasHome is doing this morning?" She said,
"Don't you dare." And I said, "No, I'm
going to call him up." And we had only
shook hands with him in a long line of other
worshipers.
And darned if he didn't say, "Yes, I'd love
to go out to Greenwich and see the birds
and the sanctuary." And that marvelous
gesture on his part of accepting the hospitality of a lowly Ambassador, and certainly a
new one in foreign affairs-we've never forgotten it. And I don't know whether his
wife has forgotten my boosting her across
the fence into the bird sanctuary. But nevertheless, I saw an intimacy there-the affection that the people-I saw why the
people of the United Kingdom have this
enormous affection for Sir Alec. So, I will
single him out and say how pleased we are
to see him again. I expect I could still have
an awful lot to learn from him.
Margaret, the talks that we held today I
found, not in a diplomatic sense but just in
a personal sense and an important sense,
extraordinarily useful-not just because
we're colleagues but we do represent two
great nations. This visit-if you're interested
in trivial pursuits, a little historic triviarepresents, I think, your and my, at least,
10th meeting-maybe more-six in London
alone, I'm sure. And every time I meet with
you all's distinguished Prime Minister, I'm
reminded of something that Disraeli once
said: "There is no wisdom like frankness."
And your Prime Minister's honesty, her
candor, is an enormous resource not just for
the United Kingdom but for the West. And
I'm sure it's a reason for this success that
she's had as Prime Minister.
Mrs. Thatcher is a seasoned leader, with
10 years of demonstrable success in office,
and I do value her judgment and her insight. Americans look to you, Madam Prime


664




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 2


Minister, with great admiration for all you
have done for Britain and all that you have
done for the alliance and all you have done
for those who value freedom, wherever
they may be in the world.
As Sir Antony Acland knows, we lived for
8 years as Vice President right next door to
the British Embassy. I say he knows it because he's been extraordinarily tolerant
when our helicopter would come in at 12
a.m. or 1 a.m. or 2 a.m. from some campaign trip. He never filed a protest[laughter]-and Jenny, indeed, was very tolerant also. And I'm just delighted that they
are in Washington. You're being so ably
represented there, and I only regret we
don't live next door anymore. But nevertheless, every morning and every night, I'd
pass your Embassy grounds with this lifesized, marvelous statue of Winston Churchill, cast of rugged iron to withstand our
rains and the cold, and the figure is really
beautiful, as stoic as the man was in real
life.
And Winston Churchill was America's
first such partner in leadership really, when
we were challenged together by war. And
true, the challenge of today is a different
one than Churchill and Roosevelt felt at the
time, but it is one that really asks no less of
us. I do believe that this profound change
that's sweeping the nations of the East
offers enormous potential. And we in the
West support these forces of change. We
want them to succeed; we want these
changes to endure. And if progress continues, we will work together to move beyond
containment of the Soviet Union, to draw
the peoples of the East into the commonwealth of free nations.
Informal Exchange With Reporters
June 2, 1989
The President. Thank you all. Great trip;
enjoyed it.
Q. How do you feel, Mr. President?
The President. Feel pretty good, feel
pretty good-can't wait to take a day off,
but


It was in this very city that, a little more
than a century ago, Karl Marx died, leaving
behind ideas that were to bear his name. It
was in this city, and indeed in some of these
same rooms, that a succession of British
Prime Ministers worked with my predecessors to stem Marxism at full-tide. But today
we can explore possibilities for peace that
would have seemed wildly unrealistic just a
handful of years ago. With NATO's new
conventional arms control initiative-and it
is NATO's, and there is no quest for
credit-we are an alliance. We are a partnership; we are together. We seek to free
Western Europe from the shadow of Soviet
military power. And similarly, with our
agreement in NATO on short-range nuclear
forces, we demonstrated that we can
manage change while doing what your
Prime Minister has urged on all of us: remaining true to our strategy of deterrence,
true to our principles. The recent summit
showed NATO at its unified best, a triumph
for all who yearned to move beyond a divided Europe-a Europe of armed campsto a Europe that is whole, a Europe that is
free.
And in this quest, I will be looking for our
part to our friends in London. Ladies and
gentlemen, I ask you to rise and raise our
glasses to a British Prime Minister who
holds the reins of history, to a friend, a dear
friend of the United States of America, our
respected friend, the Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher: to your health and our relationship.
Note: The President spoke at 10:13 p.m. at
10 Downing Street, the Prime Minister's residence.


Q. We're hearing about some more bold
new moves, such as the one you made[laughter].
The President. Hey, listen, I'll let you
know in the same fashion we let you know
on the first one.


665




June 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Q. — of your political career?
Strategic Arms Reduction Talks
Q. START talksThe President. What, Anne?
Q. START talks. Do you think the START
talks will now move faster?
The President. Well, I don't know. We
haven't really begun them. But I'm determined to get our proposals in shape and go
there in a constructive spirit. I don't know
that I see a connection at all, although I'm
still pleased with what we're hearing from
the Soviets. So, maybe there's some linkage.
Excuse me, Helen [Helen Thomas, United
Press International]?
NATO Summit Meeting
Q. First, have you heard from Gorbachev? And do you think this is the biggest
political success of your long career?
The President. No. [Laughter]
Q. Well, when you're the President
The President. Now we're talking, now
we're talking. [Laughter]
Q. Have you heard from Gorbachev?
The President. No, not directly. See Brent
[Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs] on here, but I
don't think we have, no. It will be a while. I
mean, it's normal. You don't expect an instant answer. We hear from him on things,
and we don't feel compelled to respond
within 24 hours. But I'm confident we will,
and I hope it's positive.
Q. Do you think you have a little more
respect at home after this trip?
The President. I never felt kind of-you
mean, along like Rodney Dangerfield kind
of thing? [Laughter] I've not suffered from
lack of respect. These fellows have all been
very pleasant. [Laughter] Haven't you guys?
Thank you very much.
Summit Meeting With President Gorbachev
Q. You and Gorbachev will both be in
Europe at the same time this summer. Any
chanceThe President. Well, it might make a case
for closer-but I don't have any plans to
cross paths in the summer when he's, like,
on his way to Paris or we are. There are no
plans. We'll just be
Q. Sound like a good idea?


The President. No. I mean, I don't feel it
sounds like a better idea than it was before
the NATO meeting. But I've always felt
that we eventually will get together, and
should.
President's Trip to Poland
Q. What about your trip to Poland? Do
you think this is a really crucial time for a
trip going to Poland?
The President. Yes. I think my being in
Poland is very, very important-just being
there, to say nothing of the substance that I
hope to talk to the leadership about. The
substance is important, and being there.
The American President going to Poland by
itself is important, given my feelings about
the changes in Europe as a whole, and aspirations for a Europe that will be freer and
more democratic and with which we will
have better relations. So, it is important, but
that visit is not going to solve all the economic problems that are afflicting that
nation-by a long shot.
House of Representatives
Q. There's a scent of a war going on on
the Hill right now in the House. How do
you feel about that? Is that good for theThe President. I don't like it.
Q. What do you think they ought to do,
or do you have any suggestions or ideas?
The President. I think the last thing they
need is advice from the executive branch as
to how to proceed. I have made some broad
suggestions, but on these recent events, I
said what I wanted to say about Jim Wright,
which is saluting his service, and leaving it
at that. Do I like it? No, I don't.
Q. Have you talked to him?
The President. No, I have not.
NATO Proposals
Q. You seemed to be hinting in the Washington Post interview you had-[inaudible]-proposals up your sleeve.
The President. Not very far-I mean, not
very far along.
Q. [Inaudible]
The President. Helen, here's the basic
problem with answering your question as
frankly as I normally would. The process
requires consultation with so many people
that it is impossible to divulge ahead of


666




Administration of George Bush,.1989 / June 2


time what we might or might not do, because the idea-including this last onemight well get gunned down before you
have a chance to really flesh out the proposal. But I don't mean to be mysterious,
there's no grand design out there right
now. We just want to move forward.
I think the first priority is to follow
through on the collective decision that
NATO has taken and try to meet these very
ambitious  time   sequences-September
7th-and then moving forward and then, of
course, vigorous negotiations. So, we've got
some work to do to make this NATO decision into a reality. But I'm determined to
kick our bureaucracy and the NATO bureaucracy as best I can, push it forward.
Q. A lot of people seem to think-[inaudible].
The President. Well, they're entitled to
their opinion. I'm a little more optimistic
than their pessimistic assessment. Thank
you all.
Remarks on Arrival in Portsmouth,
June 2, 1989
Well, thank you very, very much. What a
surprise and wonderful welcome back; I am
delighted and overwhelmed. Thank you so
very much.
In the last week, Barbara and I have been
to Rome and the Vatican, Brussels, Bonn,
and London; and working with our allies in
Europe, we set a course for the future. And
we must move to fulfill that promise,
moving beyond containment, moving
beyond the era of conflict and cold war that
the world has known for more than 40
years, because keeping the peace in Europe
means keeping the peace for America.
Our alliance seeks a less militarized
Europe, a safer world for all of us. And I'm
now returning from Europe with a message
for the American people, a message of
hope. We have a great and historic opportunity to shape the changes that are transforming Europe. This chance has been delivered not just because of our strength and
resolve but also because of our power of


Weekend Plans
Q. What are you going to do for the rest
of the day?
The President. Got to take a look at the
ocean, and I could tell you. Just a minute.
It's clear enough, I expect I'll be out on
Fidelity in about 2 hours.
Q. Do you want company?
Q. Are you going out to dinner tonight?
The President. No, we're not going out to
dinner tonight. That's a promise. [Laughter]
Q. You're not going to Florida, are you?
Not going to FloridaThe President. Oh, no. For the funeral?
No.
Note: The exchange took place aboard Air
Force One en route from London to Pease
Air Force Base, ME. In his remarks, the
President referred to his boat, "Fidelity."
He also referred to the funeral of Representative Claude Pepper of Florida.
New Hampshire
ideas, especially one idea which is sweeping
the Communist world: democracy.
For the last 6 weeks, I've presented, in a
series of speeches, ways to deal with these
changes to make the most of this opportunity. And let me summarize: In Michigan, I
stressed that the United States will actively
encourage peaceful reform led by the
forces of freedom in Eastern Europe. The
Texas speech explains America's commitment to a balanced approach in our relationship with the Soviet Union: that we
must remain strong and realistic-judge
their performance, not their rhetoric-all
the while seeking a friendship with the Soviets that knows no season of suspicion. And
at Boston University the focus was our partnership with a more united Western
Europe, of how a strong Europe means a
strong America. And then at the Coast
Guard Academy, I said that America is
ready to seize every-and I do mean
every-opportunity to bring the Soviet


667




June 2 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Union into the community of nations.
And then, with my colleagues in Brussels,
on the 40th anniversary of the founding of
the North Atlantic alliance, we celebrated
NATO's 40 years of success in preserving
the peace in Europe, the longest period
without war in all the recorded history of
that continent. And we were reminded that
once again the future of so many nations
depends on NATO's unity and resolve. We
were reminded that NATO must remain
strong and together, and we were challenged to seize this new opportunity for
progress while staying true to the principles
that got us here.
Well, we met that challenge. We agreed
to strive, to hope for a Europe that is whole
and free. At the Rheingoldhalle in Mainz, in
the heart of Germany, I said that the Cold
War began with the division of Europe and
it must end with a reconciliation based on
shared values, where East joins West in a
commonwealth of free nations.
And that is my vision for the future, and
here is how we get there. The Warsaw Pact
has a lot more planes, a lot more arms, a lot
more troops in Europe than the NATO alliance; and we challenge the Soviets, if they
are serious, to reduce to equal numbers.
Our proposal is bold but fundamentally fair,
and every single one of our allies agreed
with our proposal. We proposed a new initiative for more comprehensive and faster
negotiated cuts in conventional arms to lift
the West at last from the shadow cast over
Europe since 1945 by massive Soviet
ground and air forces, and our allies agreed.
And we proposed that Berlin, East and
West, become a center of cooperation, not
confrontation; and our allies agreed. And
we proposed that we strengthen the Helsinki process to support free elections in Eastern Europe, and our allies agreed.
Because the threat of environmental destruction knows no borders, we proposed
that the West enlist the countries of Eastern
Europe in one of the great causes of our
time: the common struggle to save our natural heritage.
And with our agreement in NATO on our


short-range nuclear forces in Europe, we
demonstrated as an alliance that we can
manage change while remaining true to the
strategy of deterrence which has kept the
peace.
In short, this week's NATO summit in
Brussels showed that we are ready to help
shape a new world. In this period of historic
change, the NATO alliance has never been
more united, never been stronger; and we
issued a summit declaration detailing our
vision for the future and plan of action. And
ours is not an arrogant challenge to Mr.
Gorbachev, it's an appeal in good faith. The
summit was a triumph for the alliance, a
triumph of ideas, and most of all it was a
triumph of hope.
And let me say it is truly gratifying that
all of this was understood so well at home
and abroad. While keeping our defenses up
and our eyes wide open, we must go forward. We must stay on the offensive. We
must get to work now to end the Cold War.
The world has waited long enough. And if
we succeed, the world your children will
know, the world of the 21st century, will be
all the better.
We are delighted to be here. I salute the
men and women of Pease Air Force Base,
who help keep the peace. I thank my
friends and neighbors from New Hampshire, and I even spot a few from Kennebunkport, Maine, here. I thank the two
Governors and the Members of the United
States Congress that came out to greet us.
And I particularly thank a former Governor
of the State of New Hampshire standing
over here, my able Chief of Staff, John
Sununu; our Secretary of Defense, Dick
Cheney; our Secretary of State, Jim Baker;
and my very able friend and adviser, the
head of the National Security Council, General Brent Scowcroft.
Listen, Barbara and I are overwhelmed
by this welcome home. Thank you all. God
bless you, and God bless the United States
of America. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 12:15 p.m. at
Pease Air Force Base.


668




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 5


Statement on the Chinese Government's Suppression of Student
Demonstrations
June 3, 1989


It is clear that the Chinese Government
has chosen to use force against Chinese citizens who were making a peaceful statement in favor of democracy. I deeply deplore the decision to use force against
peaceful demonstrators and the consequent
loss of life. We have been urging-and continue to urge-nonviolence, restraint, and
dialog. Tragically, another course has been
chosen. Again, I urge a return to nonviolent


means for dealing with the current situation.
The United States and People's Republic
of China over the past two decades have
built up through great efforts by both sides
a constructive relationship beneficial to
both countries. I hope that China will rapidly return to the path of political and economic reform and conditions of stability so
that this relationship, so important to both
our peoples, can continue its growth.


White House Statement on the Death of the Ayatollah Khomeini
June 4, 1989


The official Iranian news agency has confirmed the death of the Ayatollah Khomeini. With his passing, we hope Iran will
The President's News Conference
June 5, 1989
The President. During the past few days,
elements of the Chinese Army have been
brutally suppressing popular and peaceful
demonstrations in China. There has been
widespread and continuing violence, many
casualties, and many deaths. And we deplore the decision to use force, and I now
call on the Chinese leadership publicly, as I
have in private channels, to avoid violence
and to return to their previous policy of
restraint.
The demonstrators in Tiananmen Square
were advocating basic human rights, including the freedom of expression, freedom of
the press, freedom of association. These are
goals we support around the world. These
are freedoms that are enshrined in both the
U.S. Constitution and the Chinese Constitution. Throughout the world we stand with
those who seek greater freedom and de

now move toward assuming a responsible
role in the international community.


mocracy. This is the strongly felt view of
my administration, of our Congress, and
most important, of the American people.
In recent weeks, we've urged mutual restraint, nonviolence, and dialog. Instead,
there has been a violent and bloody attack
on the demonstrators. The United States
cannot condone the violent attacks and
cannot ignore the consequences for our relationship with China, which has been built
on a foundation of broad support by the
American people. This is not the time for
an emotional response, but for a reasoned,
careful action that takes into account both
our long-term interests and recognition of a
complex internal situation in China.
There clearly is turmoil within the ranks
of the political leadership, as well as the
People's Liberation Army. And now is the
time to look beyond the moment to impor

669




June 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tant and enduring aspects of this vital relationship for the United States. Indeed, the
budding of democracy which we have seen
in recent weeks owes much to the relationship we have developed since 1972. And it's
important at this time to act in a way that
will encourage the further development
and deepening of the positive elements of
that relationship and the process of democratization. It would be a tragedy for all if
China were to pull back to its pre-1972 era
of isolation and repression.
Mindful of these complexities, and yet of
the necessity to strongly and clearly express
our condemnation of the events of recent
days, I am ordering the following actions:
suspension of all government-to-government sales and commercial exports of weapons, suspension of visits between U.S. and
Chinese  military  leaders,  sympathetic
review of requests by Chinese students in
the United States to extend their stay, and
the offer of humanitarian and medical assistance through the Red Cross to those injured during the assault, and review of
other aspects of our bilateral relationship as
events in China continue to unfold.
The process of democratization of Communist societies will not be a smooth one,
and we must react to setbacks in a way
which stimulates rather than stifles progress
toward open and representative systems.
And I'd be glad to take a few questions
before our Cabinet meeting, which starts in
a few minutes.
Student Demonstrations in China
Q. Yes, Mr. President. You have said the
genie of democracy cannot be put back in
the bottle in China. You said that, however,
before the actions of the past weekend. Do
you still believe that? And are there further
steps that the United States could take, such
as economic sanctions, to further democracy in China?
The President. Yes, I still believe that. I
believe the forces of democracy are so powerful, and when you see them as recently as
this morning-a single student standing in
front of a tank, and then, I might add,
seeing the tank driver exercise restraint-I
am convinced that the forces of democracy
are going to overcome these unfortunate
events in Tiananmen Square.


On the commercial side, I don't want to
hurt the Chinese people. I happen to believe that the commercial contacts have led,
in essence, to this quest for more freedom. I
think as people have commercial incentive,
whether it's in China or in other totalitarian
systems, the move to democracy becomes
more inexorable. So, what we've done is
suspended certain things on the military
side, and my concern is with those in the
military who are using force. And yet when
I see some exercising restraint and see the
big divisions that exist inside the PLA, I
think we need to move along the lines I've
outlined here. I think that it's important to
keep saying to those elements in the Chinese military: Restraint-continue to show
the restraint that many of you have shown.
And I understand there are deep divisions
inside the army. So this is, we're putting the
emphasis on that side of it.
Q. Have you had any personal contact
with the Chinese leadership? Why do you
think they moved in the way they did? And
why did you wait so long?
The President. Well, I don't think we've
waited so long, Helen [Helen Thomas,
United Press International]. I made very
clear, in a personal communication to Deng
Xiaoping [Chairman of China's Central Military Commission], my views on this. I
talked to the Ambassador last night, Jim
Lilley. He's been in touch constantly with
the Chinese officials, and so, I don't feel
that we've waited long, when you have a
force of this nature and you have events of
this nature unfolding. We are the United
States and they are China; and what I want
to do is continue to urge freedom, democracy, respect, nonviolence, and with great admiration in my heart for the students. So, I
don't think we've waited long.
What was the other part of your question?
Q. What impelled the Chinese Government? They did wait a long time, more
than we expected really, andThe President. Yes, they did.
Q. then they finally moved in. What
do you think is the Impetus?
The President. I'm glad you raised that
point. We were, and have been, and will
continue to urge restraint, and they did.


670




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 5


The army did show restraint. When Wan Li
was here, he told me-and this is very Chinese, the way he expressed it-the army
loves the Chinese people. And they showed
restraint for a long time, and I can't begin
to fathom for you exactly what led to the
order to use force, because even as recently
as a couple of days ago, there was evidence
that the military were under orders not to
use force. So I think we have to wait now
until that unfolds.
Q. Mr. President, could you give us your
current best assessment of the political situation there, which leaders are up, which are
down, who apparently has prevailed here,
and who apparently has lost?
The President. It's too obscure, it's too beclouded to say; and I would remind you of
the history. In the Cultural Revolution days,
Deng Xiaoping-at Mao Zedong's right
hand-was put out. He came back in 1976.
He was put out again in the last days of
Mao Zedong and the days of the Gang of
Four. Then he came back in, and to his
credit, he moved China towards openness,
towards democracy, towards reform. And
suddenly we see a reversal, and I don't
think there's anybody in this country that
can answer your question with authority at
this point. It doesn't work that way in dealing with China.
Q. But Mr. President, there have been
reports that Deng was behind the move to
order the troops, and other reports that he's
ailing and in a hospital. What do you know
about that, sir?
The President. Don't know for sure on
either, and I've talked to our Ambassador
on that, as I say, last night, and we just can't
confirm one way or another-on the other.
Q. Mr. President, you spoke of the need
for the U.S. to maintain relations with
China; but given the brutality of the attacks
over the last couple of days, can the U.S.
ever return to business as usual with the
current regime?
The President. I don't want to see a total
break in this relationship, and I will not
encourage a total break in the relationship.
When you see these kids struggling for democracy and freedom, this would be a bad
time for the United States to withdraw and
pull back and leave them to the devices of
a leadership that might decide to crack

down further. Some have suggested I take
the Ambassador out. In my view, that
would be 180 degrees wrong. Our Ambassador provides one of the best listening posts
we have in China; he is thoroughly experienced. And so, let others make proposals
that in my view don't make much sense. I
want to see us stay involved and continue
to work for restraint and for human rights
and for democracy. And then down the
road, we have enormous commonality of interests with China, but it will not be the
same under a brutal and repressive regime.
So, I stop short of suggesting that what we
ought to do is break relations with China,
and I would like to encourage them to continue their change.
Q. Mr. Bush, you're sending a message to
the military and to the Government. A
couple of weeks ago, you told the students
to continue to stand by their beliefs. What
message do you want the students to hear
from what you're saying right now?
The President. That we support their
quest for democracy, for reform, and for
freedom-and there should be no doubt
about that. And then, in sending this message to the military, I would encourage
them to go back to the posture of a few
days ago that did show restraint, and that
did recognize the rights of the people, and
that did epitomize what that Chinese leader
told me, that the army loves the people.
There are still vivid examples of that.
Q. Should the students go home? Should
the students stop trying to fight the army?
The President. I can't dictate to the students what they should do from halfway
around the world; but we support the quest
for democracy and reform, and I'd just have
to repeat that.
Iran
Q. Mr. President, I'd like to ask you about
the other development in Iran. What is
your assessment of who is in charge, and
what opportunities the changes in Iran
create for the U.S.?
The President. We're not sure yet. Khamenei [President Hojatolislam Ali] appears
to be the anointed successor, the will
having been read by Khomeini's son. But,
again, in a society of that nature, it's hard to


671




June 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


predict. I would simply repeat what I said
on January 20th, that there is a way for a
relationship with the United States to improve, and that is for a release of the American hostages. But, Charles [Charles Bierbauer, CNN], I can't give you an answer on
that one. No experts here can yet, either.
Q. Well, do you plan any overture?
The President. I just made it.
Q. Do you plan any overtures or any
other kind of opening toward Iran, towards
the new government?
The President. No, absolutely not, they
know what they need to do. They have
been a terrorist state. And as soon as we see
some move away from oppression and extremism of that nature, we will review our
relationship.
Student Demonstrations in China
Q. Would you elaborate, Mr. President,
on the question of economic sanctionsback to China. Did you consider economic
sanctions for this morning's announcement,
and what will you do if the violence escalates?
The President. I reserve the right to take
a whole new look at things if the violence
escalates, but I've indicated to you why I
think the suspension of certain military relationships is better than moving against-on
the economic side.
Q. Mr. President, do you feel that the
Chinese leadership cares what the United
States does or thinks right now?
The President. I think they are in the
sense of contradiction themselves right
now. China has historically been less than
totally interested in what other countries
think of their performance. You have to just
look back to the Middle Kingdom syndrome. And you look back in history when
outsiders, including the United States, were
viewed as barbarians. So historically, China,
with its immense pride and its cultural
background and its enormous history of
conflict-internal and external-has been
fairly independent in setting its course.
I have had the feeling that China wants
to be a more acceptable-acceptable in the
family of nations. And I think any observer
would agree that indeed, until very recent
events, they've moved in that direction. So,
what I would like to do is encourage them


to move further in that direction by recognizing the rights of these young people and
by rebuking any use of force.
Q. Mr. President, more than most Americans, you understand the Chinese. How do
you account for the excessive violence of
this response? Once the army decided to
act, that they would drive armored personnel carriers into walls of people, how can
you explain that?
The President. I really can't. It is very
hard to explain, because there was that restraint that was properly being showed for a
while on the part of the military, challenged to come in and restore-what I'm
sure they'd been told-order to a situation,
which I expect they had been told was anarchic. And so I can't explain it. I can't
explain it, unless they were under orders,
and then you get into the argument about,
well, what orders do you follow? And so I
condemn it; I don't try to explain it.
Let me take these next two rows, and
then I'll go peacefully. Sorry about you guys
back there.
Q. Will you, Mr. President, be able to
accommodate the calls from Congress for
tougher sanctions? Many lawmakers felt you
were slow to condemn or criticize the violence in China before now, and many are
pushing for much tougher action on the
part of this country.
The President. I've told you what I'm
going to do. I'm the President; I set the
foreign policy objectives and actions taken
by the executive branch. I think they know,
most of them in Congress, that I have not
only a keen personal interest in China, but
that I understand it reasonably well. I will
just reiterate to the leaders this afternoon
my conviction that this is not a time for
anything other than a prudent, reasoned response. And it is a time to assert over and
over again our commitment to democracy,
emphasize the strength that we give to democracy in situations of this nature.
And I come back to the front line question here: I do think this change is inexorable. It may go a couple of steps forward and
then take a step back, but it is on the move.
The genie will not be put back in the
bottle. And so, I am trying to take steps that
will encourage a peaceful change, and yet


672




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 5.


recognize the fact that China does have
great pride in its own history. And my recommendations are based on my knowledge
of Chinese history.
So, I would argue with those who want to
do something more flamboyant, because I
happen to feel that this relationship is vital
to the United States of America, and so is
our adherence to democracy and our encouragement for those who are willing to
hold high the banner of democracy. So we
found, I think, a prudent path here.
Q. Do you think that the events in China
can have a chilling effect on democratic
reforms occurring in other Communist
countries, particularly in the Soviet Union
and Eastern Europe, when they look at the
kind of uprising that was sparked in China?
The President. No. I think the moves that
we're seeing in Eastern Europe today, and
indeed, in the Soviet Union, are going to go
forward. And I think people are watching,
more with horror, and saying: How, given
this movement towards democracy, can the
Chinese leadership react in the way they
have? And so, I think this may be a sign to
others around the world that people are
heroic when it comes to their commitment
to democratic change. And I would just
urge the Chinese leaders to recognize that.
Q. Mr. President, there are reports that
the Chinese military is badly divided and
that, with this crackdown, the authorities
brought in some troops from the Tibet conflict. If that's the case, how does suspending
these military relationships encourage any
kind of change? I mean, could you explain
what the point of doing that isThe President. I already did, David
[David Hoffman, Washington Post]. You
missed it. I explained it because I want to
keep it on the military side. I've expressed
here, rhetorically, the indignation we feel.
I've recognized the history of China moving
into its own Middle Kingdom syndrome, as
it's done in various times in its past, and I
want to encourage the things that have
helped the Chinese people. And I think
now the suspension is going to send a
strong signal. I'm not saying it's going to
cure the short-range problem in China. I'm
not sure any outside country can cure the
short  range,  the  today-in-TiananmenSquare problem. But I think it is very im

portant the Chinese leaders know it's not
going to be business as usual, and I think it's
important that the army know that we
want to see restraint. And this is the best
way to signal that.
Q. Would you fear conflict? You talked
about the divisions within the Chinese
Army. Do you or your advisers fear that
there could actually be a civil conflict between army commanders?
The President. Well, I don't want to speculate on that, but there are differences,
clearly, within the army in terms of use of
force. Otherwise, they wouldn't be doing
what David Hoffman properly pointed out
is happening: units coming in from outside.
And it is not, incidentally, just in Tiananmen Square that this problem exists. It is in
Shanghai, it's in Chengdu today; it's in
Guangzhou, I'm told, in a much smaller
scale. But they brought the troops in from
outside because the Beijing troops apparently demonstrated a great sensitivity to the
cause of the young people and disciplined
though they were, they opted for the side
of democracy and change in the young
people. So, those others came in. But I certainly don't want to speculate on something
that I don't have-I can't reach that conclusion, put it that way.
Q. There were some news reports that
some of the soldiers' units had burned their
own trucks in-have you received the same
type of intelligence reports?
The President. I just saw speculation. I
haven't got it on any-I don't believe the
intelligence said that. But there are reports
that it is very difficult for some of the military, who are much more sympathetic to
the openness, to the demonstrators. And I,
again, go back to the original question here
that Tom asked. I think, with the change
that's taken place so far, we're beyond kind
of a Cultural Revolution response. I think
the depth of the feeling towards democracy
is so great that you can't put the genie back
in the bottle and return to total repression.
And I think what we're seeing is a manifestation of that in the divisions within the
PLA. But I certainly want to stop short of
predicting a civil war between units of the
People's Liberation Army.
Thank you all very much. I have a Cabi

673




June 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


net meeting at 10 a.m.
Elections in Poland
Q. What about Poland? What do you
think of the elections?
The President. Well, to make a profound
statement, I think they were very interesting. We haven't seen the final results, but


Communist bureaucrats beware in Poland.
It looks to me like there's quite a move,
moving towards the freedom and democracy.
Note: The President's 14th news conference
began at 9:40 a.m. in the Briefing Room at
the White House.


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Reporting on
the Cyprus Conflict
June 5, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. Chairman:)
In accordance with Public Law 95-384, I
am submitting to you this bimonthly report
on progress toward a negotiated settlement
of the Cyprus question.
During the past 2 months the two Cypriot parties have continued their efforts,
under the auspices of the United Nations
Secretary General, to assemble the basic
elements of a settlement in Cyprus. Following numerous meetings between the two
leaders in Nicosia, they met with the Secretary General in New York, April 5-7, to
review progress. On April 6, the United Nations issued a communique that noted that
the Secretary General and the two leaders
"reviewed the second round of talks whose
objective was to develop a common understanding of the issues and to explore a
range of possible options. They shared the
Secretary General's view that the efforts
made so far have been useful. They agreed
to continue the talks with the objective of
achieving results by June 1989."
The communique also noted that the objective in the coming weeks would be to
prepare "a draft outline of an overall agreement in which the goals to be achieved for
each of the elements of the outline would
be described.... The two leaders accepted the Secretary General's invitation to
meet with him again in June, if necessary,
to complete the draft outline, to consider its
status, and to decide how to proceed."
The United States Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador


Thomas Pickering, met with both leaders
during their visit to New York. They reiterated to Ambassador Pickering their confidence in the Secretary General, their appreciation of his commitment to solving the
Cyprus problem, and their intention to continue working with the Secretary General
and his representatives toward a negotiated
solution.
We continue vigorous efforts to consult
with and offer advice and assistance to key
interested parties to the Cyprus dispute. I
met with Prime Minister Ozal in Tokyo in
February, as did Secretary of State Baker.
Secretary Baker also has held meetings with
the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers
of Greece and Turkey and with the Foreign
Minister of the Republic of Cyprus. The Department of State Special Cyprus Coordinator, M. James Wilkinson, traveled to Cyprus,
Greece, and Turkey March 23-April 4 and
is consulting regularly with concerned European allies.
In my previous report to the Congress, I
noted that the United Nations was working
with the two parties to adjust the military
positions in Nicosia of Greek and Turkish
Cypriot soldiers. I am pleased to report that
the U.N.'s deconfrontation plan went into
effect on May 17, greatly alleviating the
probability of incidents posed by the dangerously close proximity of the two sides'
military units in the Nicosia area. The
United States worked hard in support of
this U.N. effort. Congratulations are due to


674




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 5


the Secretary General's political and military representatives on the island and to
the parties themselves. We are hopeful that
this achievement will prove the prelude to
further progress, in terms both of immediate steps and the difficult questions underlying the Cyprus problem.
Finally, I would like to note that Major
General Clive Milner of Canada became
the new commander of the U.N. Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) on
April 10, 1989, replacing Major General
Guenther Greindl of Austria, UNFICYP's
commander since 1981. I welcome the
Nomination of Edward C. Stringer
Department of Education
June 5, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Edward C. Stringer to be
General Counsel at the Department of Education. He would succeed Wendell L. Willkie, II.
Since 1980 Mr. Stringer has served in various capacities at the Pillsbury Company,
including senior vice president and general
counsel, 1980-1982; executive vice president and general counsel, 1982-1983; and
executive vice president, general counsel,


choice of General Milner for this important
position and commend General Greindl
whose performance under difficult and frustrating conditions was exemplary. He deserves the gratitude and appreciation of all
those countries, groups, and individuals who
benefited from his outstanding leadership.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Jim
Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Claiborne Pell, chairman of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
To Be General Counsel of the
and chief administrative officer, 1983-1989.
Prior to this, Mr. Stringer served as a partner with the law firm of Briggs and Morgan
in Minneapolis, MN, 1969-1980; and as an
associate and partner with Stringer, Donnelly, and Sharood, in Minneapolis, MN,
1960-1969.
Mr. Stringer graduated from Amherst
College (B.A., 1957) and the University of
Minnesota Law School (LL.B., 1960). Mr.
Stringer resides in Minneapolis, MN.


Nomination of Constance Bastine Harriman To Be an Assistant
Secretary at the Department of the Interior
June 5, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Constance Bastine Harriman to be Assistant Secretary for Fish and
Wildlife at the Department of the Interior.
She would succeed Becky Norton Dunlop.
Since 1987 Ms. Harriman has served as an
associate with the law firm of Steptoe and
Johnson in Washington, DC. Prior to this,
she served in various positions, including
Associate Solicitor for Energy and Re

sources at the Department of the Interior,
1986-1987; Special Assistant to the Solicitor,
1985-1986; associate with Sheppard, Mullin,
Richter and Hampton, 1980-1985; and attorney adviser in the Office of Legal Policy
at the Department of Justice, 1982.
Ms. Harriman graduated from Stanford
University (B.A., 1970; M.A., 1973) and the
University of California J.D., 1980). She resides in Bethesda, MD.


675




June 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Appointment of Everett Ellis Briggs as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
June 5, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Everett Ellis Briggs as Special
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs at the White House. Ambassador
Briggs will be Senior Director for Latin
America and the Caribbean at the National
Security Council.
Since 1986 Ambassador Briggs has served
as Ambassador to Honduras. Prior to this he
was selected to be the Vice President of the
National Defense University in Washington,
DC. He served as United States Ambassador
to Panama, 1982-1986; Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, 1981 -1982; and Deputy Coordinator and Country


Director for Mexican Affairs at the Department of State, 1979-1981. He served as
deputy chief of mission in Asunci6n, Paraguay, 1974-1978; deputy chief of mission in
Bogota, Colombia, 1978-1979; and Consul
General in Luanda, Angola, 1972-1974.
Ambassador Briggs has served in the State
Department in the Inter-American, European, and International Organizations bureaus.
Ambassador Briggs was born in Cuba. He
graduated from Dartmouth College and
George Washington University. He is married, has five children, and resides in New
Hampshire.


Appointment of Deane E. Hoffman as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
June 5, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Deane E. Hoffman as Special
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and Senior Director for International Economic Affairs at the National Security Council.
Mr. Hoffman served as National Intelligence Officer for Economics at the National
Intelligence Council in Washington, DC.
Mr. Hoffman is a career intelligence officer


who has served in several positions within
the Intelligence Directorate of the Central
Intelligence Agency.
Mr. Hoffman was born in Norwood, MA,
in 1942. He graduated from Babson College
(B.A., 1966) and the University of Maine
(M.A., 1978). He is married to the former
Janet MacQuilken of Boston, MA, and has
one daughter.


Appointment of Arnold Kanter as Special Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs
June 5, 1989


The President today announced the appointment of Dr. Arnold Kanter as Special
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and Senior Director for Defense
Policy and Arms Control at the National
Security Council.


Since 1985 Dr. Kanter was a senior staff
member at the RAND Corp. in Santa
Monica, CA. Prior to this, he served for 8
years in the Department of State, most recently as Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for Politico-Military Affairs, and as


676




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 5


Deputy to the Under Secretary of State for
Political Affairs. Dr. Kanter was a member
of the faculty of Ohio State University,
1971-1972, and the University of Michigan,
1972-1977. He is a member of the Council
on Foreign Relations and the International
Institute of Strategic Studies.


Dr. Kanter graduated from the University
of Michigan and Yale University with a
M.Phil. and Ph.D. in political science. He
was born in Chicago, IL. Dr. Kanter is married to the former Anne Elizabeth Strassman, and they have two children.


Statement on the Observance of World Environment Day
June 5, 1989


Over the last several years, people all
over the world have become more and
more concerned about the global environment, the warming of the world's climate,
the depletion of the ozone layer, the loss of
plant and animal species, our mounting
waste disposal problems, and the pollution
of the oceans. These are enormous challenges which cannot and should not be
minimized.
But at the same time, on this anniversary
of World Environment Day, I am optimistic
about the future. Here in the United States
we have made remarkable progress in
cleaning up our air and water. We have
shown what we can do when the will is
there and we work together. I believe that
the world community of nations can, and
indeed must, make that same kind of
progress on a global scale. We may speak


different languages and worship God in different ways, but we all share the same
Earth. If we can probe the depths of space
and engineer the genetic building blocks of
life, we can surely protect the quality of our
environment. We just need the will to do it.
I would like to take this occasion to announce that the United States intends to
ban the importation of elephant ivory from
all countries. We do this out of mounting
concern for the rapid decline of the wild
elephant, one of nature's most majestic
creatures. If their populations continue to
diminish at current rates, the wild elephant
will soon be lost from this Earth. We urge
the nations of the world to join us in this
ban. We further urge the countries responsible for the elephant to practice sound
stewardship of these precious creatures so
they will not be lost to future generations.


Accordance of the Personal Rank of Ambassador to Peter Tomsen
While Serving as Special Envoy to the Afghan Resistance
June 5, 1989


The President today accorded the personal rank of Ambassador to Peter Tomsen, of
California, a career member of the Senior
Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, in his capacity as Special Envoy to the
Afghan Resistance.
Mr. Tomsen entered the Foreign Service
in 1967. He has most recently completed an
assignment as the deputy chief of mission of
the U.S. Embassy in Beijing. He served in
the political-military office of the U.S. Em

bassy in Bangkok, 1967-1968. After a year
of Vietnamese language training in Washington in early 1969, he was assigned to the
U.S. Civilian-Military Advisory Organization
in Vietnam, 1969-1970. He was a political
officer of the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi,
1971-1975; a political officer of the U.S.
Embassy in Moscow, 1977-1978; and a political officer of the U.S. Embassy in Beijing,
1981-1983. From 1984 to 1987, he served
in the Department of State as office direc

677




June 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tor of India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and
the Maldives.
Mr. Tomsen was born November 19,
1940 in Cleveland, OH. He graduated from
Wittenberg University (B.A., 1962) and re

ceived a master's degree from the University of Pittsburgh in 1964. He served in the
Peace Corps in Nepal, 1964-1966. Mr.
Tomsen is married and has two children.


Continuation of Peter W. Rodman as Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
June 5, 1989


The President today announced the reappointment of Peter W. Rodman as Special
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and National Security Council
Counselor.
Since March 1986, Mr. Rodman served in
several capacities on the National Security
Council at the White House: N.S.C. Counselor and Special Assistant for National Security Affairs, 1987, and Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs (Foreign Policy), 1986-1987. Prior to this Mr.
Rodman served as Director of the Policy
Planning Staff at the Department of State,
1984-1986. He was a fellow in diplomatic


studies and a principal research assistant to
Dr. Kissinger at the Center for Strategic
and International Studies at Georgetown
University, 1977-1983. Mr. Rodman was a
member of the National Security Council
staff and special assistant to Dr. Kissinger
and special assistant to General Brent Scowcroft, 1969-1977.
Mr. Rodman was born November 24,
1943, in Boston, MA. He graduated from
Harvard College (A.B., 1964), Oxford University (B.A., M.A., 1966), and Harvard Law
School (J.D., 1969). He is married, has two
children, and resides in Washington, DC.


Remarks at the Annual Meeting of the Business Roundtable
June 5, 1989


Thank you very much, Ed. Thank you so
much. Barbara and I are delighted to be
here. And, Ed, to you, my sincere thanks
not just for the invitation and the introduction but for all you do for education. My
respects to John Akers, who is the chairman
of your human resources task force. My respects to the Members of the Senate and
the House that are here tonight and to
members of my Cabinet. I see our Secretary of Education here, Larry Cavazos, who
is doing an outstanding job-Larry, delighted to see you. And one of your own, or one
from industry, Bruce Gelb, I see sitting
here, who's now heading the U.S. Information Agency, taking on a very important
job. So, I'm going to stop right there before
I get in trouble. [Laughter]


But I spent some time today just thinking
about the trip that was just completed and
then how I would tie that in to what I'd be
saying here tonight. But let me just say a
word on the European trip. I am convinced
that the alliance that is so vital to American
interests-and, I think, to interests of every
Western European country-are in good
shape. I think the alliance itself is together,
perhaps stronger, and more united than it's
ever been. The spirit of Brussels was one of
change and opportunity and the challenge
we face in moving towards a future of freedom, prosperity, and peace; and I've labeled it "beyond containment."
And many of you people in this room
know very well what I'm talking about
when I talk about a relationship with the


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June S


Soviet Union that goes beyond containment. And admittedly, a lot has to be done
in terms of performance. But I think, with
the alliance together-the challenge now to
Mr. Gorbachev to come forward and make
these serious reductions to parity in U.S.
and Soviet forces-I think we're on the
move; I think we're on the offense. And I
must say I was very, very pleased by the
firm and united reaction from our European allies.
But even as we talked about the matter
of arms control and arms reductions, the
subject that joins us here tonight, the subject of education, came up-everybody recognizing that we're moving into a much
more competitive age. And education is a
means of equipping ourselves to excel in an
increasingly competitive global marketplace. That is one of the things we're
facing. Education can be the root of mutual
understanding and can make an enormous
step towards peace in the world.
And so, before I mention a subject which
I told Ed I'm a little reluctant to talk about
with Larry Cavazos here and with many of
you already involved in it, let me just say a
word about another subject, the one that
has dominated the news for the last 48
hours, and before, as well. I'm talking about
the tragic, deplorable events taking place in
China. I have a special affection for the
Chinese people. I've kept up my knowledge
of China and my relationship with various
leaders there. I've been back to China five
times since Barbara and I left in 1975. And
she's been back six times. And it is with a
saddened heart that I, joining many of you,
watched the proceedings in Tiananmen
Square.
I was so moved today by the bravery of
that individual that stood alone in front of
the tanks rolling down the main avenue
there. And I heard some speculation on the
television on what is it that gives a young
man the strength, gives him the courage, to
stand up in front of a column of tanks right
there in front of the world. And I'll tell you,
it was very moving, because all of us have
seen the bravery and the determination of
the students and the workers, seen their
commitment to peaceful protest. And that
image, I think, is going to be with us for a
long time. And all I can say to him, wherev

er he might be, or to people around the
world is: We are and we must stand with
him. And that's the way it is, and that's the
way it's going to be.
I know that many in this room do what
we have encouraged you to do-do business
with the People's Republic of China. And I
don't want to disturb that. I don't want to
hurt the very business community in China
and here that has moved things forward
toward democracy. I did take some steps
that some of you may have seen in the
military side today. I am convinced that
there are many in the People's Liberation
Army who are sympathetic to the demonstrators. But I think the way to move, to
take action, and to express the outrage we
feel is on that military supply side. And I'm
very hopeful that this message we sent
today will be strong enough to convince the
leaders of the Chinese military to go back
to the policy of restraint and negotiation
and peace, as opposed to this crushing of
the human spirit in Tiananmen Square.
Tonight, I want to focus on the partnership that we can build to create the worldclass education system that this country
needs. A gathering like this is a very, very
good sign-all of you busy. And you've got
the Business Roundtable; the chamber; the
NAM, National Association of Manufacturers; the American Business Conference
coming together on this matter of urgent
concern to our great country. And our
schools are in trouble; they're in real trouble. And that means our kids are in trouble,
too. So, what are we going to do about it?
Well, together we can lead a nationwide
crusade for excellence in education. You
won't find too many times when the subject
is education that I'll come out against studying, but this is one of them. We've spent
plenty of time studying the problem, hundreds of studies in the past few years alone,
showing that our schools simply do not
measure up. And we've all heard the stories
about the kids who can't find the U.S. on a
map, and we've seen the low test scores.
And so, I really believe that the time for
study is past, and it's time to take action.
Improving our schools is going to take a
national effort, one that involves all levels
of government, parents, local communities,


679




June 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the private sector as well. And it's going to
take an honest effort. And if we're serious
about excellence in education, we've got to
put the politics on the back burner. And Ed
was telling me about the magnificent program you had here today with people from
all elements in the educational community,
and I think that's a very, very good thing.
I've heard plenty of complaints that we're
not spending enough. The typical Washington reaction says, well, if you've got a problem, double the spending, and that'll take
care of it. The fact is that we spend more
per capita than many of our toughest competitors. And as a nation, we devote more
than $300 billion a year to educating our
children. And that's not stingy; it's staggering. And the resources are there, and it's
how we put those resources to work that
counts.
And there's something more that we
need to recognize: We can multiply success.
There's no monopoly on ideas, no one right
answer when it comes to improving our
schools. We can learn from each other.
Look at the States, today's entrepreneurs of
education policy, if you will. We're witnessing the emergence of 50 laboratories of
reform-50 States, 50 laboratories of
reform. And, yes, Federal leadership is crucial; and as you know, we've introduced a
package of education initiatives designed to
reward excellence, improve accountability,
and promote quality schools through choice.
I expect our ideas to get full and fair hearings when Congress begins working on our
bill next week.
And right now, I want to highlight an
idea that's proved its value in the business
world, an idea that can play a central role
in education as well-and I'm talking about
competition. The business world knows that
competition brings out the best in individuals and institutions. And the same is true
for our schools; proof already exists. America's postsecondary education system is
widely recognized as the strongest and most
successful system in the world, and it's also
extremely competitive. Schools compete to
attract the best students and first-rate faculties, and the plain fact is that this competition is good. Superior schools inspire others
to reach for excellence. And our elementary
and secondary schools are the weak links in


our system. Competition and choice can
help us make them stronger.
But what government can do is only part
of the story. In the private sector and in
this business community, hundreds of companies, thousands of employees are going
into the classrooms to help children learn.
And you didn't wait for a signal from Washington; you saw an opportunity, and you got
involved. And the numbers are impressive:
186 corporations from the Business Roundtable alone and hundreds of others as well.
And that tells me that the great American
tradition of serving others is alive and thriving in corporate America.
Improving our schools is a national problem, but the search for solutions must take
place on the local level, in our communities. Local solutions work. Last month, just
before I went abroad, I was up in Rochester
to visit the Wilson Magnet School, a school
that just turned itself around. And 10 years
ago, Wilson was plagued by crime and
plunging grades and, indeed, urban flight.
And today that Wilson Magnet School is one
of the top-ranked high schools in the State
of New York, a night-and-day change. And
you might say, well, how did it happen?
Over and over, everyone that I asked there
said, I have one answer, and that answer:
commitment. They used that word over
and over again-commitment on the part of
parents, teachers, students, and commitment on the part of the corporation that
calls that community home. Eastman Kodak
contributed the equipment and the expertise that helped bring learning alive for the
kids at Wilson.
And I saw those Kodak employees sitting
side by side with the students at the computers, pitching in, doing a whale of a job.
And today Wilson has many more applicants than it has space for students. And it's
a success story that I'd like to see repeated
all across this country. And business, it was
you; it was business that played this key
role. Efforts like the one at Wilson, like the
ones that many of your companies are now
engaged in, are producing real, lasting results-one school at a time, one student at a
time. And all of us know the magnitude of
the challenge, and all of us can do our part
to strengthen our schools.


680




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 5


And that's why I'm announcing tonight
the creation of an advisory committee, my
first as President, to focus on education: the
President's Education Policy Advisory Committee. And I'll call on this Committee to
bring me innovative ideas, to bring together leaders from business and labor, educators at every level, State and local government officials, and the media in a partnership to improve our schools.
The students who need our help can't
wait. It's early June; school's about to end
for this year. And on graduation day, how
many kids won't be walking across that
stage to get their diploma? How many kids
who walk out of that classroom a few weeks
from now won't be back in September?
How many will get that degree and go out
into the world, come to work in your companies without the skills they need? Even a
single young man or woman is one too
many, and yet there are millions.
Everyone in this room, I know, shares my
concern. And tonight I want to issue a challenge, a corporate call to action, if you will:
four ways that you can make a real difference. Start by raising the literacy levels.
Someone once asked Ben Franklin who he
thought was the most pitiful man in the
world, and he said, "A lonesome man on a
rainy day who does not know how to read."
And Franklin understood that literacy is an
open door to opportunity and self-knowledge, to history, culture, and a world of
experience. But make no mistake, reading
isn't just a rainy day diversion: It's a survival skill. And how can young people do the
job if they can't read the job application?
Some of you have spoken to me about
this problem. I know many of you have
been engaged with Barbara in her effort to
help make this country more literate. And
tonight, I ask all of you to start at home and
your offices, on the shop floor; make it your
business to help every employee who can't
read but wants desperately to learn.
And second, let's raise our sights and our
standards. All of you know the kind of new
employees that you're looking for, and
that's why it makes sense to work with the
schools to create programs that develop
skills for the real world, for the millions of
new jobs that our economy is creating each
year. And all of you know how difficult it is


for your companies to keep pace in a world
where change is measured in milliseconds.
And we must do all we can to equip our
children, our future work force, with the
thinking skills they'll need to make careers
in the information age.
You can't start too early. IBM is working
in partnership with Head Start in Baltimore, teaching 4-year-olds how to use computers. And listen to what one mother says:
"The computer will be just like the telephone; everyone will have one. My kids
have to learn this, and so do I." That may
be a good sales program for John Akers, but
it's also a whale of a good education program, I'll tell you. [Laughter]
We have to understand, and we have to
be involved. And many of us grew up in a
time when a worker would spend an entire
career in the same job, and those days are
ending. Workers entering the economy
today can expect to train and retrain several times to keep pace with changed working conditions. And it's up to our corporations to create a working environment
where employee education and retraining
and training never stops. From now on, in
America, learning must be a lifelong occupation.
And third, I challenge every CEO in this
room to get involved-personally involved-with the schools in your own community. Walk into the classroom not as a
CEO but as a concerned parent, as a good
citizen, right there in the community. And
I know you and your companies are doing a
great deal now to improve our schools, but
it's got to be personal. Be a catalyst for
change.
Let me tell you about a businessman I
know in New Orleans who did exactly
that-Patrick Taylor. He walked into one of
the worst schools in New Orleans and made
a promise to the entire eighth grade class,
over 200 kids. And he told them if they
kept up a B average and graduated he'd
guarantee that they go to college. And
here's how he looks at it: You don't always
get from individuals what you expect. But if
you expect nothing, you're going to get
nothing. And Pat Taylor is telling those kids
that they've got a future, and he's ready to
help them get there.


681




June 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


And now the last challenge: Everyone in
this room is here because you know how
much education matters. And I want you to
take a message to the companies who aren't
here tonight. Reach out, bring others in this
business community on board. I want to see
all of America's corporations involved in a
truly common effort.
And I know that you've got the energy
and the ingenuity to meet these challenges.
Start now! I want to hear from you by next
Labor Day-see the report card, if you will,
your action plan for excellence in education. And if I don't hear from you, I'll get
Barbara Bush on your case. [Laughter] She's
told me over and over again about many of
you, of your personal and your company's
interest in literacy and in education in general. And she has been inspired by what so
many of you have already done. She's your


cheerleader-for those who are already
constructively involved. You've taken your
skills and resources into our classrooms because you know the bottom line: We can't
have a world-class economy with secondclass schools.
So, take the challenges to heart, build on
the fine work that's already started and
that's already going on in a big way. And
thank you for all you are doing, and thank
you for what I'm confident all of you will be
doing in the future. Thank you all very,
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 7:12 p.m. in
the Capitol Ballroom of the J W. Marriott
Hotel. In his opening remarks, he referred
to Edmund T. Pratt, Jr., chairman of the
Business Roundtable.


Remarks at the Welcoming Ceremony for Prime Minister Benazir
Bhutto of Pakistan
June 6, 1989


The President. Prime Minister Bhutto, Mr.
Zardari, and distinguished guests, Franklin
Roosevelt once called this the house owned
by all the American people. Well, on behalf
of all the American people, Barbara and I
are honored to welcome you to the White
House.
Your visit marks an occasion for both of
us to celebrate and renew the ties of friendship between democratic Pakistan and the
United States and to chart new ways to
strengthen old bonds in the many years to
come. These bonds are formal, but they are
also personal, for you are no stranger to
America nor to Americans themselves. We
remember you as a college student, eager
to learn, eager to teach us about your
homeland. And I remember first meeting
you at your father's side at the United Nations, as he pleaded the cause of Pakistan
with such eloquence. And we remember
your visits as a courageous opposition
leader, tireless in your zeal to foster democratic change. And now we are proud to
greet you as Prime Minister and leader of a


great nation.
Woodrow Wilson once said: "I believe in
democracy because it releases the energies
of every human being." And Madam Prime
Minister, the people of Pakistan have
chosen you to help democracy flourish in
Pakistan. This return to democracy under
your leadership deserves and has won
America's profound admiration. It has
strengthened America's already firm resolve to work closely with Pakistan. And I
congratulate you and the people of Pakistan, and I salute those in your country,
civil and military, whose adherence to the
constitutional process was so important in
bringing about democracy in Pakistan.
Madam Prime Minister, your visit is a
time to reaffirm an historic relationship,
newly forged on the anvil of democracy;
but it is also a time to look ahead, to reaffirm liberty and freedom. And both our
governments are in their first year, and let
us use that to our advantage by building on
the fundamental strength of our friendship.
Let us craft new ideas, new initiatives to


682




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 6


meet the challenges of our changing world.
I have looked forward to this meeting
very much. And you will find us frank and
open, as befits old friends, and attentive listeners who value your judgment. To America, you are a woman of great personal
courage and faith. To America, you are a
wise leader who embodies the very spirit of
her people. And to all of us, you are a living
symbol of those who risk all and sacrifice
much so that others might know democracy
and freedom.
Madam Prime Minister, welcome to the
United States of America.
The Prime Minister. Mr. President, Mrs.
Bush, and distinguished guests, I'm delighted to be in Washington, the capital of freedom, as the guest of a President who knows
Pakistan well and has been its friend. I
recall our first meeting in 1971 at the
United Nations, at a crucial turn in Pakistan's history. The U.S.-Pakistan friendship
has grown in strength; we are friends and
partners.
Standing here on this beautiful lawn, one
sees the monuments which recall America's
odyssey of freedom. As I look at these
monuments, I think of Pakistan, which too
has traveled a long and difficult way along
the path of freedom. It was not so long ago
that Pakistan was a dictatorship and I was
in prison. But as you said, Mr. President,
giving heart to all those living under tyranny, the day of the dictator is over.
Today I am privileged to stand here as
the elected Prime Minister of the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan, a woman Prime Minister of a Muslim country, whose people have
given a verdict against tyranny and for free

dom, progress, and human dignity, for justice and for the rule of law. Our two nations
are united ir? a partnership inspired by
common goals and shared interests, a partnership now bound by democracy.
The United States and the people of Pakistan have also stood together as partners
over the last difficult decade, helping restore freedom and independence to Afghanistan. Our countries have developed a
vital security relationship and a major program of economic cooperation. This has enabled Pakistan to work with confidence for
peace in our region. And today, Mr. President, we begin our discussions of a new
partnership. We are here today with new
priorities to talk to the world's greatest democracy. New challenges confront us in the
closing but complex phase of the Afghan
war and as we focus on the economic,
social, and educational needs of our people.
We come to talk about how we, together, as
partners, may take our relationship and our
people into the 21st century.
And as we begin on this auspicious day in
this magnificent country of freedom,
achievement, and opportunity, I offer a
simple prayer: May God bless all countries
of the world with the enduring values of
freedom, achievement, and opportunity
that we see in this great country of yours. I
thank you, Mr. President.
The President. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:11 a.m. at
the South Portico of the White House, where
Prime Minister Bhutto was accorded a
formal welcome with full military honors.
Following the ceremony, the President and
the Prime Minister met in the Oval Office.


Remarks Following Discussions With Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto
of Pakistan
June 6, 1989


The President. Well, it was a special pleasure for Barbara and me to welcome Prime
Minister Bhutto to the White House this
morning. In fact, our relationship goes back
to 1971, when she attended Harvard and


came with her dad to the United Nations.
And I have often remarked that her father's
1971 appeal was literally one of the most
moving speeches that I ever heard at the
United Nations. And more recently, we met


683




June 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


in Tokyo last February, where I believe
that we were the most newly elected heads
of government.
Pakistan and the United States have enjoyed a long history of good relationsfriends since the time that Pakistan became
an independent nation. And I welcome this
opportunity to reaffirm those ties and to
reassure the Prime Minister of our continued commitment to assist in Pakistan's security and its economic and cultural development.
The Prime Minister knows our country
well, and she has many friends here. And
on behalf of the American people, I congratulated her on Pakistan's historic return
to democracy last year, a development of
which the people of Pakistan can be truly
proud. We discussed how important it is for
all elements of Pakistan society to ensure
that democracy isn't just an abstract concept, but that it works.
And the Prime Minister and I reviewed
the situation in Afghanistan. For the last
decade, the U.S. and Pakistan cooperated in
supporting the Afghan resistance in its fight
against foreign occupation. And Pakistan
deserves great credit and admiration for its
extraordinary, extraordinary humanitarian
efforts in support of the millions of Afghan
refugees during this period. The effectiveness of our mutual policy was proven last
February, when the last Soviet troops withdrew from Afghanistan. And we agreed,
however, that the job is not done. The Mujahidin continues, and their struggle for
self-determination goes on, a goal that both
the United States and Pakistan continue to
support. Prime Minister Bhutto and I discussed ways to encourage a political solution in Afghanistan that will lead to a nonaligned, representative government, willing
to live in peace with its neighbors, to replace the illegitimate regime in Kabul. The
United States and Pakistan will continue to
explore any serious avenue towards this
end.
The Prime Minister and I also reviewed
our efforts to enhance stability in south
Asia., an important objective of both governments. And I expressed our strong support
for Pakistan's efforts, and India's as well, to
improve relations, and stressed the critical
importance of avoiding a regional nuclear


arms race in the subcontinent. And she assured me that Pakistan's nuclear program is
committed to peaceful purposes. I underlined my administration's commitment to
discourage proliferation of nuclear and
chemical weapons, ballistic missiles, in the
south Asia region and around the world.
We also shared our concern about the
scourge of drug production and trafficking.
Not much detail yet on that, but we're
going to go into that one in much more
detail later on. It's a matter of grave concern to the United States. I applauded her
tough stance on eradicating the opium cultivation and expressed our appreciation for
the extradition of alleged drug trafficker
Saleem. To effectively combat this menace,
we've got to undertake a vigorous enforcement campaign, offering U.S. assistance
wherever possible.
And let me say that, as far as I'm concerned, these discussions have been productive. And let me note, too, that that ceremony outside today, the first since I've
been President, was a wonderful way to
welcome the Prime Minister. And we just
walked by the Rose Garden, which also is a
lovely setting, and as the Prime Minister
has observed, roses have a very special
meaning in her life. And when she was
younger, her father would bring back roses
every time he traveled abroad, and in time,
her family's gardens became filled with varieties of color. And during her own detention, she struggled bravely to keep the gardens alive, for as she has written, "I could
not bear to watch the flowers wither, especially my father's roses."
And so, Madam Prime Minister, you've
described your time among the roses and
the cool shade of the gardens as "the happiest hours of my life. " And now, as a gesture of friendship between our people and
to continue your father's tradition, it is my
privilege to present you with this American
rosebush. May it-and you-prosper in the
years to come. And welcome again.
The Prime Minister. I'm very grateful to
President Bush for the kind invitation to
pay an official visit to the United States, and
I'd like to thank the President for his consideration in giving me one of the rosebushes from the White House. It shall always


684




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 6


remind me of this very useful, productive,
and helpful visit-supportive visit-of mine
to the United States.
My presence here underlies the great importance that Pakistan attaches to our relations with your country. This is not only
because geopolitical realities require a close
relationship but, more importantly, because
of the ideals and the objectives that we
share. As you know, this is not my first visit
to Washington or, indeed, to the United
States. I have pleasant memories of my student days at Radcliffe, past visits to Washington, one of the great citadels of democracy. But it is a special privilege and honor
to be here as the democratically elected
leader of a country which has traditionally
enjoyed close, friendly ties with your country.
Over the last 10 years, Pakistan has been
in the forefront of two great struggles. We
have actively supported the cause of the
Afghan people and their brave fight against
foreign military intervention, and at the
same time, at home in Pakistan, we've
struggled against military dictatorship to establish a system based upon democratic
values and the respect for human rights. In
both these epic struggles, we received from
the United States unwavering support, and
material as well as moral encouragement. It
has, therefore, been a special pleasure and
privilege to come to Washington and to
thank President Bush and the Government
and the people of the United States for
their friendship and their generosity.
The President and I have had wide-ranging discussions on a number of issues, and I
am convinced that this exchange will be of
immense benefit to the bilateral relations
that exist between us and also to the cause
of world peace. President Bush has just returned to Washington from a spectacularly
successful visit to Europe, and where he has
launched a series of initiatives which could
open an entirely new era in international
relations, with the exciting prospect of a
genuine and durable peace. Pakistan, which
is situated in one of the more sensitive geo

political regions of the world, will contribute towards these objectives and efforts.
While the withdrawal of Soviet forces has
brought a welcome change in Afghanistan,
the continued fighting and prolonged presence of over 31/2 million Afghan refugees
pose serious threats to the peace and stability of the region. The President and I have
reviewed the situation in the light of the
prevailing circumstances, and we are in
complete accord, both in terms of our analyses as well as the future policies that need
to be evolved. Pakistan remains committed
to a political solution of the Afghan problem, whereby the brave people of Afghanistan will have the right to freely choose
their own government without interference
from outside. Pakistan's commitment to
peace and democracy are fundamental.
In thanking President Bush for the valuable support that the United States has rendered to us in the pursuit of these objectives, I have assured him of our continuing
efforts towards maintaining peace in the
south Asian region and of our determination to strengthen the process of nuclear
nonproliferation by seeking accords, both
bilateral and international, within the regional context.
The President and I discussed measures
to increase our cooperation in the fight
against drugs. We have already achieved
some success in this direction in Pakistan,
but much remains to be done.
In conclusion, I would once more wish to
thank President Bush for the generous hospitality, for the warmth and the friendship
with which we have been received. I go
home greatly encouraged by our constructive and fruitful discussions. I look forward
to the opportunity of reciprocating in Pakistan some of the warmth, kindness, and hospitality that my husband and I have been
privileged to receive from the President
and Mrs. Bush in Washington. Thank you
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 11:33 a.m. in
the East Room of the White House.


685




June 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Michael J. Astrue To Be General Counsel of the
Department of Health and Human Services
June 6, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Michael J. Astrue to be
General Counsel of the Department of
Health and Human Services. He would succeed Malcolm M.B. Sterrett.
Since 1988 Mr. Astrue has been Associate
Counsel to the President in the Executive
Office of the President in Washington, DC.
Prior to this he was Counselor to the Commissioner for the Social Security Adminis

tration, Department of Health and Human
Services, 1986-1988; and Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary for Human Service Legislation, 1985-1986. He was an associate with
Ropes & Gray, 1984-1985; and a law clerk
with the Honorable Walter J. Skinner,
1983-1984.
Mr. Astrue graduated from Yale University (B.A., 1978) and Harvard Law School
(J.D., 1983). He resides in Belmont, MA.


Statement on the 45th Anniversary of D-Day
June 6, 1989


Today we remember those who fought
for freedom 45 years ago at Normandy in
the Allied invasion that hastened the liberation of Europe. In so doing, we remember
all Americans who have fought to keep us
free, and the young men and women who
today act as guardians of the peace and
freedom that America's veterans achieved
through courage and sacrifice.
The alliance of Americans, Canadians,
British and French, and others who fought
together that misty morning was forged in
the fire of battle. Last week in Europe, that
alliance, now greatly broadened, was further cemented by an extraordinarily successful NATO summit. The mutual agreement of the allies on a future course for
Europe has the potential to brighten the
prospects for peace-real peace-and freedom.
From the vantage point of 1989, after
four decades of peace in Europe, it is difficult to remember that on the morning of
June 6, 1944, General Eisenhower carried
in his pocket a draft message declaring the
invasion to have been a failure and taking
personal responsibility for that failure. He
never needed to use that draft, of course,
because all the years of painstaking preparations bore the fruit of victory. The turmoil and confusion of battle that day belied


the calm purposefulness with which freedom confronts tyranny. In recent days, the
face of the world has again been marked by
dramatic occurrences-winds of changethat signify the determination with which
freedom confounds its adversaries. As with
General Eisenhower then, we cannot know
with certainty today whether the forces of
freedom will prevail soon or in every instance. Yet the ultimate victory of freedom
and democracy is inevitable. The new
breeze of democratic change will bring
mankind to better, more tranquil times.
Last week's success of allied unity; the
first free elections in Poland in more than
50 years; and even the momentous, tragic
events in China give us reason to redouble
our efforts to continue the spread of freedom and democracy around the globe, to
end the division of Europe, to broaden the
community of free nations, and to reaffirm
the rights of man.
In light of the striking events in the
world of the past week, and in remembrance of those brave Americans who
fought at Normandy on this date 45 years
ago, several lines often quoted by Winston
Churchill in the darkest days of World War
II seem especially apt today:
For while the tired waves, vainly breaking,


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 6


Seem here no painful inch to gain,
Far back, through creeks and inlets making,
Comes silent, flooding in, the main.
And not by eastern windows only,


When daylight comes, comes in the
light,
In front, the sun climbs slow, how slowly,
But westward, look, the land is bright.


Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
President of the Senate Transmitting a Report on the Export-Import
Bank of the United States
June 6, 1989


Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
This report is being transmitted pursuant
to Section 7(aX2) of the Export-Import Bank
Act of 1945, as amended (12 U.S.C.
635e(aX2)).
Based on the information supplied by the
Export-Import Bank, I have determined
that for fiscal year 1989 (i) the amount of
direct loan authority available to the Bank
is sufficient and (ii) the amount of guarantee
authority available to the Bank may be
greater than needed.
Although there could be substantial
excess guarantee authority, I believe that its
continued availability will be advantageous.
Guarantees represent an important means
of support for U.S. exports and involve only


a limited subsidy. Moreover, a portion of
any unused 1989 authority will be carried
over into 1990 when demand may be
higher.
Therefore, I do not seek legislation to rescind any authority of the Bank. I have concluded that the statutory fiscal year 1989
limits for the Export-Import Bank authority
should remain unchanged.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Thomas
S. Foley, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Dan Quayle, President of the
Senate.


Statement on the Elections in Poland
June 6, 1989


Sunday's elections in Poland marked an
important step toward freedom and democracy. I am encouraged by the responses of
both the Polish Government and members
of the opposition to the election results. I
hope the movement toward political pluralism will continue to follow the responsible,
constructive path it has taken since the historic roundtable agreements in April.


As I said in my speech in Hamtramck,
Michigan, April 17, the Polish people are
now taking steps that deserve our active
support. We will work in concert with our
allies to help Polish democracy take root
anew and sustain itself. The Polish people
face a difficult task ahead, but their first
steps have been firmly in the right direction.


687




June 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Sherrie Sandy Rollins To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Housing and Urban Development
June 6, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Sherrie Sandy Rollins to
be an Assistant Secretary of Housing and
Urban Development (Public Affairs). She
would succeed Harry K. Schwartz.
Since 1985 Ms. Rollins has been vice
president of communications for the Oliver
Carr Co. in Washington, DC. She served as
director of network support for the 1988
Republican National Convention. She was
assistant press secretary and media liaison


for the Presidential Inaugural Committee,
1984-1985; state press coordinator and
media liaison for the Reagan-Bush 1984
Campaign, 1984; executive director for the
Business and Professional Association of
Georgetown, 1981-1984; and an account executive for the public relations firm of Gleason and Thomasson, 1980-1981.
Ms. Rollins graduated from the University
of Virginia (B.A., 1980). She is married and
resides in Alexandria, VA.


Nomination of Roy M. Goodman To Be a Member of the National
Council on the Arts
June 6, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Roy M. Goodman to be a
member of the National Council on the
Arts, National Foundation on the Arts and
the Humanities, for a term expiring September 3, 1994. He would succeed C.
Douglas Dillon.
Currently State Senator Goodman is serving his 10th term in the New York Legislature, representing the 26th District. He also
served as chairman of the senate committee
on investigations, taxation, and government
operations, 1978 to present. From 1969 to
1978, he was chairman of the senate committee on housing and urban development.


Mr. Goodman was chairman of the New
York State Charter Revision Commission for
New York City, 1972-1975, and finance
commissioner and treasurer of the City of
New York, 1966-1968. In addition, Mr.
Goodman was appointed by President
Reagan to be a Commissioner of the National Commission of Fine Arts, 1985.
Mr. Goodman was born March 5, 1930, in
New York City. He graduated from Harvard College (A.B., 1951) and Harvard
Graduate School of Business Administration
(M.A., 1953). He served in the U.S. Navy,
1953-1956. He is married, has three children, and resides in Manhattan, NY.


Toasts at the State Dinner for Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto of
Pakistan
June 6, 1989


The President. Prime Minister Bhutto, Mr.
Zardari, it's a great pleasure and an honor
for Barbara and me to welcome you to the
United States and to the White House. I
also want to welcome a third honored guest


not here tonight, the master, Bilawal Zardari. [Laughter] He's 9 months old. He had
to go to bed early, so he couldn't come to
the White House. And we're all heartbroken, but I hope he's having a good time in


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 6


the United States.
Madam Prime Minister, I've had many
years of dealings with the Pakistani people,
and always I've marveled at that blend of
warmth and kindness best embodied in
your phrase, Zindabad-"Long live the
friendship." And this evening it is my great
pleasure to return that friendship and to say
what a privilege it is to salute a woman
whose reputation for eloquence and intelligence and courage is all here-we'll see in a
moment-is eminently well-deserved. And
in that context, I should note how one observer said that it was an asset to today's
talks that the leaders of both our countries
are fluent in the same tongue. [Laughter]
That was very nice. Fluency in English is
something that I'm often not accused of.
[Laughter]
But we've just concluded a round of very
frank discussions-meaningful. And I don't
mean it in the diplomatic sense, the U.N.
sense, that we used to talk about, but meaningful discussions on a matter of traditional
importance. And I think it's a fair characterization to say that the Prime Minister has
flatly refused my latest offer: She's not
going double or nothing on this year's Harvard-Yale game. [Laughter]
What we did, though, agree to was the
steadfast conviction that the cooperation
between our countries will grow stronger
by the year and to address regional and
international issues in the spirit of our
shared commitment to liberty, individuality,
and democratic ideals. And as you know, I
have just returned from Europe, where
those ideals strengthen the already close
ties between America and her European
allies. And that same commitment to democracy joins Pakistan and America as we
move towards a more stable and prosperous
Asia.
We also talked at length about the plague
of drug abuse which afflicts both America
and Pakistan. And neither country can
afford to allow the scourge of drugs to continue. And throughout our talks we reaffirmed the values which bind us, bind the
United States and Pakistan-values of faith
and family and the dignity of work. And we
pledge to continue our work together to
bring peace and freedom to Afghanistan,
stability to all of south Asia.


Madam   Prime Minister, our goals are
great goals, worthy goals. And together our
countries have already done much. And in
particular, let me simply salute your role in
Pakistan's return to democracy. It was the
great Pakistani poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal who once observed, simply,
"Love is freedom and honor." And, Madam
Prime Minister, your entire life shows the
meaning of those words. And in that spirit,
I ask all of us here tonight, all our guests, to
rise and raise their glasses to PakistanAmerican friendship; to a safer world for
your son and for all children; and to your
health and what you symbolize, both for
Pakistan and for the rest of the world. God
bless you, and good luck.
The Prime Minister. Thank you. I thank
you, Mr. President, for the warm and gracious words that you have spoken about
Pakistan and about me, personally. We hold
you in high esteem because of your exceptional experience in world affairs, the moderation of your approach to the problems
facing mankind, and the wisdom and moral
quality of your statesmanship.
It is an honor for me to be in this world
capital of freedom, in this historic room as
the elected leader of the Islamic Republic
of Pakistan. Yet standing here before you, I
cannot help but remember the darker days,
the days of dictatorship. I feel gratified that
our faith, our determination, and our commitment to the universal principles of
human dignity and freedom sustained us to
this glorious evening, to this glorious day.
Mr. President, I stand with the leader of
the world's greatest democracy. I look forward to a new partnership between your
country and mine, with democracy giving a
fresh dimension to our relationship. Pakistan and the United States have been
friends of longstanding. With the triumph
of democracy, the relationship is now at the
threshold of a new vitality.
This springs from the reservoir of good
will that has been nourished by our sustained joint endeavor in support of a
worthy cause in Afghanistan: the cause of
freedom. We look forward to the day when
real peace and stability will return to Afghanistan, when power is transferred to a
genuinely representative government. This


689




June 6 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


will allow millions of refugees who have
sought sanctuary in Pakistan to return to
their homes in honor and dignity.
We now need to look at broader horizons.
The people of Pakistan seek peace and stability in their region and a world free of
tensions. We would like to see mankind
progress and prosper. Pakistan would like to
strengthen its friendship with the United
States, which shares these objectives.
We have come here with new priorities,
Mr. President, new priorities to take our
nation and our people into the 21st century.
We have come to enrich our friendship and
strengthen the partnership between our
two nations. Mr. President, I wonder
whether you know-I didn't until very recently-that  we   have  something  in
common. We are born, apparently, under
the same star. And when I was in Pakistan


and the government had just been formed,
we weren't allowed much of a political honeymoon by the press. I believe you weren't
allowed much of a political honeymoon,
either. But I'm glad to know that your trip
to Europe in connection with NATO was a
big success, because if you've had a successful trip, I must have one, too.
Ladies and gentlemen, I studied at Harvard, and believe me, I didn't know until
tonight that Yale ever produced charming
men. I'm glad I met the only one. [Laughter]
May I now request you to join me in a
toast to the health of the President of the
United States and Mrs. Bush, to the
strength and prosperity of America and
friendship between our people.
Note: The President spoke at 10:16 p.m. in
the State Dining Room at the White House.


Message on the Observance of National Fishing Week, June 5-1 1,
1989
June 7, 1989


America is a land blessed by bountiful
natural resources. Enjoying our outdoor
treasures has always been an indelible part
of the spirit of our people. That is why it
gives me great pleasure to pay tribute to
one of our most popular outdoor leisure activities-recreational fishing-during National Fishing Week. For some, fishing is a
full-time occupation. But for most of the 60
million Americans who fish, it is a means of
renewing our bonds with nature and sharing special moments with family and
friends.
Fishing is an especially valuable experience for our younger generation. Today,
more than ever, it is important to instill in
our children a sense of appreciation and
responsibility for stewardship of our lands
and waters. One brisk morning spent fishing on a misty lake can bring home to a
child the beauty, drama, and fragility of our


natural heritage in a way a thousand classroom presentations never could.
Our nation's public investment in fishery
conservation, restoration, and enhancement
is, in great part, paid for by fishermen
through taxes on fishing equipment. Last
year, government agencies working with
many private organizations successfully
completed a National Recreational Fisheries
Policy. This effort was an important first
step in focusing attention on the social and
economic importance of sport fishing.
By continuing to work together, we can
ensure that generations to come will have
the opportunity to experience the pleasures
found in fishing. As an avid fisherman, I'm
happy to send a special salute to all my
fellow "anglers" during National Fishing
Week.
GEORGE BUSH


690




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 8


Nomination of Michael R. Deland To Be a Member of the Council
on Environmental Quality, and Designation as Chairman
June 7, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Michael R. Deland to be a
member of the Council on Environmental
Quality. He would succeed A. Alan Hill.
Upon confirmation he will be designated
Chairman.
Since 1983 Mr. Deland has been Regional
Administrator for Region I of the Environmental Protection Agency in New England.
Prior to this he was an environmental counsel and consultant with Environmental Research and Technology, Inc., 1976-1983.
From 1971 to 1976, he served in several


capacities for the Environmental Protection
Agency in New England, including chief of
the enforcement branch for Region I, 1973 -1976; chief for the legal review section,
1972-1973; and as an attorney, 1971-1972.
Mr. Deland has also served as a staff assistant and legal counsel to the president of the
University of Massachusetts, 1971.
Mr. Deland graduated from Harvard College (A.B., 1963) and Boston College Law
School (J.D., 1969). He served in the U.S.
Navy, 1963-1965. He is married, has two
children, and resides in Boston, MA.


Remarks to Members of Ducks Unlimited
June 8, 1989


Thank you, Harry, very, very much, and
all of you for that warm welcome. Every
member of Ducks Unlimited can eat his
heart out-or hers-and I say that because
you should be very jealous of me. You
ought to see the beautiful carvings that you
all gave to me carved by Bill Veasey-two
ducks-one of the most spectacular pieces
of duck artwork that I believe I've ever
seen. And so, I'm grateful to all of you for
that presentation that Harry made.
I want to salute the Members of Congress
that are here. I want to pay my respects to
the head of the EPA, Bill Reilly. We are
very fortunate to have him leading our Environmental Protection Agency. I want to
pay my respects to our Secretary, Manuel
Lujan, who is going to do a fantastic job for
us. I served with him in the Congress, and
he rates and merits your confidence. Mike
Deland was supposed to be here, and heshowing the fact that he's human-he is
caught up at the airport in Washington
right now-[laughter]-so I expect we'll see
him in a while. But most of you know him.
And I would simply say that the Members
of Congress and friends-it's a real pleasure
to be here.


One of my greatest pleasures is going
fishing with my grandchildren and seeing
the Grand Tetons through the eyes of a 10 -year-old grandson or teaching our 6-yearold twin granddaughters-now Texans
again-the wonders of the ocean-makes
life really sing for me. And when I am out
in the great outdoors with my own kids or
grandkids, I realize how true it is that our
children will inherit the Earth. And so, any
vision of a kinder, gentler America-any
nation concerned about its quality of life,
now and forever, must be concerned about
conservation. It will not be enough to
merely halt the damage we've done; our
natural heritage must be recovered and restored. And we saw it at Mount St. Helens,
and we see it now at Yellowstone Park and
in the growth of spring: nature healing its
wounds, coming back to life. We can and
should be nature's advocate. And that
means an active stewardship of the natural
world. And it's time to renew the environmental ethic in America and to renew U.S.
leadership on environmental issues around
the world. Renewal is the way of nature,
and it must now become the way of man.
And that's why I so readily accepted


691




June 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


when Harry invited me, and that's why I
wanted to talk to you today. When this organization was founded over 50 years ago,
in the Dust Bowl days, there was just a
handful of you committed to preserving
and restoring our wetlands. And just about
that time, a few hunters got together and
formed a little group called Ducks Unlimited; and thank goodness they did. And since
then, you've set aside, I am told, over 5
million acres as habitat, raised nearly half a
billion dollars, started wetlands projects in
each of the 50 States, for a simple reason:
75 percent of the remaining wetlands in
the continental U.S. are privately owned.
We can't do it without your help. The partnerships you've set up with State and Federal agencies and with conservation groups
like the Nature Conservancy and the Wildlife Foundation have been outstanding.
And that's good news for ducks. Remember, though, what Dick Darman [Director
of the Office of Management and Budget]
said about taxes. Anything that looks like a
duck or walks like a duck or quacks like a
duck is going to hear from him. [Laughter]
The poor guy; the very thought of Ducks
Unlimited keeps him up at night. [Laughter] But your work is even better news for
America, for what you're doing represents
just the kind of local, on-site private sector
initiative that we must bring to every environmental challenge.
As you know too well, our wetlands are
being lost at a rate of nearly half a million
acres a year. So, every year, fewer mallards
and pintails make it to the pothole country.
You may remember my pledge, that our
national goal would be no net loss of wetlands. And together, we are going to deliver
on the promise of renewal, and I plan to
keep that pledge. I've set up an interagency
task force, under our Domestic Policy
Council, to work with you, with governments at all levels, with the private sector,
to stop the destruction of those precious
habitats. Their first task is to develop a
united Federal policy for the North American Waterfowl Management Plan here, and
in Canada as well-and Canada has lost
over 40 percent of her wetlands. And the
time has come to simply say, "Stop!"
And to support the plan, this week Secretary Lujan proposed a new trust fund, using


interest from the Pittman-Robertson Fund,
that would contribute about $10 million.
And our goal is to restore a fall flight of
more than 100 million birds. And we're
looking at legislation from Senators Mitchell
and Chafee, Congressmen Dingell and
Conte, and there are a few details to be
worked out, but the basic thrust of the legislation is sound. I look forward to signing a
bill to conserve North American wetlands
this year. And we've asked for nearly $200
million in new funding for acquisitions
under the Land and Water Conservation
Fund. We've also increased funding for coordinated water quality programs to protect
the wetlands we already have, and for the
first time in 7 years, some of those dollars
will go towards acquiring wetlands.
But we're looking far beyond the Federal
role. We want to improve the management
of federally owned wetlands by leasing
them to concerned groups like yours. And
you know, the local momentum is picking
up. Just last month, Maryland's Governor
Schaefer approved the Nation's first State
nontidal wetlands law, and it's an outstanding piece of work. Bill Reilly emerged as a
key supporter for that bill, and I certainly
would encourage him to do more; but in his
case, he's the one that's encouraging me to
do more all the time. And again, I'm grateful for his leadership.
We're working with American farmers
through the farm bill program to provide
technical assistance for wetland conservation. Wherever wetlands must give way to
farming or development, they will be replaced or expanded elsewhere. It's time to
stand the history of wetlands destruction on
its head. From this year forward, anyone
who tries to drain the swamp is going to be
up to his ears in alligators. [Laughter]
Let me just spend a few minutes outlining our environmental philosophy. Our approach to wetlands conservation is driven
by a new kind of environmentalism, a set of
principles that apply to all of the environmental challenges that we face. We believe
that pollution is not the inevitable byproduct of progress. So, the first principle is that
sound ecology and a strong economy can
coexist. But let's remember: The burden of
proof is on man, not nature. And the fact is,


692




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 8


our ecology and the economy are interdependent. Environmentalists and entrepreneurs must see how much their interests
are held in common. It's time to harness
the power of the marketplace in the service
of the environment.
The second principle is that a true commitment to restoring the Nation's environment requires more than just a Federal
commitment. The tradition of purely Federal, "top-down" directives will never again
be enough. So, we're working to promote
more creative State and local initiatives,
drawing on the energy of local communities
and the private sector into the cause-pulling them into the cause of conservation. All
of you in this room have made that commitment, and now it must be made an allAmerican commitment.
And our third principle is obvious, but
too rarely acted on: that preventing pollution is a far more efficient strategy than
struggling to deal with problems once
they've occurred. For too long, we've focused on cleanup and penalties after the
damage is done. It's time to reorient ourselves, using technologies and processes that
reduce or prevent pollution-to stop it
before it starts. In the 1990's, pollution prevention will go right to the source.
Technology has given us tremendous,
awesome power to alter the face of the
Earth. We must use it to do good. Environmental soundness, industrial design must be
partners. Industry is making-and must
continue to make-environmental soundness an essential fact of American industrial
life.
We've already taken several steps in that
direction. And as you know, I've called for
the elimination of CFC's [chlorofluorocarbons] by the year 2000. And we've also reviewed the Corporate Average Fuel Economy, those CAFE standards. We've tightened the standard, as the law originally intended. More efficient cars are good for our
environment and good for our energy security. We're going to promote the use of alternative "neat" fuel technology. And I've
proposed full funding to develop clean coal
technology.
The fourth principle is a recognition that
environmental problems respect no borders. I'm delighted to see the Ambassador


from Canada here. So, we're working with
nations around the world to provide leadership in finding cooperative international solutions. From Japan to Brazil, we're discussing ways to reverse rainforest devastation.
And we've recommended a ban on international shipment of hazardous waste unless
an agreement is signed that makes sure
waste is disposed of safely. In Germany 2
weeks ago, I announced our intention to
provide technical assistance and new technologies to the nations of Eastern Europe to
help them handle pollution problems. And
some of the rivers in those countries are
now so polluted they can't even be used for
industrial cooling because they're too corrosive. And even our recommendation to ban
the importation of elephant ivory underscores this new international emphasis.
The fifth and final principle is that existing environmental laws will be vigorously
and firmly enforced. And I've requested
funds to hire more environmental prosecutors at the Justice Department. And next
week, Bill Reilly will deliver to Congress a
report on overhauling the Superfund program for hazardous waste. Our message
about environmental law is simple: Polluters will pay.
And finally, on Monday, I will unveil the
most sweeping changes to the Clean Air
Act since it was last amended 12 years ago.
And it will allow us to recover and restore
precious forests, lakes, and streams. And
whether Americans live near factories or in
cities or in high woodland country, it'll significantly improve every North American's
quality of life.
So, those are our five principles: harnessing the power of the marketplace, State and
local initiative, promoting prevention, international cooperation, and strict enforcement.
But behind all of the studies, the figures,
and the debates, the environment is a
moral issue. For it is wrong to pass on to
future generations a world tainted by
present thoughtlessness. It is unjust to allow
the natural splendor bestowed to us to be
compromised. It is imperative that we preserve the Earth and all its blessings-to
meet the challenge of renewal.
Some 40 years ago, a man named Aldo


693




June 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Leopold wrote a book that some of you may
have heard of. It was called "A Sand
County Almanac." And in it, he talked
about values, values that you and I share.
"That land is to be loved and respected,"
Leopold wrote-let me start-"That land is
to be loved and respected is an extension of
ethics." That was 40 years ago. And since
then, millions of acres of wetlands, habitat
for so many plants and animals, have disappeared. And they continue to vanish at an
alarming rate, some one-half million acres a
year.
And I want to ask you today what the
generations to follow will say of us 40 years
from now. It could be they'll report the loss
of many million acres more, the extinction
of species, the disappearance of wilderness
and wildlife; or they could report something
else. They could report that sometime
around 1989 things began to change and
that we began to hold on to our parks and
refuges and that we protected our species
and that in that year the seeds of a new
policy about our valuable wetlands were
sown, a policy summed up in three simple
words: "No net loss." And I prefer the
second vision of America's environmental


future.
A man I greatly admire, Theodore Roosevelt, was the first President to act on that
ideal. And when he set aside the Grand
Canyon as a national monument of nature,
his words of warning were driven by great
personal conviction. "Leave it as it is," he
said. "You cannot improve on it. The ages
have been at work on it, and man can only
mar it. What you can do is keep it for your
children and your children's children."
Recovery, restoration, and renewal-that
is our moral imperative. And from today
forward, it is the ethical legacy we must
inspire in every American.
To one of the great private sector organizations in America, I thank you. God bless
you, and God bless the United States of
America. Thank you very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at the Sixth International Waterfowl Symposium at 1:10
p.m. in the Arlington Ballroom at the Crystal Gateway Marriott in Arlington, VA. In
his opening remarks, he referred to Harry
D. Knight, president of Ducks Unlimited,
and Michael R. Deland, member-designate
of the Council on Environmental Quality.


Nomination of Debra Russell Bowland To Be Administrator of the
Wage and Hour Division at the Department of Labor
June 8, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Debra Russell Bowland to
be Administrator of the Wage and Hour
Division at the Department of Labor. She
would succeed Paula V. Smith.
Mrs. Bowland is currently Deputy Director of the Women's Bureau at the Department of Labor. From 1985 to 1988, she was
a Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary
of Policy, Department of Labor; the Deputy
Under Secretary for Employment Standards, Department of Labor; the Assistant
Secretary for Vocational and Adult Education, Department of Education; and a


member of the Federal Labor Relations Authority. Mrs. Bowland was director of the
department of citizens' service in Baton
Rouge, LA, 1985; executive director in Louisiana for Reagan-Bush '84, 1984; owner of
Debra Bowland and Associates, 1982-1984;
and the secretary of labor for Louisiana,
1980-1982.
Mrs. Bowland attended the University of
Wyoming, 1963-1965, and Louisiana State
University, 1975-1976. She was born January 24, 1944, in Dayton, OH. Mrs. Bowland
is married, has three children, and resides
in Fairfax, VA.


694




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 8


Nomination of William C. Brooks To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Labor
June 8, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate William C. Brooks to be an
Assistant Secretary of Labor (Employment
Standards Administration). He would succeed Fred William Alvarez.
Since 1973 Mr. Brooks has served in several capacities for the General Motors
Corp., including executive director of personnel administration, since January 1989;
manager of executive recruiting; director of
education systems and program services; director of personnel planning, industrial relations staff; director of personnel, Fisher
Body Division engineering center; general
director of personnel and public relations,
Delco Moraine division; general director of
personnel administration; and executive director of the personnel analysis group. Prior
The President's News Conference
June 8, 1989
The President. Welcome to the East
Room. Please be seated, and we shall proceed.
Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press
International]?
China-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, cutting off military sales
to China does not seem to have made an
impression on the rulers there, and they've
become more repressive. What else are you
going to do to express this nation's outrage?
And do you have any other plans?
The President. Helen, I think that the position we took, aiming not at the Chinese
people but at the military arrangements,
was well received around the world and
was followed by many countries. Right after
we did that, many of the European countries followed suit. The events in China are
such that we, obviously, deplore the violence and the loss of life, urge restoration of
order with recognition of the rights of the


to this, Mr. Brooks held several positions in
the Federal Government: in the Office of
Management and Budget in the Executive
Office of the President, the Department of
Defense, the Department of Labor, and the
Department of the Air Force.
Mr. Brooks received a bachelor of arts
degree from Long Island University in
Brooklyn, NY, and a master's degree in
business administration from the University
of Oklahoma, Norman, OK. He is also a
graduate of Harvard Business School's advanced management program and has received an honorary doctor of humane letters degree from Florida A&M University.
Mr. Brooks was born in Ste. Genevieve,
MO. He is married, has three children, and
currently resides in Detroit, MI.


people. And I'm still hopeful that China will
come together, respecting the urge for democracy on the part of the people. And
what we will do in the future, I will announce at appropriate times; but right now,
we are engaged in diplomatic efforts, and
other countries are doing the same thing.
And let's hope that it does have an ameliorating effect on this situation.
Q. Does your support of human rights
and democracy extend to other places in
the world, like South Africa, the West Bank,
where they've been fighting a lot longer
than in China against repression?
The President. Yes, it does; it certainly
does. Concern is universal. And that's what
I want the Chinese leaders to understand.
You see, we've taken this action. I am one
who lived in China; I understand the importance of the relationship with the Chinese people and with the Government. It is
in the interest of the United States to have
good relations, but because of the question


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June 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


that you properly raised, we have to speak
out in favor of human rights. And we aren't
going to remake the world, but we should
stand for something. And there's no question in the minds of these students that the
United States is standing in their corners.
I'll tell you a little anecdote: When our
cars went out to the university to pick up
some of the students and bring them out,
they were met by universal applause. And
then the students in this country have been
quite supportive of the steps that I have
taken. We had a few into the Oval Office
the other day, and I must say my heart goes
out to them. They cannot talk to their families, and it's very difficult.
But, yes, the United States must stand
wherever, in whatever country, universally
for human rights. And let me say, you mentioned South Africa? Absolutely appalling.
Apartheid must end.
Yes, Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated
Press].
Q. Mr. President, can the United States
ever have normal relations with China as
long as the hardliners believed responsible
for the massacre, such as Deng Xiaoping
[Chairman of the Central Military Committee] and Premier Li Peng, remain in
power? In other words, what will it take to
get U.S.-Chinese relations back to normal?
The President. It will take a recognition of
the rights of individuals and respect for the
rights of those who disagree. And you have
cited two leaders, one of whom I might tell
you is-you mentioned Deng Xiaoping. I'm
not sure the American people know this:
He was thrown out by the Cultural Revolution crowd back in the late sixties; came
back in; 1976, was put out again because he
was seen as too forward looking. And all I'm
saying from that experience is: Let's not
jump at conclusions as to how individual
leaders in China feel when we aren't sure
of that.
But the broad question that you ask-we
can't have totally normal relations unless
there's a recognition of the validity of the
students' aspirations. And I think that that
will happen. We had a visit right here, upstairs in the White House, with Mr. Wan Li
[Chairman of the Standing Committee of
the National People's Congress]. Now, I
don't know whether he's in or out, but he


said something to me that I think the
American people would be interested in.
He said, "The army loves the people." And
then you've seen soldiers from the 27th
Army coming in from outside of Beijing and
clearly shooting people. But having said
that, I don't think we ought to judge the
whole People's Liberation Army of China
by that terrible incident.
What I want to do is preserve this relationship as best I can, and I hope the conditions that lie ahead will permit me to preserve this relationship. I don't want to pass
judgment on individual leaders, but I want
to make very clear to those leaders and to
the rest of the world that the United States
denounces the kind of brutality that all of
us have seen on our television.
Right here, Brit [Brit Hume, ABC News].
House Speaker Foley
Q. Mr. President, I want to ask you about
the now infamous memorandum the Republican National Committee distributed
concerning Speaker Foley. First, do you
think it's credible that this memorandum,
which you called disgusting, was not known
about by anybody above the level of the
staffer who wrote it? And second, do you
think it's enough, sir, for this staffer to
resign and for everyone then to simply say
that the matter is closed?
The President. Well, in the first place, I
have great respect for Tom Foley. And he's
the one that says the matter should be
closed, and he's right. And let me just
repeat: It was disgusting. It's against everything that I have tried to stand for in political life. But I discussed that matter with
Lee Atwater [Republican National Committee Chairman]. He looked me right in the
eye and said he did not know about it. He
moved promptly to remove the person that
did know about it. And so, I accept that.
But I think that Speaker Foley, a most
honorable man, who obviously was done a
terrible ill service to by this, is correct
when he says, "Let's get it behind us." And
I'd like to shift the gears and move into
ethics legislation, all the time being sure we
try to avoid this kind of ugliness on either
side.
Is this a followup question?


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 8


Negative Politics
Q. Speaker Foley has indicated that he'd
like to change the atmosphere, which has
been somewhat poisonous on Capitol Hill
this year. Some Democrats have said that
you as the leader of your party here in
town should do something to try to get the
Republicans to join in that effort. What do
you say to that call, sir?
The President. I don't think the atmosphere is caused by one part or another. I
expressed the same kind of outrage-that
I've just expressed about Speaker Foleyabout John Tower. I think any fairminded
person, no matter how the situation worked
out-but you know and I know that he was
vilified by rumor and innuendo-vilified.
And I don't like it there, and I didn't like
what happened to Mr. Foley. And, yes, Brit,
I hope I can find a way to elevate it and
keep it on the issues.
You know, I'm a realist; I've been around
this track for a long time. But we've got to
do better. This ugliness of this climate is
bad, and I don't like it. And I'd like to think
that I could help-maybe this itself will
help.
China-U.S. Relations
Q. Mr. President, I'd like to return to
China for a moment. You mentioned that
your goal is to preserve our relationship
with the Chinese Government. But what do
you say to the American people who might
wonder why we are not more forceful in
being the world's leading advocate of democracy? And are we not living up to that
responsibility in this situation?
The President. Well, some have suggested, for example, to show our forcefulness,
that I bring the American Ambassador
back. I disagree with that 180 degrees. And
we've seen, in the last few days, a very
good reason to have him there. In fact, one
of your colleagues, Richard Roth of CBS,
was released partially because of the work
of our Embassy, of Jim Lilley, our very able
Ambassador.
Some have suggested, well, you've got to
go full sanctions on economic side. I don't
want to cut off grain, and we've just sold
grain to the People's Republic of China. I
think that would be counterproductive and


would hurt the people.
What I do want to do is take whatever
steps are most likely to demonstrate the
concern that America feels. And I think I've
done that, and I'll be looking for other ways
to do it if we possibly can.
Asylum for Chinese Dissident
Q. Mr. President, Chinese dissident Fang
Lizhi has taken refuge in the U.S. Embassy,
apparently fearing for his own safety. The
Chinese Government has called that a
wanton interference in internal affairs and
a violation of international law. What is
your reaction to that? And will the United
States grant Fang political asylum in the
United States?
The President. First, let me remind the
audience here that we do not discuss
asylum. It's almost like a public discussion
of intelligence matters. But in terms of your
question, we have acted in compliance with
the international law as an extraordinary
measure for humanitarian reasons. His personal safety was involved here, he felt. And
then we try, historically, to work these
things out in consultation with the sovereign state. So, we are not violating international law, in the opinion of our attorneys.
And it is awful hard for the United States,
when a man presents himself-a person
who is a dissident-and says that his life is
threatened, to turn him back. And that isn't
one of the premises upon which the United
States was founded. So, we have a difference with them on that, you're right, but I
hope it can be resolved.
Fair Employment Standards
Q. Mr. President, this week the Supreme
Court reversed an 18-year standard for fair
employment decisions. Now, under the old
standard, employers had to justify as legitimate practices that excluded women and
minorities. The Court's decision now puts
the burden of proof on the plaintiffs to
show that the practices they're challenging
are not legitimate. Civil rights advocates say
that the decision makes it much more difficult for women and minorities to challenge
practices that exclude them. Do you support efforts to restore the old standard?
The President. I have not yet received the


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June 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


memo from the General Counsel on this
decision, and thus I really have to defer. I
wish I could tell you; but I am one who,
when the Supreme Court makes a ruling,
figures that the President of the United
States must adhere by the law as determined. But we're getting that analyzed.
And then sometimes you can take remedy
in suggested legislation.
Iran-U.S. Relations
Q. Mr. President, the Iranian government, of course, has changed. And the question to you is: Is there hope that there
might be restored some kind of relations
with that country? As you know, today the
Iranians set forth, informally, an offer for
some kind of a deal: that if the Americans
would help free some Iranians held by the
Phalangists that they might help us free
some of our prisoners as well-or our hostages. Is there any hope for any change in
the near future?
The President. For a change in relationship? I stated the other day what it would
take to have improved relationships, and
that would be a renunciation of terror. We
can't have normalized relations with a state
that's branded a terrorist state. And secondly, they must facilitate the release of American hostages. And so, that is what it would
take. And there was a case a while back
where Iran asked for information regarding
their hostages-never accused us, properly
so, of holding people hostage or in any way
condoning that-we condemn it. And we've
supplied them information. But it's going to
take a change in behavior. We don't mind
name calling. They keep calling us the
Great Satan-that doesn't bother us. Sticks
and stones-remember the old adage-will
hurt your bones. The names don't hurt you;
but performance is what we're looking for.
And I don't see so far any sign of change.
I held out the olive branch at my inauguration speech, and I said, look, we want
better relations with Iran. I remember
when we had good relations. We like the
Iranian people; we have a lot of Iranians
living in this country. And I said, look, you
want better relations, do what's right, do
what's right by people that are held against
their will. And we've seen no movement. I
would repeat that offer tonight.


China-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, the other day you
picked up the phone and talked to Richard
Nixon about China. I'm wondering, since
you know some of the Chinese leaders personally, why you don't pick up the phone
and talk to them.
The President. I tried today. Isn't that a
coincidence that you'd ask that question?
[Laughter]
Q. And what did you learn?
The President. The line was busy. [Laughter] I couldn't get through.
Q. And Mr. President
The President. Oh, yes, you've got a followup. Go ahead.
Q. Well, I'm wondering if you learned
anything from those phone calls about
who's really running China?
The President. I said I couldn't get
through. And I talked to our Ambassador,
knowing that we'd understandably get
questions on China tonight, and the situation is still very, very murky. And that's the
way it's been.
I remember, Johanna [Johanna Newman,
USA Today], I remember being in China
when the way we'd tell who was winning
and who was losing, who was up and who
was down-we'd send people out around
town to count the red-flag limousines. And
then they'd say, "Oh, there's 30 of them
gathered here; there must be an important
meeting." And everybody would hover
around trying to see who emerged or who
stood next to somebody on a parade on festival day. And it's opened up much more
than that. There have been dramatic
changes since then.
But in terms of our trying to figure out
their internal order, it is extraordinarily difficult. And I did try to contact a Chinese
leader today, and it didn't work; but I'm
going to keep on trying. I want them to
know that I view this relationship as important, and yet I view the life of every single
student as important.
Defense Spending
Q. Mr. President, during the 1988 campaign, the Republicans ran ads featuring
Chuck Yeager [former test pilot] saying that
thousands of defense jobs would be lost


698




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 8


with the election of Michael Dukakis. Yet
your defense budget would cut several
thousand jobs in your home State of Texas,
including the elimination of the V-22
Osprey. Is there an inconsistency or conflict
with your defense
The President. None whatsoever, none
whatsoever. Do you want to follow up? Go
ahead.
Q. Is there any hope for revitalizing those
programs that are going to be cut?
The President. Well, not programs that
the Secretary of Defense [Richard B.
Cheney], in consultation with the White
House-that felt were less than priority.
And you know, when you go to assign priorities, it isn't easy. And we had a program on
to facilitate a way to close bases. And lo and
behold, everybody in whose district there
was no base thought it was a wonderful
idea. And everybody in whose district there
was a base, or whose State-felt, well, we
ought to fine-tune this one; they don't seem
to understand.
It is hard to do this, Dave [David Montgomery, Fort Worth Star-Telegram]. And I
know there's some people who are thrown
out of work. But our defense budget is, in
my view, ample for the national security
needs of this country. But the Defense Secretary has had to make certain tough calls
on systems. And, yes, some people have
been thrown out of work. But if this economy keeps moving, I expect they'll find
work, because we do have a strong level of
defense spending.
Chinese Politics
Q. Earlier, sir, you made reference to
Deng Xiaoping, suggesting that he may, if I
read you right, not necessarily have been
responsible for the actions. You said that he
was a reformer, twice out, back in. What
were you trying to say? Do you have information that he is notThe President. I was trying to say that I
don't know. And I'm trying to say you don't
know, and he doesn't know, and she doesn't
know. And nobody knows-outside. And
that's the way the Chinese system works.
So, for us to read every day some new
name out there-it just isn't right. And I
don't want to misrepresent this to the
American people, but what I do know is


that there's events over there that-it
doesn't matter who's in charge-we condemn. And there's a relationship over there
that is fundamentally important to the
United States that I want to see preserved.
And so, I'm trying to find a proper, prudent
balance, not listening to the extremes that
say, take your Ambassador out; cut off all
food to the Chinese people so you show
your concern. And I think we found a
proper avenue there, but I cannot-and you
ask a good question-I simply cannot tell
you with authority who is calling the shots
there today.
Q. Let me follow by asking you this, then:
When you were in China earlier in the
year, you met with Li Peng, and I believe
you told him that China was exempted
from your policy review because you knew
China, you understood China. Have you
been let down personally? Have you been
misled in any way?
The President. I feel a certain sense of
personal disappointment. But they weren't
exempt from the norms of behavior that are
accepted internationally in terms of armed
people don't shoot down unarmed students.
Nobody suggested that.
There was an interesting point in thereand I don't want to delve into the detail of
private conversations-but one of the Chinese leaders, a very prominent name, told
me, "We want change, but people have to
understand it's very complicated here, how
fast we move on these reforms. We've come
a long way." And indeed, they did move
dramatically faster on economic reforms
than I think any of us in this room would
have thought possible.
But what hasn't caught up is the political
reforms and reforms in terms of freedom of
expression. The freedom of press caught up
a little bit; but it hadn't gone, obviously,
near far enough, and now there's martial
law and censorship. But we were cautioned
on that visit about how fast China could
move. Some of it was economic, and clearly,
some of the message had to do with how
fast they could move politically.
AIDS Testing
Q. Mr. President, turning your attention
to a matter that's devastating here at home


699




June 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


and all over the world, the question of
AIDS. Respected experts are now starting
to suggest that instead of the anonymous
testing that has existed in the past, there
should be mandatory reporting of new cases
by name and numerous followups on sexual
partners and needle-sharing partners. Do
you favor such an approach, sir?
The President. I've spoken at an international AIDS conference, at which I was
roundly booed, 2 years ago or so, advocating certain kinds of testing. And I don't
want to have-you said mandatory for
everybody?
Q. Yes, or at least an end to the anonymity of it?
The President. No, I don't favor that. I
think there is a certain right to privacy that
we should respect. And so, in terms of anonymity, I would like to suggest that records
of that nature should be kept private.
There's a lot of suffering for AIDS victims.
There's a lot of human tragedy that we
haven't really focused on too much. And I
think something less than very discreet handling of that information would not be helpful. But do I encourage people to come forward and talk to their doctors and all about
partners that may affect others? Yes, I do
think you need that kind of frankness, and I
do favor certain kinds of testing.
Lesley [Lesley Stahl, CBS News]?
China-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, back to China. There
are reports tonight that the Government
there has begun rounding up the student
leaders, who face at the very least, persecution; at the most, possibly charges of treason
and whatever punishment that will bring.
You have talked tonight about your strong
desire to keep this relationship going and to
keep the dialog and all our business as usual
moving forward. If theThe President. Not all of them. Excuse
the interruptionQ. Well, except for the military —
The President. Yes.
Q. Except for the military, sir. If we find
out that the people who perpetrated the
killings in Tiananmen Square and who were
rounding up these students are running the
Government, can the United States maintain fairly normal relationships with them,


given our aim to foster human rights and
promote democracy?
The President. It would make it extraordinarily difficult; but the question is so hypothetical that I'm going to avoid answering it directly. But anything that codifies
the acceptance of brutality or lack of respect for human rights will make things
much more difficult-there's no question
about that.
Visa Extensions for Chinese Students
Q. I have one followup. There are 20,000
Chinese students in the United States.
The President. Yes.
Q. Many of them have spoken out. Are
you prepared to grant them political asylum
in this country, should these —
The President. They're not seeking
asylum. I'll tell you why I answer the question that way. They're not seeking asylum.
We had four of them in the other day. And
the first thing that one of them-Jia Hao
said, "I love my country." And he wants to
go back to his country. But what I have
done is extend the visas so that people are
not compelled to go back to our country.
He's not seeking asylum. This man is not
going to turn his back on his own country.
He wants to change things; but he also
wants to know that he is going to be safe,
and I don't blame him for that. So, it's not a
question of all these people-asylum is a
legal status, and that's not what they're
looking for.
Q. -in light of the student roundups. I
mean, if they faceThe President. I think it's appalling, and
so I would simply say that what we've already done would say to these people, you
don't have to go back. But I'm not going to
ask them to turn down the flag that they
love and turn their back on China. These
are patriotic young people who fear because of seeing their own brothers and sisters gunned down, but they're not seeking
asylum. They don't want to flee China; they
want to help change China.
Soviet Union
Q. Mr. President, we can discuss another
Communist country for a while. Your attitude towards the Soviet Union seems to


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 8


have shifted a bit since you became President, from deep skepticism to seeming acceptance of their intentions. Do you now
accept Mr. Gorbachev's sincerity in regard
to his pledge of new thinking? And can you
tell us a little bit about why you've
changedThe President. I don't think it's shifted as
much as you think, Michael [Michael Gelb,
Reuters]. I don't think it's shifted as much.
What I did was to say, we need a time to
make some prudent investigation and discovery and then to go forward with a proposal. And we've done exactly that. The
proposal we made at NATO has unified the
alliance, and some of the leaders told me
that it's more unified than it's been in history. We've made a good proposal now, and I
hope the Soviets will take it on good faith,
and I am encouraged by the response so
far.
Having said that, in dealing with the
Soviet Union, I am going to continue to
keep my eyes wide open. I will also say I
want to see perestroika succeed. I want to
see it succeed, not fail; And I told Mr. Gorbachev that one-on-one last fall at Governors Island. So, I don't think he believes
that I view this as some kind of a Cold War
relationship, or that I want to see perestroika fail. He did say that he felt there
were some elements in this country that
did, but I hope that now he knows that I
don't look at it that way.
Q. Well, let me just follow up. Do you
accept that he is sincere in terms of-are
you operating on the assumption that he is
sincere when he says he's interested in new
thinking in international affairs?
The President. He's already demonstrated
that he's interested in new thinking. Who
would have thought that we would sit here
and, on television, see a relatively lively
debate? It's nothing like our Congress, but
it had some similar aspects to it. And so, I
think he has already demonstrated his commitment to change and to reform.
But there's ways now to solidify these
changes. They have 600,000 troops, and we
have 305,000. And I made an offer to him. I
said the best way to guarantee stability and
less warlike attitude is to go to equal numbers. And they are being asked to take out
many, many more troops than we are. But


I've said, "What's wrong with being equal?
The United States will have 275,000 troops
deployed, and you, sir, will have 275,000."
So, here's a test now. Nobody can argue the
inequity of that, particularly since we've
put aircraft and helicopters and these other
categories on the table.
And I am inclined to think that if I do my
work properly and we keep NATO moving
forward on this quick timetable, that we
can succeed. And if we do, he will once
again have demonstrated his desire for
change.
First Lady
Q. Mr. President, first, at the great risk of
appearing to be trying to make points,
please convey birthday wishes to Mrs. Bush.
The President. You've made them. She
asked not be reminded of her birthday, but
she's doing very well, and thank you.
And if I could editorialize here one
minute, there have been a lot of expressions, unrelated to her birthday, about her
health. And may I say that we have been
very moved by that and that she is doing
just fine. And I think her doctors would say
the same thing. She's got this Grave's disease under control. Please, excuse the personal interruption there.
Panama Situation
Q. Mr. President, some of your critics say
that, despite your rhetoric, General Noriega
can sit in Panama for as long as he wishes,
in effect laughing at you, sir, laughing at
the United States. Can you do anything
about it? Should you?
The President. You know, as you look
around the world and you see change, respect for the election process, I would
simply say Panama is not immune. We're all
traumatized-and properly-by the terrible
excesses in Tiananmen Square. But I
haven't forgotten the brutal beating of Guillermo Ford in Panama [opposition Vice
Presidential candidate], and the world
hasn't forgotten it. And European public
opinion has changed dramatically as they
look at Mr. Noriega now. And it is my fervent hope that the Organization of American States will stay with their mission and
will keep working on their mandate until


701




June 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Mr. Noriega leaves.
And let me repeat an important point
here. I think there is some feeling in
Panama that we are against the PDF, the
Panama Defense Forces. We have no argument with the PDF. Many of their people
have trained in the United States. We respect the Panamanian people. And so, the
problem is Noriega. And if he gets out and
they recognize the results of a freely held
election-and certifiably freely held, I will
say-they would have instant improved relations with the United States.
So, I am not going to give up on this. I
think we're proper to use multilateral diplomacy in this instance, as well as doing what
we can bilaterally; and I intend to protect
our treaty rights, for example, and certainly
the best I can to guarantee the safety of
Americans.
Trude [Trude Feldman, Trans-Features]?
Short-Range Nuclear Forces in Europe
Q. Mr. President, turning to NATOThe President. Can't hear you, Trude.
Q. The agreement between Bonn and
Washington on the nuclear issue only temporarily bridges the differences. At what
point do you visualize the Lance missile
going into Germany, and can any German
Government accept it?
The President. Well, that matter has been
properly deferred under the agreement at
NATO. Research can go forward, but the
deployment matter has been properly deferred, and let us just go forward on the
NATO arrangements that were announced
in Brussels. And, yes, there are differences-you're absolutely right. There are
differences in Germany on this whole question, not just of the Lance follow-on but a
whole difference there on the question of
SNF, short-range nuclear forces. And it is in
our interest to quickly move forward, because if we can get implemented, within
our timeframe, the agreement on conventional forces, that will take a tremendous
amount of pressure off the Germans on
short-range forces.
Q. Thank you.
The President. Time flies when you're
having fun.


Q. Could I just follow that up?
The President. All right, this is the followup, and then if it's 30 minutesQ. Poland-there was no question about
Poland. I'm a Polish reporter. Maybe you
would answer a question about-what are
you expecting from your visit to Poland?
The President. She's got a followup.
You've misunderstood; she's got a followup
question.
Q. NATO was regarded as your success
because of your initiatives there and-but
isn't the West German challenge just the
first of many, now that the Soviet threat is
diminishing in Western Europe?
The President. Well, but let me use this
question to reply to the question about
Poland, too. There will be new challenges
for NATO, as the level of concern about
armed conflict reduces. I will keep reminding our friends, and they will keep reminding me, that we must keep whatever force
is required to deter war. But part of what's
happening-and I'm glad the gentleman
raised Poland-is this quest for democracy
in Poland. And if that goes forward, I can
see a much better relationship for the
United States with Poland, in one that will,
in Poland itself, convince the people that
they have less of a stake in military confrontation or in a East bloc confrontation with
the West.
So, it is fascinating-the change that is
going on there-it is absolutely fascinating.
And we should be positioned. And I'm
going there to tell this to the leaders: We
want to work with you. You've got to
reform your economy. We don't feel that
you have any bad intentions toward the
United States, but we want to see this
policy of differentiation continue. When a
country moves like Poland did, down democracy's path, the United States should respond as best it could.
Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press
International], thank you very much.
Note: The President's 15th news conference
began at 8 p.m. in the East Room at the
White House. It was broadcast live on nationwide radio and television.


702




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 9


Appointment of the 1989-1990 White House Fellows
June 9, 1989


The President today announced the appointments of the 1989-1990 White House
fellows. This is the 25th class of fellows
since the program was established in 1964.
Fourteen fellows were chosen from nearly
1,000 applicants who were screened by 11
regional panels. The President's Commission on White House Fellowships, chaired
by Roger B. Porter, interviewed the 33 national finalists prior to recommending the
14 persons to the President. Their year of
government service will begin September
1, 1989.
Fellows serve for 1 year as Special Assistants to the President's principal staff, the
Vice President, and members of the Cabinet. In addition to the work assignments,
the fellowship includes an education program that parallels and broadens the
unique experience of working at the highest levels of the Federal Government. The
program is open to U.S. citizens in the early
stages of their careers and from all occupations and professions. Federal Government
employees are not eligible, with the exception of career Armed Forces personnel.
Leadership, character, intellectual and professional ability, and commitment to community and national service are the principal criteria employed in the selection of fellows.
Applications for the 1990-91 program are
available from the President's Commission
on White House Fellowships, 712 Jackson
Place, NW., Washington, DC, 20503.
The 1989-1990 White House fellows are:
Antonio M. Angotti, of New York. Mr. Angotti is
the head of sovereign debt for Security Pacific
National Bank, concentrating primarily on the
third world debt problem. He has also adapted
the debt-for-equity conversion concept to the
needs of private nonprofit organizations. Mr.
Angotti graduated from the University of California at Berkeley (B.A., 1981) and later undertook graduate studies in foreign policy at Cambridge University and the Johns Hopkins
School of Advanced International Studies
(SAIS). He was born January 15, 1958 in Whittier, CA.
Thomas P. Bostick, of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.


Major Bostick is presently a student in the U.S.
Army Command and General Staff College
(CGSC) at Fort Leavenworth, KS, and has been
an instructor at the U.S. Military Academy. He
graduated from the United States Military
Academy in 1978 and earned an M.S. degree in
both mechanical and civil engineering at Stanford University in 1985. Major Bostick was
born September 23, 1956 in Fukuoka, Japan.
John W. Danaher, of California. Dr. Danaher is a
senior medical resident at Stanford University
Hospital and has been selected to be chief
medical resident in 1990-91. He graduated
from Trinity College (B.S., 1980) and the Dartmouth Medical School (M.D., 1986). Dartmouth
Medical School awarded him the Julian and
Melba Jarrett Memorial Award for humanitarian achievement. Dr. Danaher was born September 1, 1958 in Torrington, CT.
Wade T. Dyke, of Ohio. Mr. Dyke is an assistant
professor of public administration, school of
public administration, at the Ohio State University. He graduated from the University of
Wisconsin (bachelor of business administration,
1980), and received a Rhodes scholarship to
study at the University of Oxford, where he
received an M.A. in politics and economics and
a doctorate in politics. Mr. Dyke was born October 11, 1957 in Madison, WI.
Gregory P. Hess, of Florida. Dr. Hess is president
and CEO of Emergency Medicine Physicians in
Longwood, FL. He graduated from Skidmore
College (B.A., 1978) and Albany Medical College (M.D., 1984). Dr. Hess recently took a sabbatical from his emergency practice to complete a fellowship in the field of sports medicine. He is also consulting in practice management and medicolegal issues. Dr. Hess was
born October 24, 1956 in Troy, NY.
Michael D. Klausner, of Washington, DC. Mr.
Klausner is an attorney with the Washington,
DC, office of Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher. Following his graduation from law school, he
served as a law clerk to Justice William Brennan of the United States Supreme Court. He
was one of the first Americans to teach law in
the People's Republic of China. He graduated
from the University of Pennsylvania (B.A.,
1976) and Yale University (J.D. and M.A.,
1981). Mr. Klausner was born December 12,
1954 in Philadelphia, PA.
Robert G. Marbut, Jr., of Texas. Mr. Marbut is
president, XIII AAU Junior Olympic Games


703




June 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Committee, San Antonio, TX. Prior to his association with the Games committee, he was the
top staff person to the mayor of San Antonio.
Robert was a CORO fellow and is very active
with dyslexia and learning disorder organizations. He graduated from Claremont Men's
College (B.A., 1983) and Claremont Graduate
School (M.A., 1985). He was born May 5, 1960
in Savannah, GA.
Barry R. McBee, of Texas. Mr. McBee is deputy
general counsel to Governor William P. Clements, Jr., Austin, TX. He graduated from the
University of Oklahoma (B.A., 1978) and Southern Methodist University School of Law G.D.,
1981), where he was editor-in-chief of the law
review and Order of the Coif. Mr. McBee was
born July 28, 1956 in McAlester, OK.
John McKay, of Washington. Mr. McKay is an
attorney with Lane, Powell, Moss & Miller in
Seattle, WA. He has served as legal counsel and
consultant to numerous political campaigns and
currently is the president of the Washington
Young Lawyers division. He is the founder and
director of the Northwest Minority Job Fair.
He graduated from the University of Washington (B.A., 1978) and Creighton University J.D.,
1982). Mr. McKay was born June 19, 1956 in
Seattle, WA.
John W Orrison, of Florida. Mr. Orrison is special assistant to the president, CSX Transportation, in Ponte Verde Beach, FL. He is a scoutmaster and district commissioner for the Boy
Scouts, as well as national chairman for the
committee on continuing education of the
American Railway Engineering Association. He
graduated from Auburn University (B.S., 1980)
and Harvard University (M.B.A., 1985). Mr.
Orrison was born January 15, 1957, in Oak
Ridge, TN.
Daniel P. Poneman, of Virginia. Mr. Poneman is
an attorney with Covington & Burling in


Washington, DC. He is the author of "Nuclear
Power in the Developing World," his first
book, and "Argentina: Democracy on Trial,"
which he wrote following a year of study in
that country. He has also written articles which
have appeared in numerous books, journals,
and newspapers. He graduated from Harvard
College (A.B., 1978), Oxford University (M.
Litt., Politics, 1980), and Harvard Law School
G.D., 1984). Mr. Poneman was born March 12,
1956 in Toledo, OH.
Joyce J Rayzer, of Kentucky. Ms. Rayzer is
deputy director, office of human services, Louisville, KY. She has been an active participant
in Teenage Life Choices, an organization established to provide social guidance to adolescents. She graduated from the University of
Louisville (B.A., 1974) and the University of
Cincinnati School of Planning & Design (B.S.,
1986). Ms. Rayzer was born December 30,
1950 in Clarksville, TN.
Wayne Tuan, of New Jersey. Mr. Tuan is vice
president, Capital Markets Group, Goldman,
Sachs & Company, Jersey City, NJ. During his
career, he has worked as an economic consultant for CARE and has assisted in developing
programs more directly focused on economic
development as compared to economic relief.
He graduated from the University of Chicago
(A.B., 1981; M.B.A., 1982). Mr. Tuan was born
January 19, 1961 in Belleville, NJ.
Leigh Warner, of Connecticut. Ms. Warner is
manager, corporate planning, General Foods
Corp., White Plains, NY. While managing the
Post Natural Raisin Bran business, she established the National Park Enhancement Fund,
the first public/private partnership focused on
contributing to the entire National Park
System. She graduated from Cornell University
(B.A., 1976; M.B.A., 1978). Ms. Warner was
born October 20, 1955 in Camden, NJ.


Nomination of Thomas Patrick Melady To Be United States
Ambassador to the Holy See
June 9, 1989
The President today announced his inten-  dent of the Connecticut Public Expenditure
tion to nominate Thomas Patrick Melady to  Council in Hartford, CT. He was president
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipo-  of Sacred Heart University, 1976-1986. Dr.
tentiary of the United States of America to  Melady has also served as a consultant to
the Holy See. He would succeed Frank    the U.S. Secretary of Education, 1982-1984,
Shakespeare.                            and an Assistant Secretary for Post-secondSince 1986 Dr. Melady has been presi-  ary Education, 1981-1982. He was Ambas

704




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 9


sador to the Republic of Burundi, 1969 -1972, and Ambassador to the Republic of
Uganda, 1972-1973. Dr. Melady was a professor at Seton Hall University, 1973-1974;
a consultant for the National Urban League
in New York, 1968-1969; and chairman of
Seton Hall University, 1967-1969. He was
an adjunct professor at Fordham University,
1966-1969; an adjunct professor at St.


John's University; and president of the
Africa Service Institute in New York, 1959 -1967.
Dr. Melady graduated from Duquesne
University (B.A., 1950) and Catholic University of America (M.A., Ph.D., 1954). He was
born March 4, 1927, in Norwich, CT. He
served in the U.S. Army, 1945-1947. Dr.
Melady is married and has two children.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on President Bush's
Meeting With President Soeharto of Indonesia
June 9, 1989


The President met with President Soeharto of Indonesia for a half hour this afternoon in the Oval Office. President Bush expressed his appreciation for the hospitality
extended by President Soeharto and the Indonesian Government during the Vice
President's trip to Jakarta in April.
The two Presidents discussed the situation in Cambodia. President Bush reaffirmed the need for a comprehensive settlement, including verified withdrawal of all


Vietnamese troops, prevention of Khmer
Rouge return to power, and self-determination for the Cambodian people. The President reiterated the U.S. economic and military role in the development of Southeast
Asia. President Bush stated that he looks
forward to greater two-way trade and investment and praised Indonesia's debt management as an example of the Government's sound economic policies.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Murder of Jose
Antonio Rodriguez Porth of El Salvador
June 9, 1989


The President strongly condemns the vicious murder of Salvadoran President Cristiani's newly appointed Salvadoran Minister
of the Presidency, Jose Antonio Rodriguez
Porth. Mr. Rodriguez died of wounds suffered earlier today when assailants machine-gunned him and his party as they
were traveling through a residential neighborhood in San Salvador.
The President noted a pattern of violence
against government officials in El Salvador
by those who seek to destroy the democratic gains made in that country. This brutal
assassination follows the recent killing of
President Duarte's Attorney General, Roberto Garcia Alvarado, and attacks on the


homes of other government and military officials.
We hope the Salvadoran police forces will
find those responsible for this despicable
act. We note that the security forces uncovered on May 30 the largest cache of Sovietbloc weapons ever captured in El Salvador,
including almost 250 AK-47 assault rifles.
The President again calls on extremist
groups to put an end to the violence in El
Salvador, noting that only through the renunciation of terrorism and war, and the
acceptance of democracy, will there be
peace.
Vice President Quayle will personally de

705




June 9 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


liver the President's condolences to the Ro- tiani when he arrives in San Salvador next
driguez Porth family and to President Cris- week.
Remarks Announcing Proposed Legislation To Amend the Clean Air
Act
June 12, 1989


Well, in this room are Republicans and
Democrats, leaders from both sides of the
aisle in Congress, Governors, executives
from some of the most important companies and business organizations in America,
leading conservationists, and people who
have devoted their lives to creating a cleaner and safer environment. And I've invited
you here today to make a point. With the
leadership assembled in this room, we can
break the stalemate that has hindered
progress on clean air for the past decade;
and with the minds, the energy, the talent
assembled here, we can find a solution.
So, let me tell you the purposes of this
morning's gathering. First, I'd like to lay on
the table my proposals to curb acid rain and
cut urban smog and clean up air toxics. And
second, I want to call upon all of you to join
me in enacting into law a new Clean Air
Act this year. But first, we should remember how far we've come and recognize
what works.
The 1970 Clean Air Act got us moving in
the right direction with national air quality
standards that were strengthened by
amendments in 1977. Since 1970, even
though we have 55 percent more cars going
50 percent farther, in spite of more utility
output and more industrial production,
we've still made progress. Lead concentrations in the air we breathe are down 98
percent. Sulfur dioxide and carbon monoxide cut by over a third. Particulate matter
cut 21 percent; even ozone-causing emissions have been cut by 17 percent. And
still, over the last decade, we have not
come far enough.
Too many Americans continue to breathe
dirty air. And political paralysis has plagued
further progress against air pollution. We
have to break this logjam by applying more
than just Federal leverage. We must take
advantage of the innovation, energy, and


ingenuity of every American.
The environmental movement has a long
history here in this country. It's been a
force for good, for a safer, healthier America. And as a people, we want and need
that economic growth, but now we must
also expect environmental responsibility
and respect the natural world. And this will
demand a national sense of commitment, a
new ethic of conservation. And I reject the
notion that sound ecology and a strong
economy are mutually exclusive. So, last
week I outlined five points of a new environmental philosophy: one, to harness the
power of the marketplace; two, to encourage local initiative; three, to emphasize prevention instead of just cleanup; four, to
foster international cooperation; and five, to
ensure strict enforcement-polluters will
pay.
We know more now than we did just a
few years ago. New solutions are close at
hand. It's time to put our best minds to
work; to turn technology and the power of
the marketplace to the advantage of the
environment; to create; to innovate; to tip
the scales in favor of recovery, restoration,
and renewal. Every American expects and
deserves to breathe clean air, and as President, it is my mission to guarantee it-for
this generation and for the generations to
come. If we take this commitment seriously,
if we believe that every American expects
and deserves clean air, and then we act on
that belief, then we will set an example for
the rest of the world to follow.
Today I am proposing to Congress a new
Clean Air Act and offering a new opportunity. We've seen enough of this stalemate;
it's time to clear the air. And you know, I
think we will. We touched a lot of bases as
we prepared this bill, and we've had the
benefit of some good thinking on the Hill.
And we've met with business leaders who


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 12


see environmental protection as essential to
long-term economic growth, and we've
talked with environmentalists who know
that cost-effective solutions help build
public support for conservation. And we've
worked with academics and innovative
thinkers from every quarter who have laid
the groundwork for this approach. And just
this morning I spoke by phone with Prime
Minister Mulroney of Canada. I believe he's
excited about the prospect, too. I have no
pride of authorship. Let me commend
Project 88 and groups like the Environmental Defense Fund for bringing creative solutions to longstanding problems, for not only
breaking the mold but helping to build a
new one.
And we've had to make some tough
choices. And some may think we've gone
too far, and others not far enough; but we
all care about clean air. To the millions of
Americans who still breathe unhealthy air,
let me tell you, I'm concerned-I'm concerned about vulnerable groups like the elderly and asthmatics and children, concerned about every American's quality of
life; and I'm committed to see that coming
generations receive the natural legacy they
deserve.
We seek reforms that make major pollution reductions where we most need them.
First, our approach is reasonable deadlines
for those who must comply. It has compelling sanctions for those who don't. It accounts for continued economic growth and
expansion; offers incentives, choice, and
flexibility for industry to find the best solutions; and taps the power of the marketplace and local initiative better than any
previous piece of environmental legislation.
This legislation will be comprehensive. It
will be cost-effective; but above all, it will
work. We will make the 1990's the era for
clean air. And we have three clear goals
and three clear deadlines. First, we will cut
the sulfur dioxide emissions that cause acid
rain by almost half, by 10 million tons, and
we will cut nitrogen oxide emissions by 2
million tons, both by the year 2000. We
have set absolute goals for reductions and
have emphasized early gains. And that
means 5 million tons will be cut by 1995,
and the degradation caused by acid rain
will stop by the end of this century. To


make sure that coal continues to play a vital
role in our energy future, we've provided
an extension of 3 years and regulatory incentives for the use of innovative, cleancoal technology. We've set an ambitious reduction target, and applying market forces
will be the fastest, most cost-effective way
to achieve it. So, we're allowing utilities to
trade credits among themselves for reductions they make, to let them decide how to
bring aggregate emissions down as cost-effectively as possible. Cleaner fuels, better
technologies, energy conservation, improved efficiency-in any combination, just
as long as it works.
There's a wisdom to handing work to
those most qualified to do it. Four hundred
years ago Montaigne wrote: "Let us permit
nature to have her way. She understands
her business better than we do." Well, it's
true. Acid rain must be stopped, and that's
what we all care about. But it's also true
that business understands its business better
than we do. So, we're going to put that
understanding to work on behalf of clean
air and a sound environment. We've provided the goals, but we won't try to micromanage them. We will allow flexibility in how
industry achieves these goals, but we stand
firm on what must be achieved.
Second, this Federal proposal will cut the
emissions that cause urban ozone, smog, virtually in half. This will put the States well
on the road to meeting the standard.
Twenty years ago, we started on the job.
And if Congress will act on the clean air
reforms that I'm offering today, 20 years
from now, every American in every city in
America will breathe clean air. Today 81
cities don't meet Federal air quality standards. This legislation will bring clean air to
all but about 20 cities by 1995, and within
20 years, even Los Angeles and Houston
and New York will be expected to make it.
In the nine urban areas with the greatest
smog problems, we propose bold new initiatives to reconcile the automobile to the environment, ensuring continued economic
growth without disruptive driving controls.
We'll accomplish this through alternative
fuels and clean-fueled vehicles. We propose
to put up to a million clean-fueled vehicles
a year on the road by 1997. But we're also


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June 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


proposing flexibility on the means, even as
we remain firm on the goals. A city can
either request inclusion in the program or,
if they show they can achieve these ambitious reductions through other measures,
we will scale back the clean-fuel vehicle
requirements accordingly. Also, we're sensitive to the problems of smaller cities, whose
own ozone problems are due largely to pollutants that are generated in other areas,
other regions, other cities. They will not be
penalized for pollution problems outside
their control.
Our program incorporates a mix of costeffective measures to cut emissions from
cars, fuels, factories, and other sources. But
I'm asking the EPA to develop rules like
those we're employing on acid rain to allow
auto and fuel companies to trade required
reductions in order to meet the standard in
the most cost-effective way. Our challenge
is to develop an emissions trading plan;
their challenge is to meet the standards.
The third leg of our proposal is designed
to cut all categories of airborne toxic chemicals by three-quarters within this decade.
Our best minds will apply the most advanced industrial technology available to
control these airborne poisons. The very
best control technology we have will determine the standard we set for those plants.
And until now, because of an unworkable
law, the EPA has been able to regulate only
7 of the 280 known air toxics. The bill I am
proposing today will set a schedule for regulating sources of air toxics by dates certain.
In addition, it will give the dedicated
people of the EPA the right tools for the


job, and it will make state-of-the-art technology an everyday fact of doing business.
And that's the way it should be.
In its first phase, this initiative should
eliminate about three-quarters of the needless deaths from cancer that have been
caused by toxic industrial air emissions. And
we plan a second phase to go after any
remaining unreasonable risk. People who
live near industrial facilities should not have
to fear for their health.
And for 10 years, we've struggled to
engage a united effort on behalf of clean
air, and we're now on the edge of real
change. Nineteen eighty-nine could be recorded as the year when business leaders
and environmental advocates began to
work together, when environmental issues
moved out of the courts, beyond conflict,
into a new era of cooperation. And this can
be known as the year we mobilized leadership, both public and private, to make environmental protection a growth industry and
keep our ecology safe for diversity. The
wounded winds of north, south, east, and
west can be purified and cleansed, and the
integrity of nature can be made whole
again. Ours is a rare opportunity to reverse
the errors of this generation in the service
of the next; and we cannot, we must not,
fail. We must prevail. I ask for your support.
We need your support to make all of this
into a reality.
Thank you all, and God bless you, and
thank you very much for coming.
Note: The President spoke at 11:15 a.m. in
the East Room of the White House.


White House Fact Sheet on the President's Clean Air Plan
June 12, 1989


Fulfilling a major campaign commitment,
President Bush today proposed a comprehensive program to provide clean air for all
Americans. The President's plan calls for
the first sweeping revisions to the Clean Air
Act since 1977 and represents the first time
an administration has put forward a proposal since that time. The President's plan is


designed to curb three major threats to the
Nation's environment and to the health of
millions of Americans: acid rain, urban air
pollution, and toxic air emissions.
While emissions of some pollutants-such
as sulfur dioxide, urban ozone, and carbon
monoxide-have been reduced since passage of the 1970 law, progress has not come


708




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 12


quickly enough. The President's plan will
dramatically accelerate the pace of pollution reduction and put America on the path
toward markedly cleaner air by the end of
the century.
The President's plan will:
* Cut sulfur dioxide emissions virtually in
half by the year 2000. The plan calls for a
10-million-ton reduction in SO2 and a 2-million-ton cut in nitrogen oxide (NO.) emissions, for a total reduction of 12 million tons
in acid-rain-causing emissions.
* Bring all cities currently not meeting
the health standards for ozone and carbon
monoxide into attainment. Most cities will
attain the standard by 1995, and the plan is
designed to ensure attainment in all but the
most severely impacted cities by the year
2000.
* Require factories and plants emitting
toxic compounds into the air to employ the
best technology currently available in order
to achieve in the near term a cut estimated
at 75 to 90 percent in pollutants suspected
of causing cancer. Taken together with efforts to reduce cancer-causing emissions
from cars and trucks, it is estimated that the
plan will eliminate in its first phase over
three-fourths of the annual cancer deaths
that air toxics are suspected of causing.
Fundamental Principles
Five goals underlie the President's clean
air proposals and the means for accomplishing them:
* Protecting the Public's Health. The
goal of the legislation is to prevent public
exposure to cancer-causing agents and to
protect those citizens, especially vulnerable
populations-such as the elderly, asthmatics,
and children-who live in cities with dirty
air that does not conform to national health
standards.
* Improving the Quality of Life. The
proposal will improve the quality of life for
all Americans by exercising responsible
stewardship over the environment for
future generations.
* Achieving Early Reductions and
Steady Progress. The proposal establishes realistic timetables to meet air quality standards, but contains provisions to cut substan

tial amounts of air pollution in the near
term while requiring steady progress
toward reducing emissions that are harder
to control.
* Harnessing the Power of the Marketplace. The proposal calls for the use of marketable permits to achieve acid-rain reductions and emissions trading to achieve reductions from the automobile pollution, so
as to clean the air to a definite standard
while minimizing the burden on the American economy.
* Employing Innovative Technologies.
The proposal encourages development of
clean coal technology, alternative fuel systems for automobiles, and other cost-effective means of using new technology to cut
pollution.
The President's plan allows for both environmental protection and economic growth,
two longstanding concerns often considered
at odds with each other. By incorporating
both concerns in his proposal, the President
seeks to break the gridlock which has characterized the debate on clean air for the
past several years.
ACID RAIN
Highlights
* Requires sulfur dioxide reductions of
10 million tons and nitrogen oxide reductions of 2 million tons.
* Calls for 5 million tons of reductions in
the first phase by the end of 1995.
* Establishes a system of marketable permits to allow maximum flexibility for
utilities to achieve required reductions
in the most efficient and least costly
manner.
Background
Acid rain occurs when sulfur dioxide
(SO2) and nitrogen oxide (NO.) emissions
undergo a chemical change in the atmosphere and return to the Earth in rain, fog,
or snow.
Approximately 20 million tons of SO2 are
emitted annually in the United States, three
quarters from the burning of fossil fuels by
electric utilities; 20 percent from other,
more widely dispersed industrial sources;
and 5 percent from transportation sources.


709




June 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


The source of most SO2 emissions causing
acid rain are old (pre-1971) electric powerplants, not subject to the existing Clean Air
Act's strict emissions requirements on
newer plants. Fifty power plants are responsible for about half of all SO2 emissions.
Acid rain causes damage to lakes, forests,
and buildings; contributes to reduced visibility; and is suspected of causing damage to
human health.
Since 1970 the United States has spent
$225 billion to control air pollution. American industry spends about $33 billion a year
on air pollution controls ($10 billion by the
electric utility industry). One result of this
expenditure is that S02 emissions have been
reduced by almost 20 percent since 1977,
despite a substantial increase in coal consumption during the period since then.
Any acid rain control program will increase electricity rates for affected utilities.
Generally speaking, however, proposals
with greater flexibility will result in smaller
rate increases. Thus, the President's proposal to allow trading among utility companies
will ensure that protection from acid rain is
achieved in a less costly fashion than many
of the more traditional "command and control" proposals that have been advanced.
The President's plan represents a major
new innovation in harnessing the power of
the marketplace to protect the environment.
The President's proposal calls for:
* A reduction of 10 million tons of sulfur
dioxide by the year 2000, using a baseline
year of 1980 for tons of SO2 emitted, primarily from coal-fired powerplants.
* A two-phase program in order to
ensure early reductions. A reduction of 5
million tons is required during the first
phase, by the end of 1995. All dates assume
enactment of this legislation by December
31, 1989.
* A 2-million-ton reduction of NO. in
Phase II. The plan would allow utilities to
trade reductions of NO. for reductions of
SO2 or vice versa, and thus represents a call
for a total reduction of 12 million tons in
acid rain-causing pollutants.
* A 3-year extension of the Phase II
deadline for plants adopting clean coalrepowering technologies, combined with


regulatory incentives designed to smooth
their transition into the marketplace. This
will allow the United States to make good
on the major investment the President has
called for in clean coal and will ensure that
coal continues to play an important role in
America's energy future.
* Freedom of choice in cutting pollution.
The plan requires all plants above a certain
size in affected States to meet the same
emissions standard, but does not dictate to
plant managers how the standard should be
met. The plan requires the largest polluting
plants to make the greatest cuts in pollution. The emissions standard would be set at
the rate necessary to achieve 5 million tons
in the first phase. The plan envisions a
standard of 2.5 lbs. per million BTU, which
would affect 107 plants in 18 States. The
standard would then be tightened to approximately 1.2 lbs. per million BTU's so as
to achieve a 10-million-ton reduction in
Phase II.
* Maximum flexibility in obtaining reductions. The plan would allow utilities to
trade required reductions so that they will
be achieved in the least costly fashion. In
the first phase, trading would be allowed
among electric plants within a State or
within a utility system. In addition, full
interstate trading would be allowed in
Phase II.
* The estimated cost of the President's
proposal would be $3.8 billion annually in
the second phase and approximately $700
million per year in the first phase. While
this represents an increase of over 2 percent by the year 2000 in the Nation's $160 -billion-a-year electricity bill, the flexibility
built into the President's plan reduces by
up to half the cost of various competing
proposals mandating the use of specific
technologies.
URBAN AIR QUALITY
Highlights
* Employs a mix of Federal measures
and State initiatives to cut sharply air
pollution in our nation's cities. The
Federal measures alone will cut emissions that cause urban ozone, the primary contributor to urban air pollu

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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 12


tion, nearly in half and help bring all
cities into compliance with air quality
standards.
* Sets realistic timetables for attaining
the standards but is designed to ensure
steady progress toward meeting that
goal.
* Contains new initiatives to promote alternative fuels to reduce pollution
from cars, buses, trucks, and motor
fuels, and to harness the power of the
marketplace to ensure cost-effective
reductions.
OZONE
Background
Based on data measured during the summers of 1985 to 1987, over 100 million
people live in 81 urban areas across the
country that exceed the health standard for
ozone. In some cities, such as Los Angeles,
the situation is persistent and severe (176
days in violation of the health standard in
1988); in other cities the problem is marginal (Lancaster, PA, is listed as a nonattainment area, but in fact has exceeded the
Federal standard for only a few hours in the
last 3 years).
The President's plan is designed to ensure
that over two-thirds of the cities now out of
attainment-all but about 25 cities-come
into attainment by 1995. All but the 3 most
seriously  polluted  areas-Los  Angeles,
Houston, and New York-will come into attainment by the year 2000; and these special cases will be given until 2010, contingent upon a requirement in the President's
plan that they show significant annual
progress toward cleaning the air and meeting the health standard.
Ozone is formed when volatile organic
compounds (VOC's) are mixed with nitrogen oxides (NOx) in the presence of sunlight. Heat speeds up the reaction, and
therefore, concentrations are usually higher
in the summer months. Excesses above the
ozone standard (.12 parts per million) grew
sharply during the especially hot summer of
1988. If a city exceeds the standard for at
least 1 hour on 4 or more days during a 3
year period, it is judged to be "out of attainment" with the standard.
Exposure to ozone causes short term ef

fects, such as shortness of breath, coughing,
and chest pains, that are particularly acute
for asthmatics, children, and senior citizens.
Moreover, ozone is suspected of playing a
role in the long-term development of
chronic lung diseases and permanent lung
structure damage. In addition to health effects, ozone has effects on vegetation, including crops such as soybeans, wheat, and
corn; is damaging forests in California; and
is suspected as a contributing agent in
damage to forests in the southeastern
United States.
The major sources of VOC's, the most
important ozone precursor, are motor vehicles (40 percent); small area sources, e.g.,
bakeries, dry cleaners, and consumer solvents (40 percent); large point sources, e.g.,
petroleum refineries (15 percent); and gasoline refueling (5 percent). Many large point
sources have already been required to
reduce emissions by roughly 80 percent
from uncontrolled levels under the Clean
Air Act, and tailpipe emissions from new
vehicles have been reduced by 96 percent.
The smaller area sources are largely uncontrolled.
VOC and NOx emissions have decreased
nationally since 1978-VOC's by 17 percent
and NOx by 8 percent-despite growth in
population, travel, and industrial activity. As
a consequence, the trend in ambient ozone
concentrations declined by 9 percent from
1979 to 1987. Increases occurred again,
however, in the hot summers of 1987 and
1988.
The deadline for meeting urban ozone
standards set back in 1977 under the existing Clean Air Act has already expired. Despite this progress in reducing ozone, the
health standards have not been met within
the deadlines. Without new legislation, the
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)
will be required by law to impose Federal
Implementation Plans (FIP's) on several
major American cities. Courts are, for example, already preparing to impose such requirements on Chicago and Los Angeles.
These FIP's could involve extraordinary
controls that would sharply curb economic
growth and dramatically alter the lifestyles
of local residents.
Over the next decade, both EPA and the


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June 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Federal Highway Administration estimate
that growth in automobile use will begin to
outstrip reductions occurring from fleet
turnover, so that VOC emissions will increase after 2000.
Thus, additional measures to reduce
ozone-causing emissions are needed if
Americans are to have air that is clean
enough to meet the health standard. The
President's plan sets forth these additional
clean air measures.
Some measures required under current
law will help reduce VOC's. These include:
* The effect of tightened automobile-and
truck-tailpipe emission standards, which will
continue to cut emissions as older cars are
replaced with new ones;
* The implementation of required inspection and maintenance programs for
motor vehicles by State and local governments;
* Volatility controls on gasoline. Earlier
this year, the Bush administration required
a reduction of gasoline volatility to a standard of 10.5 pounds per square inch;
* Selected stationary source controls on
refineries and other factories.
It is estimated that these measures will
reduce VOC emissions from baseline levels
by 18 percent by 2005. They will bring 23
cities into attainment by 1995; but without
additional controls, increased automobile
use would cause many of these to slip back
out of attainment, leaving 72 cities out of
attainment by 2005.
Additional Federal Measures Under the
President's Proposal
In an ambitious effort to bring all cities
into attainment, the President's proposals
call for:
* Further tightening the volatility requirements for gasoline nationwide during
the summer months to reduce evaporative
emissions which cause ozone formation.
This will reduce VOC emissions by an estimated 8 percent.
* Reductions in vehicle evaporative
emissions caused by automobile running
losses, which will cut VOC emissions by an
estimated 4.2 percent.
* Federal regulations to control emis

sions from treatment, storage, and disposal
of hazardous wastes, which will cut VOC
emissions by 3.2 percent.
* Providing EPA with the authority to
regulate VOC emissions from small sources
and consumer products, such as consumer
solvents and paints, which EPA estimates
will cut VOC emissions by 2.5 percent.
* Tightening hydrocarbon emission tailpipe standards for automobiles by almost 40
percent. The current standard will be tightened to the level soon to be required on all
California vehicles (from.41 to.25 grams
per mile). This will cut VOC emissions by
0.4 percent.
* A first-time requirement for light-duty
trucks to meet the same tailpipe standard
now required of automobiles (.41 gpm). This
will cut VOC emissions by 0.2 percent.
* Expanded vehicle inspection and maintenance programs in serious nonattainment
areas, which will cut VOC emissions by 1.2
percent.
* Controls to reduce evaporative emissions which occur during refueling of motor
vehicles. These stage II controls would require refueling stations to install special
nozzles on gasoline pumps in nonattainment areas and are expected to reduce
VOC's by up to 2 percent in such areas.
* Provide EPA new authority to issue
control technology guidelines (CTG's) to
major stationary source emitters (factories
and plants). The most cost-effective control
guidelines will be issued first. These guidelines are expected to result in a 3.5-percent
reduction in VOC emissions.
* Provide for the use of alternative
fuels-such as clean-burning methanol, natural gas, and ethanol-in the most serious
nonattainment areas. The President's plan is
designed to ensure that 1 million cleanfueled vehicles per year are introduced into
America's most polluted cities by the year
1997. The program will not only reduce
VOC emissions by an additional 2 to 5 percent, it will dramatically reduce toxic air
emissions, such as benzene, toluene, and
xylene.
* It is estimated that these new Federal
measures to curb ozone pollution will add
$3 to $4 billion in annual costs to the economy when fully implemented.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 12


The Long-Term Clean Fuels Program
The clean fuels program proposed by the
President is perhaps the most innovative
and far-reaching component of his proposal.
It is designed to provide a long-term reconciliation of the environment and the automobile so that Americans can continue to
enjoy economic growth, freedom in using
their motor vehicles, and clean air.
The administration proposes to replace a
portion of the motor vehicle fleet in certain
cities with new vehicles that operate on
clean-burning fuels. In the 9 major urban
areas where current data shows the greatest
concentration of ozone, the administration's
plan calls for a 10-year program for the
phased-in introduction of alternative fuels
and clean-fueled vehicle sales according to
the following schedule:
-500,000 vehicles in 1995
-750,000 vehicles in 1996
-1,000,000 vehicles each year from 1997
through 2004
The major metropolitan areas affected by
the plan are Los Angeles, Houston, New
York City, Milwaukee, Baltimore, Philadelphia, greater Connecticut, San Diego, and
Chicago. If these areas are able to demonstrate that they can achieve analogous reductions in VOC's and toxic air chemicals
through other measures, the plan would
allow them to opt out of the clean-fueled
vehicle and alternative fuels program, in
which case the vehicle target numbers
would be scaled down proportionately. The
plan would also allow other cities to be included in the program at their request.
The President's alternative fuels program,
combined with other motor vehicle and
fuel measures in the plan, will shrink the
contribution of vehicles to the ozone problem from the current 40 percent to 10 percent. This represents not only an alternative
to some of the more disruptive driving controls currently being considered by some
States but also a bold and innovative means
of reconciling continued use of the automobile by a growing society with the need for
cleaner air.
Effect of the Federal Measures Proposed by
the President
Taken together, the Federal measures


proposed by the President, combined with
the effect of measures being pursued under
current law, will cut ozone-causing VOC
emissions nearly in half. EPA estimates the
program will reduce annual emissions by 45
percent by the year 2005. In and of themselves, these measures will bring all but
about 20 cities into attainment of the ozone
standard.
Because of the President's commitment
to ensuring clean air in all American cities,
however, his plan calls for additional measures to be undertaken by the States in
order to meet the standard for healthy air.
State Measures Under the President's
Proposal
Under the President's proposal, the
roughly 20 cities with the most serious
ozone pollution problems would be required to take steps to cut ozone-causing
emissions by 3 percent per year beginning
with enactment of the legislation.
This will guarantee that, even as more
realistic deadlines for meeting the standard
are set, those cities with the most significant
air pollution problems will be on a steady
path toward cleaner air.
Because of ozone transport, some areas
may be unable to attain the standard in
spite of adequate efforts to control their
own pollution. Cities under 200,000 in population, which are not part of regional
airsheds, but whose attainment is prevented
as a result of ozone pollution transported
from other cities or regions, will not be subject to sanctions under these circumstances.
Emissions Trading: Harnessing the Power of
the Marketplace to Protect the Environment
The President has also directed the EPA
to develop rules and regulations which will
provide companies with the maximum flexibility in achieving the pollution reductions
called for in his plan. Specifically, the President's plan would require the Administrator
to issue regulations within 18 months to
allow automobile manufacturers to engage
in emissions trading and refiners to engage
in fuel pooling to the maximum extent feasible. Such regulations shall establish performance standards for vehicles and transportation fuels marketed in the most serious


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June 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


and severe nonattainment areas. Companies
would then be able to choose to engage in
emissions trading and fuel pooling, so long
as they can demonstrate to EPA that the
combination of measures they select will
allow them to achieve the same emissions
reductions as the control measures outlined
in the President's program.
This emissions trading concept is already
being considered by the State of California.
It represents a market-based means of reducing both VOC's and reactive aromatics
in the most cost-effective way. The EPA
would publish these regulations at the same
time as it publishes regulations implementing the other control measures in the President's plan. If companies cannot demonstrate alternative means of achieving the
same amount of pollution reduction, they
would be required to implement the control measures outlined above.
CARBON MONOXIDE
Background
Carbon monoxide (CO) is a colorless,
odorless gas that tends to reduce the
oxygen carrying capacity of the blood. It is
a particularly serious health threat to individuals who suffer from cardiovascular disease, especially those with angina or heart
disease. Unlike ozone, carbon monoxide
problems are worse in cold weather.
Two-thirds of CO emissions come from
motor vehicles. Emissions of carbon monoxide decreased 25 percent from 1978 to
1987, despite a 24-percent increase in vehicle miles traveled during that period, largely because of controls already in place on
emissions from cars, buses, and trucks.
Some improvement from these controls will
continue, as older, more heavily polluting
cars are gradually replaced on America's
roads by newer, cleaner vehicles. Currently,
cars purchased before 1981 amount to only
38 percent of the vehicle miles traveled
(VMT), but they account for over 86 percent of CO emissions.
As use of the automobile continues to
grow, however, it is expected that many
American cities will not attain the healthbased carbon monoxide standard. That
standard is 9 parts per million (ppm), measured over an 8-hour period. If a representa

tive reading of monitors in an area shows
that it exceeds the standard for 2 or more
8-hour periods, it is classified in nonattainment.
There are currently about 50 American
cities not meeting the standard. As with
ozone, in some cases, cities exceed the
standard only moderately. About six urban
areas, however, have a carbon monoxide
problem classified by EPA as serious.
EPA estimates that even as vehicle miles
traveled (VMT) grow, the effect of fleet
turnover will bring almost half of those
cities currently violating the standard into
attainment. Several of the measures in the
President's proposal designed to curb
ozone-causing emissions will also help
reduce carbon monoxide. These include the
measures described above to tighten tailpipe standards for light-duty trucks and to
improve State and local inspection and
maintenance programs.
Even with these measures, however, several American cities will continue to have a
carbon monoxide problem. To bring these
cities into compliance with the health-based
standard, the President's proposal contains
several important measures designed to cut
carbon monoxide emissions. Specifically, the
President's plan calls for:
* A major new program to promote the
use of clean-burning oxygenated fuels,
which emit dramatically less carbon monoxide. The plan would require those cities
with the most serious carbon monoxide
problems to use gasoline blended with oxygenated fuels during the winter months.
Oxygenated fuels include ethanol, methanol, ETBE, and MTBE. Blending oxygenates into fuel will not only reduce carbon
monoxide; it will also sharply reduce toxic
air emissions caused by aromatics in conventional gasoline.
* Ethanol and ETBE are generally produced in the United States from corn,
wheat, and potato crops. They offer the opportunity both to clean the air and to provide expanded markets for America's farmers. The President's plan would allow cities
to opt out of the oxygenated fuels requirements if they could demonstrate to EPA
that they would come into attainment of
the carbon monoxide standard using other


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 12


measures. EPA estimates that requiring oxygenated fuels in areas with serious carbon
monoxide problems will reduce carbon
monoxide emissions by an additional 18
percent in these areas.
* Giving EPA the authority to issue regulations for a carbon monoxide cold temperature standard. Carbon monoxide problems are exaggerated when motor vehicles
start in exceptionally cold weather. This
standard has the potential to reduce carbon
monoxide emissions by 7 to 12 percent.
The President's plan will bring the vast
majority of cities into attainment with the
carbon monoxide standard by 1995, and
will bring all American cities into attainment by the year 2000.
PARTICULATE MATTER
Background
Particulate matter (PM10) includes acid
sulfates, toxic organics and metals, and insoluble dusts that come from traditional
stack emissions, as well as area sources such
as wood stoves and open burning. Construction, roadways, and mobile sources also contribute to the problem. PM10 can cause
premature death in elderly and ill persons,
aggravation of existing respiratory disease,
increased respiratory illness, and other effects. Particulate matter (PM10) standards
were revised in 1987 to address smaller particulate matter particles most likely to penetrate the lungs.
The President's program will:
* Require reasonably available control
measures to meet the standard.
* Ensure that the majority of cities meet
the standard by 1994, and that all
cities meet PM10 standards by 2001.
Toxic AIR POLLUTANTS
Highlights
* Dramatically accelerates progress in
controlling major toxic air pollutants.
* Uses best technology available to cut
air toxics.
* Promises certifiable progress in regulating sources of toxic air emissions on
a set schedule.


Background
The emission of toxic chemicals into the
air is believed to cause cancer and other
health effects in humans. Since 1974 EPA
has been required to regulate such emissions in order to provide an ample margin
of safety to the public. Because this margin
has been difficult to define and has been
the subject of continued litigation, EPA has
had difficulty proceeding with regulation
under the law. Since passage of the statute,
it has published regulations for only seven
toxic air pollutants. Because the statute has
proven unworkable, the President has proposed a major revision of the law in order
to guarantee greatly accelerated progress in
reducing the damaging effects of toxic air
pollution.
Data recently released by the EPA indicate that 2.7 billion pounds of toxic chemicals are emitted into the air each year. EPA
estimates that these emissions contribute to
approximately 1,500-3,000 fatal cancers annually. Toxic chemical emissions are associated also with respiratory disease and birth
defects. Motor vehicles and stationary
sources each account for approximately half
of air toxic emissions. The measures in the
President's plan designed to curb VOC
emissions and promote alternative fuels will
sharply reduce emissions from motor vehicles.
The President's plan also includes a major
new initiative to reduce air toxic emissions
from stationary sources (factories, plants,
and other such sources). A majority of identified carcinogens are emitted by about 30
industrial categories, including steel mills
(coke ovens), rubber, pulp and paper, chromium electroplating, and solvent users. The
President's plan is designed to reduce
quickly emissions from these sources.
The President's program will:
Establish a set schedule for regulating
major sources of toxic air pollution.
Under the plan, EPA will publish regulations for controlling 10 source categories within 2 years, 25 percent of
source categories within 4 years, 50
percent of source categories within 7
years, and all necessary additional categories of air toxics within 10 years.


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June 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


* Require emitters of toxic air pollution
to use the Maximum Available Control
Technology (MACT) to sharply cut pollution. This means that EPA would set
a standard based on the best technology currently available. Plants would
then be required to meet that standard, with some exceptions to add flexibility for those who have already reduced most air toxics and for very
small plants.
* Encourage voluntary reductions early,
before standards are even published,
by providing credit for those reductions against the MACT requirement.
* After Phase I is implemented, the EPA
Administrator shall assess any remaining risk after reductions from state-ofthe-art technology and determine if


there is a need for further controls.
Based on his assessment, the EPA Administrator would set additional standards to prevent the public from being
exposed to unreasonable risk, which
would allow considerations of cost and
technical feasibility as well as healthbased risks.
It is estimated that the President's air
toxics initiative will eliminate in the first
phase about three-quarters of the cancer
deaths caused by toxic air emissions from
factories and plants. The annual costs of the
program are difficult to estimate until
actual standards are published, but current
EPA estimates center at about $2 billion
per year.


Designation of Kenneth M. Carr as Chairman of the Nuclear
Regulatory Commission
June 12, 1989


The President has designated Kenneth M.
Carr as Chairman of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, effective July 1, 1989. He
would succeed Lando W. Zech, Jr.
Since 1986 Commissioner Carr has served
as a member of the Nuclear Regulatory
Commission. Prior to this, he served in the
U.S. Navy as Deputy and Chief of Staff to
the Commander in Chief, Atlantic Command, and the Commander in Chief of the
U.S. Atlantic Fleet, retiring as a vice admiral in 1985. From 1977 to 1980, he commanded the submarine force of the Atlantic
Fleet and served as Vice Director of Strategic Target Planning at Offutt Air Force
Remarks to Students at the Teton
National Park, Wyoming
June 13, 1989
Sorry, Manuel mentioned my birthdayit's so nice to be in Wyoming. Nobody, not


Base, NE. In 1972 he was assigned as chief
of staff to the commander of the submarine
force of the Atlantic Fleet, and in 1973,
assumed duties of Military Assistant to the
Deputy Secretary of Defense. Commissioner Carr enlisted in the Navy in 1943.
Commissioner Carr graduated from the
U.S. Naval Academy in 1949. He has received the Distinguished Service Medal, the
Legion of Merit, the Presidential Unit Commendation, and the Defense Distinguished
Service and Meritorious Service Medals. He
was born March 17, 1925, in Mayfield, KY.
He is married to Molly Pace of Burkesville,
KY.
Science School in Grand Teton
one person-your Governor, the Senators,
our new Congressman-no one has said,


716




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 13


And now you can ride the subway in Jackson Hole for half-fare. [Laughter] I'm delighted, and thank you for your tolerance.
But, Manuel, thank you for that warm introduction. Secretary Lujan and I served in
Congress. And I liked very much what Lorraine said about him, and I know he'll do a
first-rate job with all the responsibilities that
the Secretary of the Interior has. I want to
thank all of you for one of the best birthday
presents a person could possibly have, and
that was going fishing yesterday on Lake
Jackson with my grandson. The score:
caught six, ate two-not bad for 45 minutes
worth of work out there.
And I am really thrilled to be here. I'm
just sorry that the Silver Fox is not here.
That's my wife, Barbara. But some have inquired about her health, and she's doing
very well, thank you. And she's off doing
the good works for literacy in New York
City, I think it is, this evening. I wish she
were here. She was with me last time, and
she'll never forget your hospitality, either.
I want to thank Governor Sullivan, who
showed us the extraordinary courtesy of
coming over across the line into Montana to
greet us yesterday and-[laughter]-was
with us here and then had his beautiful
daughter come out-and we could see a
little more of that wonderful Sullivan
family. I'm glad that Senator Malcolm
Wallop, a friend of longstanding, is with us.
Our new Congressman who's going to do a
great job for this State, Craig Thomas, is
here. And then I had to put up with [Senator] Al Simpson. [Laughter] You see, every
January or so, he and I go fishing, but not in
Wyoming. And we have to listen for two
straight nights to him lying about Wyoming
fishing to those of us fishing in Florida.
[Laughter] But nevertheless, I'm glad he's
here. And I also want to just single out
another friend, a friend of my dad's, a
friend of mine, who I'm told is here. And I
didn't actually see, but Al tells me that Cliff
Hansen is here. He and Martha-one of the
great Wyoming Senators-Governor, everything else. There he is-right over therelooking younger than a spring colt.
Yesterday I announced our proposals for
the Clean Air Act-how to improve it, but
protecting the environment requires good
people as well as good laws. And I'm espe

cially pleased today to announce that my
nominee for the Director of the U.S. Fish
and Wildlife Service is one of Wyoming's
own. His Triangle X Ranch I passed just a
minute ago up the road. He's president of
the State senate. He's here with us today,
your own, my friend, Senator John Turner,
who's going to take on this very important
responsibility. And, Jack, I want to thank
you and Lorraine and all the other troopers
out there and the Park Service people, who
do such a superb job for the entire country.
I want to just visit with you today on
some concepts of the environment. It's
well-known that Wyoming's first tourist was
a trapper named John Colter, a veteran of
the Lewis and Clark expedition. In 1808
Colter was captured by the locals, stripped
naked, and hotly pursued-given a chance
to run for his life. Seven days later he arrived at a Spanish fort, sore feet and a sunburned back. And today George P. and I,
my grandson and I, are awful glad that Wyoming's attitude towards visitors-[laughter]-is, what's the phrase?-kinder and
gentler. [Laughter]
We meet in the heart of an environmental success story, part of a tradition that
began when Abraham Lincoln granted Yosemite Valley to California, set aside as a
preserve, and continued through Teddy
Roosevelt and others who found inspiration
in these majestic American peaks. And creating national parks was an American idea,
an idea imitated all around the world. And
it was one of our very best ideas. Five generations of Americans have since enjoyed
Yellowstone and the Tetons, the largest
intact natural area in the temperate zones
of the Earth. And yesterday afternoon I
toured the fire areas north of here, saw how
Yellowstone is coming back, and marveled
at nature's regenerative power.
But whether restoring a forest or the air
that flows above it, nature needs our help.
And yesterday I stood in the majestic East
Room at the White House to announce the
proposal designed to ensure that we do our
part to improve and preserve our natural
heritage, the very air we breathe, from
coast to coast and beyond, for another five
generations and beyond. And today, with
our backs to the Pacific and the jewels of


717




June 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the American Rockies, I look east across this
fertile and productive land and call on the
American people and on the Congress to
join me in this new initiative for clean air.
I've said it before, when talking about
issues like drug abuse, crime, and national
security, the most fundamental obligation of
the Government is to protect the peoplethe people's health, the people's safety, and
ultimately our values and our traditions.
And nowhere are these traditions more
real, more alive, than here in the western
reaches of Wyoming. It is a land of legend,
campfire tales of brave Sioux warriors, of
Butch Cassidy and the Union Pacific Railroad, or range wars between cattlemen and
the ranchers.
And just over that ridge to the east lies
the headwaters of' the Wind River, one of
the settings-the epic western "Lonesome
Dove." And the book, by McMurtry, begins
with the famous passage from T.K. Whipple: "All America lies at the end of the
wilderness road, and our past is not a dead
past, but still lives in us. Our forefathers
had civilization inside themselves and the
wild outside. We live in the civilization they
created, but within us the wilderness still
lingers. And what they dreamed, we live,
and what they lived, we dream."
Frontier legends have filled America's
movie screens and our imagination for most
of this century, but the frontier is not the
end of the road. It is quite simply our inspiration. The frontiers we face in the final
decade leading to the year 2000 are different from those that our forefathers faced in
the mountains and meadows of the American Rockies. What we face are the frontiers
of the mind-scientific, geographic, cultural-that remain to be crossed. And so, let's
cross them.
Last summer I called 1988 the year the
Earth spoke back. Time dubbed "Spaceship
Earth" the planet of the year. And although, ultimately, medical waste on beaches or that wandering garbage barge may
not present as grave a danger as the ozone
holes that we cannot see, touch, or smell,
they helped provide the jolt that we
needed as a nation.
And some say we're running out of
time-wrong! The only thing we are running out of is imagination and the will to


bring what we can imagine to life. And, yes,
there is a new breeze blowing. And borne
upon that wind is a new breed of environmentalism. Our mission is not just to defend
what's left but to take the offense, to improve our environment across the board.
But it cannot be an American effort
alone. As I said in Europe last month, environmental destruction knows no borders.
And as the mistrust of the Cold War begins
to give way to a new recognition of our
common interests, international environmental challenges offer model opportunities
for cooperation. I talked about this at the
NATO summit to Franqois Mitterrand, to
Margaret Thatcher and Helmut Kohl. And
it is universal-the concern, international
concern-about the environment. Last fall
two whales were saved off American shores
by a Soviet icebreaker, a Japanese-built
tractor, and a group of determined American Eskimos with saws and boathooks. And,
yes, there is a new breeze blowing. And as
we speak it is carrying a 156-foot schooner
from the Statue of Liberty to Leningrad, an
East-West voyage for the environment. And
a week ago the airwaves rocked with a 5 -hour benefit concert-I confess I didn't
listen to all of it-broadcast around the
world from New York, London, and
Brazil-for environmental challenges and
our common future.
And many such international events are
symbolic, but here at home the substance
awaits. It's in my new proposals to Congress, proposals for cleaner air, for an end
to acid rain, urban smog, and other toxic
emissions. Congress has been deadlocked on
clean air for a long time, and when these
proposals pass, it will mark the first improvement in the act in 12 years. And other
attempts have failed; competing interests
have jammed the avenue to action, and
there's been a gridlock.
And I understand the traffic jam-before
deciding on these proposals, I met with representatives of business and energy, and
mining and chemical groups, and Members
of Congress. And I met with people like
you who share my passion for the great
outdoors. And just last Thursday I sat down
with the leaders of every major environmental group in the United States. And I've


718




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 13


listened to these competing voices-sometimes  strident,  sometimes  thoughtful,
always well-intentioned.
And now, no group is going to get everything it wants. Some say we're asking too
much, too fast. And others say: Not enough,
too slow. But today there's some important
common ground, because there is one thing
everyone agrees on: We need action, and
we need it now. Every American deserves
to breathe clean air, and you shouldn't have
to drive 2,000 miles to come out here to do
it. Environmental gridlock must end!
And now, this isn't the first time Congress
has had to struggle with questions about the
kind of America we're going to bequeath to
our children. And it's not even the first
time the debate was carried right into the
Tetons. More than 100 years ago, in the
summer of 1883, a storm was brewing in
Congress over the future of the park. And
President Chester Arthur boarded a train
headed west. In Chicago, they warned that
any reporters who followed would be
dropped off the next railroad bridge. Marlin
Fitzwater-very interesting. [Laughter]
On August 5th that train stopped about
100 miles south of here, at the banks of the
Green River. And they embarked by mule
wagon for the Wind River Valley, and there
the roads ended. And there began a 350 -mile odyssey by horseback, as the President
traversed the Tetons and Yellowstone. And
winding through Jackson Hole, he was followed by nearly 200 pack animals and 75
cavalry troops. So, I hope you'll excuse
me-a little parade that came in here-we
were very considerate. [Laughter] President
Arthur emerged from the Tetons and returned to Washington with a new vision of
the West, and unlike me, 105 pounds of
trout. And you know how the story ended.
You're looking at it: a scene so unspoiled
that it is little different from the view that
John Colter first saw in 1808.
And yet today even the Tetons cannot
escape the threat of pollution. It comes not
from steam engines and logging saws but
from the very west wind that shaped those
peaks, bearing the often invisible poisons
that gust in from the Sun-baked smog of
our cities. And it's ironic that, as I've visited
with people in these mountains, again and
again people say how nice it is to get away


from urban air pollution. Well, the bad
news is, it can follow you here. But the
good news is, we are not going to put up
with it any longer-not here, not at home
where you summer visitors live most of
your lives. We are not. And the clean air
initiatives that we launched yesterday at
the White House mark a new chapter in
the tradition of protecting our people and
our parks. And our aim is to reduce the
"big three" in air pollution: acid rain, urban
smog, toxic emissions.
And to stop acid rain, we will cut sulfur
dioxide emissions nearly in half-10 million
tons-and cut nitrogen oxide by 2 million
tons before the century is out. And to
reduce the emissions that cause smog,
we've set an ambitious reduction goal. Our
plan will cut emissions from cars and factories. It will promote alternative fuels. And it
will launch us towards the goal of clean air
in every American city-and that goal will
be reached. And on toxics, our plan is designed to cut all categories of airborne toxic
chemicals by as much as the best technology we know of will allow, which should be
over three-fourths-again, before the century is out. Wherever the next generation
may find your children, our goal is nothing
less than an America where all air breathes
as clean as morning in the Rockies.
June marks the beginning of summer, a
family time, a time of remembrance and
tradition. An estimated 290 million visitors
will come to America's national parks this
year. And, yes, I know it sometimes seems
like most of them are camped out at your
campsite. [Laughter] And with each new
day, American families clamor across the
craggy trails above us, around Jenny Lake,
Paintbrush Canyon, and the aptly named
Rock of Ages. And people return from these
spaces rejuvenated, confident, somehow
younger.
America's national parks are also living
laboratories, where our boundless curiosity
is challenged by nature's unbridled forces.
Robin Winks, a professor at one of those
eastern Ivy League schools with which I am
familiar, Yale University, has said: "Our
parks are universities." They are a whole
world of wonder, where family and friends
can watch nature at work. And yesterday,


719




June 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


as we stopped on the helicopters, as we
landed at one of the burned-out areas between here and West Yellowstone, leaned
down to look at that charred soil, and you
could see-coming out of that black,
charred soil little tiny green shoots-nature
at work, the power of nature.
Our stewardship of the Earth is brief. We
owe it to those who follow to keep that in
perspective, to be responsible passengers
along the way. They have a saying in the
Himalayas: "To a flea, alive for 80 days, a
man is immortal. And to a man, alive for 80
years, a mountain is immortal. Both are
wrong.
And we stand in the shadow of the
Tetons, still an unspoiled frontier thanks to
the vision of leaders no longer alive. But it's
not the last frontier. After the Sun went
down last night, we got a glimpse of the
frontier beyond. It was up there beyond the
peaks, past the clear mountain air that we
want to preserve for all Americans, up
there in the stars. And as we closed our
Nomination of John F. Turner To
Fish and Wildlife Service
June 13, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate John F. Turner to be Director of the United States Fish and Wildlife Service, Department of the Interior. He
would succeed Frank H. Dunkle.
Mr. Turner is currently a partner with
Triangle X Ranch, a third-generation family
business in Jackson Hole, WY. He has
served in various advisory capacities, including as a member of the National Wetlands
Policy Forum, 1987-1988, and as a
member, then vice chairman of the board
for the National Wetlands System Advisory


eyes to rest, we saw the frontier beyond the
stars, the frontier within ourselves. In the
frontiers ahead, there are no boundaries.
We must pioneer new technology, find new
solutions, dream new dreams. So, look upon
these American peaks and at the American
people around you and remember: We've
hardly scratched the surface of what God
put on Earth and what God put in man.
Thank you all for what you do every
single day to preserve the environment for
all mankind. Thank you, and God bless you.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 9:10 a.m. outside of the school. In his remarks, he referred to Lorraine Mintzmeyer, Director of
the Rocky Mountain Region of the National
Park Service; Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher of the United Kingdom; President
Francois Mitterrand of France; and Chancellor Helmut Kohl of West Germany. Following his remarks, the President traveled
to Lincoln, NE.
Be Director of the United States


Board, 1983-1987. He has also served in the
Wyoming State Senate as president, 1987 -1989; senate majority floor leader, 1985 -1987; and vice president, 1983-1985. He
was assistant director for the University of
Notre Dame foreign studies program in
Innsbruck, Austria, 1964-1965.
Mr. Turner graduated from the University of Notre Dame (B.S., 1964) and the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor (M.S.,
1970). He was born March 3, 1942. Mr.
Turner is married, has three children, and
resides in Moose, WY.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 13


Nomination of Stella Garcia Guerra To Be an Assistant Secretary of
the Interior
June 13, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Stella Garcia Guerra to be
an Assistant Secretary of the Interior (Territorial and International Affairs). She would
succeed Janet J. McCoy.
Since 1985 Ms. Guerra has served as a
member of the board of directors of the
Mexican-American Cultural Center. In addition, Ms. Guerra has served as a member of
the advisory board for Friends of the Philippine General Hospitals, 1986 to present;
member of the Presidential Task Force for
Women for the Minorities and the Disabled
in Science and Technology, 1987 to present;


and member of Federally Employed
Women, 1983 to present. She also serves as
a member of the National Association of
Elected and Appointed Officials, 1982 to
present, and as a member of the National
Federation of Republican Women, 1982 to
present.
Ms. Guerra graduated from Del Mar College (A.A., 1965), the University of Texas
A&I (B.S., 1967), Our Lady of the Lake
(M.A., 1973), and the Federal Executive Institute, 1984. She was born January 31,
1945, and resides in Texas.


Remarks at the University of Nebraska in Lincoln
June 13, 1989


Thank all of you-Governor Orr, distinguished leader of this State, for those kind
words, that warm introduction. My thanks
also to Dr. Roskens, Chancellor Massengale,
Chairperson Hoke, and all the other officials
at this wonderful institution. And I also
want to thank Dr. Peter Jenkins, my tour
guide, who runs the Center for Engine
Technology here at the University of Nebraska. And also my special thanks to three
members of my Cabinet-Secretary Watkins, Secretary Lujan, and Secretary Clayton Yeutter-for joining me here today.
I hope that this symbolizes to all of you
the importance that we place not just on
the research that's going on here at the
university, at this wonderful university, but
the importance of agriculture and Nebraska-the two go together. And we're here to
salute you. And Secretary Yeutter, as we've
heard, is a graduate of this fine school, and
let me put it this way: I'm delighted to
have a Cornhusker in my Cabinet. And we
have several Members of Congress traveling
with me today. Your own Doug Bereuter is
here, Congressman from Nebraska-someplace over here-and then three Wyoming


officials, Senator Wallop, Senator Alan
Simpson, and Congressman Craig Thomas
over here-maybe they'd stand up. And
lastly, I'd like to thank the Air Force Band
from Offutt-first-class music. Anybody who
can keep you all awake for 2 hours must
have something going for them. So, thank
you, sir, thank you very much. Thank you
so much for being with us.
I would have made it here a few minutes
earlier, but we've been driving around looking for a parking place. [Laughter] Actually,
I've come from Dr. Jenkins' lab, where I
got a short seminar on engine testing and
alternative fuels-fascinating, trailblazing
work. You can't help but see it to realize
that we have a window to the future. And
I'm a believer in alternative fuels and conservation. This winter I'm putting windmills
in Washington. [Laughter] Henceforth, hot
air is going to heat the entire city.
Let me tell you a bit about the pathbreaking work that I've just seen in this
engine lab. They've got two cars hooked up
to emissions monitors, one running on gasoline, the other on new ethanol blend that
they're working on; and the results are im

721




June 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


pressive. The proof is right there before you
in the readout: the car runs cleaner on the
ethanol mix. And they're confident down
there. I asked about performance, and they
told me to take a car out on a test drive. I
don't do a lot of driving these days, so I'm
not sure that I'm the best judge, but I enjoyed the ride. And it had a lot of pickupcertainly got more pickup than the 14,000 -pound limousine sitting outside this place.
[Laughter]
Many of you know that yesterday I announced some sweeping changes to the
Clean Air Act-the first amendments to
that landmark legislation in more than a
decade. And whether you live in the city or
in the country or on a farm or near a factory, the changes that we're calling for are
going to improve the quality of the air we
breathe and, therefore, the quality of life
for all Americans.
This is a nation rich in the majesty of
nature. In the past 24 hours, I've seen some
of the magnificent sights that this great
land has to offer: nature renewing itself in
Yellowstone after those devastating fires;
the Tetons rising up, postcard-perfect, from
the Wyoming plateau. Sights like those
make me all the more determined that this
nation dedicate itself to the restoration and
renewal of our natural heritage.
My approach is driven by a new kind of
environmentalism, built on five principles:
harnessing the power of technology and the
marketplace, promoting State and local environmental initiatives, encouraging a
common international effort, concentrating
on pollution prevention, and strict enforcement of environmental standards. Today I
want to focus on the first of these five, on
ways that we can harness the power of
technology in service to our environment.
The work you're doing here puts Lincoln
on the leading edge of that effort. Alternative fuel is going to help us reconcile the
automobile to our environment. And right
now, 81 American cities exceed Federal
clean air standards. Expanded use of alternative fuels is a key element in my plan to
guarantee that 20 years from now every
American, in every city across this country,
will breathe clean air. Alternative fuels are
going to help us get there. In the nine
urban areas with the worst ozone pollution,


we're requiring a million clean-fuel vehicles
on the street by the year 1997-a million a
year by the year 1997. Our clean air plan
also calls for cities with the worst carbon
monoxide problems to use oxygenated fuels
to cut emissions during peak winter
months.
And our plan preserves flexibility. The
urban areas targeted for cleanup can opt
out of requirements, provided they find
other ways to make equivalent cuts in pollution levels. And although we're proposing
some tough pollution control measures,
we're going to develop ways to allow automobile manufacturers and fuel companies
to trade emissions reductions credits among
themselves, so long as the overall emissions
standard is met. And our goal-clean air.
And we're going to achieve it in the most
efficient way possible, but make no mistake
about it: we are going to achieve our goal.
I came out to the University of Nebraska
to get a firsthand look at one of the clean
air technologies of tomorrow: an alternative
fuel called ETBE, made from ethanol and
Nebraska corn. I thought I left all those
acronyms behind me in Washington. Incidentally, ETBE is short for ethyl tertiarybutyl ether-maybe the acronym isn't so
bad after all. [Laughter] But ETBE isn't
quite a household word, but it may just
become one, based on what I've seen today.
Right now, ethanol-blend fuels account for
only a fraction of America's overall gasoline
consumption-about 8 percent. And that's
going to change in the years ahead. Gasohol, ETBE, natural gas-based fuels like
methanol, CNG, and MTBE-all are going
to play a role in a transition to cleaner,
more efficient engines.
Cutting auto exhaust is an effective
avenue to cleaner air. Motor vehicles
produce about two-thirds of all the carbon
monoxide emissions and about 40 percent
of all ozone pollution-chemical threats to
our environment that we have all had to
live with. And we're learning every day
that pollution respects no borders. There's
no safe haven from the damaging long-term
effect of chronic environmental abuse. Exhaust pollution isn't just a big-city problem
anymore. We know it's time to cut exhausts,
and the question then is: How?


722




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 13


In this great country of ours, we shouldn't
have to choose between clean air and continued progress, between sound ecology
and sustained economic growth. The
answer isn't to shut off our engines and
throw away our keys. That's a horse-andbuggy solution to a 21st-century problem,
and we can do better than that. We've got
to follow your lead, push forward technologies that promise cleaner fuels for the
future. And there is more the automobile
industry can, and will, do; but it's time now
to produce cleaner fuels our cars will burn
in the future.
Let me tell you just a little of what I
learned in your lab. Results so far show that
gas blended with ETBE additive lowers environmentally harmful emissions and increases engine performance. That's a promising combination. Think about what that
means: ETBE and other alternative fuels
can help us meet more stringent air quality
standards and strengthen our domestic
energy industry at the same time.
And America must work towards energy
independence. You know, last year 37 percent of the oil that America consumed was
imported, and so far this year, that figure's
up to almost 40 percent. And that trend
means trouble. We worked hard to cut our
consumption of foreign oil, and I will not
stand by and watch our country slip back
into a dangerous state of dependency, wide
open to the next oil shock from some country halfway around the world. We're not
going to do that in this country. We've got
to plan for the future now. We need secure,
reliable sources of energy right here at
home. Alternative fuels are an American
answer.
And take a look at ETBE. It's made from
ethanol, which I've long supported. And
ethanol's made from corn and other grains
we grow in abundance. And that's good for
American farmers, and it's good for all
American taxpayers who are now paying
more than $5 billion a year in corn price
supports. Ethanol is a homegrown energy
alternative. And that's good for national security, and that's good for our trade deficit.
And ethanol produces a fuel that burns
cleaner. And that's good for our environment-just plain and simple, good for our
environment. A source of energy that's


clean, abundant, and made right here in
the United States-three good reasons why
ethanol and ETBE are fuels of the future.
I've got great faith in farm country. Some
folks might be surprised to see the kind of
work going on here, to see Nebraska leading the way on alternative fuels; but we all
know the heartland's been high tech for a
long time. The American farmer has long
been the most productive and efficient in
the world. You've put food on America's
table, and now you're going to help America fill up its tank. The modern farmer is as
comfortable talking about gene splicing and
biotechnology as he is taking the wheel off
a tractor-you've been pioneering in agriculture for years. And I'm not surprised to
see you moving from agriculture to
energy-and a car that runs on corn.
And Nebraska's going to make it work.
These alternative fuels are going to take the
market by storm-kind of like the Big Red
[University of Nebraska football team] rolling into Norman, Oklahoma. You know,
what you're doing here will mean cleaner
air in Los Angeles and New York and
dozens of cities in between now plagued by
smog and air pollution. And that's the kind
of environmental impact that can improve
the quality of life across America and
around the world.
And we won't stop with alternative fuels.
In the future, we're going to be using other
technological alternatives, like biodegradables in the battle against litter and waste
disposal, to ease the threats to our environment. Out here there's always been a
strong environmental ethic. In this part of
the country, taking care of the land is a way
of life-it's natural. And that's why I know
when I call on all Americans to make renewal and restoration our new environmental watchwords, I can count on you.
So, let me say to all of you here today in
this magnificent auditorium, stadium, area
of   combat- [laughter]-all  Nebraskans
should be proud of the pioneer work being
done here at this great university. It's been
a privilege for me as President of the
United States to visit this great State, to
listen, to learn, to catch a glimpse of
progress in the making.
And for those of you in the overflow


723




June 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


room and those along the streets from the
airport into the city, let me thank you for
that warm Nebraska welcome-I'll never
forget it. God bless you, and God bless the
United States of America. Thank you very
much.
Note: The President spoke at 3:25 p.m. in
the Bob Devaney Sports Center on the
campus of the university. In his opening
remarks, he referred to Ron Roskens,


Martin Massengale, and Nancy Hoke, president, chancellor, and chairperson of the
board of regents of the university, respectively; Secretary of Energy James D. Watkins; Secretary  of the Interior Manuel
Lujan, Jr.; and Secretary of Agriculture
Clayton Yeutter. Prior to his remarks, the
President toured university facilities. Following his remarks, he returned to Washington, DC.


Message to the House of Representatives Returning Without
Approval the Fair Labor Standards Amendments of 1989
June 13, 1989


To the House of Representatives:
I am returning herewith without my approval H.R. 2, the "Fair Labor Standards
Amendments of 1989."
This bill would increase the minimum
wage by an excessive amount and thus stifle
the creation of new job opportunities. It
would damage the employment prospects
of our young people and least advantaged
citizens. It would accelerate inflation. It
would not help those in poverty. And thus
it would fail to properly reflect the thought
behind this measure: to help our lowest
paid workers.
H.R. 2 would increase the minimum
wage to $4.55 an hour and would provide a
training wage only for 60 days and only for
a temporary period. Economists universally
agree that such an increase in the minimum
wage will result in the loss of job opportunities. This is because, as the minimum wage
rises, employers in today's highly competitive marketplace must respond. Some close
their doors. Some automate. Others reduce
their work force or cut the services they
provide to their customers.
That is why I made it clear that I could
accept an increase only if it were a modest
one, and only if it were accompanied by a
meaningful training wage for new employees of a firm, to help offset the job loss. As I
have said many times, I could sign into law
an increase in the hourly minimum wage to
$4.25, phased in over 3 years, which pre

serves job opportunities through a 6-month
training wage for all new hires. The bill the
Congress has sent to me fails to meet these
standards.
The increase in the minimum wage I said
I could accept amounts to 27 percent-totalling 90 cents an hour in three equal
annual increments of 30 cents. The increase
in H.R. 2 exceeds that amount by a full onethird. In the interest of preserving job opportunity, I cannot approve this legislation.
I wish to be clear about this. My difference with the Congress is not just about 30
cents an hour. It is about hundreds of thousands of jobs that would be preserved by
my Administration's approach, as opposed
to those that would be sacrificed under the
excessive increase included in this legislation.
The "training wage" included in H.R. 2 is
ineffective. Its 60-day limitation is too short
and unrealistically restrictive. The principal
justification for a training wage is preservation of opportunity-for jobs and for training. This can be accomplished only through
a permanent trainee differential. H.R. 2
provides only temporary training wage authority that would expire in 3 years. This
means that within 4 years the minimum
wage for trainees would rise to the regular
minimum wage. That defeats the job-saving
purpose of the training wage. This provision
of H.R. 2 would do little to save jobs. I
cannot support it.


724




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 13


Minimum wage jobs are for the most part
entry-level jobs-those jobs that give our
workers the valuable work experience and
basic training they will need for advancement to future opportunities. When those
jobs are lost, the losers are the young and
disadvantaged, grasping for the first rung
on the ladder of economic opportunity.
I am also deeply concerned that an excessive increase in the minimum wage will increase inflation, which has rightly been
called the cruelest tax. Inflation is hardest
on those living on fixed incomes, many of
whom are poor and elderly. As the minimum wage increases, employers' costs rise,
and they must charge the consumer more
for goods and services just to break even.
The Federal budget deficit also would increase. The jobs lost due to a large minimum wage increase would have generated
tax revenues for the Federal Government.
Certain Government programs are tied directly to the minimum wage; other Government expenditures are indexed to inflation.
As the minimum wage and inflation increase, those expenditures will increase, and
so will the budget deficit.
H.R. 2 provides for a Minimum Wage
Review Board, which threatens to compound the bill's inflationary effect. The
Board would be permanent; it would be
required to make annual recommendations
to the Congress for increasing the minimum
wage in light of increases in wages and
prices since any previous minimum wage
adjustment. This has been termed, accurately, a "back-door" indexing provision. It
is unacceptable.
Contrary to what proponents of H.R. 2
have been saying, increasing the minimum
wage is not an effective way to help the
poor. The poverty population and the minimum wage earners are, by and large, different people. Most minimum wage earners
are young, they are single, they live in
households with other workers, and most
importantly, they are not poor.
We must never forget that a healthy and
growing private economy is essential to
remedying poverty. We are now in the
78th month of an unprecedented economic
expansion. Over the last few months, the
unemployment rate has been lower than at
any time since 1974. Since the beginning of


this economic expansion at the end of 1982,
our economy has created nearly 20 million
new jobs. Since 1981 the number of workers earning no more than the Federal minimum wage has been cut in half-from 7.8
million to 3.9 million last year. Now is not
the time to turn back or halt the progress
we have made.
In the contemporary American market,
wages rise-not because of mandated increases, but because of market forces and
the changing nature of America's workplace, which demand higher skills and offer
better pay to the workers who possess
them. An excessive increase in the minimum wage would reduce any chance for
hundreds of thousands of less skilled workers to get entry-level employment and experience the on-the-job training and advancement opportunities that go with it.
Most, though not all, of those denied the
opportunity would be young people. I
remain, as I have said before, haunted by
the fact that by the thousands, young Americans in inner cities believe they have no
stake in our system, no future, no hope.
Believing they have nothing to lose, they
act as if they have nothing to gain. We
cannot let this continue. Work can give
them something to gain-and we cannot sit
by, destroying opportunity with well-intentioned but misguided policies-jinxing another generation-and live easily with ourselves.
It is regrettable that this debate must end
with a veto; once the majority in the Congress determined to reject my offer of compromise on minimum wage legislation, however, it also became inevitable.
In the discussions of this issue, my objectives have been and remain twofold: first, to
preserve job opportunities for entry-level
workers seeking to get their feet on the
ladder of economic opportunity; and
second, to increase the take-home pay of
the heads of low-income households. My
proposal was designed to accomplish those
twin objectives.
If the Congress remains unwilling to support this job-saving approach, I am prepared to examine with the Congress, within
the confines of our fiscal limitations,
changes in the Earned Income Tax Credit,


725




June 13 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


which could better help the heads of lowincome households.
I renew my invitation to the Congress to
work with the Administration, in a cooperative and bipartisan way, on what I believe is
the compelling work force challenge. We
need to improve American education so
Americans of all ages can prepare for the
more demanding jobs that this economy is
creating. Growth offers opportunity for
those prepared to seize it. For those not
now prepared and lacking the basic skills of
language and literacy, computation skills,
and the like, we need to provide or refine
our training programs.
I have proposed a package of educational
reforms to enhance our Federal approach
to elementary and secondary education. We
can offer a better quality of education to
our children than we do and a wider
degree of educational choice to them and
their parents.
My Administration has also proposed a
package of reforms in vocational education
that can improve this system, so vital to
training and retraining our Nation's work
force. We should move quickly to improve
the quality of vocational education, to simplify it, to expand choice, to make the
system more accountable, and, importantly,
to integrate it better with other job training
efforts.
We will be proposing significant improvements in the Job Training Partnership Act.
These will include a package of youth initiatives to increase the targeting of critical
training resources on those in need of help.


These initiatives will also offer improvements in the quality of training made available to "at-risk" youth and incorporate
higher standards for achievement and competency after training.
We continue to believe that proposals
such as these and our child tax credit are
preferable and more effective measures for
assisting low-income working families.
Unlike a minimum wage increase, they can
be much more precisely targeted to help
only those who need the help, with none of
the job-loss or inflationary effects of raising
the minimum wage.
The Congress this year has the opportunity to move these legislative proposals in a
concerted way. We need to refine our basic
skills training, literacy, and remedial education, not just job training, to prepare youth
for a lifetime of productive work, not just a
job. Let us approach these separate statutes
and programs not separately, but as parts of
a whole, as components of an integrated
Federal policy on real workplace needs.
As I said in my Inaugural Address, I wish
to proceed together with both parties in
both Houses of Congress. For those of us
whose legislative priorities include the real
needs of America's work force, there can be
no more important items on that agenda
than education and skills preparation.
During this year, and this Congress, even
with limited budget resources-we can
make a difference. Let us get started.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
June 13, 1989.


White House Statement on the President's Meeting With Foreign
Minister Sa'ud al-Faysal Al Sa'ud of Saudi Arabia
June 14, 1989


The President met today with Prince
Sa'ud al-Faysal, Foreign Minister of Saudi
Arabia, to discuss the efforts of the Arab
League to resolve the Lebanon crisis. The
President welcomed the collective efforts of
Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and Algeria and expressed U.S. support for their mandate to


pursue urgently a political process in Lebanon leading to elections, reforms, and a
new national consensus. The President
pledged the commitment of the United
States to do all it can to promote a political
solution that would bring Lebanon's turmoil
to an end.


726




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 14


The United States encourages the Arab
League's efforts to foster a political dialog
among the Lebanese. Such a dialog, in the
context of a cease-fire, is the necessary first
step toward a solution of Lebanon's suffering, which has gone on too long. The President reaffirmed the commitment of the
United States to Lebanon's unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, with the withdrawal of all foreign forces and the disband

ment of the militias.
The President said that the United States
believes that all parties to the conflict in
Lebanon must show restraint and flexibility
at this crucial point. All concerned must do
their part to promote a genuine political
process, devoid of threats and coercion.
Outside interests must not add to Lebanon's
misery.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Denmark-United States
Fishing Agreement
June 14, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with the Magnuson Fishery
Conservation and Management Act of 1976
(Public Law 94-265; 16 U.S.C. 1801 et seq.),
I transmit herewith an agreement effected
by exchange of notes at Washington on
March 28, 1989, extending for the period of
2 years from July 1, 1989, until July 1, 1991,
and amending to conform with current U.S.
law, the Governing International Fishery
Agreement between the Government of
the United States of America of the one
part and the Home Government of the
Faroe Islands and the Government of Denmark of the other part Concerning Faroese
Fishing in Fisheries off the Coasts of the
United States, signed at Washington on
June 11, 1984. The exchange of notes, together with the present agreement, consti

tute a governing international fishery agreement within the meaning of section 201(c)
of the act.
U.S. fishing industry interests have urged
prompt consideration of this agreement
and, similarly, I request the Congress give
favorable consideration to this agreement at
an early date to avoid disruption of cooperative ventures.
Since 60 calendar days of continuous session, as required by the legislation, will not
be available before the current agreement
is scheduled to expire, I recommend the
Congress consider passage of a joint resolution.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
June 14, 1989.


Continuation of Richard Schifter as an Assistant Secretary of State
June 14, 1989


The President today announced that
Richard Schifter will continue to serve as
Assistant Secretary of State for Human
Rights and Humanitarian Affairs.
Since 1985 Mr. Schifter has been the Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights
and Humanitarian Affairs. He is a member
of the board of directors of the U.S. Insti

tute of Peace and serves as the Department
of State representative on the Commission
for Security and Cooperation in Europe. He
also served as Deputy United States Representative in the Security Council of the
United Nations, with the rank of Ambassador, 1984-1985, and as the U.S. member of
the United Nations Human Rights Commis

727




June 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


sion, 1983-1986. Prior to this Mr. Schifter  ceived his LL.B. from Yale Law School in
was a practicing attorney in Washington,  1951. He served in the U.S. Army, 1943 -DC.                                     1946. He was born in Vienna, Austria, in
Mr. Schifter graduated from the College  1923. He is married and has five children
of the City of New York in 1943 and re-  and eight grandchildren.
Exchange With Reporters Following Discussions With Foreign
Minister Sa'ud al-Faysal Al Sa'ud of Saudi Arabia
June 14, 1989


Q. When is the initiative, Mr. President?
Q. -.prospect for Lebanon, sir?
The President.   with the Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia on that. But they are
engaged in a mission that comes with the
greatest of intentions and met with the
strong enthusiastic support of the United
States, as they try to be helpful in bringing
peace to Lebanon, and that's something


we're all very much concerned about.
Note: The President spoke at 10:09 a.m. in
the Oval Office at the White House. He
referred to the Arab League's efforts to bring
peace to Lebanon. A tape was not available
for verification of the content of the exchange.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on President Bush's
Meeting With President Jacques Delors of the Commission of the
European Communities
June 14, 1989


The President held a working lunch
today with Jacques Delors, President of the
Commission of the European Communities
(EC). President Bush had invited President
Delors for the luncheon when they met in
Brussels on May 30. The two, who were
accompanied by senior advisers, discussed
ongoing cooperation between the United
States and the EC Commission on issues of
mutual interest, including the implications
of the EC's 1992 integration program; international trade and the Uruguay round; the
efforts toward political and economic
reform in Eastern Europe and the Soviet
Union; and transnational problems, such as
the urgent need to protect the environment.
The President reiterated his support for
European integration and the EC's singlemarket program. He reaffirmed that a
stronger Europe means a stronger America.
He also noted that there will be new chal

lenges as the EC carries out its singlemarket program. He stressed the importance of open markets in a more closely
integrated Europe and said that the United
States would work with the EC Commission
and the member states to ensure that U.S.
interests are taken fully into account in the
1992 process. The President underlined the
need for both the United States and the EC
to continue to combat protectionism and to
conclude the current round of trade negotiations successfully by the end of 1990.
The President reiterated a key point in
his Boston University speech-that the
United States and the European Community must strengthen their dialog and cooperation. He stressed the importance of the
annual U.S.-EC Ministerial meeting in December as an opportunity for a high-level
review of all aspects of the relationship. He
also said that other channels, such as the
sub-Cabinet consultations held in November


728




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 14


1988, can help to broaden U.S.-EC under- ward to seeing President Delors again next
standing.                              month at the Paris economic summit.
The President said that he looked forRemarks Prior to a Meeting With the Congressional Leadership on
Savings and Loan Crisis Legislation
June 14, 1989


The President. What I want to do was to
first welcome two new members of the congressional leadership team, Dick Gephardt
and Bill Gray. And just let me say, I look
forward to working with you, arguing with
you, working with you-and I do mean
that. And I congratulate both of you.
The purpose of the meeting today: I
wanted to discuss this savings and loan bill
that's going to be on the House floor. And I
think that every American citizen has every
right in the world to be disturbed and
shocked by this situation. Tens of billions of
dollars are going to have to be spent to
clean up this whole matter of savings and
loan, and our estimate is that it's costing
about $10 million a day for every day that
action is not taken. And now some of the
smaller-or the weaker S&L's, I would say,
are demanding the right to continue to
treat goodwill as capital, even though goodwill has no tangible value. And the result
could be that-up to $600 billion in loans
without one dollar in real capital for decades to come. And in my view, it is time for
the American public and our administration
to say that enough is enough, and to earnestly ask for the support of the Congress.
We've had good support on the Hill, and
now it's getting critical. And I would simply
like to ask you as leaders, both Republican
and Democrat, for your support.
I wanted you to know how strongly I feel
about it. I have a certain sense of obligation
to the American people to get legislation
through that is going to protect the people
against the abuses of the past and to fix it,
and fix it for once and for all. So, this is
what I wanted to do. But, Mr. Speaker, I
want to hear from you on this to start with,
and then the leader.
Speaker Foley. Mr. President, we certain

ly share your view that this is critical legislation. The House will take up the rule and
proceed with general debate today, and will
finish the bill this week. We intend to work
as long as it's required tomorrow and on
Friday to see to it that the amendments are
all considered and voted upon and the final
action on the bill is taken before this week
ends. And I can give you that assurance.
There are amendments that the House
will have to consider-15 of them in
number, down from about 107 that were
requested. But I'm satisfied, Mr. President,
that when the week comes to an end, there
will be a strong bill from the House of Representatives and that, together with the
Senate, we can send you at an early date
legislation that you'll be proud to sign.
The President. Senator Dole, do you want
to add anything?
Minority Leader Dole. Well, there are a
lot of experts in the room here-men, in
this case, who have dealt with it from day
one. But it seems to me it's sort of a time
bomb that might go off one of these days
unless we have a very strong piece of legislation, stripped of all the special interest
amendments, and knock out the goodwill
wherever you can. There isn't much good
will for S&L's, I find, around. [Laughter]
Most of the people have been taken for a
ride long enough.
So, I think I-first, thank the President
for again emphasizing the importance of
this and the obligation he has to the American people. It doesn't get a lot of attention.
It's only a $200 billion or $300 billion problem. But it's heartening to hear Tom Foley
indicate the House is going to be tough and
give us a strong bill. I know that Senator
Garn and Senator Riegle and others on our
side will be working toward that end in


729




June 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


conference.
The President. It has gone through the
Senate. And I would like to take this opportunity to thank Chairman [Senate Banking,
Housing, Urban Affairs Committee] Riegle
and Jake Garn, the guys who have raised
that, and those around the table here and
now-Senator Cranston, Senator Simpsonall. But I'm not singling out the House, but
that's where the action is today.


And thank you, Mr. Speaker, for your determination to move this thing.
Note: The President spoke at 1:40 p.m. in
the Cabinet Room at the White House. In
his remarks, he referred to Representatives
Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri and William H, Gray III of Pennsylvania, and Senators Donald W Riegle, Jr., of Michigan
and jake Garn of Utah.


Remarks at the Unveiling Ceremony for the Design of the Korean
War Memorial
June 14, 1989


Thank you all. Thank you, General Davis
and General Stilwell; General Goodpaster;
our Commandant, General Gray; Secretary
Lujan; members of the Commission; winners; second place winners; third place winners; fellow veterans; distinguished guests;
leaders of the Congress. It is a pleasure to
welcome you to the White House, and I
want to thank you for the privilege of sharing this occasion.
Woodrow Wilson once said: "A patriotic
American is never so proud of his flag as
when it comes to mean for others, as to
himself, a symbol of liberty." Well, fittingly,
we meet here on Flag Day and the day of
the U.S. Army's founding, and as patriotic
Americans, to publicly unveil the winning
design of a symbol of liberty-the Korean
War Veterans Memorial.
And there are, of course, many such symbols in this great Capital of ours, memorials
which rightly hail veterans from Bunker
Hill to Gettysburg to the rice paddies of
Vietnam. And they are a part of our history
and of our lore, monuments to the dead
and the living. But until recently, the
Korean war was not formally remembered,
nor were the over 5.7 million American
servicemen and women who were directly
and indirectly involved. And today we say:
No more! It's time to remember, for we are
here to pay tribute to America's uniformed
sons and daughters who served during the
Korean conflict and to recall an American
victory that remains too little appreciated


and too seldom understood.
We recall that when the war began the
forces of totalitarianism seemed ready to
overrun all of Asia; but it never happened.
For Korea was the first allied effort in history to contain communism by combining
strength. Fighting side by side under the
flag of the United Nations, the freedomloving countries of the United States and
the Republic of Korea and other allies
strove to halt aggression. And we succeeded
and built a stable peace that has lasted for
more than 35 years. And together, we held
the line.
And today we are still holding it-and let
me salute those American troops who guard
the 38th parallel. And I want to salute our
allies, for they, too, have sacrificed on freedom's behalf. And what will happen in
much of Asia, we can't be sure; but of this
we are certain: In retrospect, the policy of
containment so exemplified by the Korean
conflict created the conditions for the tide
toward democracy now changing and uplifting our globe.
The design we unveil today honors that
democracy and the American men and
women who took up arms and bore our
burden so that freedom could survive. And
our nearly 5 million Korean war veterans
alive today-we honor them. Our 103,000
wounded in the conflict-we honor them;
our more than 8,000 missing or unaccounted for; the 54,246 Americans who gave
their lives, who gave, as Lincoln said, "the


730




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 14


last full measure of devotion."
This day marks another step toward the
memorial that Korea's veterans deserve and
will have, a process which began when
President Reagan signed legislation authorizing the creation of a Korean War Veterans Memorial in the District. And last September a site was approved for the Washington Mall. The memorial will be built in
Ash Woods, a grove of trees near the Lincoln Memorial, across the reflecting pool
from the Vietnam Memorial. And its existence will be due to a number of friends.
Among them are members of both parties
who helped pass this legislation and, of
course, the sponsors of this memorial. And
in that context, I would like to thank the
Battle   Monuments    Commission-ably
chaired by General Goodpaster, who was
years ago, right in this building, the Staff
Secretary to President Eisenhower-and
also the Korean War Veterans Memorial
Advisory Board.
And now let me thank the men and
women who chose this design. And to
Chairman Ray Davis, my special thanks for
chairing the committee. I want also to
repeat, as General Stilwell has noted, that
every dollar of this funding has been privately financed; and to commend, as he did,
Max Jamiesson, whose company donated $1
million, and then Abby-"Dear Abby," Abigail Van Buren, whose readers raised,
almost unbelievably, $330,000 for the veterans memorial.
General Davis has observed how the
design for their-rather, for your memorial
was crafted by four professional architects
and designers on the faculty of Penn State,
the department of agriculture [architecture]. You met them-Dr. Leon, Oberholtzer, and John and Veronica Lucas. And
to all of them, my congratulations. Somehow it seems that you might even eclipse
Joe Paterno [football coach at the university] and the Nittany Lions as Penn State's
most noted team.
But let me add that I look forward to the
day when the memorial itself is unveiled,
for it will stand as America's lasting tribute
to those who fought so valiantly in an unknown land, as liberty's Horatio at the
bridge. And as you view it, think of such
names as Ridgway and Van Fleet, MacAr

thur, shell-torn uplands, Pork Chop, Bloody
Arrowhead. Remember Panmunjom and,
yes, Inchon and the heroism of the soldiers
who fought across the rugged, snow-covered hills.
Think of men like James Garner, Neil
Armstrong, or the many Members of the
United States Congress who served in
Korea-Warren Rudman among them, and
John Glenn-and John's wingman, Ted Williams-Ballgame Teddy, they called him,
greatest hitter who ever lived-or General
Al Gray, sitting right here, who volunteered
twice to serve on the front line, first as an
enlisted marine and later as a commissioned
officer, courageously leading an infantry
platoon-heroes who showed that ours
would not be the land of the free if it were
not also the home of the brave.
And, yes, think of them, honor them, remember how they served from Pusan to
Pyongyang, heroes like Rosemary McCarthy, a courageous Army nurse; or our good
friend-my good friend-Pete McCloskey,
who endured superior forces to charge up
and take his hill and whose troops so admired him that they named a baseball field
in his honor in Korea; or Wally Lukens,
who braved enemy fire to replace another
platoon leader, then picked up a gravely
wounded infantryman and carried him to
the rear. His effort to save that life was in
vain, but his selfless devotion to his menhis grit and his guts-lives on in the souls of
all Americans in uniform today.
To my right sits such an Americanstands such an American-he's supposed to
be seated-Ray Davis. He was a lieutenant
colonel during the war, received the Congressional Medal of Honor. And 37 years
ago, in this very place, President Truman,
himself a veteran, presented the medal; and
then he said, "Colonel, I'd rather have this
than be President." Ray Davis won his
medal for you and for me and our country,
and he's wearing it today.
And it makes us proud, and so will this
design of the veterans memorial. It speaks
of walking toward freedom and toward
home, in the cold that was Korea. Mike
McKavitt was a fighter pilot in Korea, and
he tells me he couldn't sleep for 3 nights
after first seeing this memorial. And now


731




June 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


we all are about to see why. So, could we
move over and do the honors.
Note: The President spoke at 2:14 p.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Gen. Raymond G.
Davis, USMC, Ret.; Gen. Richard G. Stilwell, USA, Ret.; and James D. "Mike"
McKavitt, vice chairman, chairman, and
member of the Korean War Veterans Memorial Advisory Board, respectively; Gen.
Andrew J Goodpaster, USA, Ret., Chairman


of the American Battle Monuments Commission; Gen. A.M. Gray, Jr., Commandant
of the Marine Corps; Secretary of the Interior Manuel Lujan, Jr.; Max Jamiesson, executive vice president and chief operating officer of Hyundai Motor America; actor James
Garner; astronaut Neil Armstrong; Senators
Warren Rudman of New Hampshire and
John Glenn of Ohio; Ted Williams, former
member of for the Boston Red Sox; and
Paul N. "Pete" McCloskey, Jr., former Representative from California.


Nomination of Chas. W. Freeman, Jr., To Be United States
Ambassador to Saudi Arabia
June 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Chas. W. Freeman, Jr., to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. He would
succeed Walter Leon Cutler.
Mr. Freeman joined the Foreign Service
of the United States in 1965. After service
in Madras, India, and in Taiwan, he was
assigned to the mainland China desk at the
Department of State. He was the principal
American interpreter during President
Nixon's visit to the People's Republic of
China in February 1972. From 1974 to
1975, he was a visiting fellow at Harvard
University's East Asian Legal Research
Center. He then served successively as the
Department of State's Deputy Director for
Republic of China (Taiwan) Affairs, as Director of Public Programs, and as Director


of Plans and Management in the Bureau of
Public Affairs. In 1978 Mr. Freeman
became Director of Program Coordination
and Development at the U.S. Information
Agency, and in 1979 he was named Deputy
U.S. Coordinator for Refugee Affairs. In the
summer of 1979, Mr. Freeman became Director for Chinese Affairs. From 1981 to
1986, he was successively deputy chief of
the U.S. missions at Beijing, China, and
Bangkok, Thailand. In 1986 he was named
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs.
Mr. Freeman received a bachelor of arts
from Yale University and a juris doctorate
from the Harvard Law School. He was born
March 2, 1943, in Washington, DC. He is
married, has three children, and resides in
Washington, DC.


Nomination of Warren A. Lavorel for the Rank of Ambassador
While Serving as United States Coordinator for the Multilateral
Trade Negotiations
June 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Warren A. Lavorel to the
rank of Ambassador during his tenure of


service as the U.S. Coordinator for Multilateral Trade Negotiations.
Since 1987 Mr. Lavorel has served as the


732




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 14


U.S. Coordinator for Multilateral Trade Negotiations in the Office of the U.S. Trade
Representative in Washington, DC. Prior to
this, he served as deputy chief of mission in
Geneva, Switzerland, for the Office of U.S.
Trade Representative, 1981-1987; financial
attache for the U.S. Mission to the European Community, 1980-1981; and U.S. Representative to GATT [General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade] in Geneva, 1978-1980.
Mr. Lavorel was a negotiator for the multilateral trade negotiations in Geneva, 1975 -1977, and he served as an economic/com

mercial officer at the U.S. Embassy in Luxembourg, 1973-1975. He served in the
Trade Agreements Division at the Department of State, 1970-1973, and as an economic/commercial officer at the U.S. Embassy in Paris, 1967-1969.
Mr. Lavorel graduated from the University of California (B.A., 1961) and Stanford
University (M.A., 1970). He was born October 29, 1935, in Oakland, CA. He served in
the U.S. Army, 1958-1960. Mr. Lavorel resides in California and has two children.


Nomination of Edward T. Timperlake To Be an Assistant Secretary
of Veterans Affairs
June 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Edward T. Timperlake to
be an Assistant Secretary of Veterans Affairs
(Congressional and Public Affairs). This is a
new position.
Mr. Timperlake most recently served as
director of Veterans for Bush and codirector of the national security task force on the
campaign staff of Bush/Quayle '88. Prior to
this he was the commanding officer of
VMFA 321 from 1985-1987. Mr. Timperlake was the principal director of mobilization, planning, and requirements (SES-2) in
the Office of the Secretary of Defense,
1984, and the national director of the Viet

nam Veterans Leadership Program, 1981 -1983. Mr. Timperlake was also the section
manager at the Analytic Sciences Corp.,
1978-1981, and a business analyst for Exxon
Enterprises, Inc., 1977-1978.
Mr. Timperlake graduated from the U.S.
Naval Academy (B.S., 1969), Naval Air
Training Command (1971), and Cornell
Graduate School of Management (M.B.A.,
1977). He was a captain in the U.S. Marine
Corps, 1969-1975. Mr. Timperlake was
born November 22, 1946, in Perth Amboy,
NJ. He is married, has two daughters, and
resides in Oakton, VA.


Nomination of Raoul L. Carroll To Be General Counsel of the
Department of Veterans Affairs
June 14, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Raoul L. Carroll to be
General Counsel of the Department of Veterans Affairs. This is a new position.
Since 1986 Mr. Carroll has been a partner
with Bishop, Cook, Purcell and Reynolds in
Washington, DC. Prior to this he was a
partner with Hart, Carroll and Chavers,
1981-1986. He was an associate member of


the U.S. Board of Veterans Appeals, 1980 -1981, and an Assistant United States Attorney in the Office of the United States Attorney, 1979-1980. He was an appellate defense attorney for the Defense Appellate
Division, U.S. Army Legal Services Agency,
1977-1979.
Mr. Carroll graduated from Morgan State
College (B.S., 1972) and St. John's Universi

733




June 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ty School of Law (J.D., 1975). He was born married, has two children, and resides in
March 16, 1950, in Washington, DC. He Washington, DC.
served in the U.S. Army, 1975-1979. He is
Remarks at the Annual Republican Congressional Fundraising
Dinner
June 14, 1989


What a spectacular evening. Thank you,
Don, and thank all of you. Thank you so
very, very much. Barbara and I are delighted to be here. Thank you. Senator Nickles,
thank you for that introduction and the
great job that you're doing as head of the
Senate campaign committee. That is important work, and Don is doing a superb job.
Way down there, Marilyn Quayle-Marilyn, it's a delight to be with you on this
evening. And I want to welcome back your
husband, Dan, from Central America. And
thank you, Mr. Vice President, once again
for taking our message of hope and democracy to our important friends and neighbors. Dan Quayle is doing an outstanding
job for the United States of America, and I
am proud he is at my side in the White
House.
And the warrior of all times, David Murdock-thank you for your dedication, not
just for this evening, but especially for this
evening-making this event possible. What
a job you've done-and your cochairmen
and their cochairmen-and there's never
been a political event like this in the history
of the country, and I'm grateful to you from
the bottom of my heart. Thank you, sir.
And as to our able chairman of the House
campaign committee, Guy Vander Jagt,
great to see you, and thank you for your
work. I want to thank Mary Hart and Willard Scott. Willard, may your future be free
of cumulus clouds. [Laughter] And may I
thank the members of my Cabinet. I am so
lucky, as President of this country, to have
the support of an outstanding Cabinetmen and women of excellence-total dedication to our country. And believe me, I
count my blessings every day for that.
It was at the last President's Dinner that
Ronald Reagan, then the 40th President of


the United States, stood before us and formally challenged all of us to hold on to the
Presidency, no matter how tough the odds.
And since then, President Reagan has returned to his beloved California, and you
and I have fought shoulder-to-shoulder, battling our way to a 40-State win on election
day. And I'm grateful to every one of you
for that support.
But none of us here, not one of us, fought
the battle we fought-we didn't put ourselves and our families through the turmoil
of a campaign simply to win an election.
And we fought because we believed in certain ideas and certain ideals. We fought because we believe that together we can build
a better America. The American people defined our mission, and in the 5 months since
the Inaugural-without fanfare or partisan
furor-we have worked together to quietly
follow our assigned mission, to achieve what
was considered to be outlandishly impossible.
The American people want action on the
budget deficit, and we reached an agreement with the Congress to reduce the deficit by a whopping $65 billion. And we aim
to achieve this without raising the taxes on
the working men and women of this country.
The American people want action on a
festering problem-the hemorrhaging of
the savings and loan system. And our
reform plan will restore stability, eliminate
unsafe and extravagant practices, and
punish those who abuse the trust of the
depositors. The American people will have
to pay billions of dollars to clean up this
mess. And we must make sure that it never
happens again. And the Senate, under the
able leadership of Bob Dole and Jake Garn
and others, approved our plan 91 to 8. And


734




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 14


now I call on the House of Representatives
to follow suit.
The American people want action on
ethics. And clearly, it is time for an evenhanded ethics approach across all branches
of government. This is the goal of our ethics
proposal that I sent to the Congress in
April. We must all-all-be equal before
the law.
And as President, I will strive for a constructive working relationship with the new
Speaker, Speaker Foley; the leader in the
Senate, Senator Mitchell; and the rest of the
Democratic leadership. But while we are in
competition with each other, we will keep
that competition on the issues and fighting
for what we believe in. For we Republicans
are bound together in a common purpose:
to wage a vigorous debate on the important
issues that unite us. We are confident that
in taking our message of peace and prosperity to the American people in an open,
honest, and direct manner we will become
the majority party in America.
The American people-Republican, Democrat, young and old-want action on the
environment. And yesterday, surrounded
by the natural jewels of the Grand Tetons,
enjoying that crisp, pristine mountain air, I
called on Congress to join me in a quest for
cleaner air-an end to acid rain, ozone depletion, and other harmful emissions. You
shouldn't have to become a mountain man
just to breathe good, clean air.
And, oh, how the American people want
action on crime. This administration will
not rest until we've lifted the shadow of
fear from the homes and the shops and the
streets and the neighborhoods of America.
And that's why I called last month for tough
new laws, more law enforcers and prosecutors to back them up. This administration is
going to lead the charge to take back the
streets take them back from the criminals
who threaten our neighborhoods and our
families-not just in the cities but all across
this country. We are going to win the battle
against the criminal.
And the American people want action on
foreign policy, a sensible, yet bold plan to
deal with the changes sweeping through
the Communist world. And our bipartisan
agreement with Congress on Central America allows the United States to speak with


one clear message, one voice. Let freedom
ring in Managua. Let freedom ring throughout the Communist world, from Beijing to
Budapest to Warsaw. In Brussels, at our historic NATO meeting, I said that we face an
historic opportunity to move beyond containment of the Soviet Union. I said that the
world has waited long enough, that Europe
can be whole and free, that we can move
beyond armed camps divided by suspicion
and fear. And we asked the Soviets challenged them-to join us in a peace of trust
over a peace of tension. And we offered our
vision for a future of peace and freedom,
the spirit of Brussels.
But this, the first 5 months of this administration, is just a start. We must work together to protect what is already the longest peacetime expansion in our history, to
keep America competitive, at work, on the
job. We must fight drug abuse on every
front to redeem thousands of children it's
the children that hurt the most to return
promise to their lives.
And we must revitalize our schools so
that a solid education is once again the
birthright of every American kid. And to
make this kind of progress will require
more than a government program or another grant initiative. Republicans believe
that it will take the active involvement of
parents and students and teachers and business and local government and churches,
yes, and our schools. And this is what we
mean by a Thousand Points of Light. As
powerful and resourceful as government is,
government alone cannot come close to
overcoming these problems.
And next week, I'll announce a major initiative to challenge our young people to
serve their communities. From now on, the
definition of the good life in America must
include service to others. But as you know,
achieving our highest goals depends to a
large extent-you heard it here tonight-on
winning elections in Congress. We must
take our case to the American people, precinct by precinct, block by block. And I
believe it is no coincidence that our party
slipped to minority status in the House as
we became a minority in the State legislatures.
Today Democrats now have a redistrict

735




June 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ing advantage in States that compose about
90 percent of the seats in Congress. And
that is why we Republicans must make solid
gains at the State level. Critical gubernatorial and legislative races in the eight largest
States alone will determine whether Republicans will be treated fairly in the drafting
of 209 congressional districts. From Springfield to Sacramento, from Austin to Albany,
we must win the fight for fair competition.
A majority or even a large minority of Republicans in State legislatures can join with
Republican Governors to sustain the veto of
outrageous   gerrymandering  schemes,
strengthening our numbers in the U.S.
House. Bob Michel, our able leader in the
House, is outgunned, outmanned. So, let's
help him by picking up more seats in the
House of Representatives.
Strong State parties can help us win back
the U.S. Senate, one of our most critical
goals. And I salute our leader, Bob Dole.
What a job he is doing as Republican leader
in the Senate, but he needs more troops.
He needs some help over there. So, let's
win back the Senate. Let us again make it a
Republican Senate, and that will be good
for the United States of America.
In the next election, we have a good shot
at making big gains. And of course, the
party that controls the White House is often
expected to do poorly in midterm elections,
but there are no ironclad rules in politics.
After all, if there were, I would never have
become the only living member of the
Martin Van Buren Society.
With your support and leadership, the
leadership of so many great Republicans-I
don't want to embarrass him, but in his
work tonight and the support he's given me
and so many other elected officials in this
room, men like Carl Lindner of Ohio, who
has done a superb job here-we can again
defy the precedents; we can again make
history. In order to win, we must work together as a team, not as an association of
acronyms-the RNC or the NRCC or the
RGA or the NRSC. These are top-notch,
well-managed organizations staffed by the
best people in politics today, but our Republican Party must be greater than the
sum of its parts. We must be inspired by a
common purpose. We must bring opportunity to new constituencies and campaign in


their neighborhoods, in the inner cities, the
barrios once considered to be the exclusive
domain of the opposition. And I salute our
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development for taking this message right into the
inner city-Jack Kemp.
And our party chairman, Lee Atwater,
who's doing a great job. And he's been a
strong voice and a correct voice, arguing
that we Republicans need to reach to minorities and the disadvantaged. And these
groups can benefit the most from our philosophy, which simply maximizes opportunity and rewards initiative. And that is a message I believe in, and it's a message that we
as a party must be prepared to act upon.
To win, we must also recruit the very
best men and women to represent our
party as candidates and as officeholders.
And so, these are my strategies for victory, but strategies are useless without a great
purpose. And we have such a purpose: to
build a better America for today and for the
new century ahead. And we've shed a lot of
blood, sweat, tears to rebuild the Republican Party since the early seventies. The
best way to keep our party growing is to
win more elections in 1990, from the courthouse to the statehouse to Capitol Hill. And
with your help, let's prove to the Democrats that the successes of the 1980's are not
a fluke, that they in fact spell the beginning
of the end of Democratic dominance in the
United States Congress.
Thank you all, each and every one of you,
for your unbelievable contribution to these
goals-thank you. Barbara and I send you
our best wishes. Good night, and God bless
each and every one of you, and God bless
the United States of America. Thank you
very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 9:45 p.m. in
Hall A at the Washington Convention
Center. In his remarks, he referred to
weatherman Willard Scott, who led the
Pledge of Allegiance, and television host
Mary Hart, who sang the national anthem.
He also referred to the Republican National
Committee (RNC), the National Republican
Congressional Caucus (NRCC), the Republican Governors Association (RGA), and the
National Republican Senatorial Committee
(NRSC).


736




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 15


Letter to the Speaker and the Minority Leader of the House of
Representatives on the Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery and
Enforcement Act of 1989
June 14, 1989


Dear:
Today  the  House of Representatives
begins floor consideration of the Financial
Institutions Reform, Recovery and Enforcement Act of 1989 (FIRREA). This legislation
will provide vitally needed funds to restructure or close insolvent thrift institutions.
The legislation would also overhaul the existing system of thrift regulation. Inadequacies in capital rules, accounting practices
and supervisory oversight in the past were
fundamental causes of this disaster.
In addition to protecting depositors, passage of this bill will allow us to begin reducing the ongoing losses in the S&L industry.
This program will cost the American public
tens of billions of dollars to replace deposits
of the public lost through speculation, criminality, fraud and irresponsible risk-taking.
I am determined that in the future federally-insured institutions should have to put
their own money at risk before that of the
insurance fund and the taxpayers. This is an
essential element in protecting against any
future repetition of this problem.
The capital provisions of the legislation
adopted by the Banking Committee recognize the need for a new core capital requirement to protect the public. Thrifts
that fail this capital standard would be required to submit a prudent business plan,
and they would generally be subjected to
closer supervisory oversight and limitations
on excessive future growth.
Unfortunately, amendments have been
offered that would allow as much as $20
billion of "supervisory goodwill" to be included in the computation of tangible net
worth, even though it has no tangible value.
Any such amendment could permit a relatively small group of firms to maintain $600
billion in loans without investing one dollar
in tangible capital. Under this approach the
American public could be required to carry
100% of this risk for decades.
I adamantly oppose each of the proposed
amendments that will be debated on the


House floor concerning supervisory goodwill. Giving recognition to goodwill as capital or creating procedural changes that
could have the same effect is not justifiable.
There should be no mistake. This matter
goes to the very heart of my determination
to clean up the abuses of the past among
the savings and loans, about which every
voter is entitled to be outraged. Each of the
amendments to the tough capital standards
proposed by the Banking Committee would
render this bill unacceptable to me.
In financing the thrift plan, the Administration's proposal, as adopted by the Senate
and the House Banking Committee, preserves the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings (GRH)
process. It properly scores on-budget all
Treasury payments, while industry contributions to the financing package are kept
out of the budget. The alternative proposal
by the Ways and Means Committee requires a waiver of $44 billion to GRH,
which is our only statutory bulwark for
fiscal discipline. Maintaining bipartisan efforts to control our budget process is a critical objective to continuing a positive domestic and international economic climate.
The legislation I submitted also seeks a
number of other important provisions to
strengthen our supervisory system. These
include a substantial increase in civil and
criminal penalties for those who have committed wrongdoing in insured institutions.
As the legislation moves forward, I ask each
Representative to review carefully the specific items outlined in the Administration
Statement of Position as well as my letters
of May 22 to the House leadership.
As I stated in today's meeting, I am
firmly committed to these principles and
offer again my support to your efforts to
enact responsible legislation. The United
States Government must seek to ensure the
safety and soundness of the thrift industry
once and for all, as well as to protect the
trust of insured depositors and the interest


737




June 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


of the American public.
Since I sent my proposed legislation to
the Congress, more than $1.1 billion in potentially avoidable losses have occurred.
The industry had total losses of $3.4 billion
in the first quarter alone, on top of more
than $13 billion in 1988. This financial hemorrhage continues to mount at a cost of
more than $10 million every day. I urge
Congress to complete its work and pass an
effective and responsible bill that reflects


adequately my concerns, and those of the
American public.
Sincerely,
GEORGE BUSH
Note: Identical letters were sent to Thomas
S. Foley and Robert H. Michel, Speaker and
minority leader of the House of Representatives, respectively. The letters were released
by the Office of the Press Secretary on June
15.


Message to the Congress Transmitting Proposed Legislation To
Combat Violent Crime
June 15, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
Today I am pleased to transmit proposed
legislation entitled the "Comprehensive
Violent Crime Control Act of 1989." As the
American people are aware, our Nation is
experiencing a surge of violent criminal behavior, linked in no small degree to the
scourge of illegal drugs currently prevalent
in our border areas, our cities, and our
neighborhoods.
On May 15, 1989, I outlined a comprehensive program, consisting of both legislative and non-legislative items, to combat
violent crime. This program is a logical approach to the violent crime problem that
focuses on four major objectives: strengthening current laws; augmenting enforcement; enhancing prosecution; and expanding prison capacity. The seven-title proposal
that I am sending you today represents the
actions that we believe the Congress should
take in each of these areas. Its enactment
would help reduce the incidence of violent
crime in our society.
Dealing with crime is not a novel problem, nor is it one with which we can ever
expect fully to succeed. Nevertheless, assuring the physical safety of our citizens and
inhabitants is among the very highest responsibilities of government, and it is a top
priority of my Administration.
Traditionally, dealing with violent crime
has been, and should properly remain, primarily the function of State and local law


enforcement authorities. Yet it is clear that
the Federal Government also has an important leadership role to play.
The Federal Government cannot properly discharge its duties in this regard, however, unless the Nation's criminal laws, the
essential backbone of the Federal justice
system, are modernized and strengthened.
A substantial strengthening of our laws
would help all elements of the Federal
criminal justice system-law enforcement
officials, prosecutors, judges, and correctional authorities-to execute their responsibilities with maximum effectiveness.
In recent years, substantial progress has
been made toward this goal. Each of the
last three Congresses, with the participation
of the previous Administration, passed a
major bipartisan piece of anti-crime legislation. Together, these enactments have
served greatly to assist in the struggle
against violent and drug-related crime.
But much remains to be done to create
the statutory framework necessary to cope
with the still rising incidence of drug-related violent crime. Now is the time for this
Congress to act-before the end of this
year-on the proposed legislation I am
transmitting today. Long-range solutions
also lie in other directions, such as better
education and job opportunities for our citizens. Our immediate task, however, and
the one with which the present set of pro

738




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 15


posals is concerned, is to improve the Federal criminal justice system to render it able
to dispense swift, sure, and fair justice. Persons who endanger society through the
commission of violent offenses must know
that their behavior will not be tolerated.
The present bill would improve the
criminal justice system in several important
ways.
First, the laws relating to firearms possession and use need to be carefully scrutinized to insure that, while the legitimate
rights of firearm owners are protected, illegitimate use and possession of firearms are
subject to proper punishment. In this
regard, the Congress passed a major firearms statute in 1986, which generally struck
a proper balance in this area. But our examination has revealed a number of instances
in which the provisions of that law should
be strengthened.
For example, I do not think it was the
intention of the Congress to permit convicted felons, imprisoned for dangerous crimes,
to be able to purchase firearms immediately
upon their release from prison, merely because State law generally restores rights of
citizenship to persons who have served
their sentences. Yet that result may be required under the Federal statute as it is
written today. Similarly, persons who use a
semiautomatic weapon to commit a violent
or drug felony are punished no more severely under present law than if an ordinary handgun had been employed. Existing
Federal law also contains no penalty for
stealing a firearm and lacks a clear definition of the offense of burglary. These defects and others would be remedied under
a package of proposed firearms amendments that is included in the proposed legislation.
Second, building on the work of the 100th
Congress, which, for the first time in recent
memory, created a limited Federal death
penalty for certain drug-related killings, this
proposal would establish procedures necessary to institute a capital sanction for murders committed in violation of other Federal statutes, such as those involving murderfor-hire and the murder of a kidnap victim
or a Federal prison guard. The proposed
provisions are in compliance with all relevant Supreme Court decisions, and their en

actment is long overdue. I believe it is absolutely essential to bring Federal law into
conformity with the law in the more than
three-quarters of the States that have
passed statutes to reinstate the death penalty for a limited number of heinous crimes.
Third, the proposal includes provisions
designed to impose severe restrictions on
ammunition clips and other ammunition
feeding devices frequently used to enable
so-called "assault weapons" to fire a large
number of rounds rapidly and without reloading. Under my Administration's proposal, a magazine or other ammunition feeding
device with a capacity of greater than 15
rounds would be subject to strict regulation
and generally could no longer be imported,
manufactured, received, or possessed. Persons already in possession of such devices
would be allowed to retain and use them
lawfully. No transfer to another owner
would be permitted unless a record was
made of that transfer, which would permit
tracing in the event of a criminal misuse.
Limited manufacture or importation for
purposes of export or for sale to Government agencies would be authorized, but
such large-capacity devices, like a firearm
today, would be subject to identification by
requiring serial numbers. While an ammunition feeding device, like a firearm itself, is
not inherently evil, the enhanced potential
for danger to law-abiding citizens posed by
the unlawful use of weapons equipped with
such devices in criminal hands makes it
necessary to impose these restrictions in the
interest of public safety.
Fourth, My proposal would establish a nationwide program of mandatory drug testing for defendants on post-conviction release, including probation, parole, or supervised release. It is estimated that upwards
of 81,000 individuals will be on some form
of Federal supervised release in 1990. The
known association between criminal behavior and drug abuse is such that drug testing
as a condition of release for convicted persons is an essential precaution to help enhance the public safety, while also promoting rehabilitative goals. I have proposed
that $10.7 million be appropriated for this
activity in fiscal year 1990.
Fifth, the proposal contains provisions to


739




June 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


reform the so-called "exclusionary rule."
Under this rule, Federal courts today exclude or suppress probative evidence obtained by searches and seizures conducted
in good faith by law enforcement officials.
The result is that factually guilty individuals
avoid conviction and punishment. Under
my proposal, any evidence that is obtained
as a result of a search or seizure undertaken
in objectively reasonable good faith, as determined by a court, would be admissible at
trial, notwithstanding that a magistrate or
judge later found that the search did not
satisfy constitutional requirements.
Suppression of evidence in criminal
trials-which are supposed to represent a
search for truth on the issue of a defendant's guilt or innocence-is not an appropriate remedy to redress innocent mistakes.
Law enforcement officers must frequently
make split-second decisions on matters involving difficult constitutional issues on
which even judges may disagree. Enactment of this proposal is necessary in order
to make the justice system work effectively.
The exclusionary rule would remain,
under my proposal, as a permissible sanction for intentional violations, but no longer
would a criminal escape punishment because of a technical mistake in conducting a
search or seizure. The House of Representatives last year passed a similar proposal,
which unfortunately was deleted in the conference agreement on the Anti-Drug Abuse
Act of 1988. The proposal should be enacted this year.
Sixth, the proposed bill would restore an
appropriate degree of finality to State and
Federal criminal convictions by curtailing
abuses of the writ of habeas corpus. Under
current interpretations of Federal statutes,
defendants whose convictions have been affirmed by courts of appeals may nonetheless later seek to relitigate in Federal courts
the claims previously raised or waived on
direct appeal. Not infrequently, defendants
with nothing to lose exercise this novel opportunity, which is afforded by no other
civilized society in the world, through several rounds of litigation lasting many years
and tying up our already overburdened
Federal courts.
With the massive delays in many Federal
districts occasioned by an overwhelming


caseload, we can no longer afford the
luxury of this system of excessive opportunity for review of "final" criminal judgments.
An effective justice system requires that
final adjudications not be subject to continuous review. No innocent individual should
be denied an avenue through which to petition the Federal courts to review his or her
conviction. But at the same time, those persons who have been tried and found guilty,
and whose legal claims have been rejected
after full and fair consideration, should not
be allowed to relitigate endlessly in the
Federal courts.
Under the proposed amendments, the opportunity for certain kinds of collateral attacks upon a conviction would be limited by
a time period of 1 or 2 years, with due
exceptions for the assertion of rights newly
created or facts newly discovered. Similarly,
Federal courts would be admonished to
give presumptive validity to any full and
fair determination of a factual issue by a
State court.
A nearly identical proposal was overwhelmingly passed by the Senate in 1984.
Its enactment this year would improve the
justice system and relieve the Federal
courts, thereby freeing them to hear other
cases and to dispense justice to others more
promptly.
Seventh, and finally, the proposed bill
would authorize appropriations for several
activities of the Department of Justice to
augment Federal law enforcement personnel, increase prosecutorial efforts, and
expand prison capacity. These appropriation authorizations, along with the increased funding I have requested for the
Judiciary and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms in the Department of the
Treasury-a total government-wide increase of about $1.2 billion in 1990-will
make possible a tougher, more vigorous and
more effective fight against violent crime.
When I stood before the United States
Capitol on May 15 and addressed the families of the brave and valiant peace officers
who gave lives in the battle to rid America
of drugs and crime, I promised them-as I
did the American people on the day I assumed this office-that "this scourge will
stop." Enactment of the set of proposals


740




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 15


that I present to you today, as well as im-  ered and enacted. We owe the people of
plementation of the other initiatives that I  our great Nation no less.
announced last month, will be a major step
in keeping that promise. I urge that these                     GEORGE BUSH
important proposals promptly be consid-  The White House,
June 15, 1989.
Remarks to Law Enforcement Officers at the Federal Training
Center in Glynco, Georgia
June 15, 1989


I don't want to do anything less than
solemn on an occasion like this, but I'll be
darned if I'm going to sweat up here. I'm
going to take my coat off, and I hope all
you will, too.
Well, thank you all very much. In a sense,
there's a little nostalgia in the air, because
just 44 and a half years ago, Barbara and I
had our honeymoon 14 miles from here, or
just a few miles from here. So, I feel like it's
coming back in a sense.
And I want to thank Charlie Rinkevich,
who has really epitomized what cooperation
stands for between law enforcement agencies. And I worked with him, as Nick Brady
said, hand-in-hand, as we did battle against
narcotics in south Florida. And the South
Florida Task Force was a success. And one
of the reasons that this place here has been
a demonstrable success is that Charlie
brought those same skills that he had of
getting people working together and has
applied them right here at Glynco.
I want to salute our Attorney General
[Richard L. Thornburgh], who really is
doing a superb job, shaping for me an anticrime package that I want to talk with you
a bit about today. I want to salute Secretary
Brady-many don't realize that the Secretary of the Treasury has tremendous responsibilities in the field of law enforcement, and Nick's doing an outstanding job.
And then on the political front, I wasn't
quite sure that anybody could ever fill the
shoes of Bo Ginn, who's over here, your
own. And sure enough, [Representative]
Lindsay Thomas, who flew down with us on
Air Force One, is doing a superb job for
Georgia; and he's right here with us today,


and I want to say I'm pleased he's here.
And unrelated though it is to battling
crime, we brought with us another son of
Georgia, and that is the Honorable Paul Coverdell, who had been a member of the
State senate here, and is now the Director
of the Peace Corps, worldwide-Paul, over
here.
And the last thing I would like to dothose of you in the back can't see thembut one of the things this center does is
offer training in certain anticrime techniques and self-preservation techniques to
Ambassadors. And I see that several of
those who I have selected to be United
States Ambassadors serving in foreign countries are here with us today, and I'd like to
ask them to stand. [Applause]
This is such a warm summer day, I think
Charlie ought to take you all over to Pam's.
[Laughter] Sorry about that, Charlie.
[Laughter]
We've had a lot of talk about the various
kinds of training that our law enforcement
people from all different agencies go
through, and they were telling me about
the shooting range. I also hear that a distinguished graduate of one of the courses was
a predecessor in the ambassadorial training-Shirley Temple Black was here, soon
to be our Ambassador to Czechoslovakia, a
tough assignment which she'll do very well.
But I'm told that in shooting she had an
almost perfect score: four shots right on the
target. The target was a picture of a tourist
with a camera. [Laughter] She's going to do
well in Czechoslovakia.
But when you graduate from this center,
the Federal Law Enforcement Training


741




June 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Center, you're going to leave, you graduates, with a knowledge that you've already
confronted the hardest questions that any
peace officer must face. You will have already been tested under fire. And you will
know, from the firearm training center,
whether or not you would shoot when you
must shoot and if you would hold your fire
when the apparent bank robber turns out
to be a child with a toy gun. And you will
know from "Hogan's Alley" just how fast
your reaction time really is. And in short,
you will have been tried and tested, all of
your reflexes-physical, mental and moral.
And when you return to duty-whether
your duty is at the Federal courthouse in
Atlanta, the mountain hollows of West Virginia, or the city streets of New York-you
will take with you a confidence and a selfassurance that can only be earned, never
bestowed.
And you might guard a NASA rocket, a
witness under the threat of a murder contract, or a visiting Prime Minister. Or you
might be a member of the U.S. Customs,
the Secret Service, or practically any Federal agency. Or you might be a local or State
law enforcer. But wherever you're from,
whatever you do, you wear a badge over
your heart, a badge of service, a badge of
honor. And I came here to salute each and
every one of you.
This center is dedicated to a special partnership between every man and woman
with a badge. The bulk of law enforcement
is provided by one partner: the States and
localities, those closest to the streets and
homes of America. The other partner, the
Federal Government, is best equipped to
fight specialized crimes, from interdicting
drugs on the high seas to putting prison
stripes on high-rolling crooks that are now
in pinstripes. And the Federal Government
is adept at yet another task: training. And
that's why this center is so well suited to
this special partnership.
This center is renowned for its high-tech,
state-of-the-art facilities and many talented
instructors. And it was my pleasure just now
to meet several of those talented instructors. But it's more than your ample resources and your excellent faculty that
make Glynco one of the most unique law
enforcement training facilities in the world.


It's also your singular and unwavering commitment to fighting crime. And you teach
many agencies, but you are one academy
with one purpose: to catch today's criminals
with tomorrow's methods and to lift the
shadow of fear from our neighborhoods,
from our communities-yes, from our
entire country.
And here, investigators learn how to
track down insurance or telecommunications fraud, money laundering, computer
crimes. Glynco's Financial Fraud Institute
will allow agencies to keep up with a boom
industry, the quiet larcenies of white-collar
crime. And let me just say parenthetically:
If we are going to be fair about it, the
white-collar criminal has got to pay along
with the common street criminal.
But right here, State law enforcers work
with Federal agents to learn how to crack a
drug ring. And here, our U.S. Ambassadors
learn to recognize and avoid terrorists. Investigators and regulators-they learn how
to work together to track down those who
would poison our lakes and our rivers.
And nowhere else do law enforcers from
so many agencies train together. You may
be a security officer from the State Department or a U.S. Marshal. At this center you
learn that there are many agencies that
fight crime, but you are all members of one
team, the united forces of justice.
The Peace Officers Memorial here at
Glynco is a somber reminder of this shared
cause and shared sacrifice. Thirty-nine
names, thirty-nine slain Federal officers. All
were graduates of this Center. Among the
names is one that I recognize and knew
well: Ariel Rios, a Special Agent of the
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms,
graduated from the Center in March 1979
and gunned down, shot to death, while
working undercover trying to break up a
drug ring in south Florida just 3 years later,
in December of 1982. Julie Cross, Special
Agent, U.S. Secret Service-her name
marks a poignant distinction. When she was
killed in Los Angeles in June of 1980 while
working a criminal counterfeit investigation, Julie became the first female Secret
Service Agent to die in the line of duty.
And sadly, these are not the only names of
slain officers. Of 161 officers killed in the


742




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 15


line of duty last year, 152 were State or
local officers. More than 1,500 law enforcement officers have been killed in the past
10 years. And that is almost one death
every 2 days. And one death for every 2
days-that is too much.
I'm here today to deliver a message. And
I said it in New York, after the murder of
Special Agent Everett Hatcher. And I came
here to Georgia to lay a wreath and to
repeat a warning: Better that you had
never been born than to attack one of
America's finest. We are going after those
who kill or wound our police officers.
And so, I've also come here to send a
message to the United States Congress: We
can work together to protect those who
protect us. And I've come here today to
sign a transmittal, an official message to
Congress detailing our crime package. Usually, this would entail nothing more than a
quick flourish of the pen and then sending
an aide on a 10-minute car ride up from
Pennsylvania Avenue, 1600, on up to Capitol Hill. But when it comes to fighting
crime, you deserve more than business as
usual. And that's why I have come almost a
thousand miles to this wonderful Center to
let you know we intend to back you where
it counts-on the streets and in the courtroom.
And first, I call on Congress to do for
dangerous firearms what it has wisely done
for dangerous drugs. I propose to double
the mandatory penalties for the use of semiautomatic weapons in crimes involving violence or drugs. And those who use a semiautomatic weapon in Federal crimes, or so
much as have one during the commission of
a crime, will do an automatic 10 years in
Federal prison-and I mean 10 years-no
excuses, no probation, no parole. And let's
put the handcuffs on the criminals, not on
the criminal justice system.
Secondly-and I know our able Attorney
General agrees with this-we can't pleabargain away the lives of your loved ones,
the lives of fellow cops and kids. And I have
directed the Attorney General to advise
America's Federal prosecutors to end pleabargaining for violent Federal firearms offenses. Our message: Pack a gun, and we
will pack you away. No plea-bargaining for
that kind of crime.


And third, when a criminal commits a
crime with a gun and someone dies, justice
demands something in return: the ultimate
penalty, the death penalty. And I call on
Governors to match this Federal initiative
and propose these same three standards at
home-mandatory time, no deals without
cooperation, and the death penalty for
these kinds of crime.
Fourth, at my direction, the Bureau of
Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms suspended
the importation of certain assault weapons.
ATF is continuing its examination to determine which, if any, of these weapons are
not acceptable under the standards in existing law. And the standard talks about suitability for sporting purposes-and you're
hearing this from one who prides himself
on being a sportsman, and have been a
hunter all my life. And at the conclusion of
this study, and after careful consideration,
we will permanently ban any imports that
don't measure up to these standards. I am
going to stand up for the police officers in
this country.
And toward this end, I am proposing the
prohibition of the importation and manufacture of gun magazines of more than 15
rounds for citizens' use. I just don't believe
that sportsmen require these 30-round magazines if the legitimate purpose is sports.
And finally, I am requesting funding for
the hiring of 825 new Federal agents and
staff: 375 at Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms;
300 at the FBI; and 150 new deputy U.S.
marshals. And these new law enforcers
should be matched by 1,600 new prosecutors and staff. And we're asking for an additional $1 billion, over and above $500 million already slated for 1990, for Federal
prison construction. This will mean 24,000
new beds to boost Federal prison capacity
by nearly 80 percent. In short, I am proposing more law enforcers to catch criminals,
more staff to prosecute them, and more
prisons to keep them off the streets.
You here at Glynco play a major role in
this war on crime. And to say it exists to
"foster interagency cooperation" is a forgivable understatement. It creates a bond between you and your roommates, your classmates, your fellow officers of the law. And
this is a bond that can be known only by


743




June 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


those who put themselves on the line every
day in the service of a great cause. In a
country where criminals threaten to erode
the very liberties that we hold so dear, you
here at Glynco are domestic freedom fighters in this war on crime. And for this
reason, you have a friend in the majestic
Oval Office, and you have the gratitude and
the support of the American people.
Thank you. God bless you, and God bless
the United States of America. Thank you
very, very much.


Note: The President spoke at 11:41 a.m. in
the Steed Building. Prior to his remarks, he
participated in a wreath-laying ceremony at
the Peace Officers Memorial. In his remarks, the President referred to Charles F.
Rinkevich, Director of the Center, and
Pam's, a local bar. At the conclusion of his
remarks, the President returned to Washington, DC.


Nomination of Stephen A. Wakefield To Be General Counsel of the
Department of Energy
June 15, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Stephen A. Wakefield to
be General Counsel of the Department of
Energy. He would succeed Francis S.
Ruddy.
Since 1986 Mr. Wakefield has served as a
senior partner in the law firm of Baker and
Botts in Houston, TX. Prior to this, he
served as vice chairman and general counsel of United Energy Resources, Inc., 1985,
and in 1985 when United Energy Resources, Inc., merged with the MidCon
Corp., he became an executive vice president and member of the board of directors.
Nomination of J. Michael Davis To
Energy
June 15, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate J. Michael Davis to be an
Assistant Secretary of Energy (Conservation
and Renewable Energy). He would succeed
John R. Berg.
Since 1986 Mr. Davis has served as president of GlowCore Colorado, Inc., in Englewood, CO. Mr. Davis served as vice president of Sunbelt Energy Corp. in Englewood, CO., 1982-1986. Mr. Davis has
served in several positions with the Solar


He served as an attorney with the law firm
of Baker and Botts in Houston, 1974-1985;
Assistant Administrator for International Affairs at the Department of Energy, 1974;
and Assistant Secretary of the Interior for
Energy and Minerals, 1973. Prior to this, he
served in various positions, including assistant to the General Counsel of the Federal
Power Commission and Deputy Assistant
Secretary of the Interior, 1970-1973.
Mr. Wakefield graduated from the University of Texas and the Texas School of
Law. He was born in Olney, IL. He is married, has six children, and resides in Texas.
Be an Assistant Secretary of
Energy Research Institute in Golden, CO,
including manager of planning and special
programs, 1981-1982; acting associate director for analysis and applications, 1981;
and buildings division manager, 1980-1981.
Mr. Davis also served as a division manager
at the Department of Energy in Washington, DC, 1977-1980.
Mr. Davis graduated from the U.S. Air
Force Academy (B.S., 1969) and the University of Illinois (M.S., 1970). He served with


744




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 15


the U.S. Air Force, 1969-1977, achieving
the rank of captain and receiving the
Bronze Star and the Vietnam Honor Medal.


Mr. Davis has three children and currently
resides in Lakewood, CO.


Nomination of Luigi R. Einaudi To Be Permanent United States
Representative to the Organization of American States
June 15, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Luigi R. Einaudi to be the
Permanent Representative of the United
States of America to the Organization of
American States, with the rank of Ambassador. He would succeed Richard Thomas
McCormack.
Since 1977 Dr. Einaudi has been Director
of the Office of Policy Planning Coordination at the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs
at the Department of State, and a member
of the Policy Planning Staff, 1974-1977. Dr.


Einaudi was visiting professor at the University of California at Los Angeles, 1964 -1974. He served as a senior social scientist
for the Rand Corp., 1962-1974, and was a
teaching fellow and tutor in government at
Harvard University, 1960-1961.
Dr. Einaudi graduated from Harvard College (A.B., 1957) and Harvard University
(Ph.D., 1966). He was born March 1, 1936,
in Cambridge, MA. He served in the U.S.
Army, 1957-1959. He is married, has four
children, and resides in Bethesda, MD.


Remarks at a Reception for Participants in the Very Special Arts
International Festival
June 15, 1989


Thank you, Jean, for that warm introduction; and Barbara and I are just delighted to
be here. I'm only sorry that the six puppies
are not here. [Laughter] We'd have had a
heck of a good time with them. But, Jean,
thank you for all you do-you and everyone
else involved in this Very Special Arts program.
Let me tell you how pleased that Barbara
and I are to have front-row seats for a program like this. I'll tell you, I used to be a
Kenny Rogers fan-I've got to admit itand I still am. But I'm also a Phong Sak
fan-[laughter]-Phong Sak Meunchanai,
the son of Thailand-what a magnificent
performance! Maybe it's not such a long
journey from the streets of Thailand, of
Bangkok, to the South Lawn at the White
House. It tells us all that there's no limit to
how far we can go or what we can achieve.
And here at the White House, we're very
privileged-every President is-to have the


great artists come to this magnificent home,
the people's home. And it's a special treat
for us to see, Jean, so many talented young
people, from across the country and around
the world, bring your art, your special abilities, here to Washington. And I only wish
that every performer here-and I know
there's a lot-could have performed right
here on this stage.
You're all well on your way to the kind of
life that I want to see for every American: a
life of independence and opportunity and
productive involvement in our mainstream.
And that means a commitment on society's
part to end discrimination, to increase
access and opportunity in our schools, on
the job, and in every aspect of our society.
You guys don't let any disabilities stand in
your way, and so it's up to us to make sure
that discrimination doesn't stop you. And
Federal law must protect individuals with


745




June 15 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


disabilities, and I'm going to do my level
best to see that it does.
I want to share, in conclusion, just one
little story told to me by Jean Kennedy
Smith about a blind young man, a sculptor.
Jean met him in Ireland several years ago,
and she watched as this sightless boy sculpted a face from clay, a marvel of detail, masterful expression. And what Jean said made
an impression on me: "Art gave that boy
the power to see for the rest of us." And
that's true-all art is a vision that comes
from within; and each of you has a very
special talent to make us see what you see,
feel what you feel, hear what you have to
say.


And so, share your gift, and it will grow.
And you've made this a very, very special
afternoon at the White House. Thank you,
and God bless each and every one of you.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:43 p.m. on
the South Portico at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Jean Kennedy
Smith, founder of the Very Special Arts
Foundation, and Phong Sak Meunchanai, a
participant in the Festival who sang prior
to the President's remarks.


Remarks at a Briefing on Law Enforcement for United States
Attorneys
June 16, 1989


Welcome to the White House. Thank you
all very much. Thank you, Dick, and thank
all of you for that warm welcome here. But
let me welcome you to the White House.
I'm just delighted to have the U.S. attorneys
here.
First, a word about our able Attorney
General. I feel very confident about our Justice Department under his able leadership.
And the integrity that Dick brings to this
job is known nationwide, and I know it's
going to enhance the work that you all are
involved in every day of your lives, serving
this country. So, I want to thank the Attorney General for all he is doing and to salute
him in front of you who work closely with
the Department and with him.
This is a time where we get around and
tell lawyer's jokes. [Laughter] I was thinking of having Frank Donaldson come upAlabama's own-to tell a few-[laughter]but this is a kinder and gentler White
House, and I'm not sure we need that.
But-[laughter].
You know, when I flew out to Wyoming
on Monday, I got off Air Force One out
there-beautiful-and Richard Stacy was
there to shake my hand. And he said, "I'm
here to represent rural America." [Laughter] Simple, dramatic words. So, my name is


George Bush, and I represent the United
States. [Laughter] And with words like
these, you and your assistants begin a Federal criminal trial. And it's a great and rare
honor to represent the United States, and
I'm honored to share that distinction with
you. I share the pride that you feel every
time you say that.
Two hundred years ago, a few months
after becoming President, George Washington signed the act that gave birth to the
offices that you hold. And it's a distinguished tradition. And one of the reasons
that I was so delighted when Dick arranged
for this little meeting was that I wanted to
be able to tell you the respect I feel for the
job that you all do. And, in the words of a
former Attorney General, you represent
"one of the most powerful peacetime forces
known to man."
Peacetime? Well, I expect some of you
would debate that. The situation in our
streets has been aptly compared to a shooting war-and that's why you're here, for an
assembly unprecedented in modern times.
And I did want you to know how strongly I
feel-and I'm grateful to Dick for his comments on this-about violent crime in
America, and how firmly I support what
you all do every single day.


746




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 16


The problem today is violent crimesome call it blood and thunder-involving
these high-powered weapons of a new class
of criminals who impose the law of the
jungle out of the barrel of a gun. And the
fundamental responsibility for protecting
America's streets and neighborhoods from
violent crime must remain with our cities
and States. But there's an increasing and
important Federal role in fighting violent
crime. And when leadership is called for,
we've got to respond, we've got to seize the
day.
One month ago, on a really somber, rainy
day here, I was standing in front of the
Capitol to commemorate the police officers
who were slain in the line of duty. And
many were agents or officers who had
worked with you or the prosecutors that
you supervise. And to honor their sacrifice,
I called upon the United States Congress to
join me in launching a new national strategy, a new partnership with America's cities
and States, to take back the streets. And to
do that we must raise our voices to correct
an insidious tendency-the tendency to
blame crime on society rather than on the
criminal.
And let me be extra clear on my own
beliefs here today. I, like most Americans,
believe that we can start building a safer
society by first agreeing that society itself
doesn't cause the crime-criminals cause
the crime. And we are foursquare behind
the men and women like you who make
sacrifices every day to protect the vulnerable, to safeguard the law-abiding, and to
ensure that those who scorn justice are
brought to justice. And we must hold
people accountable for their actions. And I
said it at the Capitol: A commonsense approach to crime means that criminals must
know that if they commit a crime, they will
be caught; and if caught, they will be prosecuted; and if convicted, they will do time.
A plain-speaking predecessor of mine was
Harry Truman. And he said it pretty well
37 years ago when he met with the U.S.
attorneys here at the White House. And he
summed it up: "We don't want any crooks
left out of jail when they do crooked
things." And nowhere is this precept more
critical than in combating violent crime.
The killing must stop, and it must stop now.


And I'm here to ask your help-to ask you
to take a leadership role in your districts in
helping put away our nation's most wanted:
the privileged class of violent, repeat, and
fugitive offenders hellbent on proving that
crime really does pay.
The comprehensive plan that we sent to
Congress seeks to take violent criminals off
the streets with an attack on four fronts:
new laws to punish them, new agents to
arrest them, new prosecutors to convict
them, and new prisons to hold them. And
all four are essential. Your role is essential.
A chain is only as strong as its weakest link.
The first link is some tough new laws, and
everyone here is familiar with title 18's section 924(c). And, well, we have asked Congress to do for dangerous firearms what it
has wisely done for dangerous drugsdouble the mandatory penalties. As we've
said, the math is simple. Anyone using a
semiautomatic for crime, or so much as
having one in hand during a crime, will do
an automatic 10 extra years in Federal
prison-no probation, no parole, no matter
which judge they get.
And I'm asking each of you to see that
this message is brought to life in the streets
and courtrooms of your cities and towns.
Because for these laws to be effective, we
can't plea-bargain away the lives of our cops
and our kids. And I want and expect that
when suspects are arrested with serious
weapons, that they'll face serious weapons
charges. And so, last month, I directed the
Attorney General to issue guidelines to
ensure that, in all but the most exceptional
cases, all firearms offenders are prosecuted
to the fullest extent of the law.
And those guidelines are being distributed today, I'm told, and you've been summoned to Washington to hear it from the
top. No more loopholes, no conditional surrender, no more rolls of the dice-if a
criminal carries a gun, all deals are off. And
when a criminal carries a gun and someone
dies, I firmly believe that that person
should pay with his life.
We're going to up the stakes for those
who calculate that our criminal justice
system is a crapshoot where the risks are
worth the rewards. And when criminals
think about reaching for a gun, they're


747




June 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


going to know, and they're going to learn,
that they will do time-hard time. And yes,
this policy may mean more trials. And I
understand that firearms cases, like narcotics cases, are not always very popular with
some on the bench. But it can be done and,
in fact, already is being done-even in districts with these overcrowded dockets like
the Southern District of New York, where
plea bargains for 924(c) violations have
been banned since 1987.
And yes, we recognize that more offenders serving longer sentences obviously
means more prison space. And here again
we've matched our rhetoric with resources:
an unprecedented $1.5 billion building program for federal prisons, boosting present
capacity by 80 percent. These are tough
budgetary times, as everybody here knows.
But $1.5 billion is what I want to see go
into this program.
And finally, yes, we also know how understaffed and overworked your offices are.
And we've called in the cavalry-Federal
reinforcements are on the way. And if Congress will move-and move quickly-in addition to 825 new agents to investigate violent crime, I have asked the Congress to
provide funding for 1,600 new prosecutors-new positions for your district-the
largest one-time expansion in U.S. historywith increases in both prosecutors and then
the support staff. And we're also seeking
over 150 new attorneys at this end, adding
more muscle to the Department's Criminal
Division.
These forces must be marshaled effectively. And the Attorney General is proposing
to consolidate the strike forces so that they
are led not from distant Washington, but by
you-the commanders at the front lines.
And of course, new laws and new manpower aren't the only tools at your disposal.
Your leadership on the law enforcement coordinating committees has already produced new initiatives to meet the challenge
of violent crime. In Chicago, Tony Valukas
has led a cooperative effort to rid the community of dangerous offenders by charging
gang leaders and other repeat offenders
under tough Federal armed-career-criminal
laws. And in the last 2 years, working together, we've jammed the revolving door
on 20 such criminals-all are now serving


life without parole in Federal prisons. And
one of Tony's counterparts, the director of
the Illinois State Police, responded to the
Federal initiative by launching a violent
crime task force. Similar partnerships on
violent crime are being led by U.S. attorneys like Benito Romano up in New York,
Jay Stephens right here in the District, Rob
Bonner in L.A., whose promotion to the
Federal district court was recently confirmed by the Senate.
And there are other innovations. To
attack the profusion of gang and street violence, you may use some of your new slots
to recruit seasoned ADA's or others trained
in prosecuting gunshot crime. In those
States where police are not protected by
death penalty provisions, we should make
full use of those Federal laws that permit
the death penalty for cop-killers. And we
should always use our unique Federal resources and expertise to wipe out the kind
of violent crime that operates beyond the
reach of any one State-like the Rukn
street gang whose members were convicted
of conspiring with Libya to acquire military
weapons for terrorist operations in America.
And in addition to my directive on plea
bargaining, there's a second important message that I ask you to bring home to your
districts. Your colleagues in State and local
law enforcement need the same tools we've
proposed for you: mandatory time for
weapons offenders, no plea bargaining on
guns, the death penalty for heinous crimes,
and the kind of increased resources-police,
prosecutor, prisons-that ensure these vicious thugs will be pursued, prosecuted, and
put away for good.
United States attorneys are a breed
apart-invariably bright, committed, tenacious public servants. I really believe the
country understands that about all of you.
Four former U.S. attorneys hold leadership
roles in our administration: Dick Thornburgh of Western Pennsylvania, [Secretary
of Transportation] Sam Skinner of Northern
Illinois, [Director of Central Intelligence]
Bill Webster of Eastern Missouri, and [Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation] Bill Sessions of Western Texas. And we
hope to see yet another-Bob Fiske of New
York, joining our ranks here soon.


748




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 16


Your efforts against violent crime are important, but no less important than the
other law enforcement priorities that you
have so ably addressed. And over the years,
America has watched in admiration, and
sometimes awe, as the accomplishments of
your offices roll across America's television
screens. And we're not going to tolerate the
corruption of labor by organized crime, as
the landmark Teamster settlement proved.
And crime is crime, whether committed
with a briefcase or a gun. And we will not
tolerate greed over honest business, whether the business is defense contracting-Operation Ill Wind; Wall Street-where you're
owed congratulations on last week's convictions; banking-Polar Cap was the largest
money laundering case in history; savings
and loans-where the legislation we've proposed will give you the tools you need to
wipe out the financial fraud that has devastated that industry.
Nor will we tolerate civil rights violations,
as the recent Klan convictions in Alabama
prove. And as the recent indictments
against two major drug gangs right here in
Washington show, we will not tolerate the
corruption of our youth by the poison they
call cocaine. This scourge will stop. I said it


in my Inaugural Address and I'll repeat
here: This scourge will stop.
And it's easy to understand why our
people are so grateful to those of you who
have sacrificed to serve on the firing linewhether in court or on the streets. And day
and night your skypagers and mobile
phones are active, as those you command
monitor court-authorized intercepts or
move undercover into the breach. It is exciting and principled work, an integral link
in a system of justice that remains the envy
of the world. In today's new effort, and in
all your efforts, you have the gratitude, the
respect, and the support of the American
people-and certainly of me. For your kids,
for mine, for America's kids: Take back the
streets.
And thank you for coming here today.
Godspeed in the challenges ahead. And
God bless you, your families, and the Nation
that you work so ably to protect. Thank you
for coming to the White House.
Note: The President spoke at 10:09 a.m. in
the East Room at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Frank W. Donaldson, US. Attorney for the Northern District
of Alabama, and Richard A. Stacy, US. Attorney for the District of Wyoming.


Remarks Congratulating the Wichita State University Shockers on
Winning the NCAA Baseball Championship
June 16, 1989


First, let me salute the two Kansas Senators, Senator Dole, Senator Kassebaum;
members of the Kansas congressional delegation; President Armstrong; Coach Stephenson; Shocker players; staff; friends;
secret admirers. Welcome to the White
House, and heartfelt congratulations on
wrapping up and winning the NCAA Baseball Championship. And nothing personal at
all in your having kicked the Texas Longhorns out to pasture. [Laughter] I'd forgotten that.
But it's a special treat to be here, for as
you may have heard, I love the game. In
fact, watching Greg Brummett's fastball last


weekend reminded me of another one from
the olden times-threw that high, hard fast
one-the fabled Dizzy Dean, St. Louis Cardinal fame. As a player, he fractured the
opponents' bats; but later, as a broadcaster,
he fractured the English language. [Laughter] And he said once, of a homerun hitter:
"He's standing confidentially at the plate."
[Laughter] And then he delighted listeners
with his trademark quote that I'm sure
even young guys remember: "That runner
slud into third." [Laughter]
Well, by winning Wichita State's first-ever
national baseball title, you have slud headfirst into the sports hearts of America. And


749




June 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


they're calling it Shocker Success or Midwest Magic. And remember how Judy Garland once said of Kansas, "There's no place
like home"? Well, with apologies to Senator
Dole and Senator Kassebaum, you've
proven there's also no place like Omaha
and the College World Series.
If you'll excuse a personal reminiscence, I
played in 1947 in the first College World
Series finals. It started in Kalamazoo, Michigan. I think they played there 2 or 3 years
before a move to Omaha. And next year,
'48, again our Yale team reached the finals,
but there was one problem. We had a good
coach-great National League baseball
player, Ethan Allen; and we walked the
eighth hitter, bases loaded, I think, to get to
the ninth hitter. The ninth hitter was their
pitcher, Jackie Jensen, who went on to be
one of the greatest sluggers the Boston Red
Sox ever had. And he hit a ball that's still
rolling in Kalamazoo, Michigan. [Laughter]
So, we lost both times. So, baseball can keep
you humble.
But in 1989, you were the ones that kept
your   opponents  humble-58-14    they
were-58-14 on the regular season. Five
victories in the College World Series, batting, pitching, fielding-all of it right into
the history books. Greg Brummett, of
course, now famous nationally, led you
there: only the seventh pitcher to win three
games in a College World Series. Greg, the
pickoff move of yours would nab Ricky
Henderson [New York Yankees player]. And
help came, too, from the Shockers' answer
to the question, "How do you spell relief?"
Well, Jim Newlin, only the fourth college
pitcher to get three saves in a College
World Series. And then there's Eric Wedge,
your catcher; shortstop Pat Meares, clubbing a homerun in the title game-called


NASA this morning, and that ball's still in
orbit. And Jim Audley, Todd Dreifort-each
of the four, All-Tournament selections.
So, don't worry; I'm not forgetting Mike
Wentworth here. One week ago, you started reading the comic that covers a piece of
bubble gum, and you came upon this fortune: "Something magical will happen."
And hours later, you belted a three-run
homer to help beat top-seeded Florida
State. And the next day, Gene Stephenson's
team completed the magic act, becoming
the first NCAA baseball champion in 23
years not located in California, Texas, Arizona, or Florida. And last week, Gene said,
"We wanted to prove to people all over the
country that somebody outside those States
can play baseball." Don't worry, Coach;
they got the message.
And in that final game, Bryant Winslow
had to leave because of a stress fracture in
his right leg-one of four major injuries to
hit this ball club. He had, as we all would,
tears in our eyes at a difficult situation like
that. He didn't want to leave, but he led his
teammates from the bench.
And a writer once observed, "The Kansas
spirit is the American spirit double-distilled." And my friends, you embody that
spirit. And it-and you-have made the
Shockers number one.
The Vice President and I are delighted to
be here to salute you, along with our distinguished Members of the Congress. Congratulations to a team of champions-well
done! Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 11:03 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Warren B. Armstrong, president of the university, and
Gene Stephenson, coach of the team.


Nomination of Stephen John Hadley To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Defense
June 16, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Stephen John Hadley to
be an Assistant Secretary of Defense (Inter

national Security Policy). He would succeed
Ronald F. Lehman II.
Since 1981 Mr. Hadley has been a part

750




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 16


ner with Shea and Gardner, Attorneys at
Law, in Washington, DC. Prior to this he
was an associate with Shea and Gardner,
1977-1981. Mr. Hadley served on the National Security Council staff in the Office of
Program Analysis, 1974-1977, and as a
member of the analysis group for the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Comptroller),


1972-1974.
Mr. Hadley graduated from Cornell University (B.A., 1969) and Yale Law School
(J.D., 1972). He was an active-duty U.S.
naval officer, 1972-1975. Mr. Hadley was
born February 13, 1947, in Toledo, OH. He
is married, has two children, and resides in
Washington, DC.


Nomination of Henry S. Rowen To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Defense
June 16, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Henry S. Rowen to be an
Assistant Secretary of Defense (International Security Affairs). He would succeed Richard Lee Armitage.
Mr. Rowen is currently a professor of
public policy studies at Stanford University's
Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and
Peace. Mr. Rowen served as Chairman of
the National Intelligence Council at the
Central Intelligence Agency, 1981-1983.
He has served as a member of the Defense
Science Board since 1983. Mr. Rowen
served as president of the Rand Corp.,


1967-1972; Assistant Director of the Bureau
of the Budget, 1965-1966; and Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for National Security Affairs, 1961-1964. He also served as
an economist with the Rand Corp. from
1950 to 1961.
Mr. Rowen received his bachelor of arts
degree from the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, 1949, and his master's degree
from Oxford University, 1955. He served in
the U.S. Navy, 1943-1946, in the Pacific
theater of operations. He was born October
11, 1925, in Boston, MA.


Nomination of Andrew Camp Barrett To Be a Member of the
Federal Communications Commission
June 16, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Andrew Camp Barrett to
be a member of the Federal Communications Commission for the term expiring
June 30, 1990. He would succeed Mark S.
Fowler.
Since 1980 Mr. Barrett has been commissioner for the Illinois Commerce Commission. Prior to this he was assistant director
of the Illinois Department of Commerce
and Community Affairs, 1979-1980. He was


director of operations for the Illinois Law
Enforcement Commission, 1975-1979; executive director for the Chicago branch of the
NAACP, 1971-1975; and associate director
for the National Conference of Christians
and Jews, 1969-1971.
Mr. Barrett graduated from Roosevelt
University of Chicago and received his master's degree from Loyola University of Chicago. He currently resides in Chicago, IL.


751




June 16 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Sherrie P. Marshall To Be a Member of the Federal
Communications Commission
June 16, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Sherrie P. Marshall to be a
member of the Federal Communications
Commission for the remainder of the term
expiring June 30, 1992. She would succeed
Dennis R. Patrick.
Since 1989 Ms. Marshall has been a partner with Wiley, Rein and Fielding in Washington, DC. Prior to this she was an attorney with the White House Counsel's Office
in the office of the President-elect, 1988 -1989. She was Director of the Office of
Legislative Affairs at the Federal Communications Commission, 1987-1988; an attorney
with Wiley, Rein and Fielding, 1986-1987;
and Executive Secretary for the Depart

ment of Treasury, 1985-1986. She served as
Associate Counsel to the President, 1982 -1985; Special Assistant to the President for
Legislative Affairs, 1981-1982; and executive assistant to the Chairman of the Federal Election Commission, 1979-1981. She has
also served as the minority counsel for elections for the Senate Committee on Rules
and Administration, 1978-1979; and as an
attorney in the Office of the General Counsel for the Federal Election Commission,
1977-1978.
Ms. Marshall graduated from the University of North Carolina (A.B., 1974) and the
University of North Carolina School of Law
at Chapel Hill (J.D., 1977).


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on Hungarian Political
Reforms
June 16, 1989


The United States welcomes the announcement of the Hungarian Government's intention to begin discussions with
the opposition as a first step to multiparty
elections. On April 17, in Hamtramck, MI,
the President pledged support to East European countries which embarked upon the


path of fundamental political and economic
reform. In view of Hungary's progress, the
President will seek legislation to accord
Hungary GSP (Generalized System of Preferences) and to permit the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation (OPIC) to operate
in Hungary.


Continuation of Edward L. Rowny as Special Advisor to the
President and Secretary of State for Arms Control Matters
June 16, 1989


The President today announced that
Edward L. Rowny will continue to serve as
Special Advisor to the President and Secretary of State for Arms Control Matters.
In 1985 Ambassador Rowny was named
Special Representative for Arms Control
and Disarmament Negotiations at the U.S.
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.


From 1981 to 1985, he served in Geneva as
chief negotiator and head of the first U.S.
delegation for strategic arms reduction negotiations. From 1941 to 1979, he served in
the U.S. Army, retiring with the rank of
lieutenant general. He commanded units
from platoon through corps, serving in
Africa and Italy in World War II; in Korea,


752




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 19


1950 to 1952; and in Vietnam, 1962 to
1963. In 1971 he was assigned to Brussels as
the Deputy Chairman of the NATO Military Committee, where he set up the
mutual balanced force reduction (MBFR)
negotiations. From 1973 to 1979, General
Rowny was the Joint Chiefs of Staff representative to the Strategic Arms Limitation
Talks (SALT) in Geneva.


Ambassador Rowny graduated from Johns
Hopkins University (B.S., 1937); the U.S.
Military Academy, second lieutenant, Corps
of Engineers, 1941; Yale University (M.A.
and M.S., 1949); and American University
(Ph.D., 1977). From 1980 to 1981, he was a
fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center of
the Smithsonian Institution. He was born
April 3, 1917, in Baltimore, MD.


Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony for the Drug-Free Schools
Awards
June 19, 1989


Thank you, Secretary Cavazos. Mr. Vice
President, students, parents, teachers, and
friends: Welcome to the White House, the
steamy Rose Garden. [Laughter] We're delighted you're here. I thought long and
hard about what to say today, how to talk
about the importance of drug education
and prevention, and of how we can save
our schools and our children from drugs.
And then I read the judges' reports about
this year's Drug-Free Schools Award winners, and these reports were simply incredible. So, today I'd like to just tell some
American stories, stories about drug-free
schools and, really, some American heroes.
Let's start with Spingarn High School,
right here in Washington, DC. Spingarn is
in one of Washington's worst drug areas-a
tough area-and one teacher said: "Five
years ago, teachers were afraid to go out in
the hall between classes. There's no fear
here now." One man, a teacher named
Frank Parks, saw the drug dealers in the
hallways, the expensive clothes; he smelled
the marijuana in the bathrooms and the
locker rooms. So, he started Operation
SAND-Student Activities, Not Drugs-and
recruited popular athletes as peer counselors. And he set up these "rap rooms" for
kids to confidentially talk about the drug
problems. And he founded a program that
worked; he found answers. And he's here
today, and despite the fact that his office
was bombed a year ago. And I'm told he
and his wife are available 24 hours a day for
the kids, as they have been for years. And I


hope that the students will be lucky enough
to have him for years to come. Mr. Parks,
thank you, and congratulations.
And next, let me tell you about St. John
the Baptist School in Brooklyn, New York.
Here's what one of the judges who visited
the school wrote: "This school is a total
drug-free oasis in a sea of crack dealers.
This crusade to be a beacon of hope in a
neighborhood of burned-out buildings and
frequent killings is taken with serious risk.
The school is almost the last liferaft available to families whose neighborhood peace
and quiet has been overturned by the violence of alcohol and drugs. And if this
school is not a model of a drug-free school,
then no such model exists."
But keeping their school drug free was
not enough for the St. John's students.
They've asked Mayor Koch to deliver the
neighborhood a drug-free community-to
declare it a drug-free community, telling
him about the crack houses and of the
horror and despair they see during breaks.
Drug dealers recently broke into the office
of Sister Mary Jane Raeihle, the principal,
ransacking it, breaking into the safe where
the school's money is kept. But they left the
money on her desk as a warning, as a message to the school to stop its activities, but
St. John's has not stopped. And just last
week, during graduation practice, the brave
nuns stood between the drug dealers and
the children to protect them as they
marched to the church. Sister Raeihle says:
"We're very proud of the children. Even


753




June 19 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the little ones know what it's all about,
which is a shame. We have good will and
kids with a lot of hope. It's so hard for
them, and they have so much hope." God
bless you, Sister, and God bless the children.
Roosevelt Vocational School, from Lake
Wales, Florida-local police say this school
is "sitting in the middle of a drug supermarket." The students there are "high-risk" for
drug use, many with difficult disabilities.
And yet some ride 2 and 3 hours to get to
Roosevelt. Let me tell you why: Less than
10 years ago, only 10 percent of Roosevelt's
graduates got and held jobs. But students
soon realized that in order to get the jobs
they'd been trained for, they had to be
drug free. So, they looked to the Kennedy
Space Center which you can see from the
school windows, and adopted the motto,
"Aiming for the Highest." And they kicked
drugs out of the school, stopped feeling
sorry for themselves, turned their attention
to others who needed help, adopting a local
family whose father has Lou Gehrig's disease and raising thousands of dollars to help
them make ends meet-and now 75 percent of the students are employed after
graduation. And they aimed for the highest
and made it, and they're here today, too.
In fact, I heard a story about the principal, Harold Maready, who made a bet with
the students during Red Ribbon Week,
when students who are drug free wear red
ribbons and clothes. He bet them that if at
least half the school wore red-that is, were
drug free-he'd paint his bald head with
the words "Just Say No." Well, 225 out of
295 showed up in red-[laughter]-and
guess what happened? I wore this red
ribbon today and this red tie because I
think Mr. Maready had a great idea, and
I'm looking for Marlin Fitzwater [the President's Press Secretary] here somewhere.
[Laughter]
Finally, a story from out West-Live Oak,
California, is a small town that started as a
railroad stop serving ranchers. The residents fill only five pages of the phone
book-one traffic light; no hospital; no jailjust a drugstore, a few restaurants, a post
office. A quiet, small town? No, not at all.
Drugs arrived over the border, brought by
transient workers. This county is now one of


California's major producers of methamphetamines and a major contact area for drugs
arriving from Mexico. The drugs got into
the school and things went downhill fast.
And during the last 4 years, however, this
school developed a drug-free education program that is gradually influencing the face
of the entire community. Students, parents,
business leaders, and teachers came together and changed it from what we used to
call the three R's to the four R's: respect,
responsibility, recognition, and recreation.
And what made the difference was a temporary principal, Mrs. Paulla McIntire, assigned to the school for 4 months in 1985.
Temporary-she's still there. [Laughter]
And one judge called her "the visionary
dynamo behind the progress" at one of the
most   overwhelmed   and   understaffed
schools around. She and a teacher, Michael
Dahl, beat the odds by "vision, no-nonsense
leadership, compassion, and professional expertise." Mrs. McIntire and Mr. Dahl, thank
you for making the trip today, all this way,
and thank you for a job so well done.
As I look around here today, I see some
of the top commandos in the war on drugs:
our teachers, principals, community leaders,
parents, and students. You're the ones winning this war because you are the ones
looking to tomorrow. You're the ones who
know that it takes a clear mind to get a
good education and lead a productive life.
You understand that students have a right
to learn in drug-free schools. And I know
that school's out for the summer, but there's
one last lesson all America can learn from
the courage and commitment and, yes, the
downright stubbornness of each of these
heroes here today who never gave up:
Every school in this country can win; every
school in this country can be safe and drug
free. Thank you, and God bless you all, and
congratulations!
And now I'd like to welcome the students
that are here from each school and join the
Vice President and Secretary Cavazos in
presenting these awards, or at least shaking
hands before you get to the main eventthe award from our great Secretary of Education. Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:04 a.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House.


754




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 19


Message to the Senate Transmitting the United Nations Convention
Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances
June 19, 1989


To the Senate of the United States:
With a view to receiving the advice and
consent of the Senate to ratification, I transmit herewith the United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs
and Psychotropic Substances, done at
Vienna on December 20, 1988. I also transmit, for the information of the Senate, the
report of the Department of State with respect to the Convention.
The production, trafficking, and consumption of illicit narcotics have become a
worldwide menace of unprecedented proportions. Narcotics trafficking and abuse
threaten the developing and industrialized
nations alike, eroding fragile economies, endangering democratic institutions, and affecting the health and well-being of people
everywhere. The profits made from the
international drug trade are consolidated in
the hands of powerful drug lords who operate with impunity outside the law. The
widespread  corruption,  violence,  and
human destruction associated with the drug
problem imperil all nations and can only be
suppressed if all nations cooperate effectively in bringing to justice those who engage
in illicit trafficking and abuse.
Patterned after many existing U.S. laws
and procedures, the present Convention
represents a significant step forward in
international efforts to control the illicit
traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic
substances. The Convention obligates states
party to the agreement to cooperate in suppressing illicit traffic and to take specific
law enforcement measures and enact domestic laws, including those relating to


money laundering, confiscation of assets, extradition, mutual legal assistance, and trade
in chemicals, materials, and equipment
used in the illegal manufacture of controlled substances. These and other provisions seek to establish a comprehensive set
of laws and guidelines for a concerted and
more effective effort on an international
basis to combat illicit trafficking.
Having taken 4 years to complete, work
on the Convention began in 1984 under
United Nations auspices, and it was adopted
at an international conference held in
Vienna in November and December 1988.
The United States and 43 other nations
signed the Convention at that time, and 16
others have signed since then. The Vienna
Convention is a tribute to the United Nations and represents the broadest and most
far-reaching set of laws and agreements
ever adopted in this field. It is strongly indicative of the political will of the states
that adopted it and puts those who profit
from this evil trade on notice that it will no
longer be tolerated. It is clear the Convention has enthusiastic support in the international community, and it is expected that all
states will unreservedly endorse this major
step to unify and internationalize the fight
against drugs and to generate universal
action.
I recommend, therefore, that the Senate
give early and favorable consideration to
this Convention and give its advice and
consent to ratification.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
June 19, 1989.


Statement on the Resumption of the Soviet-United States Nuclear
and Space Arms Negotiations
June 19, 1989
Today marks the opening of round XI of bassador Richard Burt, the chief negotiator
the nuclear and space talks in Geneva. Am- to the strategic arms reduction talks, heads


755




June 19 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the U.S. delegation. Ambassador Henry
Cooper is our chief negotiator to the defense and space talks. My objective for
these negotiations is to achieve verifiable
agreements that improve our security while
enhancing stability and reducing the risk of
war. In the strategic arms reduction talks,
our emphasis will be on creating a more
stable nuclear balance and strengthening
deterrence by reducing and constraining
those strategic nuclear forces which pose
the greatest threat to security and stability.
We will pursue complementary goals in the
defense and space talks, seeking an agreement on a cooperative transition to a more
stable nuclear balance that relies increasingly on defenses.
After extensive deliberations with my advisers, I have approved instructions for the
U.S. START delegation. These instructions
reaffirm much of the treaty text negotiated
with the Soviets by the previous administration. Modifications will be proposed in some
cases. The United States will be prepared to
address all the issues on which the two sides
have not reached agreement, as the negotiations proceed. In addition,, I have reserved
the right to introduce new initiatives aimed
at further enhancing security and strategic
stability.
Of all the outstanding START issues, verification may be the most complex. It will be
especially critical in determining whether
START enhances U.S. security and strategic
stability. As part of our overall negotiating
effort, as the talks resume in Geneva, the
United States will also propose that the two
sides make a special effort to agree on, and
to begin implementing as soon as possible,
certain verification and stability measures
drawn from proposals that both sides have


already advanced in START or other contexts. These measures will enhance verification of a START treaty and contribute to
strategic stability. Early agreement and implementation of them will speed resolution
of outstanding issues and give added momentum to the efforts of our two countries
to conclude expeditiously a START agreement.
Our approach to these arms negotiations
and to our force modernization programs
are complementary and mutually reinforcing. Maintaining credible and effective nuclear deterrent forces is essential both to
our security and to our ability to negotiate
sound and stabilizing agreements. A successful START treaty will reduce the risk of
war, but will not diminish our need to rely
on modernized, effective strategic forces for
continued deterrence. Indeed, our security
would be reduced rather than enhanced if
we do not modernize our forces while the
Soviets continue to modernize theirs. We
must continue to pursue both our force
modernization and arms control and not
make the mistake of treating one as a substitute for the other.
Our negotiators return to the bargaining
table with my firm pledge that we will
work vigorously to achieve fair and farreaching agreements that strengthen peace.
Nothing has higher priority. I am heartened
by the growing evidence that the Soviet
Union is prepared to negotiate seriously
about agreements that promise to reduce
the risk of war. Much has already been accomplished in the negotiations; much remains to be done. Our commitment is unwavering. We must build on our achievements thus far to reach agreements that
fulfill our objectives of reducing the risk of
war and enhancing security and stability.


Remarks at the Cheltenham High School Commencement
Ceremony in Wyncote, Pennsylvania
June 19, 1989


Thank you, Hang Nguyen, for that introduction and that welcome to this wonderful


school. And thank you all for that very generous reception. Mr. Secretary, Dr. Ste

756




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 19


fanski, Mr. Rodgers, Mr. Bell, members of
the board, faculty and administrators, parents-grateful parents-students, I am delighted to be here. And, Jeffrey, I can see
why they elected you president. You did a
first-class job there representing your class
in that word of welcome. Thank you very
much. And I'm delighted we have so many
distinguished guests. But I want to single
out one: my friend of longstanding, the
Congressman from this district, Congressman Larry Coughlin, your own, who came
here with us tonight from Washington.
Larry-delighted he's here.
Last night, under the able leadership, you
might say, of John Denver, at the White
House-we have a program that goes on
four times a year, and it's called "In Performance at the White House," where they
had some musical talent. And you'll see
what we saw last night live-you'll see it, I
think, on July 5th on PBS [Public Broadcasting Service]. But I think they could all take
a lesson from the vocal ensemble over here
who did a-whoops, they're gone, but they
were great.
And so, I'm here from Washington-a
privilege to be at the magnificent success
that is Cheltenham High School and to say,
paraphrasing Mark Twain, that reports of
your reputation have not "been greatly exaggerated." You know, as Marine One flies,
it's about 120 miles from Washington to
Philadelphia. And on the way up here, Secretary Cavazos, my friend and that ardent
champion of American education, detailed
for me your superb record of achievement
in social services and music and the academics and the humanities. And now that
I've seen you-a little bit of you-up close
and personal, I can say that Mr. Trimble is
right: Cheltenham, "you are beautiful."
And I am enjoying my first visit here, and
I want you to enjoy today. And it's hot in
here! [Laughter] And I promise I'll be relatively brief. After all, you've worked and
studied and struggled for 4 years, and now
comes the hard part: listening to a commencement address.
I'll never forget at Yale University, a
graduation speaker, a minister, got up at
my old college and said, "And now I will
give your commencement address." And he
picked Yale-Y is for youth-went on about


25 minutes on youth. [Laughter] A is for
altruism-took about 18. L is for loyalty-37
minutes on loyalty. [Laughter] And of
course, E for excellence-finished in 17
minutes. And when he finished, there was
one person left praying. [Laughter] And he
said, "How lovely that you're praying. Were
you giving thanks for my words?" He said,
"No, I'm just thanking God that you didn't
speak at my high school graduation at Cheltenham High School." [Laughter]
Let me assure you, I do remember how it
feels. For it seems like only yesterday that I,
too, was listening to a commencement
speech at my graduation. Believe me, I
wish it were only yesterday, but nevertheless, in school I loved history and English
and major league baseball-not necessarily
in that order. But most of all, I loved the
possibilities and horizons of the rainbow
called tomorrow, a rainbow that, here at
this magnificent school, you color blue and
gold. And today I'd like to talk about your
possibilities as individuals and our horizons
as a great nation. I do so believing that you
can enrich the world, charitably and courageously, through your choices and your
deeds and through a few things that I've
learned that I would like to share with
you-things about America, things about
her people.
And I've learned, for instance, that we
are not black and white, rural and urban,
the privileged and the poor. We are-as Dr.
Stefanski said-we are Americans. And I've
learned that any definition of a successful
life insists that we help those for whom the
American dream seems like an impossible
dream. And I have learned that for different generations this help may take different
forms, for conditions vary, challenges
change. And yet what does not, must not,
change is our capacity-responsibility-to
assist society at large.
Two centuries ago, for instance, our forefathers banded together to secure independence. Their challenge was to found the
Colonies and then push back the wilderness. And 90 years later, the challenge for
many of your great-great-great-grandfathers
was to preserve the Republic so that,
united, we stood. A later generation helped
pull us out of the Depression, and still an

757




June 19 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


other placed a man on the Moon. And at
times, we've been ragged in goods, but
we've always been rich in spirit. Even in
1933, with 25 percent of America's work
force out of work, President Franklin D.
Roosevelt could say, surveying the Republic: "Our troubles concern, thank God, only
material things."
FDR knew then, as we know now, that
life is measured not by what's in our bank
account but by holding ourselves to account
for the well-being of our community. And
this belief is as timeless as the spirit of 1776.
It embodies what President Eisenhower
meant when he said: "We must be willing,
individually and as a nation, to accept what
sacrifices may be required of us."
As Americans, we've made those sacrifices-eagerly, selflessly-for over 200 years.
Think of Bunker Hill and Bastogne, where
we upheld the tenets of democracy, or the
Marshall plan, where we rebuilt postwar
Europe, or groups like the Peace Corps, the
Salvation Army, or UNICEF.
You know, a student told me a while ago
that high school is a great place to learn
about   personal  risktaking.  I  asked
him,"How do you figure?" And he said,
"Have you ever tasted cafeteria food?"
[Laughter]
Well, my friends, I ask you today to take
a risk for a cause larger than ourselves. It's
the cause of Clara Barton and the Red
Cross; Raoul Wallenberg, who helped refugees escape oppression; Mary McLeod Bethune, who made higher learning a bequest. It's the cause of helping others and,
thereby, helping America. It's the cause of
democratic ideals.
Abroad, this cause insists that we help, by
word and by deed, the young people who
demand such rights as assembly, religion,
press, free speech-the rights our ancestors
secured for us and that we too often take
for granted in this country. Look to the
Soviet Union, where brave people press for
religious, intellectual, and political liberty.
Look to Poland, where Solidarity's long
struggle has borne fruit in the results of
free elections. The free election process in
Poland makes me count my blessings for
the free election process that we take for
granted right here in the United States.
And, yes, look to China, where students


have demanded freedom-a demand that
will not, and must not, be stilled.
Who will ever forget the picture of that
young Chinese, solitary and vulnerable,
facing down an entire column of tanks?
That vivid, unforgettable image illustrates
how precious is the freedom that underlies
everything that we stand for. We don't
have to stand in front of tanks in America,
thank God, but we do have to summon the
same courage to confront the evil that exists
in the world. We have to stand in front of
the forces of cruelty and violence, and confront the dark powers of poverty and despair. We have to summon the courage to
face down the scourge of drugs that stalks
and harms our young people. And fortunately, we Americans have an advantage.
We have a heritage of bravery, of faith in
God, of liberty and human dignity, and the
Golden Rule: Do unto others as you would
have them do unto you.
In recent weeks, at college commencement speeches, I've spoken of these values
and called for the right of peoples everywhere for free expression. Well, those
values also guide our challenge at home not
merely to ensure free expression-for the
most part, that war has already been wonrather to win the struggle not yet decided:
the fight for justice, equality, and hope. To
win that fight will require you and you and
you and others enlisting in our crusade.
And it will demand the little-noted deeds
that make headlines not in the national
magazines but in the local weekly, deeds
that once moved Lafayette, in his early
twenties, when he led Washington's troops
at Yorktown, to write of America: "What
most charms me is that all the citizens are
brethren."
And we term these deeds voluntarism, or
community service, and they're central to
our fabric as a nation and as a people. And,
no, they aren't as dramatic as the profiles in
courage of Warsaw or the gulags or of Tiananmen Square, but they reflect the same
sense of sacrifice and of concern-concern
for country, decency, and our fellow man.
This concern uplifts voluntarism groups and
individuals, groups like the Youth at Risk
Program; the Boy Scouts; and your United
Way Youth Council chapter; individuals like


758




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 19


Anneke Cooper, who assists a neighborhood
nursing home; or Keithe Damsker, translating materials into Korean for the American
Cancer Society; or two Jennifers, Payes and
Lowe, who serve at Moss Rehabilitation
Center and Holy Redeemer Hospital.
And the thing is, at Cheltenham that's
just a partial reading. The list is endless;
their deeds go on. And another thing:
Across America we need to expand this roll
of volunteers, for they can combat-nationally, as you are doing locally-issues like
hunger and health care, drug abuse and
homelessness. To achieve that aim, our administration recently created the Office of
National Service. And this week we're
going to take another step. For by announcing our administration's new YES, or YES to
America initiative-Youth Entering Service-we will refute those who speak of the
"me generation." Instead, this program can
build a cathedral of the spirit and help
yours become a global "we generation."
Let me tell you a story about that generation and its spirit. One day a man stepped
aboard a train. And as he did, a shoe
slipped off and landed on the track. Unable
to retrieve it as the train was moving, the
man calmly took off his other shoe and
threw it back along the track in the direction of the first one, and his fellow passengers were   amazed. Smiling, Mahatma
Gandhi explained his action: "The poor
man who finds the shoe lying on the track
will now have a pair that he can use."
Gandhi knew, as we must, that the "we
generation" rejects a new gilded age of
mindless self-gratification. But only we-not
me-only we can define a successful life
both for the individual and the Nation.
Remember those beliefs and treasure
them. And remember, too, two signs which
I'm told are posted right here in this gym.
One suggests that "Success is a journey, not
a destination," often perilous, even cruel,
but possessed of the challenges and values
linking the students of this high school with
the students of the world. And the other
sign reads, "If a man never fails, it may be
because he never tries." My friends, some
of you may try for President. I hope you
do-great; but whatever, do something
truly inspiring. Become a doctor, like your
alumnus, Michael Brown; become a teacher,


like Lew Shaten, retiring tomorrow after 32
years, committed to broadening the minds
of thousands of young people; an artist, like
Edward Hergelroth, who has painted my
own house up in Kennebunkport; or writers, like Levinson and Link.
Whatever you decide, whatever, you will
act not for yourselves alone but for a larger
community, whether in Cheltenham or
China. And in that spirit, let me close with
another story, a story about the most
famous Pennsylvanian of them all. Two
hundred and two years ago, Benjamin
Franklin looked at the President's chair on
the last day of the Constitutional Convention, and addressing a friend, he made a
confession. Often, Franklin admitted, he'd
wondered during Philadelphia's long, hot
summer whether the Sun painted on the
chair-remember-was rising or setting.
But at last he said he had the pleasure to
know that it was a rising, not a setting, Sun.
For America, for this high school, for you
as individuals, our Sun is rising too. In
coming years, expand America's possibilities; enlarge her horizons as a people. Say
yes to liberty and to the dignity of man.
And as you do, remember that your inheritance is the future-guard it, cherish it. And
together, let us shape tomorrow in the
image of our dreams, not merely for this
generation but for the generations to come.
Good luck to each and every one of you
graduating here this evening. My most
heartfelt congratulations. And God bless
you, and God bless your parents, and God
bless this wonderful school, and God bless
the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 7:07 p.m. in
the school gymnasium. In his remarks, he
referred to Hang Nguyen, an honors student; Secretary of Education Lauro F. Cavazos; Charles F. Stefanski and James Bell,
superintendent of schools and president of
the Cheltenham Township School District,
respectively; Joseph W. Rodgers, principal
of the school; Jeffrey Schwarzschild, president of the graduating class; and Robert
Trimble, teacher and director of external
education at the school. Following his remarks, the President returned to Washington, DC.


759




June 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Remarks Congratulating the Detroit Pistons on Winning the
National Basketball Association Championship
June 20, 1989


Well, I see we have the two Senators
from Michigan and much of the congressional delegation here, and we want to welcome Senator Levin and Senator Riegle,
Congressmen Schuette, Broomfield, and etcetera, etcetera. And I'm just delighted you
all are here. Commissioner Stern, welcome,
sir. And then I want to welcome the unsung
heroes, the heroines, of the Detroit Pistons,
the players' wives; and owner Bill Davidson; and then the-I think they all got in in
spite of the weather-D.C. Police Boys and
Girls Club. Welcome! Who is with that?
Right around here? You guys right here.
Great. Right there? That guy? Okay. That's
wonderful.
And you may have noticed my special
greeting from Bill Laimbeer. He and his
wife Chris were with him in October, and
he told me back in October that he'd see
me at the White House in June. Actually,
he was sure he'd be here, not so sure about
me. [Laughter] But sure enough, there they
are.
And to all our guests today, I'm just delighted that you've joined me to congratulate the world champions of basketball, the
Detroit Pistons.
You guys won it in style-four straight,
four straight over the [Los Angeles] Lakers.
And I know you had a special incentive to
make it a sweep. Just think of Chuck Daly's
dry cleaning bill for a seven game series.
[Laughter] You know, Chuck's known as
the Dick Clark of the NBA, 59 going on
29-[laughter]-but don't let those youthful
looks fool you. He's waited 35 years for this
day, for a coach's dream come true.
And he's got a team loaded with talent
and determination. No team goes a full 82
games and into the playoffs without a few
injuries along the way, and the Pistons were
no exception. The difference is that somehow the Pistons managed to keep all the
parts in working order. Isaiah Thomas
played hurt-played hard-with a broken
hand for the past 2 months. And credit a
couple of championship-sized assists to your


trainer and team physician, Mike Abdenour
and Dr. Benjamin Paolucci.
And someone once said basketball is
ballet with a backboard. Whoever it was
definitely wasn't under the boards with
Laimbeer and Mahorn when a shot goes up
there. I would not liken that to Swan
Lake-[laughter]-but your brand of bumpand-run basketball is a winner.
And I know that your aggressive style has
given the Pistons something of a reputation.
But Commissioner Stern told us also something else about the work that you do in the
Detroit community with the Special Olympics, muscular dystrophy-many other
worthy causes. And you may be to some the
bad boys of basketball, but off the court,
people see the kinder, gentler side of the
Detroit Pistons. [Laughter]
And now, you can have all the talent in
the world, but you can't win it all unless
you've got that one special ingredientnicknames. And the Pistons have some
league leaders: the Microwave, Vinnie Johnson-he heats up in a hurry-[laughter]the Spider and Worm, John Salley and
Dennis Rodman, a couple of superheroes off
the bench. And then there's the guy without the nickname, the most valuable player,
Joe Dumars, the pride of Lake Charles,
Louisiana. Here's a man who keeps quiet
and lets the scoring do the talking. Take
game three: 21 points in 12 minutessounds more like pinball than basketball.
[Laughter]
But all of you have accomplished the extraordinary. And some of the best players in
the NBA go an entire career without winning that ring. And it takes a team to wintalent, drive, and dedication that goes 12
men deep. And that's the secret of success
of any kind, and it's the winning formula.
You kids watch and learn from all of thatthe winning formula that made the Detroit
Pistons the world champs.
Thank you for visiting us. I'm glad you
are now out of low orbit around the airfield
out here. And once again, congratulations


760




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 20


to all of you, to the city of Detroit, and to
the State of Michigan. I am delighted that
you are here at the White House. Thank
you very much for coming.


Note: The President spoke at 11:50 a.m. in
Room 450 at the Old Executive Office
Building.


Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony for the Presidential Scholars
Awards
June 20, 1989


Thank you all, and welcome to the White
House. Ronna, you're in charge of keeping
the rain off. [Laughter] Secretary Cavazos
and Ronna Romney and members of the
Commission, sponsors, guests, distinguished
teachers, and Presidential Scholars: Let me
officially welcome you to the White House.
You know, that great English leader, Benjamin Disraeli, once said: "Youth of a nation
are the trustees of posterity." And the poet
James Lowell was moved to write: "If youth
be a defect, it is one we outgrow only too
soon." Well, as this year's Presidential Scholars, you remain the trustees of our posterity. And I hope you'll accept some counsel
from one who is a little long in the tooth,
maybe. If youth is a defect, treasure it as
many years as you can.
We meet here on the 25th anniversary of
the Presidential Scholars program, and to
honor some of the best and the brightest
students in American education. This marks
the highest scholastic honor that a President
can bestow, and I am honored to bestow it.
For while already you have done much, I
know you will do more, and not for yourselves alone but for nation and neighborlearning, caring, helping education lead the
way.
I believe in education. And so do you, for
the evidence is your lives. And you come
from backgrounds of every race and creed,
and from all 50 States, the District of Columbia, U.S. territories, and families living
abroad. And you've excelled in the classroom and outside it, through leadership,
character and, yes, community service. You
know, as I do, how education can unleash
your talents. Take Presidential Scholar
Eben Hewitt, of Muncie, Indiana-he started a Shakespeare Club at his high school; or


another scholar, Clarity Haynes, of Washington, DC's Ellington School of the Artsshe is fluent in Portuguese and Spanish. I'm
a little jealous-some say I'm not even
fluent in English.
Education can be the great uplifter-individually, and for America. Perhaps Meath
Bowen, a Presidential Scholar from Anchorage, Alaska-I think I see her-put it best:
"An educated person," she said, "has
choices, alternatives, and can exercise freedom of mind in all areas of life."
Now, I know what you're thinking: It
won't be easy. And you're right, there'll be
roadblocks along the way. And I'm reminded of how once, marking an examination
paper written shortly before Christmas, the
noted scholar teaching at Yale, William
Lyons Phelps, came across this note: "God
only knows the answer to this question.
Merry Christmas!" [Laughter] Phelps returned the paper with the annotation: "God
gets an A. You get an F. Happy New Year!"
[Laughter]
Roadblocks? Sure, you bet. But you can
overcome them, and as you do, remember
that an educated person also has duties and
responsibilities. I've said that in America
the definition of a successful life must include serving others. Well, that goes double
for America's best. Many have labored to
share their knowledge with you, and you
can give them no greater gift than to share
your knowledge with others.
In that spirit, a number of people have
brought you here, and they deserve our
thanks-like Ronna Romney sitting right
here, Chairman of the White House Commission on Presidential Scholars, and the
Commission sponsors. And let me salute the
47 Commission members, whom I just met


761




June 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


with, who chose you, 141 honorees, from
America's high school graduates. But most
of all, I want to thank, and ask you to thank,
all of those people who form the fabric of
your life. Today and in the years to come,
remember that favorite teacher-the history instructor who was a friend and mentor;
the biology teacher who did the impossible-helped you dissect a frog. And remember the guidance counselor who cared or
the football coach who gave of his time and
of himself as well.
And remember those who love you most
and point you toward the stars, what scholar Christine Oh, of Bellville, Georgia, has
called "the backbone of my success: my
family." My friends, this is your day, but it
is also their day. So, let me close with a
story your family might appreciate about
learning and teaching and scholars of all
ages. The story goes that physicist James
Franck was professor at Gottingen University in Germany when Robert Oppenheimer,
then only 23, was being examined for his
doctorate. On emerging from the oral
exam, Franck remembered-this is the professor-Franck remembered, "I got out of
there just in time. He was beginning to ask


me questions." [Laughter]
Well, in coming years, you'll ask many
questions, questions about your faith and
future, problems and priorities, about what
we can become, why we are here. Education can provide some answers, and so can
the people who believe in it and you-your
lifelong local minister, the father who
trudged his son to Little League, the
mother who toiled night and day so that
her daughter could go to college. Trust
these people; make them proud. Honor
them by the lives you lead. And as you do,
remember how their values, which are education's values, can make ours a better,
richer, most decent world.
To every Presidential Scholar, Barbara
and I and our great Secretary, Larry Cavazos, give you our heartfelt congratulations!
And to all of you here, thank you for
coming to the White House. God bless you,
and God bless our great country. Thank you
all very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:37 p.m. in
the Rose Garden at the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to Secretary of Education Lauro F. Cavazos.


Continuation of Frank G. Wisner as United States Ambassador to
Egypt
June 20, 1989


The President today announced that
Frank G. Wisner will continue to serve as
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the
Arab Republic of Egypt.
Since 1986 Mr. Wisner has served as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America to the Arab
Republic of Egypt. Prior to this he served
as Senior Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, 1982-1986, and Ambassador
to Zambia, 1979-1982. He was Deputy Executive Secretary of Southern African Affairs, 1977-1979, and Director of the Office
of Southern African Affairs, 1976-1977. Mr.
Wisner has served as special assistant to the


Under Secretary for Political Affairs, 1975 -1976, and special assistant and then Deputy
Director for the Interagency Task Force on
Indochina Refugee Affairs. In addition he
served as the Director of the Office of Plans
and Management, Bureau of Public Affairs,
1974; chief of the political section in Dacca,
Bangladesh, 1973-1974; and chief of the
economic/commercial section at the U.S.
Embassy in Tunis, 1971-1973.
Mr. Wisner graduated from Princeton
University (B.A., 1961). He served in the
Foreign Service from 1961 to 1968. Mr.
Wisner was born July 2, 1938, in New York.
He is married and has four children.


762




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 20


Nomination of S. Anthony McCann To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Veterans Affairs
June 20, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate S. Anthony McCann to be
an Assistant Secretary of Veterans Affairs
(Finance and Planning). This is a new position.
Since 1986 Dr. McCann has been Assistant Secretary of Management and Budget
at the Department of Health and Human
Services in Washington, DC. Prior to this he


was senior health analyst and division
leader for the Committee on the Budget of
the United States Senate, 1985-1986, and a
staff member for the Committee on the
Budget of the United States Senate, 1981 -1985.
Dr. McCann graduated from Lake Forest
College (B.A., 1966) and Syracuse University (M.A., 1969; Ph.D., 1972).


Continuation of Henry E. Hockeimer as an Associate Director of the
United States Information Agency
June 20, 1989


The President today announced that
Henry E. Hockeimer will continue to serve
as an Associate Director of the United
States Information Agency (Management).
Since 1988 Mr. Hockeimer has served as
an Associate Director of the U.S. Information Agency (Management) in Washington,
DC. Prior to this he was Assistant Director
of the U.S. Information Agency in Washington, DC, 1987-1988, and Deputy Director


of the Television and Film Service for
USIA, 1986-1987. He also served as president of Ford Aerospace and Communications Corp., 1975-1985.
Mr. Hockeimer graduated from the RCA
Institute (1947) and New York University
(1949). He was born April 3, 1920, in
Winzig, Germany. He served in the U.S.
National Guard, 1947-1949. He is married
and has two children.


Nomination of Wade F. Horn To Be Chief of the Children's Bureau
June 20, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Wade F. Horn to be Chief
of the Children's Bureau, Department of
Health and Human Services. He would succeed Dodie Truman Livingston.
Since 1986 Dr. Horn has served as director of outpatient psychological services in
the department of psychiatry for Children's
Hospital National Medical Center; vice
chairman of the department of psychology
for Children's Hospital National Medical
Center; and an associate professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences and of child


health and development at George Washington University School of Medicine in
Washington, DC. Dr. Horn served in several capacities at Michigan State University,
including adjunct faculty member in the
department of pediatrics, College of Human
Medicine, 1983-1986; director of the pediatric psychology specialty clinic, 1984-1986;
associate director for the psychological
clinic, 1984-1986; and assistant professor in
the department of psychology, 1982-1986.
Dr. Horn graduated from American University (B.A., 1975) and Southern Illinois


763




June 20 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


University (Ph.D., 1981). He was born De- married, has two children, and resides in
cember 3, 1954, in Coral Gables, FL. He is Gaithersburg, MD.
Nomination of Susan M. Coughlin To Be a Member of the National
Transportation Safety Board
June 20, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Susan M. Coughlin to be a
member of the National Transportation
Safety Board for the term expiring December 31, 1993. She would succeed Lemoine
V. Dickinson, Jr.
Since 1987 Mrs. Coughlin has been
Deputy Administrator of the Federal Railroad Administration at the Department of
Transportation in Washington, DC. Prior to


this she was Acting Vice President for the
Export-Import Bank of the United States,
Office of Public Affairs and Publications,
1986-1987, and Deputy Vice President,
1983-1986. She was an officer for intergovernmental relations at the Department of
Transportation in the Office of the Secretary, 1981-1983.
Mrs. Coughlin graduated from Moravian
College (B.A., 1972).


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on United States Sanctions
Against the Chinese Government
June 20, 1989


The President today directed that the
U.S. Government suspend participation in
all high-level exchanges of government officials with the People's Republic of China, in
addition to the suspension of military exchanges previously announced. This action
is being taken in response to the wave of
violence and reprisals by the Chinese authorities against those who have called for
democracy. The United States has supported the legitimate democratic aspirations for
freedom of peoples throughout the world.
The United States will continue to voice its
concern and its support for these aspirations.


The United States hopes that the current
tragedy in China [can] be brought to a
peaceful end and that dialog will replace
the atmosphere of suspicion and reprisal.
China is an important state with which we
hope to continue productive relations.
In addition to the ban on exchanges, the
United States will seek to postpone consideration of new international financial institutions' loans to China. The situation in
China is of international concern, as witnessed by the variety of voices that have
spoken up on the issue. We urge continued
international expressions of concern.


Continuation of Stephen M. Duncan as an Assistant Secretary of
Defense
June 20, 1989


The President today announced that Stephen M. Duncan will continue to serve as


an Assistant Secretary of Defense (Reserve
Affairs).


764




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 21


Since 1987 Mr. Duncan has served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for Reserve Affairs. From 1973 to 1987, he was engaged
in the private practice of law in Denver,
CO, most recently as a partner in the firm
of Hopper, Kanouff, Smith, Peryam, Terry
and Duncan. He also served as an assistant
U.S. attorney, 1972-1973, and as assistant


professor of naval science at Dartmouth
College, 1967.
Mr. Duncan graduated from the U.S.
Naval Academy (B.S., 1963), Dartmouth
College (M.A., 1969), and the University of
Colorado (J.D., 1971). He was born March
28, 1941, in Oklahoma City, OK. He is married and has two daughters.


Continuation of Robert W. Page, Sr., as an Assistant Secretary of the
Army
June 20, 1989


The President today announced that
Robert W. Page, Sr., will continue to serve
as an Assistant Secretary of the Army (Civil
Works).
Since 1987 Mr. Page has served as Assistant Secretary of the Army for Civil Works
in Washington, DC. Prior to this, he served
in several capacities with Kellogg Rust, Inc.,
including chairman and chief executive officer, 1982-1987; president and chief executive officer with M.W. Kellogg Co., 1981 -1983; and president and chief executive officer for Kellogg Rust, Inc., 1983-1984.
From 1976 to 1981, he was president and
chief executive officer with the Rust Engi

neering Co. He was president and chief executive officer for George A. Fuller Co.,
1972-1976, and vice president of construction for Rockefeller Family and Associates,
1967-1972. He was assistant general manager for the Bechtel Corp., 1962-1967, and
vice president for the Southeast Drilling
Co., 1961-1962.
Mr. Page graduated from Texas A&M
University (B.S., 1951). He served in the
U.S. Navy in the Pacific theater during
World War II. He was born January 22,
1927, in Dallas, TX. He is married and has
four children.


Remarks Announcing the Youth Engaged in Service to America
Initiative
June 21, 1989


You'd better watch that guy, he might be
President someday. [Laughter] Well, first
let me thank Mike Love and Bruce, the
Beach Boys, for being with us and providing this marvelous presence and entertainment-Robert Lamb as well. We're privileged they give of themselves to help
others, and I'm just delighted that they're
here with us today. I also want to thank
Carissa and Dale and Michael and Ron.
Thanks for sharing those stories with us,
those remarkable stories.
You know, this is a wonderful sight. The


guy I was sitting next to up here said,
"There's a lot of people here." And he's
right-a lot of people, but your problems
and possibilities are as diverse as the Nation
itself. But all of you share a precious inheritance because, as I see it, you are the future
of America. But to understand the future,
sometimes we need to look to the past. So
think back for a moment with me to a small
town tradition that America must never
forget, a simpler time: a time when if there
was trouble or a neighbor needed help
every town had a way to send that message


765




June 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


out to all the townspeople. Someone raced
to the top of the townhall or the church
steeple and rang a bell, and when people
heard that bell, they didn't stop to ask why
it was ringing, they just came-horseback
or foot, by buggy or bicycle, honking the
horn of a Model T-they just came. Whatever the problem, whoever was in need of
help, they were ready to help.
And I've asked you here today, invited
you to this marvelous White House lawn,
because I need your help, because America
needs your help. And the bells have been
silent too long; so, let them ring in your
hearts and across the land. And I know
you're ready, whatever the problem, whoever is in need. We need you now.
And I know that Presidents have called
on the young people of this country before.
In time of war, our young have rushed to
answer the call, to fight and die for our
freedoms, if necessary. Today we're fortunate. We live in a time of peace, a time of
great and growing prosperity. And there's
no need for that kind of call to arms, but it
is time for a call to action. It's a time of
need for millions of Americans. The storm
clouds of war fortunately are not on the
horizon, but you and I know that the storm
clouds of a different kind are gathering.
A simple fact in America today is that too
many people are free-falling through society with no prospect of landing on their feet.
No one-young, old, white, brown or
black-should be permitted to go through
life unclaimed. You must show us how to
reclaim these lives. We need you. And so,
today I call on you to commit yourselveslisten to the bells-make it your mission to
make a difference in somebody else's life.
And I don't have to tell you that youth
gets blamed-its share, and more-for society's problems. Pick up the newspaper, turn
on the television, and there's another story
about youth gone wrong. You don't hear
often enough about the good that you can
do, the good that you already are doing.
And I know better, and you know better.
Your commitment can convince yourselves
and your nation that you're not the problem; you are the solution.
Take a look at what's happening today,
what's happening to kids like you. Onethird of all victims of violent crime haven't


reached their 20th birthday-one-third. The
three leading causes of death for teenagers
are accidents-many involving drugs or alcohol-suicide, and murder. On a tragically
typical day, almost 1,700 high school students drop out, over 4,000 teenagers run
away from home, 2,700 become pregnant,
over a dozen will take their own lives. And
these aren't simply cold statistics; some of
them are kids in your school, kids who live
on your street. Some of them are your
friends. And some of them may be about
you right here today.
You heard Michael Johnson and his Big
Brother, Dale. You heard Carissa and Ron.
You heard their message, how much it
means to know that someone cares, and
how much it means to care for someone
else. And you can carry that message across
this country, from the inner city out to farm
country and every community in between.
You can let the phrase "one-to-one" symbolize all America's commitment to each
other. And regardless of the life that you
are living, there is something special about
each and every one of you. And your gifts
are all different, but you each have a gift
that America needs, and I'm asking you to
give that gift now.
You know, I've talked to hundreds of kids
over the years, and my own kids growing
up. And I've asked them: What is it you're
looking for? What is it that you want to be?
What is it that you want from life? And so
many times I hear the same answer. It isn't
money-it's how you look, what kind of car
you drive. You've all thought about it. You
know that's not what it's all about. When it
comes right down to it, what you want,
what all of us want out of life, are two
things: meaning and adventure. Meaning: a
sense of purpose in life, to be a part of
something that counts, something that matters. And adventure-excitement-matters,
too. There are lots of ways to find adventure. Some are self-destructive, and some
bring a sense of self-enrichment and satisfaction beyond belief. The choice is up to
all of you. And I'm telling you today, you
can find what you're looking for in helping
others. If you walk this path with me, I can
promise you a life full of meaning and adventure.


766




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 21


And that's why I've asked you all here.
You represent millions like you, all across
this country. That's why I'm asking you to
be a part of an initiative that Mike mentioned, called Youth Engaged in Service to
America, YES to America. I'm not talking
about another government program. Another bureaucracy is the last thing we
need-believe me, I understand that. Youth
Engaged in Service is a movement, a way
of looking at life. And tomorrow I'm going
up to New York to announce a nationwide
initiative for national service, to encourage
volunteers of all ages, all backgrounds, all
abilities. But today let me tell you what YES
is all about and what it's for, who it's for.
It's for young people of all ages, 5 to 25.
Even the youngest of us have gifts to give.
Let me ask you today. Don't worry whether
it's a lot or a little; do what you can. Get in
the habit of helping others, and that's one
habit that you'll never ever break. And all
of you have something to offer-kids from
tough neighborhoods, kids from broken
homes, kids who have grown up on food
stamps and hand-me-downs-and maybe
you think you've got nothing anyone wants.
You're wrong. The gifts I'm talking about
are more precious: your energy and experience, your time and talents-gifts that
come right here, from the heart. And if
you've got the will to help, you really have
all that you need.
So, first, YES is voluntary, truly voluntary.
You don't need to be bribed with incentives
and threatened with penalties to get engaged in community service. And that's not
what the idea of service is all about
anyway-service is its own reward, satisfaction guaranteed. Didn't you feel it when
those kids were talking to us a few minutes
ago?
And second, serving others shouldn't be a
detour on your career path. It's not something you do when you're young and then
outgrow when you're a little bit older. It's a
way of life, something you start when
you're young and stick with it, all life long.
And third, YES means getting involved
where you know you can make a difference
in your own community. I want service or

ganizations in the cities and towns where
you live to open their doors, to make room
for people your age to contribute.
And some of you may be saying, "Oh, I
know it, I can hear it. Mr. President, I'm
ready, I'm willing, I'm able. But what can I
do, what should I do?" The fact is, you don't
have to go far to find people who need your
help. They're right there in your own community. There's an elderly man, facing
nothing but empty days and isolation, and
he needs you. There's a man who can't
read, living behind a locked door of illiteracy-that person needs you. There's a
family with no home, no place to sleepthat family needs you. There's a boy or girl
less fortunate than you, without family,
without a friend, without hope in the
future, and they need you. I ask you, what
would it be like going through life without
one single friend? You can be that friend.
There's a woman in a hospital bed, battling
hard against her illness-she needs you. Millions of people-people in the cities and
towns where you live-just like themAmerica needs you.
Maybe you've never been asked before.
Well, I'm asking you: Say YES to America.
Make a commitment: reach out a hand to
people in need. Build a better future for
yourselves, a better future for America.
So, listen to the sound of those bells, like
long ago, ringing in the hearts of Americans
across this country-ringing in the inner
city, out in farm country, and every community in between. And I ask each of you,
all young people in America: Answer the
call. From now on, make it your mission to
serve others in need.
Thank you. Thank you for coming to the
White House. God bless you, and God bless
America. Thank you all very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 11:24 a.m. on
the South Lawn at the White House. In his
opening remarks, he referred to Ron Brooks,
who spoke earlier. He also referred to entertainers Mike Love, Bruce Johnston, and
Robert Lamb, and volunteers Carissa Griesinger, Dale Long, and Michael Johnson.


767




June 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of John J. Easton, Jr., To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Energy
June 21, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John J. Easton, Jr., to be
an Assistant Secretary of Energy (International Affairs and Energy Emergencies). He
would succeed David B. Waller.
Since 1987 Mr. Easton has been an attorney with Miller, Eggleston and Rosenberg,
Ltd., Attorneys at Law, in Burlington, VT.
Prior to this he was vice president for SynCronamics, Inc., 1986-1987. He was in the
private practice of law in 1985. In 1984 Mr.
Easton was the Republican candidate for
Governor of Vermont. He was the attorney


general for the State of Vermont, 1981 -1985; director of the division of rate setting
for the agency of human services, 1978 -1980; and assistant attorney general for the
chief of the consumer protection division,
1975-1978. He was an attorney with Davison and Easton, 1972-1975, and Paterson,
Gibson, Noble and Brownell, Attorneys at
Law, 1970-1972.
Mr. Easton graduated from the University
of Colorado (B.S., 1964) and Georgetown
University Law Center (J.D., 1970).


Nomination of Victor Stello, Jr., To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Energy
June 21, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Victor Stello, Jr., to be an
Assistant Secretary of Energy (Defense Programs). He would succeed Sylvester R.
Foley, Jr.
Since 1986 Mr. Stello has been Executive
Director for Operations for the Nuclear
Regulatory Commission in Washington, DC.
He has held several positions with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, including
Deputy Executive Director for Regional


Operations and Generic Requirements,
1981-1986; Director of the Office of Inspection and Enforcement, 1979-1981; Director
of the Division of Operating Reactors,
1976-1979; Assistant Director for Reactor
Safety, 1973-1976; and Chief of the Reactor
Systems Branch, 1972-1973.
Mr. Stello received a bachelor of science
degree and a master of science degree from
Bucknell University. In 1988 he was awarded the Distinguished Rank Award.


Remarks to Members of the Family Motor Coach Association in
Richmond, Virginia
June 21, 1989


Thank you all very much. I'd like full
credit for having cleared it up here.
[Laughter] Thank you very, very much for
that warm welcome. And Richard, thank
you and Karen for your hospitality and for
inviting us to come here today. I want to
pay my respects to Senator Warner, an out

standing Member of the United States
Senate, who you welcomed a minute ago,
and my dear friend, the Congressman from
this area, Tom Bliley. We've got two good
ones with us here today.
You know, at the White House I hear a
lot about technological achievements. Scien

768




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 21


tists tell me about our latest advances in
electronics and computers and biogenetics.
And that's all very interesting, but I still
can't get over the fact that here in America
we have houses that can do 55 miles an
hour into a headwind. [Laughter]
You may remember in "The Wizard of
Oz" how Auntie Em's house got lifted up
and carried off by a tornado-America's
first airborne RV. But she had the advantage of a tailwind. Your mileage may vary.
[Laughter]
It is wonderful to be visiting with such an
outstanding group of Americans on the
move. And I might say, I'm very pleased to
see Derrick Crandall here, who has been a
good friend of mine and who has shown me
the wonders of some of our most beautiful
parks, borrowing, I am sure, the vehicles to
house us from some of you sitting right
here. But nevertheless, welcome and thank
you, sir, for your leadership in this marvelous recreational outdoors usage.
When this organization was founded by a
handful of families in 1963, no one could
have predicted that 26 years later you'd be
65,000 strong and still growing. But you're
an example of a longstanding tradition in
this country, and that began 150 years ago,
when Americans set out to explore the
lands west of the Mississippi River. And
today you continually rediscover the miracle of America's abundance through the romance of the road. And every morning,
when a convoy picks up and takes off, you
give a happy new meaning to the phrase,
"There goes the neighborhood." [Laughter]
You've come to know the America that
most of us only hear about now and then.
You've traded in real estate for wheel estates, traveled to and through towns with
names like Dime Box, Texas; Scratch Ankle,
Alabama; Truth Or Consequences, New
Mexico; Gnawbone, Indiana-and one of
my     favorites-Nameless,  Tennessee.
[Laughter]
And whether you escape for weekends or
migrate for months at a time, all of you
have found and fostered a special fellowship
in the camaraderie of the road. And I saw it
tonight, just as we drove into this parkpeople out there in front of their homes
giving us a friendly welcome, standing
neighbor to neighbor.


You know, as those miles roll out beneath
you, it seems that your ideals, traditional
American ideals, become ever more firmly
rooted. And they're the ideals of freedom,
self-reliance, the love of nature and of this
nation, and above all, the nurturing of
family values. Today these fundamental
American values must be reaffirmed. We're
at a point in our history when there can be
no standing still. We must either move forward or risk sliding backward.
And it's time to renew our commitments,
both to nature and to our fellow man. The
American spirit of exploration must be
joined with the new sense of restoration.
And the natural world that supports us and
the society that sustains us both need our
help. The natural beauty that you and I
enjoy today is a sacred trust. So, we must do
more than simply limit the damage that
we've already done. We must work to preserve and restore the integrity and richness
of this continent's natural splendor.
You never feel that more fully than when
you see the great outdoors through the eyes
of a child or of a grandchild. And I had the
pleasure of seeing it once again in Lake
Jackson through the eyes of our 13-year-old
grandson just the other day. Barbara and I
had been with him a year or two ago in the
same spot. And that's one reason that I believe it's time to renew the environmental
ethic in America.
Henry David Thoreau's ideal was that if
you borrow an axe, you should return it
sharper than when you got it. And President Eisenhower probably had that in mind
when he decided to buy some farmland
with rundown soil near Gettysburg to let
nature's restoration take its course. And he
lived to see his experiment working. "There
are enough lush fields," he said, "to assure
me that I shall leave the place better than I
found it." And that must be every American's goal.
And that's why we need to do more for
our national parks. The idea of a "national"
park is an American original that the rest of
the world has come to admire and to imitate, because those parks are wide open, for
everybody to enjoy. And it was once said
that "The national parks are America's
unique contribution to the democratic


769




June 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ideal." And it's true: Our parks are our most
open institutions-80 million acres of the
most spectacular terrain on the planet,
open to the wind, the sky, and the starsand open to every traveler with the sense
and spirit to stay a moment and appreciate
nature's beauty.
We need to make that kind of experience
available to even more Americans, in more
parts of America. So, I've proposed to Congress an increase of nearly $200 million a
year for recreational land acquisitions in 27
States through the National Park Service
and Fish and Wildlife Service and BLMthe Bureau of Land Management-and the
Forest Service. And these funds will go for
everything from "Parks for People" in
urban areas to valuable habitats as close by
as the James River and the Eastern Shore
here in Virginia. Some of the other acquisitions range all the way out to Big Hole
River in Montana, the Bizz Johnston Trail
in California, Pelican Island in Florida,
Mount Baker in Washington. And many of
you will see those places. Take a few pictures for me, if you will-they don't let me
out enough. [Laughter]
But I want to preserve our scenic byways,
those picturesque roads that offer powerful
views of the Nation's natural splendor.
These are the roads that Americans love,
and such scenic roads can and should be
designated for the enjoyment and the convenience of travelers. And we've already
designated 43 national forest scenic byways
in 25 States. And the Chief of the Forest
Service expects to set aside many more. By
the end of this week, the Bureau of Land
Management expects to identify about 25
new back-country byways nationwide, and
we will do more.
As I look around this crowd, I recognize
the profile of some that might fit the description of hunters. I'm one-hunted and
enjoyed the outdoors all my life, and I'm
interested in the wetlands. And to protect
our wetlands, we've set up a Federal task
force to deliver on my pledge of no net loss
of wetlands, no net loss of these precious
habitats. And we've asked for nearly $200
million in new funding for acquisitions
under the Land and Water Conservation
Fund. And I'm looking to Congress to provide a comprehensive wetlands bill that I


can sign this year.
Ten days ago, I outlined badly needed
reforms to the Clean Air Act. And if Congress will pass that legislation, the degradation to our lakes and streams caused by acid
rain, and the damage to our forests caused
by windblown urban ozone will stop by the
end of this century. All categories of airborne industrial toxic chemicals will be cut
by three-quarters by the end of this century. And 20 years from now, every American, in every city in America, will breathe
clean air, and that should be a national goal.
And it's good to hear that so many of you
are reaffirming the ethic of conservation by
getting involved in the Take Pride in America program, promoting the careful stewardship of our public lands and resources. I
know that Barbara is delighted to be chairing a panel of judges for that program. And
we need to get the word out that our national parks and other Federal land management agencies depend on volunteers.
This is just the kind of voluntary local effort
that it will take to bring us into a better
partnership with nature.
Many of you are already involved with
voluntary environmental efforts, so let me
pay my respects to a great group of rambling recyclers out there, the San Diego
Can Crushers-let's hear it for the San
Diego Can Crushers. [Applause] Now, we
can do better than that. [Applause]
But I mentioned a second commitment a
few minutes ago-to our fellow man. We
must take that commitment to heart as
well. For even as we work to restore nature
to its balance, we must also restore the
fabric of our society, reweaving the threads
of lives torn by poverty and despair and
alienation. And that means renewing our
neighborhoods; restoring shelter to those
who have lost it; providing the power of
literacy to those who lack it; and offering
support and an example to children who
need it; and lending a hand to the vulnerable, the infirm, the forgotten.
Many of you have already put your belief
in the value of shared strength and strong
family life-put it to work, reaching out to
help the homeless through the Better
Homes Foundation with transitional housing, day care, medical care, counseling, and


770




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 21


job training. And out there I know today
that there are members of Achievers International, who do outstanding work with the
disabled. And other FMCA members have
joined forces with the Literacy Volunteers
of America-one of Barbara's very special
programs that she does so much to help
with-that program in a "Roundup of Literacy" campaign is getting your help, provides tutoring through 350 community programs in 38 States. And I'm told that in the
past 2 years alone the numbers of students
and volunteers grew by 47 percent. One
former student said, "I see the world in a
totally new way." And another said, "I feel
as though a light has been turned on in my
life." As good as that student felt, imagine
what it felt like for the tutor-there is no
greater feeling than to have someone depending on you and to live up to their expectations.
Your involvement makes you part of a
constellation of concerned citizens committed to building a better America, both in
her natural beauty and in the qualities of
her citizens. And so, let me add my voice to
those thanking you, and let me encourage
you to do even more. It won't be easy, but
it will be worth it.
And many of you have probably read the
book about life on the road called "Blue
Highways." It's written by a man who travels all over America, avoiding the interstates, deliberately taking the older, smaller
roads-the blue ones on his map. And
there's a lesson there that so many of you
have already learned and are living, a
lesson that more Americans must heed.
More of us must feel ourselves compelled to
look beyond the wide and easy path, to
follow a less traveled, perhaps older route.
And sometimes it's more difficult. It's often
more time consuming. But it's always more


rewarding.
It's a path where progress is measured by
the good we do for others. On that score,
many of you are like Vena Hefner, who is
with us today, a great lady-76 years old.
She served as a driver for Secretary Marshall during World War II, and after suffering a motorcycle accident, she helped found
the Paralyzed Veterans Association and has
been a key member of the Disabled American Vets. And since her accident, she has
found time to drive over 1 million miles, in
every State in the lower 48. By her tough,
inspirational example, Vena has helped disabled Americans across the country, sharing
her strength along the road.
Those who have traveled widely and
have seen America's broad expanses know
how much we have been given as a people,
and their spirits have grown accordingly.
The expansive spirit of America has boundless capacity to do good. And so, I'll leave
you with a simple request. In whatever
effort you make to restore this country's
natural beauty or to help other Americans
in need, make it a pilgrimage with a purpose-work to make a difference. And I'd
ask you that you stop not simply to smell
the flowers along the way but to help them
grow. We are privileged to live in the
greatest, freest, most inspirational country
in the entire world. Let's make it all a little
better.
Thank you. God bless you, and God bless
the United States of America. Thank you all
very much.
Note: The President spoke at 5:41 p.m. at
the Virginia State fairgrounds. In his remarks, he referred to Richard H. Hammann, president of the Family Motor Coach
Association, Inc.; Mr. Hammann's wife,
Karen; and Derrick Crandall, president of
the American Recreation Association.


Statement on Signing the Puyallup Tribe of Indians Settlement Act
of 1989
June 21, 1989


Today I am signing into law H.R. 932, the
"Puyallup Tribe of Indians Settlement Act


of 1989." This bill resolves long-standing
land, fishing, and jurisdictional disputes be

771




June 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


tween the Tribe and the local non-Indian
community in the area of Tacoma, Washington. Disagreements over land ownership
have resulted in uncertainty for many local
landowners and economic development of
the region has been hindered.
Negotiations to resolve these disputes
were initiated over 4 years ago between the
Tribe and local non-Indian parties to the
settlement. Resolving the disputes through
negotiation rather than litigation was accomplished due to the diligent, good-faith
efforts of all parties involved.
While H.R. 932 was pending in the Congress, the Administration expressed concern
about the extent of the Federal contribution to the settlement, in light of the marginal risk of Federal liability related to the
Puyallup claims. The Federal Government
will, nevertheless, commit substantial resources to settle these claims pursuant to
H.R. 932. Although the Administration
favors negotiated settlements over litigation, careful attention must be paid when
Federal taxpayers are asked to contribute
substantially more than they might otherwise pay as a result of litigation involving
the Federal Government's alleged breach of
specific trust responsibilities.
The Administration expects to continue
to work toward settlements of legitimate
Indian land and water rights claims to
Nomination of Claire E. Freeman
Housing and Urban Development
June 21, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Claire E. Freeman to be
an Assistant Secretary of Housing and
Urban Development (Administration). She
would succeed Judith L. Tardy.
Since 1984 Ms. Freeman has been
Deputy Assistant Secretary (Civilian Personnel Policy) at the Department of Defense in
Washington, DC. Prior to this, she was
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Community
Planning and Development at the Department of Housing and Urban Development,


which the Federal Government is a party.
These efforts will recognize the importance
of settling legitimate claims brought by
tribes against States, private entities, and
the Federal Government. We will also
strive to ensure that all responsible parties
make appropriate contributions to a settlement. In this regard, H.R. 932 provides for
State, local, and private, as well as Federal,
contributions to the Puyallup Tribe settlement.
Indian land and water rights settlements
involve a complicated blend of law, treaties,
court decisions, history, social policies, technology, and practicality. These interrelated
factors make it difficult to formulate hardand-fast rules to determine exact settlement
contributions by the various parties involved in a specific claim.
In recognition of these difficulties, this
Administration is committed to establishing
criteria and procedures to guide future
Indian land and water claim settlement negotiations, including provision for Administration participation in such negotiations.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
June 21, 1989.
Note: H.R. 932, approved June 21, was assigned Public Law No. 101-41.
To Be an Assistant Secretary of
1981-1984. She was the housing and community development manager for the California Association of Realtors, 1978-1980,
and the human affairs supervisor for the
City of Inglewood, California, Housing,
Community and Development Division,
1973-1977.
Ms. Freeman graduated from the University of California at Riverside (B.A., 1969)
and the University of Southern California
(M.S., 1973). She resides in Alexandria, VA.


772




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 21


Nomination of Gerard F. Scannell To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Labor
June 21, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Gerard F. Scannell to be
an Assistant Secretary of Labor (Occupational Safety and Health). He would succeed John A. Pendergrass.
Since 1979 Mr. Scannell has served as director of corporate safety/fire/environmental affairs, worldwide responsibility, at Johnson and Johnson in New Brunswick, NJ.
Prior to this, he served in various positions
at the Department of Labor in Washington,
DC, including Director of the Office of
Federal Agency Safety and Health Programs, 1974-1979; Director of the Office of
Standards, OSHA, 1972-1974; and Special


Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of Labor
for Occupational Safety and Health, 1971 -1972. Mr. Scannell also served as the safety
director at Rohm and Haas Co. in Bristol,
PA, 1965-1971; safety manager at the Thiokol Chemical Corp. in Bristol, PA, 1962 -1965; and supervisor of the safety engineering department at Aetna Casualty and
Surety Company in Worcester, MA, 1958 -1962.
Mr. Scannell graduated from the Massachusetts Maritime Academy (B.S., 1955). He
served in the U.S. Navy as a safety officer,
1955-1958. He is married, has five children,
and resides in Hampton, NJ.


Nomination of Richard A. Clarke To Be an Assistant Secretary of
State
June 21, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard A. Clarke to be an
Assistant Secretary of State (Politico-Military
Affairs). He would succeed H. Allen
Holmes.
Since 1985 Mr. Clarke has been Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence
Analysis. Prior to this, he served in several
capacities at the Bureau of Politico-Military


Affairs in the Department of State, 1979 -1985; as a senior analyst with Pacific Sierra
Research Corp., 1978-1979; and in several
positions in the Office of the Secretary of
Defense, 1973-1977.
Mr. Clarke graduated from the University
of Pennsylvania (B.A., 1972) and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (S.M.,
1978).


Remarks at a Republican Party Fundraising Dinner in Richmond,
Virginia
June 21, 1989


Thank you all very, very much. Barbara
and I are delighted to be here, but inasmuch as we're speaking before the olives
and before the celery, I will be mercifully
brief.
But first let me pay my respects to various stars here at this head table. I want to


single out our congressional delegation-the
five Members that are here-my able chairman, Tom Bliley, and Frank Wolf and Stan
Parris and Herb Bateman, French Slaughter, and all of them are doing an outstanding job for this State. Of course, I'm delighted that Tom and I were joined-or perhaps


773




June 21 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


you might say led, inasmuch as we came
from the Pentagon-by the former Secretary, your great Senator. John Warner flew
down with us on Marine One, and I'm very
pleased that he is here. And I want to
salute, of course, the three gladiators from
the primary, all of whom I know and all of
whom I respect: Paul Trible, Stan Parris,
and Marshall Coleman.
And let me say, it's great to be back in
Virginia. You know, on the way down here,
I couldn't help-as we looked out of the
window of the helicopter-but notice that
King's Dominion [a local amusement park]
was open for business. [Laughter] If I'm not
mistaken-although I could have been from
the height of a thousand feet-I could
swear I saw the entire Virginia Democratic
ticket riding Shockwave. [Laughter]
Now, we all know that as good Republicans we had to resolve a few differences.
When I told Barbara I was hoping to visit
some historic battlefield sites in Virginia,
she said she didn't know if I was referring
to the Civil War or to the Republican gubernatorial primary. [Laughter]
But, Marshall, you're our candidate. Certainly you have my full support, and you
know Virginia better than I do, but let me
give you a little free advice: Don't film your
TV ads riding around in a tank. [Laughter]
But all kidding aside, with Stan, whom I
see and work with in the Congress, with
Paul, who served with such distinction in
the Senate, and with Marshall Coleman,
who's been at my side for a long, long time
in my political efforts, in this competition,
all three of them, one thing-and I was an
outsider at that; I don't believe in getting
involved in primaries from the office I now
hold-but one thing was certain: with these
three outstanding people, Virginia could
not lose.
And, yes, I am pleased that Virginia held
this primary, our first in 40 years. And, yes,
there was a rough-and-tumble competition,
and Republicans turned out in huge numbers, but we've proven once again that we
are different than the other party. We are
united by principles, by a great cause; and
that's why, now that the dust is settled, we
are all still Republicans. And I am convinced we are going to win the gubernatorial seat in Richmond come fall.


And I do feel, and people have told meJohn, coming down here, the others as
well-that we were getting into a united
frame of mind for this fall. And you can feel
it, and I am delighted that we are uniting
behind Marshall Coleman. It is absolutely
essential, because as you remember, it is
every 4 years that this State and one other
are in the eyes of the entire Nation. They
are going to be on us, looking for little
straws in the wind regarding the 1990 nationwide elections. And so, unity behind our
candidates here tonight is terribly important.
And let me say, I do believe from the
bottom of my heart that Marshall will make
a great Governor of the Commonwealth,
for he is a Virginian through and through.
From his Marine days to his service as a
delegate and State senator, he's always been
a trailblazer. And he knows best and can
meet the challenges that are facing your
State. And as I said, I will always be grateful
to him for his early support, and I know
that he can stand up for what he believes
in.
This former attorney general has a tough,
hardnosed plan for putting away violent
criminals for good. And he has solid proposals dealing with the scourge of drugs, proposals that only a veteran crimefighter
could conceive and implement. And what
happens in Virginia will be of tremendous
help to what happens across this country.
And then for 1990, Virginia is also going
to be a battleground between the parties in
the 1990's. And the question that comes:
Will Virginia be fairly represented? We
need a Republican watchdog in Richmond,
protecting the fairness of the reapportionment process and vetoing liberal legislation.
And let me just say a word about the
ticket that Marshall heads, a strong, impressive Republican ticket. I've known her for a
long time-up close and personal, as they
say. Not that personal-up close and friendly. [Laughter] But I had great respect for
Eddy's husband, and I have great respect
for her, and so does Barbara. And we know
deep in our hearts that Eddy Dalton is
going to make a great Lieutenant Governor
for this Commonwealth. She's got the experience-as a State senator, led the charge


774




Ad ministration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


against the drug thugs, demanding mandatory sentencing for those convicted of selling drugs to minors. And her commitment
to curbing State spending is so strong that
she'll begin with the office of Lieutenant
Governor the minute she takes over.
And you also have nominated another excellent candidate in State Senator Joe Benedetti for attorney general of this Commonwealth. You deserve a full-time attorney
general who is willing to lead the fight on
drugs and crime. And this ticket, with Joe
on there for attorney general, offers leadership, great leadership, for Virginia.
But to win, it seems to me the Republicans have got to develop an appeal as diverse as this State. Virginia has changed, no
longer simply what some thought of as a
rural State. You now have large metropolitan areas growing at both ends of this great
State, and your State has changed in other
ways, too. We Republicans must do more
than recognize the change; we must take
our message to every neighborhood and
every community. And we will take our Republican message, a message of hope and
opportunity, to the black and other minority voters of Virginia. Marshall Coleman and
I agree: We will not concede a community,
a precinct, or a single voter to the opposition.
And so, it's up to you people in this
room-doesn't matter who you were for in
the primary-to come together, because we
must win. And I'm thinking nationally now.


We must win in Virginia, as in New Jersey,
to set the stage for 1990, the critical year,
the year that my friend and your great Senator, John Warner, will be reelected to his
third term; a year that these outstanding
Virginia Congressmen will be reelected to
the House of Representatives-and as President, I can tell you, I wish we had more
like them to deal with every single day up
there; a year that will shape the future of
American politics well into the next century.
But there are other reasons, some practical and some sentimental, why we want a
victory in November. Every American,
from Maine to Texas, looks to Virginia as
the cradle of democracy. Every American
heart quickens at the ideals of the builders
of Monticello, Mount Vernon, and Montpelier. From the mountains of the Shenandoah to the rivers of the Tidewater, from the
country lanes of Abingdon to the city lights
of Alexandria, what Thomas Jefferson said is
still true: "Old Dominion is the mother of
us all. " Let's show what we can do come
fall.
Thank you for inviting me to Richmond.
God bless you, God bless our ticket, and
God bless the United States of America.
Thank you all.
Note: The President spoke at 7:32 p.m. in
the first floor Exhibition Hall of the Richmond Center. Following his remarks, he returned to Washington, DC.


Nomination of Lou Gallegos To Be an Assistant Secretary of the
Interior
June 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Lou Gallegos to be an Assistant Secretary of the Interior (Policy,
Budget and Administration). He would succeed Henry M. Ventura.
Since 1987 Mr. Gallegos has served as
cabinet secretary of the human service department for Gov. Garrey E. Carruthers in
the State of New Mexico. He was the Farmers Home Administration State Director for


New Mexico at the Department of Agriculture, 1985-1986; executive director for the
Republican Party of New Mexico, 1985; a
candidate for the United States Congress,
1984; and director of field operations for
Senator Pete V. Domenici, 1977-1984.
Mr. Gallegos attended the University of
Maryland and New Mexico Highlands University. He currently resides in Sena, NM.


775




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Richard Burleson Stewart To Be an Assistant
Attorney General
June 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Richard Burleson Stewart
to be an Assistant Attorney General (Lands
and Natural Resources), Department of Justice. He would succeed Roger J. Marzulla.
Mr. Stewart is currently a Byrne professor
of administrative law at Harvard Law
School and a member of the faculty of the
J.F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. He has served as a visiting
professor of law at the University of Chicago Law School, and as a visiting fellow at
the European University Institute in Florence, Italy. He was a visiting scholar for the
Environmental Protection Agency, 1980;


visiting professor of law at the University of
California at Berkeley, 1979-1980; professor
of law at Harvard Law School, 1975-1984;
and an assistant professor of law, Harvard
Law School, 1971-1975. He was special
counsel for the Senate Select Committee on
Presidential Campaign Activities, 1973, and
an attorney with Covington and Burling in
Washington, DC.
Mr. Stewart graduated from Yale University (B.A., 1961); Oxford University (Rhodes
scholar, 1963); and Harvard Law School
(LL.B., 1966). He is married, has three children, and resides in Cambridge, MA.


Nomination of Thomas E. Collins III To Be an Assistant Secretary of
Labor
June 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Thomas E. Collins III to
be Assistant Secretary of Labor for Veterans' Employment and Training. He would
succeed Donald E. Shasteen.
Most recently, in 1988, Mr. Collins was
the Republican congressional candidate for
Mississippi's Fourth District. Prior to this,
he served as the executive director for the
Mississippi veterans' farm and home board.
Mr. Collins was the president and chief ex

ecutive officer of Collins Investments, Inc.,
1980-1981, and a member of the board of
directors for Donnie Collins Properties,
Inc., 1986-1987. Since 1973 he has actively
pursued various private enterprises.
Mr. Collins graduated from Mississippi
State University (B.S., 1959) and the University of Southern Mississippi (M.B.A., 1975).
He served in the U.S. Air Force from 1959
to 1980. Mr. Collins was born in 1937. He is
married and has two children.


Nomination of John D. Macomber To Be President of the ExportImport Bank of the United States
June 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate John D. Macomber to be
President of the Export-Import Bank of the
United States for a term of 4 years expiring
January 20, 1993. He would succeed John


A. Bohn, Jr.
Mr. Macomber is chairman of J.D. Macomber and Co. In addition, he serves as
director of several private and public companies in the United States and Europe. He


776




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


was chairman of the board and chief executive officer of Celanese Corp. and senior
director of McKinsey and Co., Inc., in Paris,
France.
Mr. Macomber graduated from Yale University in 1950 and received a master of


business administration degree from the
Harvard School of Business Administration
in 1952. He was born January 13, 1928, in
Rochester, NY. Mr. Macomber served in the
U.S. Air Force for 2 years.


Nomination of Eugene Kistler Lawson To Be First Vice President of
the Export-Import Bank of the United States
June 22, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Eugene Kistler Lawson to
be First Vice President of the ExportImport Bank of the United States for a term
of 4 years expiring January 20, 1993. He
would succeed William F. Ryan.
Since 1988 Dr. Lawson has been Deputy
Under Secretary of Labor for International
Affairs. Prior to this he was executive director for Russell Reynolds Associates, 1984 -1988. He was Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Commerce for East Asia and the Pacific,
1982-1984; Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Commerce for East-West Trade, 1981-1982;
and director of the China advisory group,
Government Research Corp./National Jour

nal, 1980-1981. Dr. Lawson has also served
as director of the master of science in foreign service program, director of the program for China studies, and professorial lecturer in the school of foreign service at
Georgetown University, 1977-1980; and
Deputy Director of the Office for Special
Bilateral Affairs at the Department of State,
1975-1977.
Dr. Lawson graduated from Princeton
University (B.A., 1961) and Columbia University (M.A., 1967; Ph.D., 1982). He served
in the U.S. Navy in the Pacific, 1961-1963.
He is married, has three children, and resides in Washington, DC.


Continuation of Charles L. Grizzle as an Assistant Administrator of
the Environmental Protection Agency
June 22, 1989


The President today announced that
Charles L. Grizzle will continue to serve as
an Assistant Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency (Administration
and Resource Management).
Since 1988 Mr. Grizzle has served as an
Assistant Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency. Prior to this, Mr.
Grizzle served in various capacities at the
Department   of  Agriculture,  including
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Administra

tion, 1983-1988; Confidential Assistant to
the Secretary of Agriculture; and staff assistant to the Director of the Office of Operations and Finance. In addition, Mr. Grizzle
served as a banking officer for the First
National Bank of Louisville, 1974-1981, and
as executive director of the Republican
Party of Kentucky.
Mr. Grizzle received his bachelor's
degree from the University of Kentucky.
He now resides in McLean, VA.


777




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Informal Exchange With Residents of Covenant House in New York,
New York
June 22, 1989


Reverend Ritter. Mr. President, may I just
say very briefly, thank you again for visiting
us. You probably don't know this yet, but
the biggest gift you're giving our kids is
hope. The fact that you and Mrs. Bush have
cared enough to come and talk with them
and understand them better and possibly
help them means an awful lot to them and
to us.
The President. Do you normally have this
many cameras around for these guys?
[Laughter]
Resident. Every day. [Laughter]
Resident. Normal occurrence.
Reverend Ritter. I've asked the kids not to
talk to me, but to address themselves to you
and the First Lady. And a good way of
simply beginning the conversation is to pick
any kid and ask themThe President. How did you happen to
come here?
Resident. Well, I was having problems,
and I didn't really have anywhere to go. I
met a friend, and he called Covenant
House, and he told me about it.
The President. So, how long do you stay
here? How long do you
Resident. Well, right now I've been here
for a month. And so, they find me a place
here so I can go to school, and my daughter's here.
Reverend Ritter. How many of the kids
here have lived on the streets for more
than 3 or 4 years? [Most hands were raised.]
And you're 18, 19 years old, so you lived on
the street when you were 12 and 13 years
old.
The President. Just for example, when you
were a little guy-a real little, young one,
did you just come from New York or did
you come from outside somewhere?
Resident. Well, I was born in California
and raised in Japan. And my parents got
divorced and then got remarried. My stepmom was, like, an alcoholic.
The President. She was drinking?
Resident. Yes. And she liked to sort of,
like, call the cops on me and get me into


jail, and that's where I've been for the past
couple of years, in jail-in and out. And I
got thrown out a couple times.
Mrs. Bush. How old are you?
Resident. Eighteen.
Mrs. Bush. You're a great-looking man.
The President. So, now what are your
hopes? Have you got any hopes out here?
Resident. Well, I have a job right now in
Fort Lauderdale, and I'm just trying to get
my life straight-I'm trying to get off of
alcohol.
The President. Have you been in the drug
scene a little bit?
Resident. I've been in-yeah.
The President. Crack?
Resident. I smoked crack once.
The President. Crack is getting more and
more, I gather, around here.
Resident. It sure is.
Reverend Ritter. How many kids here
have used crack?
The President. What's the difference? I
mean, is it just immediately addictive and
you've-got-to-have-more-the-next-day kind
of thing?
Resident. Kind of.
Resident. It causes all kinds of problems.
It causes problems-at first you get high,
and it goes from problems to addiction.
The President. So, you have to get into
horrible things to keep the habit up and
make the money to do it, and you have to
do bad stuff to do it?
Resident. You do what you got to do to
get high.
The President. But how do you get the
money to get it?
Resident. How?
Reverend Ritter. Rob, stealResident. Some people rob, steal, prostitute, sell it. I used to sell it all the time, and
that's how I used to get high.
The President. You have to do that, yes.
Reverend Ritter. Will you tell the President and Mrs. Bush what it's like for a kid
to live on the street? And I'm not asking for
your personal experiences, because that is


778




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


personal, and that's private. But what's it
like for a kid to live on the street?
Resident. It's rough.
Resident. Scary.
Resident. You live 1 day at a time.
The President. Were you worried-I
mean, were you scared of the law getting
you, or are you scared of getting beat up?
Resident. Scared of the streets.
Resident. Scared of getting beat up
orResident. Scared of the streets, because
you're forced to live there. You don't want
to be there, but you know that there are
other people who are out there, and you
don't know where they're from or what
they're into or what they can do to you.
The President. Can you ever make
friends, or is it you're always worried about
doing that, even?
Resident. You can't make friends on the
streets.
Resident. Even if you meet someone you
like, you can't call them a friend.
Resident. You can't make friends on the
streets; you don't know how they are.
Resident. It's like a survival-survive,
you've got to learn how to survive.
Resident. You have to use the people you
stay with. You practically have to use every
means of survival that you have inside of
you to try to do what you need to do. And
it's scary because you can meet somebodythey might even use you without you knowing it. But at the same time, you get what
you need to do and leave and go to another
place if you have to.
Resident. It's real hard to trust people.
Resident. Yeah.
The President. Just by example-and
again, I'm protecting the real personal
stuff-but I mean, say, in your case, how
did you decide to come here? Did you just
get so down you figured, there's got to be
something better than this?
Resident. The thing that happened wasI'm in New Orleans right now-the thing
that happened was I was living in a town
close to New Orleans, and I was physically
abused by my parents and everything. And
the thing is I finally decided to leave-they
would not let me leave until I turned the
age of 18. And so, the thing is that when I
left, a neighbor-a really good Christian


and everything-she called some places,
and Covenant House said they would take
me in with no problems. So, I've been in
the program for a year and 2 months now,
and doing great.
The President. You're doing good?
Resident. Yes.
The President. That's great. How about
you?
Resident. Well, when I turned 18, I
moved to California because, like, back
home I was in a drug scene-and for me, in
order to get out of that is to leave. And so, I
left for California and went to school up
there. And I came to Houston, and I found
Covenant House, and they're helping me to
finish school, because I'm going to collegeThe President. Are you?
Resident. Yes, and I'm studying commercial art, and I graduate in December,
thanks to Covenant House. So, without
their help, I would have probably ended up
back in the streets.
The President. Did you have your hand
up when I mentioned the drugs thing? I
mean, do you ever get-goes not just for
one guy-but I mean the pressure to go
back into the drug deal?
Resident. All the time.
Resident. Well, see, when you're in a
drug situation, you do it for a reason. Some
people do it to feed their family-you
know, that's kind of hard. You could go out
and work, but it's easier to do that. Or if
you have an addiction, you have to sell the
drugs to keep yourself high, and you need
it-you need it, and you'll do anything for
it, until you get to a point where you die,
you quitResident. Wind up in jail.
Resident. Or you end up in jail.
Resident. One of three places.
The President. Die or go to jail.
Resident. Not too much choice
Resident. Lot of kids get on drugs
The President. Crack? Yes.
Resident. You can be rich-crack will put
the rich man to the poorhouse. It's really
bad news. You get really skinny-it's like
you're just a walking skeleton.
The President. Can you tell a guy-now
that you're kind of getting it out and get

779




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


ting it together-can you look around and
see somebody, without even knowing them,
and say, that person is a crack addict?
Resident. Definitely.
Resident. Yes.
Resident. Definitely.
Resident. I've been sober 6 months now. I
came to Covenant House. I was incarcerated. I got out, and I'm going to high school
now; I'm working. And sobriety-that's
where it's at.
The President. So, you can just spot a guy,
though, andResident. Instantly.
Resident. Yes.
Resident. Just look in your eyes.
Resident. Just look at you and tell.
Resident. Their body. But see, it's not
always a matter of people who are using the
drugs, because I was never one of those
people, fortunately, who was living on the
streets. I had a lot of problems in the home,
and I stayed stuck in the home until I could
get out. Then when I finally left the home,
I was in a situation where I didn't do drugs,
but everyone around me was doing drugs.
Resident. Yes.
Resident. Such as these ladies-and it still
hurts you. And that's why I ended up in
Covenant House. My boyfriend put me up
in his aunt's house, and he got onto crack
and messed up the relationship. And since I
didn't know anyone, I had no one but
myself, and I was living with his family.
And there were other people in his family
doing drugs badly. And eventually I had a
problem with work. And they don't care
about so much as you, but they need that
money. So, once I no longer-all I needed
was a couple of weeks to get back on my
feet with a new job and wait for the first
check, but it's not a matter of that. So, it's
not always people who are on the streets; it
can be people in the homes being abused
by people who use drugs or people who
don't, who just have problems. There are
many different problems.
The President. Let me ask you a personal
question, and you don't have to take it. In
the home, did you get beat up on, abused
in your own home?
Resident. No.
The President. Nothing like that.
Resident. Well, all right, there was-I say,


no, not beaten up, because I was never
struck extensively, but there was a time
when-I mean, at a young age, to be tied
up and hanging over a staircase, a spiral
staircase, just hanging there at a young age,
that stays in your mind. But I say not
abused that way, because that was nothing
compared to other problems that go on for
years sometimes, because when you're a
child-if you're of that age, you don't know
what's going on, and you can be raised with
certain problems.
The President. What do you want to say?
Resident. Just that I know there's a lot of
kids out there that need help. And Covenant House has helped me a lot, and it has
helped a lot of other people, and I would
like them to know that there is someplace
out there.
Reverend Ritter. When we talked last
night, you mentioned something that surprised me and really bothered me: that you
met a lot of young kids out there.
Resident. Yes.
Reverend Ritter. Tell the President about
that.
The President. Real young?
Resident. Yes, when you go out there, a
lot of the people, society itself, will look at
somebody who's 12, 13 years old and say,
well, they can't possibly be on the streets;
they're too little. And I just came back from
Fort Lauderdale, and there's a couple of
kids down there, 13, 14 years old. In Chicago, my hometown, they're out there-11,
12 years old, no place to go.
The President. Prostituting and stuff?
Resident. Yes. They do anything. When
you're on the street, you do anything to get
by-steal, prostitute, sell drugs, anything
you can do to get money. You need it. And
people are ignoring the fact that they're not
only 18, 19 years old on the street, there
are little bitty kids this tall on the street,
too.
The President. And how did they get
there to begin with? Just no homes?
Resident. Bad homes, bad homes. I was
out of my house when I was 13.
The President. Were you really? Nobody
cared about you, or they were just beating
you up?
Resident. My old man was an alcoholic;


780




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


he beat me up. He told me one day, "Out
of the house! I don't want you back." My
mom put up no argument, and I haven't
been back.
Resident. Sometimes it could even be the
parents. Like my dad was there for 3 years
when I was living with-my daughter was
born, and for 3 years he's been using drugs
and crack and stuff. And it's just like-the
situation just gets worse. It's like you're
living in some type of hell or something,
because it just keeps hurting you and hurting you. You don't have no money; you
don't have no way to get to school or to
take care of yourself or your children. And
then he'll get really aggravated because he
don't got the money for the drugs, and he'll
take it out on me or my sister or anybody.
The President. Physically-sexually abuse
you or more beaten up?
Resident. Physically-because he don't
have no money to get it. And he says he's
going to stop, but it's right there, the
drughouse is right there-like three or four
of them, where I lived in Brooklyn. And
they'll close them down, and the next day
they'll be right open again-it seems like
they could never stop.
Resident. Three blocks from here, there's
a really popular area, 42d Street-everyone
knows about 42d Street. On 42d and 8th,
there could be up to 20 drug dealers out
there on the corner. And the police would
call the sweep and get all of them off the
street, and their backups will start up
again-not even tomorrow-it could be by
that evening.
Resident. Yes.
Resident. A couple of hours later.
The President. Do you get so you know
them? There goes Joe over there
Resident. No. I don't
The President. No, but I mean, somebodyResident. - but people do know them,
yes. I have to walk through to get over to
Lexington Avenue to work and stuff, and
you see the same faces. And you could have
just heard that they were arrested the night
before.
The President. Are they rich guys now, I
mean for selling this stuff?
Resident. Depending on if they do the
drug. If they do the drug, they're wasting


money.
Resident. They ain't rich. They ain't getting-some guys out here, they ain't getting
no money. They think they get money. But
a lot of guys come in here, such as myself,
which I needed some help, being the
simple fact that all I know how to do is sell
the drug-that's all I know how to do. I'm
18, going on 19; I never had a job a day in
my life, so all I did to get money was to sell
drugs.
I see a lot of people that come off the
streets, that come to Covenant House and
want to stop selling and want to stop getting high, but then they get depressed here.
And somebody else will talk them into it,
and they go right back on 42d Street and
do the same thing. I've seen a lot of guys
who come and go, and all they do is go to
42d Street. And the next time I see them
they be allThe President. Well, tell me this. When a
guy goes to 42d Street and he gets one of
these sellers, and the guy says, "Here's
some stuff-you go out and sell it and bring
me back the money."
Resident. Yeah, that's just it.
The President. And you get to keep a
little?
Resident. It's just that easy.
The President. And then if he doesn't
turn the money in, he gets all beat up?
Resident. Killed.
Resident. And it pays more than working.
The President. Beaten or killed.
Resident. My brother got killed.
The President. Your brother got killed?
Resident. Shot in his heart with a.44
magnum.
The President. Because he what? Shortchanged the guy?
Resident. Okay, it was two of my brothers. They went to Ohio. They were selling
drugs, and one of them stopped because he
met a girl. And all of them came back to
New York, and the one that stopped got
killed-his whole chest was blown up.
The President. But what
Resident. Because I guess they shortchanged him. Since they said-well, they'd
gone-well, he was with them before, and
they saidResident. Little 10-year-olds, and every

781




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


thing-they see what everybody else is
doing. They say, "Well, my friend has a car.
He knows all the ladies, and he has money
all the time, and he's always partying. I
want to do that."
Resident. Because it pays more.
The President. That's down in-you're
talking New Orleans or everyplace?
Resident. That's everywhere.
Resident. The stuff is everywhere.
Resident. When you're on the street, you
know everything from all parts of —
The President. The street experiencewhat I'm getting at is the street experience
in New Orleans is just an overlay of Chicago or California or New York.
Resident. It could be done in a different
way, but it'sResident. It's all the same process.
Resident.   all the same.
Resident. We all end up in the street. We
don't have no place to go.
Resident. A lot of times-like Walter-we
were talking last night, and he said one big
thing is the only thing he knows how to do
is sell drugs-no other skills. Because he's
selling the drugs, he had a car and all kinds
of things, and that's the way everyone sees
it. If you work and you're young, such as
our ages, it's hard to get good jobs that pay.
Working in McDonald's-minimum wageyou can't get anything from that.
Resident. I'm not working for $1.25 an
hour, $1.10-there's no way-for a whole
week and sitting over a hot oven flipping
hamburgers?
Resident. When you can go out there and
sell drugs and get $2,000 in a couple of
days.
The President. How old are you?
Resident. I'm 20.
The President. Twenty years old.
Resident. We struggle to work and everything, and you see people out there-all
they have to do is work a couple of hoursthey get a few thousand dollars. And we
over here have to bust ourselves trying to
do our best-everything straight-and they
always end up poor. That's why so many
people selling drugs.
Resident. And come home with $100.
Resident. One hundred dollars a weekthat ain't no money. I can make a hundred
dollars in 15 minutes.


The President. You can?
Resident. I can make $100 in 15 minutes.
Mrs. Bush. But your three choices,
though, are jail, death, and whatever the
third one was.
Resident. Doesn't always happen, though.
Reverend Ritter. Mrs. Bush, the kids are
bullet-proof.
Mrs. Bush. Oh, I forgot that.
Reverend Ritter. Really. The only problem with being a kid is that you don't really
know that you are and you don't really
think about consequences. You really have
to live for the moment and you have to
survive.
Resident. There has to be a down side, or
else these people who were doing drug
dealing or working for people wouldn't be
trying to clean themselves up. They know
that it's not the way.
Resident. Jail, too much jail.
Resident. Maybe it's a lot of money, but
it's not the way. You can't retire on being a
drug dealer.
Resident. You can't.
Reverend Ritter. I'll tell you what, you
guys. This is the man, right? You'll never
get a chance to talk to the President again,
probably. What's really the most important
thing you want him to know about street
kids? What should he know?
Resident. Jobs are hard to get, and when
you get them, sometimes they don't pay
enough to stay off the street.
Resident. I would like him to know that
there's people out there that help Ethiopia-help outside people, outside the
United States-but there's a lot of people in
the United States that need the help,
people in the street that need somewhere
to go. And we don't have nowhere to go
but the street, and I think we really need
that help.
Resident. We're funding everybody but
us.
Resident. Yes.
Resident. We're funding every country
that's got problems, except when you look
down in the streets, there's all kids like us
everywhere. And they're funding everyplace else.
Resident. Last night, Michelle and I took
these people on a tour, and they couldn't


782




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


believe the way we have bums and stuff
sleeping outside. They don't have that as
much. And we just went half a block from
here, just to smoke a cigarette, and there
was a lady pulling out her sheets and getting ready to go to bed out on the sidewalk.
And they're staring at her, like, wow. And
to us, it's, like, oh, that's normal-we're
used to it.
And as we're walking, we see over 20
people laying on the street-some coupled
together, some have missing limbs, some
are all swollen from being unhealthy. And
then when you think about all the money
and funds that are going to another country-that's wonderful, yes, great, help everybody-but don't forget there are people
here who need help.
Reverend Ritter. Let me ask a question a
little more specifically. What does the street
kid really need-concretely, practically?
Resident. Education.
Resident. I think that the kids need a
place to go where they can talk to a person
and get help, and I found out that Covenant House can help a person. Like, say,
you're 15, 16 years old-the most important
thing, I think, is to go to school, and Covenant House will let you do that. Because if
you're on the street and you try to go back
to school, they won't let you because you're
not living with your parents; you ain't got a
guardian.
The President. No legal rights.
Resident. No legal rights.
Resident. My mother and father have
been dead-my father has been dead since
I was 1; my mother died 51/2 years ago. And
I stopped going to school for a little while
for the simple fact I had to put up the
money for my brothers and sisters. They
went to foster care. Nobody else wanted
me-I was rejected. So, I just stayed out on
the streets and sold drugs. Then I wanted to
stop and go to school. Anytime I went to
Louis D. Brandeis, I had to have a parent. I
ain't got none-what do you want me to
do? Well, you can't go to school.
The President. We can't help you?
Resident. No, they can't help me. So, then
that means-I think, "Well, if you don't
want to help me, I'm going to be the
person that you want me to be: a criminal."
So, I came out here and did what I had to


do to survive. I got shot; I got cut; I got
stabbed; I got beat up-and I did this to
other people, too. I'm tired of doing things
like that, because I see nothing but a wall
waiting, a dead end. Like you said, life on
the street is a dead end. And that's just
what it is, and I'm just smart enough to
open my eyes and see that that is exactly
what it is.
The President. What do you want to be
now?
Resident. What do I want to be now?
The President. What do you want to do?
What do you want to be? Got any hope?
Resident. Yes. See, I want to learn electronics or carpentry, plumbing. I want a
good job so I can get a house, a dog, a
rabbit, a bird-[laughter]-a wife, and a
baby. That's all I want. I don't want nothing
else but a house, a dog, a rabbit, and a
baby, and a house-that's all I want out of
life. I've had my fun; the fun time is over.
It's time to get into reality.
Resident. Something else, too. They need
rehabilitation-rehabs for kids. There's a lot
of kids out there that are on drugs-and we
need that.
Resident. Yes, but they got rehabs. You go
to one, and they want all this money, all
this money that you ain't got.
Resident. Right.
Resident. You're sleeping on the streets
or you just got out of jail or prison or something, and you don't have the money. I was
fortunate enough to find a rehab that they
didn't ask for nothing. And they gave me
this ring, a sign of my sobriety. They gave
me a lot of tools that I use each and every
day of my life.
The President. What are you doing now?
What are you going to be?
Resident. I want to become a chef, a culinary artist.
The President. Are you?
Resident. Yes. But still it's-you go to one
of these places, Fair Oaks Hospital or something, and they want $18,000-$20,000, and
you don't even have a quarter in your
pocket to make a phone call. Sure, they're
going to bill you later. [Laughter] We'll bill
you-yeah, right.
Resident. One of the most important
things for me, for most of the-I speak also


783




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


for most of the kids in New Orleans-is a
certain personal touch that most kids
need
Resident. Yeah.
Resident.   to give them the self-confidence to get out there and do what they
need to do. Because throughout their lives,
they've been always told they were no
good, they
Resident. Dirt.
Resident. Losers.
Resident. — they're not their children.
They shouldn't be around them, and everything. And that's what I mainly needed
when I went to Covenant House, and that's
what I think should be
The President. How many of your parents
were into drugs and made that problem
horrible for the home front? Almost everybody. You didn't have it-you escaped that.
Reverend Ritter. Or alcohol.
The President. Substance abuse.
Reverend Ritter. That would be almost
everybody.
Resident. Alcohol's a drug.
Reverend Ritter. That would be everybody. There's no mystery, Mr. President,
why a kid leaves home.
The President. In other words, there's
nothing-I mean, it's just the environment
in the home.
Reverend Ritter. It's too painful to stay.
Dr. Lee. Father Ritter, could I just say
one thing? I want the President and Mrs.
Bush to come away with this: My one
thought is that no kid in this room and no
kid- in Covenant House wants to be here.
Not one kid ran to this life; they are running from another life. And the last thing is:
Whose children are they? Well, they're
Father Ritter's, and I feel they belong to
me. And I know what President and Mrs.
Bush feel like.
Reverend Ritter. I'm getting all sorts of
signals to sort of wrap this up and so forth,
but let me just conclude by saying that my
kids have a number of things in common.


And that's how good they are and how
brave they are and how beautiful they are
and how much they really want to make it
back off the streets. Not many do unless
they receive the help that they need.
And the fact that you and the First Lady
came here today-you have no idea of how
much hope you create in these kids. I can
only say that to a street kid, hope is sort of a
hand grenade in their heart. It's a very dangerous thing; they've been disappointed so
many times.
Resident. All we need is for someone to
help us. All we need is unity, because everybody is all for themselves. I think the
world would be a much better place to live
in if we just help each other out and love
one another.
Resident. Be treated like human beings.
Reverend Ritter. I'd like the President
and the First Lady to go upstairs for just a
moment and meet a couple of our really
special kids with AIDS. I know they're very
anxious to greet you briefly.
The President. Well, listen, good luck to
all of you.
Resident. I'd like to say thank you for
taking the time out of your busy schedule.
Resident. Yes.
Resident. Yes.
Resident. Nobody believed us when we
called home to tell-[laughter]-President
Bush is coming to Covenant House in New
York. They never believed this. And I really
appreciate that you took time.
The President. I just admire Father Ritter
and what he's doing, and you guys for fightingResident. We're doing the best we can.
The President. -and trying to do something. I hope you make it, all of you.
Note: The exchange began at 11:35 a.m.
Rev. Bruce Ritter was the executive director
of Covenant House. Dr. Burton Lee III was
the Physician to the President.


784




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


Remarks at a Luncheon Hosted by the New York Partnership and
the Association for a Better New York in New York, New York
June 22, 1989


Distinguished guests and ladies and gentlemen, Barbara and I appreciate this wonderful turnout, this generous reception. And
let me salute that magnificent film and
thank you, Ray, for putting it together. I
just stopped choking up coming from Covenant House, and now I had to go through
it again here at lunch. But it was a moving
call to action.
What a few weeks it's been! Things are
moving on a lot of fronts: NATO moving in
the right direction, China-we're all very
concerned about that. As I say, I just came
from Covenant House, so I feel uplifted by
that. And yesterday-if I might make a very
personal observation before addressing
myself to the subject at hand, I want to
comment on the Supreme Court decision
about our flag. I understand the legal basis
for that decision, and I respect the Supreme
Court. And as President of the United
States, I will see that the law of the land is
fully supported. But I have to give you my
personal, emotional response. Flag-burning
is wrong-dead wrong-and the flag of the
United States is very, very special.
It is indeed an honor to address the members and guests of the New York Partnership and also the Association for a Better
New York, for already you've enriched
fields from business and labor to education
and the media. And we meet today to go
still further-to join hands and link hearts,
as the film said, to light the American sky.
I begin with a single, simple statement:
There is no problem in America that is not
being solved somewhere. There is no problem in America that is not being solved
somewhere-think of that. Today millions
of Americans, the quiet Americans, the selfless Americans, are giving of their time and
themselves. And they work at day-care centers and inner-city schools,, homes for the
elderly, anywhere there's a need, anytime
they are needed, making a difference in the
lives of those for whom the American
dream seems an impossible dream.
And already, this involvement-what we


term national or community service-has
helped countless Americans find self-respect
and dignity, but the job is far from complete. Too many Americans still endure a
living nightmare of want, a living nightmare of isolation-and that must stop.
Ladies and gentlemen, we must bring back
those who feel unwelcome. We must reawaken their hope for the future.
We know that government can't rebuild a
family or reclaim a sense of neighborhood.
We know that during the past two decades
we've spent more money on more social
programs than at any time in our history,
and some problems aren't better-in fact,
some are worse. Most Americans understand that the key to constructive change is
building relationships, not bureaucracies.
And they know that those who say, "It's
government's problem," are really part of
the problem themselves.
All my life I've believed that government
could not substitute for "do unto others."
Barbara and I, like I told Lew and David
and Jim Robinson-it's like preaching to the
choir here today-that Barbara and I, like
all of you here, have tried to pitch in, in
some way do our small part. Midland,
Texas-I'll never forget it-it was starting a
YMCA, working with the United Way,
coaching a little league ball team, helping
to build a community theater-and dating
way back to my days in New Haven, raising
funds for the United Negro College Fund.
And I'm not going to give you equal time,
because so many of you have done so much
more.
We've all done these things, and as we
participated, we fulfilled ourselves, learning
that we are not what we drive or where we
live or what kind of clothes we wearrather, learning that America's greatness
rests on the goodness of her people. And
these beliefs are beyond any individual;
they're timeless. Today more than ever, we
need community service to help dropouts,
pregnant teens, drug abusers, the homeless,
AIDS victims, the hungry and illiterate.


785




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Often they are disadvantaged, and as their
communities disintegrate around them,
they become disconnected from society.
Our challenge, then, is to raise their spirits and their expectations by engaging each
citizen, school and business and church,
synagogue and service organization and
civic group. For this is what I mean when I
talked about a Thousand Points of Light:
that vast galaxy of people and institutions
working together to solve problems in their
own backyard.
I am here today to ask that both sectors,
private and public, and all branches of all
levels of government, join this great movement to extend national service into every
corner of America-for it's a movement,
bold and unprecedented. This is not a program, not another bureaucracy.
Let me tell you the strategy of this movement: first, to issue a call to action and to
claim problems as your own; second, to
identify, enlarge, and recreate what is
working; and third, to discover and encourage new leaders.
First, our call to action-it is individual,
and yet collective, and it begins this afternoon with you. So, today I ask all Americans
and all institutions, large and small, to make
service central to your life and work. I urge
all business leaders to consider community
service in hiring, compensation, and promotion decisions. I call upon nonprofit and
service groups to open your doors to all
those who want to help, irrespective of age,
background, or level of experience. And
leaders of high schools and colleges, I urge
you to uphold the values of community
service and to encourage students, faculty,
and personnel to serve others. To every corporation, large and small, I say: Begin a
literacy program that teaches each employee how to read. And to every member of a
body of higher learning: Start a Big Brother
or Big Sister program for kids in your
neighborhood. Of every church and synagogue, I ask: Become an around-the-clock
community center. And of every restaurant
and grocery store: Distribute surplus food to
soup kitchens and local shelters.
And to the youth of America, I issue a
special appeal. Yesterday on the South
Lawn of the White House, we held a kickoff
rally for a key element of our strategy: the


YES Initiative, or Youth Engaged In Service
to America. It was attended by thousands of
kids, some of those Points of Light I like to
talk about. And I challenged every young
American to fight against self-absorption
and to emulate those leaders who have
shown that there is no problem in America
that is not being solved somewhere.
Their presence reminded me of the
saying, "Life is not a state of time; life is a
state of mind. " So is our call to community
service; it summons the young and the old.
I believe Americans will listen to that call.
Emerson once said, "The greatest gift is a
portion of thyself. " Well, today, across our
50 States, groups and individuals are giving
of-not to-themselves. Americans like
these are missionaries, and they're heroes.
And our mission is to achieve nationally
what they're doing locally.
To complete it will require a catalyst.
And so, that brings me to the second part of
our strategy, and I am proud to announce it
now: a new effort to identify service programs that work and then carry them to
America. We call this catalyst the Points of
Light Initiative, a foundation of which I will
serve as honorary chairman and that will
help make our movement a reality.
I will soon ask Congress for $25 million
annually to support this initiative, which in
turn will seek matching funds from the private sector. But I will also name an advisory
committee to report to me within 45 days
of its first meeting on the structure, composition, and legislation needed to achieve the
foundation's goals. And I am very pleased
and proud to announce today that Governor Tom Kean of New Jersey, one of this
nation's most dedicated and caring public
servants, has agreed to head this committee. Tom, thank you very much.
But look, a Federal effort alone cannot
succeed. And therefore, today we invite
each Governor, and through them the
mayors of all municipalities, to join our
movement by forming State and local
Points of Light working groups composed of
outstanding leaders. These individuals will
become a vehicle to solve problems locally
and to help solve problems nationally. The
Points of Light Initiative will be a magnet
for the best ideas and brightest programs in


786




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


community service. For while countless
service initiatives are already working successfully, they're too often isolated, too
often unknown to others. Our foundation
will change all that. By bringing success stories to other communities, we will repeat
them across the nation.
We will repeat them through a foundation initiative to be called the ServNet
Project. Professional firms, corporations,
unions, schools, religious, civic, and not-forprofit groups will be asked to donate the
services of some of their most important,
talented, and promising people for a period
of time. These extraordinary individuals will
form and lead peer-to-peer working
groups-for example, lawyers going to
fellow lawyers, teachers to fellow teachers,
union members to fellow union members.
ServNet will provide training and technical
assistance, showing what works and what
doesn't.
But we also have to improve current
methods of matching people with meaningful service opportunities. Volunteer centers
should be directly accessible to all Americans in their neighborhoods. Such contact
points may be in a place of worship or
union hall or library or fire station, a business building, service group headquarters,
neighborhood home-you name it.
Over time, through an initiative called
the ServLink Project, the foundation will
stimulate the development through private
sector resources of technology links between those who wish to serve and those
needing service in the inquirer's own community. And in addition, we will ask banks,
credit card users, telephone and utility
companies to include in statement envelopes information about how people and
their institutions can become engaged in
serving others.
And like the foundation itself, these efforts can help individuals and institutions
provide new hope to America. And so can
the third part of our movement's strategy:
our initiative to discover and encourage
new leaders of every age in every town and
city, and to inspire them to devote their
talents and energies to national service, and
then to honor those who excel.
Through the foundation, the YES Initiative will annually select two college-aged


youth from each State as President's National Service Youth Representatives. And
they'll spend 1 year traveling through their
regions as service ambassadors, urging other
young Americans to get involved. And
Points of Light will convene youth and regional Presidential Leadership Forums,
uniting young people, educators, and community activists.
From such action will come achievement.
And such achievement should be rewarded.
And so, we'll ask media from small-town
weeklies to network television to profile the
brightest stars of community service. And
our foundation will also recognize successful
community initiatives and outstanding leaders through two new Presidential awards:
the National Service Youth Leadership
Awards, given each year to individuals, and
the Build A Community Award, honoring
partnerships which work together to
strengthen families and decaying neighborhoods in America.
All of this will help fulfill us as Americans
by asking us to combat problems like loneliness and poverty and drug abuse and homelessness. We cannot afford to fail, and we
won't. For as Americans, we know what is
at stake. We know that voluntarism can
help those free-falling through society. We
know that as citizens and institutions we
can use one-to-one caring to truly love thy
neighbor. And we know, finally, that from
now on any definition of a successful life
must include serving others. And we must
resolve to carry this belief to every person
in the land.
Two centuries ago just last year, Alexander Hamilton sent a letter urging General
Washington to seek the Presidency. And he
wrote him: "The point of light in which you
stand will make an infinite difference." My
friends, national service will succeed. It can
make an infinite difference in the life of
these United States, for a Thousand Points
can light the lives of a people and a nation.
Remember, there is no problem that is not
being solved somewhere in America. Youyou in this room who have already done so
much-can prove that statement a thousand times over. It is in our hands.
God bless you. We need your help. And
God bless our great country. Thank you.


787




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Note: The President spoke at 1:35 p.m. in
the Grand Ballroom of the New York
Hilton Hotel. In his remarks, he referred to
Ray Chambers, chairman of WESRA Y Capital Corp.; Lewis Rudin, chairman of the
Association for a Better New York; David


Rockefeller and James D. Robinson III,
founder and chairman of the New York
Partnership, respectively. Prior to the President's remarks, a video on voluntarism was
shown.


White House Fact Sheet on the Points of Light Initiative
June 22, 1989


CHALLENGE
Though America is at peace and more
Americans are enjoying a greater degree of
prosperity than ever before in our history,
we still have work to do. As long as millions
of Americans are illiterates, dropouts, drug
abusers, pregnant teens, delinquent or suicidal young people, AIDS victims, and among
the homeless and hungry, America has not
yet fulfilled its promise. Our challenge is to
overcome the disintegration of communities, large and small. While the Government's role is critical, government cannot
overcome this challenge alone.
MISSION
The President believes in the readiness
and ability of every individual and every
institution in America to initiate action as
"a point of light." Meaningful one-to-one
engagement in the lives of others is now
required to overcome our most serious national problems. The growth and magnification of "points of light" must now become
an American mission.
STRATEGY
I. CLAIM PROBLEMS AS YOUR OWN
A. The President's Callfor Action
The President calls on all Americans and
all American institutions, large and small, to
make service of central value in our daily
life and work. The President calls on the
heads of businesses and professional firms to
include community service among the factors considered in making hiring, compensation, and promotion decisions. The President calls on newspapers, magazines, radio
and television stations, cable systems, and


other media institutions to identify service
opportunities, spotlight successful service
initiatives, and profile outstanding community leaders regularly. The President calls
on State and local education boards to
uphold the value of service and to encourage students, faculty, and personnel to
serve others. The President calls on college
and university presidents to recognize the
value of community service in considering
applicants; to uphold the value of community service; and to encourage students, faculty, and personnel to serve others. The President calls on not-for-profit service organizations to build the capacity to absorb increasing numbers of volunteers in purposeful
roles. The President challenges all young
people to lead the nation in this movement
of community service through the YES
(Youth Engaged in Service) to America Initiative. The President will call all young
people to help overcome society's challenges by serving others through existing
organizations or new initiatives.
He will also challenge:
* leaders from all institutions to engage
their organizations in the development
of young people;
* community leaders and students to
reach out to alienated young people
and develop community service opportunities which redirect their lives in a
positive way;
* community service organizations to
build the capacity to absorb large numbers of young people in purposeful
community service.
Through the foundation, the President
will:
* select the President's National Service


788




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


Youth Representatives, who will lead
other young people in community
service in their regions, suggest ways
that other young people can engage in
community service, and assist in developing and implementing local programs;
* initiate the President's National Service
Youth Leadership Forums; and
* present the President's National Service Youth Leadership Awards to honor
outstanding youth community leaders.
YES to America is not a Federal Government program, but a nationwide service
movement. It is:
* a movement that is grassroots and
community-based rather than devised
in and imposed from Washington;
* a movement that does not compensate
people with Federal dollars for what
should be an obligation of citizenship;
* a movement that integrates service
into young people's normal life and
career pattern, developing in them a
lifelong commitment to service rather
than a temporary, 1- or 2-year involvement.
B. One-to-One Problem Solving
Every individual should "connect" with
his or her institution-businesses, professional firms, the media, labor, education, religion, civic groups, associations of all kinds,
and not-for-profit service organizationsand engage in the lives of others in need on
a one-to-one basis. Examples of the kinds of
engagement the President calls for include:
* starting a literacy program to teach
every employee or member who wants
to learn to read;
* adopting a school, class, or single student, providing tutoring, computers
and other learning aids, food, clothing,
or shelter for each student who needs
them;
* adopting a nursing home, offering
comfort and cheer;
* starting a one-to-one mentoring program for needy young people;
* forming a consortium to make decent,
affordable housing available to the
homeless;
* contributing and distributing surplus


food to soup kitchens each day to feed
the hungry.
Individuals wishing to help another in any
of the above ways independently of an institution are encouraged to establish a one-toone relationship with an individual in need.
II. IDENTIFY, ENLARGE AND    REPLICATE
WHAT IS WORKING
The President will serve as Honorary
Chairman of a foundation called the Points
of Light Initiative. The President will convene an advisory committee to make recommendations (within 45 days of its first
meeting) on the structure and composition
of the foundation and the legislation most
appropriate to accomplish the purpose of
the President's national service initiative.
The President will seek a congressional
appropriation of $25 million annually for
the foundation, which will, in turn, seek to
match that amount from private sector contributions.
The President will challenge each Governor to replicate this initiative in each State
and encourage State and local leaders to
develop Points of Light Working Groups
composed of community leaders. These
groups will marshal resources within their
communities and deploy them to overcome
local problems.
The President believes that virtually
every problem in America is being solved
somewhere. There are already countless
service  initiatives  working  successfully
throughout America. However, these successful initiatives are too often isolated and
unknown to others. These initiatives must
be replicated over and over again by individuals and teams until everyone is connected to someone, one to one.
A. Peer-to-Peer Working Groups
Through a foundation initiative to be
called the ServNet Project, corporations,
professional firms, unions, schools, religious
groups, civic groups, and not-for-profit service organizations will be asked to donate
the services of some of their most talented
and promising people for a period of time.
These extraordinary individuals will form
and lead peer-to-peer working groups, e.g.,
lawyers going to fellow lawyers, teachers to


789




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


fellow teachers, union members to fellow
union members, bringing examples of successful initiatives and providing training,
technical assistance, and other support to
enable other institutions to devise similar
initiatives.
B. Linking Servers to Needs
One of the foundation's objectives is to
help to improve existing methods of matching would-be volunteers with purposeful
service opportunities. Over time, through
an initiative called the ServLink Project,
the foundation will stimulate the development through private-sector resources of
technology links between those who wish to
serve and those who need service, e.g., telephone calls, interactive computers, etc.
Volunteer centers should be easily accessible to all Americans in their neighborhoods, matching people with service opportunities. Such contact points may be in a
place of worship, union hall, library, fire
station, business building, service group
headquarters or neighborhood home. In addition, every bank, credit card issuer, telephone and utility company will be asked to
include in billing and statement envelopes
printed information about how people and
their institutions can become engaged in
serving others.
C. Recognition and Awards
In order to encourage others to engage in
service, every newspaper, magazine, radio
and television station will be asked to identify service opportunities, spotlight successful service initiatives and profile outstanding community leaders regularly.
The President's Build a Community
Awards will honor those people and institu

tions who have worked together to rebuild
families or to revitalize communities.
Through the foundation, the President will
recognize and present awards and other
forms of commendation to talented community leaders and successful initiatives that
are solving the Nation's most critical social
problems.
III. DISCOVER AND ENCOURAGE NEW LEADERS
America's community service movement
must have the strongest, most creative leadership, nationally and locally. Such leadership must be constantly recruited. The
foundation, with the help of existing organizations, will identify the most promising
new leaders in all walks of life who are not
now engaged in community service and encourage them to devote part of their talent
and energy to community service. The
foundation will give special attention to
young people and to those who have not
had the opportunity to fulfill their leadership potential.
IV. CONCLUSION
The President's national service initiative
focuses on the most critical domestic challenges facing the Nation today. These problems were long in coming and cannot be
solved overnight. But if each American citizen and each American institution responds
to the President's call to engage "one to
one" in the life of another person in need,
this initiative will be the most comprehensive and inclusive movement of our time.
This movement can dramatically reverse
negative trends on many fronts and ensure
the fulfillment of America's promise.


Remarks at a Republican Party Fundraising Dinner in New York,
New York
June 22, 1989


I am just delighted. Thank you all for that
warm welcome. I look around this room,
and I think to myself, okay, I'm President of
the United States, but I know how I got


here. And I see many, many people in this
room to whom I will always feel indebted
for that long-ago political action, and then
when we all came together in the fall of


790




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


1988 for the election.
And so, I'm delighted to be here at this
major political event. I want to thank Pat
Barrett, my brother John, and Joe Fogg,
outgoing chairman-my friend Tony Colavita. And it's always great to be back in
New York; it's the first place I've ever come
to that they named a dessert for my wifejust look at your program. I don't know
what Bombe a la Barbara means-[laughter]-but nevertheless, we don't take that as
a slight at all. We're pleased that you
named it that. [Laughter] Maybe she does
take it as-no, no. [Laughter]
No, it's great to be back in New York.
Where else can you find newspapers with
headlines like "Picked Pot Packed In Pickled Peppers"-that was out there-or my
personal favorite from the New York Daily
News, a headline that accompanied before
and after pictures of a famous actor that
read, "Brando Expando." [Laughter]
You're wondering why we're all dressed
up. We're off to the Wall Street Journal
100th anniversary here in a few minutes,
and the Wall Street Journal maintains a
more dignified air with its no-photos policy.
If they were ever to run a swimsuit issue, it
would be Lee Iacocca in thongs. [Laughter]
I am here today to celebrate a new fact
in American politics: the emergence of a
strong, united New York State Republican
Party. And we've had good times and bad,
but this is due in no small measure to the
leadership of our outgoing chairman, Tony
Colavita. I'd like to give some credit, also,
to my brother John, who fought the financial side of the equation.
And to the promise of success from your
new cofinance chairman, Joe Fogg, an outstanding man who did a marvelous job on
this dinner, and of course, to our new able
Chairman Pat Barrett. Pat-he's a friend to
many here, and Barbara and I consider him
a friend. He has everything in the world
going for him upstate, and now he's taken
on this major job. He's shown the proven
ability to reach out and attract new voters
to the Republican Party. Pat, you've
worked wonders as the county chairman up
there in Onondaga County, and we look
forward to your work and this Barrett
magic all across New York State, and every
single one of you ought to help him every


way you possibly can.
It is no surprise to me that New Yorkers,
in particular minority and ethnic voters, are
shifting-they are shifting from automatic
loyalty to the other party and voting Republican more and more. And it was, after
all, the Republican Party that was the original party of civil rights, equal opportunity.
It was the Republican Party that first attracted immigrants and the sons and daughters of immigrants into politics. Think of
Mayor Fiorello La Guardia, The Little
Flower of Italy.
And now we are proud to have a new
generation of Republican leaders, with your
great Senator, Alfonse D'Amato, heading
our New York Republican delegation for a
second term in the United States Senate.
And I'm glad that his TV star of a mother is
here. No United States Senator works
harder, and I've seen them all in action. For
8 years I was President of the Senate; no
United States Senator works harder for his
constituents than Al D'Amato. And he will
be reelected overwhelmingly, I'm sure,
come 4 years.
Republicans take great pride in our New
York Members of Congress, and you've got
a good delegation, now 13 strong. I want to
keep that number at 13-because Guy Molinari has decided to leave Congress to run
for borough president, and I want him to
win that race, and I want all of you to support him. But the Nation's loss is Staten
Island's gain. And then with Susan already
on the New York Council, the Molinaris will
be even more of a powerhouse in the State,
and I will always be grateful to Guy.
We are also justly proud of how far we've
come as a party, so far that we now have a
good chance-and I mean a real good
chance-of winning the mayor's office in
New York City, the most powerful local
office in America. And it's a tremendous
opportunity for the Republican Party to
show that our commitment to executive
leadership extends far beyond the executive
branch in Washington, DC-far beyond the
White House, to the city streets and the
sidewalks of New York, where the action
really is. And accordingly, I would like to
commend our three mayoral candidates,
Rudolph Giuliani-Rudy-[laughter]-sorry


791




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


about that-Ron Lauder, and Herb
London-for offering their considerable
abilities to the voters.
And my plea, in advance of this September primary, is that we recognize that we
can and will win the race if we pull together as a party. And that is my pitch to you
tonight, and I hope every one of you will
get behind whoever our nominee is.
And as we win the top executive job in
America's top city, we will also make big
legislative gains in Albany, keeping the
State senate, making big strides in the assembly. The State senate has been our Republican watchdog in Albany, you might
say, and it must be our first line of defense
in the fight for fair representation in the
1990's. As I look around our country with a
sense of fairness motivating me, it is absolutely essential that we block the gerrymandering ways of the Democratic Party in all
50 States. They've done it to us in the past,
and we cannot let them do it to us again.
So, Pat, under your leadership-a strong,


united New York Republican Party with
unity and with courage-I know you'll go
the distance. And the era of the Democratic
dominance will be a story from the past.
So, I just wanted to come up here tonight
with Barbara and wish you well; thank and
salute your new leadership; thank all of you
who have supported this, the most successful fundraiser that a party has had, as Pat
said, in the State's history; and say to you,
we are lucky to live in the greatest, freest
country in the world. And part of all that
freedom stems from our participation in
politics, so don't think that there's something wrong with it. Roll up your sleeves
and go to work, and let's win the mayor's
race in the fall, and let's build this party so
we pick up seats in the Congress in 1990.
Thank you all. God bless you, and keep
up the good work.
Note: The President spoke at 7:16 p.m. in
the Grand Ballroom at the New York Hilton
Hotel.


Remarks at the Wall Street Journal Anniversary Dinner in New
York, New York
June 22, 1989


Well, thank you, Warren, and all of you at
Dow Jones, Wall Street Journal for inviting
Barbara and me to be with you tonight; and
I really am pleased to be here. I'm delighted to see so many friends, including this
one right up here-Lionel Hampton. This is
a nonpartisan evening, but politically, we've
been together for a long, long time.
Your 100th birthday-talk about a big
event. This morning, I saw Willard Scott on
TV holding up a birthday snapshot of the
Wall Street Journal. And speaking of television, Barbara and I have staying with us our
grandson, George P.-our oldest grandson,
from Florida. And I told him I'd be spending the evening with a lot of famous people
in the media, the media elite. He asked me
to get an autograph from Morton Downey.
[Laughter] But seriously, Warren was telling me about this get-together, and this is
an impressive audience. And as I look


around, if anything catastrophic happened
in the Winter Garden, the Fortune 500
would be lucky to keep in the just double
digits.
But 100 years ago, what was it like? It
wasn't cars but carriages that crowded the
New York cobblestones on July 8, 1889.
Telephones and electric lights were just
catching on. It was the year that the Oklahoma Territory opened and the Johnstown
flooded and Mark Twain penned "A Connecticut Yankee." Another year would pass
before Sitting Bull would perish in the
Sioux uprisings. And as the Sun rose over
Manhattan on that hot July Monday, John
D. Rockefeller was preparing to celebrate
his 50th birthday. And upriver-I saw Eli
Jacobs here, and he'll be interested in thisupriver, 10,000 baseball fans filled the new
Polo Grounds, with another 5,000 crowding
the nearby bluffs, to see New York down


792




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 22


Pittsburgh 7 to 5.
And from a modest office not far from
where we stand, the Wall Street Journal
was distributed to a few hundred readers
for 2 cents a copy. And the first front page
contained another historic first-your first
typo. [Laughter] It was in a story about
John L. Sullivan's victory in the bare-knuckle heavyweight championship, won after 75
grueling rounds. It was to be the Nation's
last such drawn-out, bare-knuckle fight until
they invented leveraged buyouts and Presidential primaries. [Laughter]
From those modest beginnings, the Wall
Street Journal emerged to become America's ledger sheet, chronicling war and depression and prosperity, as we grew from a
frontier society to the frontiers of spacethe world's dominant financial power.
Arthur Miller observed that "a good
newspaper is a nation talking to itself."
Well, in my view, the Journal is like that. In
a changing world that offers 64 channels of
cable television, the 6 columns of the Wall
Street Journal are as familiar as the morning coffee at our breakfast tables. And its
pages tell the story of our times. Only once
in 100 years did it carry a banner headline.
The day after Pearl Harbor, September 7th,
1941-[laughter]-make    that  December
7th, 1941. But after the war, the Journal
came to Texas the same year I did, 1948,
when it began printing in Dallas. Your
chairman, Warren Phillips, had been hired
as a copyreader the year before, in time to
see the first of the paper's 13 Pulitzers. Not
that every article was a Pulitzer Prize
winner. In 1967 a front-page story on China
predicted the Communist government
wouldn't last the year. A decade later, in
1979, the Wall Street Journal became the
largest circulation daily in the Nation, but
one rival complained that it was only because so many subscribers were at an age
where they forgot to cancel. [Laughter]
Speaking of age-and literally apropos of
absolutely nothing-Bob Hope told this
story about aging at the Joe Gibbs charity
dinner in Washington this week that Barbara and I attended, and that our guest
here Kay Graham's son sponsored. Two
men, two old men, sitting on a park
bench-and the first one said, "Do you
know how old I am?" The second one said,


"Stand up, turn around, drop your trousers
down. Now pat yourself on the back. Okay,
pull up your trousers, sit back down here on
this bench." The man said, "Well, how old
am I?" He said, "You're 93 years old, 4
months and 3 days." The first guy said,
"How did you know that?" He said, "You
told me yesterday." [Laughter]
Well, anyway, on the day after the 1980
election, the lead editorial-the 1980 election-the lead editorial celebrated Ronald
Reagan's mandate. And President Reagan
told me, "Well, one day your day will
come." And it did. And the day after I was
elected President, the headline read-and I
kid you not-"Jim Wright's Mandate."
[Laughter] Go look it up. [Laughter]
I told Al Hunt, though, how much I enjoy
the Journal. He asked if it's the front page,
the conservative editorials, or the news coverage. I said, "No, none of those, none of
the above. It's because you don't carry
"Doonesbury." [Laughter]
All kidding aside, the Wall Street Journal
has a proud and enviable tradition. And although you deal in the world's most perishable product-news, polls have repeatedly
shown that your paper is one of America's
most trusted publications. A reputation like
that can only be earned by adherence to
your founders' pledge to always have the
news "honest, intelligent, and unprejudiced." In modern times, your reporters
have carried this pledge beyond business
reporting, in coverage of events like the
civil rights struggle, the recent tragedy in
Beijing-carrying on a proud American tradition of braving intimidation to bring the
truth into the light.
And many at the Journal have gone
beyond their professional obligations and
set examples of another old-fashioned tradition that is very much on my mind today:
the tradition of public service. Three years
ago, John Fialka wrote a column-one story
entitled "Sisters In Need," chronicling the
poverty that had befallen the growing ranks
of retired clergy in America, and it provoked a swell of readership response. And
so, John and others at the Journal founded
"SOAR"-"Support Our Aging Religious"and raised more than $1 million to aid 30
different orders.


793




June 22 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


A similar public response occurred in
1987 after the publication of "Urban
Trauma," Alex Kotlowitz's moving account
of 3 months in the life of a kid, Lafayette
Wilson-a kid, a 12-year-old boy struggling
to survive in a dangerous Chicago project.
And Alex stayed in touch with Lafayette.
And last summer they passed the hat at the
Journal and gave this kid and his brother a
season of peace in the woods of a Wisconsin
boy's camp.
Personal  gestures, profound  actions,
sometimes life-changing in their effectthese are the works of men and women
who know that prosperity without purpose
means nothing.
And earlier today, I announced a new
initiative calling on all levels of government-both sectors, public and private-to
enlist in a new crusade to bring national
service into every corner of America. And
that crusade begins with a simple truth:
From now on, any definition of a successful
life must include serving others.
And I may never have as important an
audience to carry this message to as you
who are gathered in the Winter Garden
tonight-the American business community,
who has supported conservative policies.
We're enjoying prosperous years, but not all
Americans are part of that prosperity, and I
ask that business do its part. Prosperity
cannot be truly enjoyed unless the Points of
Light about which I've spoken shine on
every American in need. Many of you are
CEO's [chief executive officers] with galaxies at your command. And it is my request-and I believe, your obligation-to
donate the services of the talented and the
enterprising within your ranks. Many of you
are setting the pace; many of you are doing
this now. Everyone should do this now.
And shortly after the Wall Street Journal


was founded, 100 years ago, the Census
Bureau declared that the frontier no longer
existed in America. But the Wall Street
Journal-you've proven them wrong by advancing across ever-new frontiers of technology and geography and innovation. And
I said it a week ago, looking eastward across
America from the foot of those majestic
Grand Tetons: The challenges ahead are in
the frontiers of the mind and in the good
that hard work and the human imagination
can bring to pass.
Not long after bringing home the Journal's first Pulitzer Prize, William Grimes expressed a simple creed. He wrote: "We believe in the individual, in his wisdom and
his decency." Now, that's a worthy tenet,
one we can all carry forth from tonight's
celebration and on to a renewed commitment to service tomorrow. To all at the
Journal, I send you my heartfelt congratulations on this landmark, wish you success as
your second century begins. And to all here
tonight: Thank you, God bless you, and God
bless the United States of America. Thank
you very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 8:49 p.m. in
the Winter Garden at the World Financial
Center. In his remarks, he referred to
Warren Phillips, chief executive officer of
Dow Jones & Co., Inc.; entertainer Lionel
Hampton; television personalities Willard
Scott and Morton Downey; Eli S. Jacobs,
owner of the Baltimore Orioles; playwright
Arthur Miller; Katherine and Donald
Graham, chairman of the board and publisher of the Washington Post, respectively;
and Albert Hunt, Washington bureau chief
of the Wall Street Journal. Following his
remarks, the President returned to Washington, DC.


Nomination of Five Members of the Defense Nuclear Facilities
Safety Board, and Designation of Chairman and Vice Chairman
June 23, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate the following individuals


to be members of the Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board, for the terms indicat

794




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 23


ed. These are new positions.
Edson G. Case, of Maryland, for a term of 1 year.
Since 1975 Mr. Case has been Deputy Director
of the Office of Nuclear Reactor Regulation at
the Nuclear Regulatory Commission in Washington, DC.
John T. Conway, of New York, for a term of 5
years. Upon confirmation, the President intends to designate Mr. Conway as Chairman.
Since 1982 Mr. Conway has been executive
vice president for corporate affairs for the Consolidated Edison Co. of New York.
John W. Crawford, Jr., of Maryland, for a term of
2 years. Since 1981 Mr. Crawford has been a
consultant in nuclear engineering. Prior to this
he was Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for


Nuclear Energy at the Department of Energy,
1979-1981.
AJ. Eggenberger, of Montana, for a term of 4
years. Upon confirmation, the President intends to designate Mr. Eggenberger as Vice
Chairman. Since 1984 Mr. Eggenberger has
been program director and leader of the Earthquake Hazard Mitigation Program for the National Science Foundation in Washington, DC;
and since 1982, an expert consultant in nuclear
safety for the International Atomic Energy
Agency in Vienna, Austria.
Herbert Kouts, of New York, for a term of 3
years. Since 1976 Dr. Kouts has been with the
Brookhaven National Laboratory in Upton, NY,
most recently serving as senior physicist in the
department of nuclear energy.


Statement on the 25th Anniversary of the Slaying of Civil Rights
Activists James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner
June 23, 1989


James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and
Michael Schwerner gave their lives in the
struggle to guarantee one of democracy's
most basic civil rights-the right to votefor all Americans. The savage execution of
these three brave men rightfully shocked
our national conscience. The public outcry
galvanized this country's progress on civil
rights.
Today, 25 years later, we have not forgotten these three brave young men and their
sacrifice. When they saw the promise of de

mocracy unfulfilled in their homeland, they
risked all so that others might know the joy
of true freedom. We have come far because
of James and Andrew and Michael. We can
erect no greater monument to their
memory than to ensure that the arrogance
and bigotry that took their lives never again
exists in America. The courageous family
members whom I met this morning have
embarked on a symbolic journey to commemorate the sacrifice of these American
heroes, and I wish them Godspeed.


Message to the Congress Transmitting the Report of the Council on
Environmental Quality
June 23, 1989


To the Congress of the United States:
I am pleased to transmit to the Congress
the annual report of the Council on Environmental Quality, Environmental Quality
1987-1988. This report focuses on the Nation's air, land, and water resources that are
particularly affected by the urbanization of
our population and by other intensive uses.
It presents CEQ's analysis of the historical


trends, current status, and outlook for urban
air quality, developed water resources, and
the growing burden of municipal solid
waste on the urban landscape. It also offers
an assessment of the Federal lands reserved
for our national defense installations, which
present special environmental challenges.
Americans built great cities that have facilitated commerce and economic growth


795




June 23 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


and prosperity, and provided homes to millions of new citizens from all over the
world. Today nearly three-fourths of our
people reside in communities classified as
"'urban", which make up only about 2 percent of this country's total land acreage. As
our Nation has generally prospered by intensively developing these urban areas, expectations for human health and quality of
the natural environment have also increased.
Hence, for nearly 2 decades, governments at all levels have increased their efforts to address pollution and environmental degradation. Parallel efforts in the private sector have accompanied government
programs to protect the human environment. As a result, we can point proudly to
improvements on a number of fronts. Some
of these are reviewed in this CEQ report.
For example, the Federal motor vehicle
control program, which sets emissions
standards for all new production vehicles,
has brought about a clearly demonstrated
improvement in the quality of the air in
cities throughout the Nation.
But we can do better. That is why we are
committed to cleaner air in the Nation's
cities, and why we believe that a fresh approach to the Clean Air Act can help meet
the Nation's environmental needs without
compromising our record of unprecedented
economic growth. It is now clear that different cities have varying climatic conditions,
industrial mixes, and automobile use patterns. Cleaner air in our cities will thus require credible commitment, timetables, and
strategies for the different regions of the
country. Innovative solutions tailored to
meet local circumstances will be required.
Draconian limits on economic growth and
on the use of the automobile should not be
necessary in order to give Americans clean
air at levels they are willing to pay for, but
it will require significant Federal, State, and
local leadership and innovative approaches
from government and industry.
We must do better. This country must
make every effort to stem the rising tide of
garbage and industrial waste through a
more aggressive use of waste minimization
and recycling practices. America as a nation
is filling landfills faster than it can establish
new ones. The waste problem is not going


away, and it can no longer be neglected.
Waste minimization must start at home and
in the local communities, by reducing
household garbage and separating wastes
for recycling. In many cases it is in the
economic self-interest of industry to recycle
its wastes, to minimize waste generation at
the source, or to adopt less polluting processes. Innovative techniques that have
proven effective in reducing wastes both in
industry and in local communities should be
widely shared.
We will do better. The development of
America's abundant water resources has
stimulated economic advancement in nearly
all regions of the country and has facilitated
growth in interstate commerce generally.
Since 1972, a -national expenditure of $350
billion for water pollution abatement and
control has restored water quality in many
places so that today some three-fourths of
our rivers, lakes, and estuaries can fully support fishing and swimming. But the pollution that washed ashore on popular beaches
last summer has again focused attention on
the condition of the Nation's coastal waters.
Abuses of the oceans and the Great Lakes
must end and will end, and we will work
closely with the States to enforce and
strengthen the effectiveness of the Ocean
Dumping Act and the Clean Water Act. We
must also better protect America's wetlands, by working towards a goal of no net
loss through a coordinated wetlands policy.
We are also committed to protecting the
Nation's surface and ground water resources from contamination by fertilizers
and pesticides without jeopardizing the economic vitality of U.S. agriculture,' and we
will work with farmers to adopt environmentally sound production practices, safer
chemicals, and biological pest controls.
Doing a better job of cleaning the air will
make our cities more healthful. Doing a
better job of solid waste management will
make our landscapes safer and more attractive. Doing a better job of protecting our
water resources will add importantly to the
overall opportunities for outdoor recreation
within and near our urban communities,
closer to where most Americans spend most
of their time. Recent studies of outdoor
recreation have pointed out the enormous


796




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 26


popularity of water-based recreation activities and have stressed the positive relationship between improvements in water quality and the effective use of urban lands
available for outdoor recreation.
A better life for all Americans is our great
common desire, and I believe that economic growth and a clean environment are both
part of what all Americans understand a
better life to mean. The protection of the
environment and the conservation and wise
management of our natural resources must
Remarks at the Annual Meeting of
University Women
June 26, 1989
Sarah, thank you very much for that introduction-and all of you for that warm
welcome-and congratulations to you as
you complete your distinguished term as
president of AAUW. And welcome to
Sharon Schuster, the new president. And
may she run the meetings with the same
iron hand-[laughter]-and put-down of dilatory proceedings, such as free debate[laughter]-that Sharon did. I say all that
because she told me coming in here that
there was a harmonious meeting, and one
that-plenty of substance discussed-that
went very, very well indeed. So, congratulations!
There's another AAUW president, a past
president, that I'd like to say hello to, from
Des Moines, Iowa, and now the head of
your educational foundation: Mary Grefe. Is
it really Grefe? I didn't want to say grief.
[Laughter] I pronounced it my way.
[Laughter]
In America today, there is no greater imperative, moral or practical, than providing
equal opportunity to every man, woman,
and child. And this means equal opportunity in housing and jobs, and flexibility and
parental choice in child care and education.
And it means equal protection from hostile
elements, whether criminal or environmental, and equal opportunity in service and
community action, whether through public,
private, or nonprofit organizations.


have a high priority on our national agenda.
Given sound research, hard work, sufficient
public and private funds, and-most important-the necessary political will, we can
achieve and maintain an environment that
protects the public health and enhances the
quality of life for us all.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
June 23, 1989.
the American Association of
And today I'd like to talk about two issues
in particular: education and public safety.
Both are important to this association and
to any thinking person who cares about the
quality of life and opportunity in America.
And both are the subject of major administration proposals now pending before the
United States Congress.
And there's a third issue that I know
you're familiar with: community actionwhat I have called a Thousand Points of
Light. And last week I traveled up and
down the eastern seaboard, issuing a call to
action for community service. And we carried the message from Main Street to Wall
Street, enlisting young and old, black and
white and brown-America's diversity-to
join a movement predicated on one simple
idea: From now on, any definition of a successful life must include services to others.
For over a hundred years, your predecessors, and now you in this room, have built
successful lives through community action.
You were ahead of the curve, way out
ahead of the power curve, by about a century. And often your service has addressed
the very issues we're talking about today:
education and public safety.
The AAUW foundation that Mary Grefe[laughter]-now directs-what is it about
me and Iowa, where I'm always having
trouble?-[laughter]-began handing out
educational fellowships in 1888. And it's a


797




June 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


great tradition, at once combining America's values of service and education. And
the scholarships you provide are more than
just money in the hands of deserving students: They are money in the bank for the
future of America. And your association
represents 140,000 reasons why America
will succeed.
Your contributions are important, and
equally important is the recent and renewed commitment to an old-fashioned
American idea: partnership between the
Government and the community in seeking
educational excellence. Government, and
especially Federal Government, cannot provide all the answers, but it has an obligation
to lead.
And earlier this year, I sent to Congress
the Educational Excellence Act of 1989.
And it proposes solutions based on some
sound and time-tested ideas: rewarding excellence, helping those in need, accountability-and one that's close to the traditions of this organization-parental choice
and flexibility. To achieve these goals, my
new initiative proposes a seven-point plan:
first, cash awards for merit schools; second,
merit awards for America's best teachers[applause]-a little dissent on that one[laughter]-third, a new program for high
school science scholarships; fourth, $400
million to boost magnet schools; fifth, new
money for new teachers, using alternative
certification to expand the pool of skilled
educators; sixth, emergency grants to help
our schools become drug free; and seventh,
expanded Federal help to our historically
black colleges and universities.
Given the number of experienced educators right here in this room, it will come as
no surprise to learn that many of these initiatives were developed from the classroom
success stories of teachers like those in your
association. And other guidance came from
people like Sarah Harder, who I met with
in Washington following my election as
President. And my administration is grateful for the benefit of your experiences and
your views.
And today I'd like to talk briefly about
four of these initiatives in particular. Two of
the points call for merit awards-cash incentives for our most successful schools and
the top teachers in every State. I want the


best teachers our educational system can
attract, because teachers shape the minds
that shape the future of the country.
Last year, at the centennial celebration of
the first AAUW educational fellowship, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor received your
Achievement Award. And when we talk
about merit schools and merit teachers,
there could hardly be a better example
than this year's winner, the founder of the
Westside Preparatory School in Chicago's
inner city, Marva Collins. Says Marva, "Any
child can learn if they are not taught so
thoroughly that they cannot." [Laughter]
Think about that one, now.
She got results, working with students
who have been written off by the public
schools. It's said that 98 percent of her students go on to high school and then college.
And her students got results. It was reported that one of Marva's 6-year-olds could
recite Jesse Jackson's 1988 convention address from memory. [Laughter] Hmm.
[Laughter] Now look, Marva, Jesse is a very
gifted speaker, and you're being too tough
on those kids. [Laughter] Give them my
convention speech, and I bet they can do it
at age 3. [Laughter]
But I've also heard of one young girl who
began pounding her lunch box on the desk
in the middle of the class. Marva told the
girl, "No, darling, no one is going to be
handing out good jobs to people who pound
their lunch boxes on their desks. President
Bush does not pound his lunch box on the
desk." [Laughter] Obviously, Marva's never
been to one of our Cabinet meetings.
[Laughter]
America needs results, too. So, another
part of my education plan calls for a similar
kind of new incentive: science scholarships
of up to $40,000 for more than 500 of our
best high school seniors. And this is an idea
that also resonates in your association. Last
year you founded the Eleanor Roosevelt
Fund-what you call an intergenerational
partnership-to address the underrepresentation of women and girls in math and science.
And I know that many of you are familiar
with "Workforce 2000," which concludes
that almost two-thirds of the new entrants
to the labor force in the next 11 years will


798




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 26


be women. To stay competitive in a competitive world, we must provide incentives
and opportunities for this new generation of
women to get the education and training
they need to be second to none. And if we
cannot compete with other countries in the
classroom, we cannot compete with them in
the boardroom.
And the last of our education initiatives
calls for drug-free schools. And we've asked
Congress to finance urban emergency
grants to help our hardest hit school districts. And if we want to stop our kids from
putting drugs in their bodies, we must first
put character in their hearts and common
sense in their heads.
Let me just stop here a minute. Barbara
and I were up in Covenant House the other
day in New York, and Barbara's good at
this-she can handle the emotion of the
young kids; her husband is not. But if you'd
seen it, and I expect some of you had, these
kids-the matrix joining the meeting was
narcotics use, prostitution, and hopelessness,
really-and it was tragic. And it brought
home to me, loud and clear, how much we
have left to do in terms of offering hope,
through education, to the young people afflicted by this scourge of narcotics. We've
got to succeed as a nation.
So, as with education, the subject of drugs
and crime, as well-especially violent
crime-has been on my mind in recent
weeks. And last month, I was out standing
before the U.S. Capitol on a somber, rainy
afternoon to call on Congress to join me in
a new partnership with America's cities and
States to take back the streets. And at the
Federal level, we're going to do our part by
taking violent criminals off the streets. And
it's an attack on all four fronts: new laws to
punish them, new agents to arrest them,
new prosecutors to convict them, and new
prisons to hold them. And incidentally, I
feel just as strongly about the white-collar
criminal that traffics in narcotics as I do
about the street criminal.
The comprehensive initiative that I'm
talking about here is directed at violent
crime and, in particular, the explosion of
urban gunfire that often accompanies drug
trafficking. But all too often, violent crime
also means crime against women, and I am
angered and disgusted by the crimes


against American women and by the archaic and unacceptable attitudes that all too
frequently contribute to those crimes.
Whether it involves spouse abuse at home
or violence in the street, these are evil acts
that transcend racial and class lines. This
war against women must stop, and I hope
we can prove to be a constructive force for
ending it.
Our cities and States must step up their
efforts to combat violence against women,
to treat victims with compassion and respect. And they must follow our Federal
example of enacting tougher laws-backed
up by more police, prosecutors, and prisons-to put away every violent offender.
Fundamentally, violence against women
won't subside unless public attitudes
change. We must continue to educate
police and prosecutors, judges and juries.
And we must engender a climate where the
message our children get-from television
and films, from schools and parents-is that
violence against women is wrong. A kinder
and gentler nation must protect all its citizens. And no matter how equal the opportunities in our schools and workplace,
women will never have the same opportunities as men if a climate of fear leaves
them justifiably concerned about walking to
the campus library at night or reluctant to
work late hours for fear of getting out of
some parking lots safely.
I have a daughter and four daughters-inlaw. And when we talk about what kind of
schools and the kind of society we are shaping for the next century, I think about my
own 11 grandchildren-seven are girls. And
it is unthinkable that any opportunity
should be available to my pride and joy, our
oldest grandson, George P., that isn't also
out there for his cousin Jenna Bush.
And one opportunity-and maybe I'm
preaching to the choir here-[laughter]that some women in this room should not
overlook is rolling up your sleeves and running for public office. I encourage you to do
that, and it is challenging and enormously
satisfying. This day and age there seems to
be more public flak and all of that, but
believe me, I still feel strongly that public
service is an honorable calling. And we've
got to inculcate that into the life of every


799




June 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


single child in this country, and you can
help by running for office.
Over the years, I have had the privilege
of working with many talented leaders like
Carla Hills and Elizabeth Dole and Sandra
Day O'Connor and Nancy Kassebaum, and
their record of public service-like the
work of so many in your own associationconfirms the long-ago observation of one of
the patron saints of community service,
Alexis de Tocqueville. He wrote, "If I were
asked to what the singular prosperity and
growing strength of the American people
ought mainly to be attributed, I should
reply: to the superiority of their women."
I am pleased to be the first President to
address the AAUW and very honoredmaybe I'm getting a little out ahead of the


power curve here-to be awarded an official membership. [Laughter] Wait a minute!
So, technically that makes me the first
AAUW member to be President of the
United States, but I know I won't be the
last.
Thank you all, and God bless all of you.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 11:27 a.m. in
the Sheraton Washington Ballroom at the
Sheraton Washington Hotel. In his remarks,
he referred to Sarah Harder, president of
the association; US. Trade Representative
Carla A. Hills; Secretary of Labor Elizabeth
H. Dole; and Senator Nancy Landon Kassebaum of Kansas.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the President's Meeting
With Foreign Minister Hiroshi Mitsuzuka of Japan
June 26, 1989


The President met with Japanese Foreign
Minister Hiroshi Mitsuzuka in the Oval
Office for 20 minutes this afternoon. The
President congratulated the Foreign Minister on assuming his new post and reaffirmed the importance of the U.S.-Japanese
relationship not only for the two nations but
for the whole globe. Minister Mitsuzuka
stressed the continuity of Japanese diplomacy and that the U.S.-Japan relationship will
continue to be the cornerstone of Japan's
foreign policy. There was a brief discussion
of trade issues, and the President indicated
that trade would be a major point of discussion in the upcoming economic summit in


Paris. The President and Foreign Minister
discussed the situation in China.
The Foreign Minister said Japan was encouraged by the President's experience in
the region and hoped our two countries
would keep each other informed on our
views. The President said that we would
continue trying to convince the Chinese
leadership that it is in their interest to keep
reform moving forward. During the course
of the meeting, Foreign Minister Mitsuzuka
invited Vice President Quayle to visit Japan
in September, and the Vice President accepted in principle.


Remarks to New Members of the Republican Party
June26, 1989


Thank you very much. And all of you,
greetings, welcome to the Rose Garden. To
Lee Atwater and Jeannie Austin-delighted
that the leaders of our party are here for
this important occasion. And of course, to


our special friend, Congressman Bill Grant
of Florida-a great, great pleasure to see
you again and have you here with us. And
to State officials, key elected leaders, fellow
Republicans all-welcome to the White


800




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 26


House. And welcome officially-you don't
need it from me-but welcome to the Republican Party!
It was once said that some men change
their principles for their party, while others
change their party for their principles. And
since the election, scores of elected Democratic officials, men and women, have made
the right choice and joined the Republican
Party because the values and principles of
the Democratic Party were not their values
and principles, and I think many more will
follow them.
The switch is on to the party in sync with
the American principles. The switch is on to
the Republican Party. In February-seems
like just yesterday-Bill Grant, Congressman, came to the White House to announce
his switch from Democrat to Republican.
And now he's with the party of opportunity,
the party of ideas, the party of the futurebecause in the future, I honestly believe
there will be many more Democrats joining
our ranks.
And people say the Republican Party is
on the move. Well, when I look around
here today, I'd say that's true. We're
moving in the right direction. But the
Democratic Party is on the move, too: to
the left and out of the mainstream. And as
the greatest former Democrat of them all,
President Reagan, once said: "I didn't leave
the Democratic Party. The Democratic
Party left me." The Democratic Party is
leaving droves of voters behind as it moves
over onto the more liberal side, the left side
of the political equation. And now many of
those stranded voters have made a move on
their own-to the Republican Party, our
party of family, faith, and the future.
And each of you here has made a courageous decision, sometimes a very tough political decision, to join us-taking considerable political risk in the process. But you've


also made a move to be on the winning side
in the contest of ideas and issues in America. And when you made that bold choice to
join us, we made a choice, too. We will
support you; we will back you up in every
way we can. You've made a tough decision-the right decision-and we're with
you. And when you're out there on the
front lines for us, you won't be fighting
alone. This party will stand with you shoulder to shoulder.
As former Democrats, you are the most
visible sign of the great sea changes that are
going on in the American political scene.
I'm told that since 1984, the Republican
Party in Florida has increased its voter registration by nearly half a million; and in the
last 60 days, Republicans have been outregistering Democrats in that State by
better than 3 to 1. And that's because mainstream Americans believe in peace through
strength, and economic opportunity, traditional family values. And with the Republican Party, they're swimming with the current.
We know which party stands for a strong
America and a growing economy, and
Americans know that, too. And that's why
with the able leadership of Lee Atwater,
Jeannie Austin, the party will become the
majority party in America. We can do it-I
want to help-we will do it because of the
courage of you and thousands like you. On
behalf of Republicans everywhere, then,
thank you, congratulations, welcome to the
Republican Party. Thank you all very, very
much for coming.
Note: The President spoke at 3:44 p.m. in
the Rose Garden of the White House. In his
remarks, he referred to H. Lee Atwater and
Jeannie Austin, chairman and cochairman
of the Republican National Committee.


White House Statement on the Soviet-United States Nuclear Testing
Negotiations
June 26, 1989
Today marks the beginning of round IV between the United States and the Soviet
of the nuclear testing talks (NTT) in Geneva Union. Ambassador C. Paul Robinson heads


801




June 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the U.S. delegation to the talks.
The U.S. approach to these negotiations
complements our efforts to reach agreements that will strengthen our security and
enhance stability. A priority for these stepby-step talks is to complete protocols to provide for effective verification of the Threshold Test Ban Treaty of 1974 (TTBT) and
the Peaceful Nuclear Explosions Treaty of
1976 (PNET), neither of which has been
ratified because they were not verifiable in
their original form.
Much has been accomplished in the negotiations, and we will build on the progress
that has been made. We have substantially
completed the protocol to the PNET, and
we will be working to complete the TTBT
protocol, which governs nuclear weapons


testing. Since the TTBT and PNET are
complementary treaties, they and their protocols will be submitted to the Senate as a
package for advice and consent to ratification.
Our approach to these negotiations is
based on a realistic approach to our security: For the past four decades, a strong nuclear deterrent has been the foundation of
our security and freedom. As long as we
must rely on nuclear weapons, we must
continue to test to ensure their safety, security, reliability, effectiveness, and survivability. We resume these negotiations determined to complete the task of concluding
the verification provisions, which are essential to sound and stabilizing agreements.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Persecution of the
Turkish Minority in Bulgaria
June 26, 1989


In the last month, over 60,000 people
have either fled or been forcibly expelled
from Bulgaria to Turkey-many with nothing more than the clothes on their backsand more are arriving in Turkey every day.
This mass migration is the result of the
Bulgarian Government's systematic denial
of basic human rights to its Turkish minority. Since 1984 the Bulgarian authorities
have been carrying out a campaign of
forced assimilation of Bulgaria's ethnic
Turkish minority, forcing its members to
slavicize their names and denying them the
right to speak their language and practice
their religion. Members of the minority
who have objected have been imprisoned


without trial and treated with great brutality.
Over the past month, this campaign
against ethnic Turks has taken on a new
dimension, as Bulgarian forces have fired on
peaceful demonstrators, killing some and
wounding others. There are reports that the
violence continues. We deplore Bulgaria's
blatant violations of the human rights of its
citizens, rights which Bulgaria has committed itself to protect as a signatory of the
Helsinki accords and other international
agreements. We urge the Government of
Bulgaria to cease these violations and to
allow for the orderly emigration of those
ethnic Turks who desire to leave.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on President Bush's
Meeting With President Mario Alberto Soares of Portugal
June 26, 1989


The President met today with Portuguese
President Mario Soares. The President ex

pressed his appreciation for Portugal's positive contribution to the North Atlantic alli

802




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 26


ance. The two leaders discussed the European Community, China, and Central
America. Southern Africa was also discussed, particularly the Angola peace proc

ess. The meeting lasted 35 minutes. Deputy
National Security Adviser Robert Gates and
Deputy Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger also attended the meeting.


Nomination of Evelyn Irene Hoopes Teegen To Be United States
Ambassador to Fiji, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Kiribati
June 26, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Evelyn Irene Hoopes
Teegen to be Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to Fiji and to serve concurrently
and without additional compensation as
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the
Kingdom of Tonga, Tuvalu, and Kiribati.
She would succeed Leonard Rochwarger.
Ms. Teegen is presently the Republican
national committeewoman for Minnesota
and the executive director of the Minnesota
Seat Belt Coalition. Since 1987 Ms. Teegen
has also been vice president of Teegen and
Associates in Minneapolis. She also served as
a member of the U.S. delegation to the 25th
anniversary of the independence of Kenya,
1988; as a member of the 15th Air Command/Civilian Distinguished Visitors trip,


1987; as a member of the National Academy of Science for the Study of the Benefits
and Costs of the 55 MPH Speed Limit,
1986; as a member of the National Highway
Safety Advisory Committee, 1982-1985; and
as a member of the Republican National
Committee delegation to the People's Republic of China, 1984. Ms. Teegen is a
member of the board of directors of Africare and the Minnesota Safety Council, as
well as a member of the American Coalition
of Traffic Safety and the Minnesota Citizens
Council on Crime and Justice.
Ms. Teegen graduated from Iowa State
University with a bachelor of science
degree, 1953. She was born November 17,
1931, in Muscatine County, IA. Ms. Teegen
is married, has two children, and currently
resides in Minneapolis, MN.


Nomination of Thomas F. Stroock To Be United States Ambassador
to Guatemala
June 26, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Thomas F. Stroock to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the
Republic of Guatemala. He would succeed
James H. Michel.
Mr. Stroock is currently president of
Alpha Exploration, Inc., and the Stroock
Leasing Corp., in Casper, WY. In addition,
he is a Wyoming State senator and serves as
vice president, chairman of the Wyoming
Senate Appropriations Committee, and cochairman of the Wyoming Joint Legislative


Appropriations Committee. He has also
served as director of Key Bank of Wyoming
and as director of Key Bancshares of Wyoming. He worked for the National Public
Lands Council, 1981-1984; the National
Small Business Advisory Council, 1981 -1983; and as director of Century Oil and
Gas Co., 1976-1982. He has served as a
member of the National Petroleum Council,
1970-1977; director of Mid-America/Great
Plains Financial Corp., 1967-1973; and director of the Wycom Corp., 1968-1975.
Mr. Stroock graduated from Yale Univer

803




June 26 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


sity (B.A., 1948). He was born October 10, He served in the U.S. Marine Corps, 1943 -1925, in New York City. He is married, has  1946.
four children, and resides in Casper, WY.
Nomination of Alexander Fletcher Watson To Be Deputy United
States Representative to the United Nations
June 26, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Alexander Fletcher
Watson to be the Deputy Representative of
the United States of America to the United
Nations, with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. He would
succeed Herbert Stuart Okun. Mr. Watson
is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service, Class of Minister-Counselor.
Ambassador Watson entered the Foreign
Service in 1962. He initially served as a
consular officer in Santo Domingo, 1962 -1964, and Madrid, 1964-1966. Following
these assignments he served in the Department of State as an intelligence analyst in
the Bureau of Intelligence and Research,
1966-1968. In 1968 he attended graduate
school at the University of Wisconsin at
Madison. Ambassador Watson was a political
officer in the U.S. Embassy in Brazil, 1969 -1970; principal officer, American consulate


in Salvador de Bahia, Brazil, 1970-1973;
and country officer, Office of Brazilian Affairs, Bureau of Inter-American Affairs, Department of State, 1973-1975. In 1975 Ambassador Watson was named Special Assistant for Legislative and Public Affairs to the
Assistant Secretary for Economic and Business Affairs. In 1977 Ambassador Watson
became Deputy Director, and then Director, of the Bureau's Office of Development
Finance. He then served as deputy chief of
mission in the U.S. Embassies in Bolivia,
1979-1981; Colombia, 1981-1984; and
Brazil, 1984-1986. Since 1986 Ambassador
Watson has been serving as Ambassador to
the Republic of Peru.
Ambassador Watson graduated from Harvard College (A.B., 1961) and the University
of Wisconsin (M.A., 1969). He was born
August 8, 1938, in Boston, MA. Ambassador
Watson is married and has two children.


Continuation of Michelle Easton as Deputy Under Secretary of
Education
June 26, 1989


The President today announced that Michelle Easton will continue to serve as
Deputy Under Secretary for Intergovernmental and Interagency Affairs at the Department of Education.
Since 1988 Mrs. Easton has served as
Deputy Under Secretary for the Office of
Intergovernmental and Interagency Affairs
at the Department of Education. Prior to
this, she was Director of Intergovernmental
Affairs at the Department of Education,
1987-1988, and Director of the Missing


Children's Program in the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention at
the Department of Justice, 1985-1987. She
was private voluntary organizations liaison
officer for the Africa Bureau of the Agency
for International Development, 1983-1985;
Special Assistant to the General Counsel at
the Department of Education, 1981-1983;
and an attorney with the Department of
Justice in the Office of the U.S. Trustee,
1981.


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 27


Mrs. Easton graduated from Briar Cliff lege of Law, American University (J.D.,
College (B.A., 1972) and Washington Col- 1980).
Nomination of Harry M. Snyder To Be Director of the Office of
Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement
June 26, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Harry M. Snyder to be
Director of the Office of Surface Mining
Reclamation and Enforcement, Department
of the Interior. He would succeed Robert
H. Gentile.
Mr. Snyder is resident vice president for
State relations for CSX Corp. in Kentucky.
He has served as director of finance and
legal counsel and then executive director
for the Kentucky Council on Higher EducaThe President's News Conference
June 27, 1989
The President. I have a brief opening
statement, and then I'd be glad to take
questions.
On Wednesday morning, the Supreme
Court issued a decision which held that a
person could not be convicted for desecration of our flag, the American flag, because
to do so would infringe upon the right to
political protest. Now, we've got to be very
careful in our society to preserve the right
to protest government action. However, I
believe that the flag of the United States
should never be the object of desecration.
Flag-burning is wrong. Protection of the
flag, a unique national symbol, will in no
way limit the opportunity nor the breadth
of protest available in the exercise of free
speech rights.
And I have the greatest respect for the
Supreme Court and, indeed, for the Justices
who interpreted the Constitution, as they
saw fit. But I believe the importance of this
issue compels me to call for a constitutional
amendment. Support for the first amendment need not extend to desecration of the
American flag. And we are reviewing pro

tion. He has also been a member of the
finance staff of the University of Kentucky
and served as legal counsel and a professor
of commercial and constitutional law at
Georgetown College.
Mr. Snyder graduated from Georgetown
College (B.S., 1963) and the University of
Kentucky College of Law in 1966. He was
born in Corbin, KY, in 1941 and grew up in
London, KY. He has two daughters and resides in Lexington, KY.


posed language for a constitutional amendment. We are beginning consultation with
Members of the United States Congress
who hold similar views. And as President, I
will uphold our precious right to dissent.
But burning the flag goes too far, and I
want to see that matter remedied.
China-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, when you were last
with us, you said that you had tried to contact the leaders of China, and the line was
busy. You were unable to get through. In
light of the fact that there's now a new
party secretary, have you renewed that try?
And also in light of what you just said, do
you plan to ask Prime Minister Li Peng to
return the Texas cowboy boots with the
American flag on them that you gave him
in China?
The President. I have no such plans, and I
hope he doesn't ask for his bicycles back,
either. But in terms of contacts, we are
trying, through our Embassy, to have contacts. We have contact. Their Ambassador
has access to, and contact with, our officials


805




June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


here; and so, there has been some exchange
of views. But I have not, you know, renewed a phone call request, if that was
your question.
Q. As a followup, Mr. President, do you
intend to go ahead and send a Peace Corps
team to China in the fall to teach English,
or will you go along with the Chinese request that that be delayed?
The President. Well, you have no choice,
Tom [Tom Raum, Associated Press]. If the
Chinese say they're not welcome, they can't
come in. And it's too bad, because one of
the things that moved forward the reforms
was contact with Americans. And I don't
want to see those contacts cut off, and I'm
sorry that the Chinese have made that decision.
I would like to have seen those young
volunteers go to China and help teach English to the Chinese, and I like these student
exchanges. And I don't want to hurt the
Chinese people. Now, I have expressed my
concern about what went on in China. I
reiterate my concern here today. But I reiterate also my desire not to do damage to
the people themselves, because I believe
that it was contact with the United States
and others in the West that have moved the
process of economic reform forward and,
hopefully, someday will move the process of
political reform forward.
Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press
International]?
HUD Contracts
Q. Mr. President, while you were Vice
President, millions were siphoned off from
HUD through self-confessed influence-peddlers, many of whom were your friends.
The homeless grew by the thousands. I
have not heard one word of outrage about
this from you. You seem to absolve Pierce
[former HUD Secretary], who sat on this
gold mine, permitted this kind of abuse for
so many years, and-not absolved him, but
you don't criticize him at all. Who was to
blame? Where did the buck stop?
The President. That matter is being
looked into by our very able, dedicated Secretary of HUD. And we are going to do
everything we can to clean up any cronyism or see that matters of that nature not
recur. But you're always looking for win

ners and losers, and I am not about to prejudge the Secretary himself. I assume that
he would accept responsibility for what
happened-past tense-in his Department,
just as I would have to assume responsibility
for something that goes on in my administration, whether I know about it or not. But
let's not be trying to find winners and
losers. Let's guarantee the American people
that we are not going to have cronyism and
special favors and giving contracts because
of who you know, but keep it on the merits.
Q. But the people were the losers in this.
The President. Yes.
Q. And the Republican leaders-apparently, their influence-peddlers and so forth
were the winners. Where were you in 8
years?
The President. I wasn't handling HUD,
Helen, in 8 years, andQ. I know you weren't handling HUD,
butThe President. -but look, if this will
give you a little relief, if you want to assign
blame to the Vice President for what happened over the past 8 years, okay, that's
fine. I accept it, but what I want to do as
President is see that we don't have any recurrence. And I have total confidence that
Jack Kemp is working to see that this not
happen again, and I hope that the message
has gone out loud and clear to every Cabinet officer that we want the highest possible ethical standards.
Q. Well, were you aware of any atmosphere? That's all I'm asking.
The President. No. Yes, Brit [Brit Hume,
ABC News]?
Flag Desecration
Q. Mr. President, in light of your renewed concern about the display of proper
reverence for the flag, I wonder if you
think it helps the situation, sir, for you and
other political figures of both parties to
make the flag the kind of instrument of
partisan politics that it was in your campaign last fall-with a visit to Flag City and
the tour of flag factories and flags at all the
conventions and so on?
The President. I don't view that as partisanship. I think respect for the flag transcends political party. And I think what I've


806




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 27


said here is American. It isn't Republican or
Democrat; it isn't liberal or conservative;
and I just feel very, very strongly about it.
And perhaps I haven't been quite as emotional as I feel about it, but I want to take
this opportunity to say protest should not
extend to desecration of the unique symbol
of America, and that is our flag.
Followup?
Q. You wouldn't dispute, would you, sir,
that your visit to Flag City, U.S.A., and your
visit to the flag factory last year were for
the purpose of advancing your political
campaign?
The President. Everything I did last year
was the purpose of advancing my-everything I did politically-advancing my election. And of course, I'm not going to say
that, but I didn't put it on the basis that
Republicans are for the flag and Democrats
are not.
John [John Mashek, Boston Globe]?
Government Ethics
Q. Mr. President, leaving aside the winners and losers question in the HUD scandal, isn't it fair criticism, nevertheless, that
the laissez-faire sort of management exhibited by Sam Pierce was, as a matter of fact,
encouraged by the President himself and
that they really didn't pay attention to what
was going on over there?
The President. John, something might be
happening in some Department today that
I know nothing about. We've got an enormous bureaucracy; we've got a tremendous
bureaucracy that extends all around the
world. And there might well be some corruption out there that's going on that I
would be responsible for, but that I don't
know about. But I am not going to try to
assign blame; I want to look to the future.
And that's the way I'm going to handle that
one.
Yes, Lesley [Lesley Stahl, CBS News]?
Affirmative Action
Q. Mr. President, you've spoken out emotionally, obviously, about the Supreme
Court's decision on the flag. I wonder if
you'd like to take this chance to speak out
emotionally on their affirmative action decisions which make it harder for women and
minorities to sue for discrimination.


The President. I'm not sure that I agree
with the hypothesis of your question. As I
said at the last press conference-formal
press conference-I was going to ask our
Attorney General and our General Counsel
to look into this matter. And I am strongly
committed to equal opportunity for all
Americans, and I am advised that nothing
in these decisions jeopardizes that principle
or calls into question affirmative action or
minority outreach efforts. This is the opinion of the Attorney General, who I understand will be speaking on this at noon
today. The Justice Department has told me
that the decision reflects interpretation of
the civil rights laws by the Court on technical subjects, and we're talking about burdens of proof and statutes of limitations. But
that is the advice I am getting, and I will
certainly support the Attorney General.
Q. All right. Constitutional scholars say,
for instance, that if a minority student faces
racial harassment at a private school they
are no longer covered. There are some situations where people cannot sue for racial
harassment, for instance, and there are
other sort of niggling things. But it's really
the question of your emotional response,
because you jump out of the box on the
flag.
The President. I've just given it to you.
Affirmative action-you know my position
on that. Commitment to equal opportunity-I hope people know my commitment
on that, but we're getting into a technicality that neither you or I are competent to
discuss. And you're going on the advice of
who you call legal scholars, and I'm going
on the advice of the Attorney General and
a very fine General Counsel. So, I think we
have a difference on the interpretation of
what this means, and I've seen that some of
the civil rights leaders disagree-but I am
committed. And if the decisions actually
turn out to hamper civil rights enforcement
along the lines you're talking about, obviously I would want to take steps to remedy
the situation.
Q. But are you saying you won't support
legislationThe President. This is your third question.
Come on, Lesley.
Q. I'm sorry.


807




June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


The President. Go ahead.
Q. Are you saying you won't support legislation that
The President. I'm saying that my advice
from the Attorney General is that legislation isn't necessary.
Abortion
Q. Mr. President, you've expressed your
strong feelings again on the Supreme Court
decision on the flag-burning; but the Supreme Court is expected to make a decision
this week on the abortion issue, which is
among the most emotional in the country.
And I wonder, going into that decision, if
you view your role as a healer after this
decision, as simply to enforce the law?
What is your view, going into that decision
as the President, and this very important
emotional issue?
The President. It is an emotional issue,
and I am firmly positioned in favor of overturn of Roe v. Wade. And that's my position, and I'm not going to change that position. But I don't want to see the divisiveness that that whole issue causes split this
country. And yet the decision is going to
be-I don't know what they're going to
decide, but my position on it is very clear.
Owen [Owen Ullman, Knight-Ridder]?
Balanced Budget Amendment
Q. During the campaign, you came out
many times for a constitutional amendment
to balance the budget. Yet I'm curious why
now you've moved so quickly to call for a
constitutional amendment concerning flagburning, which is solely a symbolic issue,
and yet you haven't moved at all on balancing the budget, in terms of a constitutional
amendment, which is substantive and
which a lot of people in this country think
would accomplish a lot more for the economy. Can you explain that?
The President. Yes-oh, easily. Let me
take this opportunity to make a clarion call
for a balanced budget amendment. [Laughter] Absolutely-it has to be phased in, but
I'd like to see it.
Q. Well, why do you have to be prompted to do that? Why do you give such a high
priorityThe President. Because my position is so
well-known on it, Owen.


Flag Desecration
Q. Why do you give such a high priority
to the issue of flag-burning, and you haven't
said anything until now about a balanced
budget amendment?
The President. I've said a lot about it all
last year. I thought you got tired of hearing
it-[laughter]-but I will repeat it. But if
you want to know-I've got to confess, I do
feel viscerally about burning the American
flag, and therefore, I express it. And I feel
viscerally about fiscal sanity, also. But this
decision just came down, and it is one that
causes, I think, the American people, and
certainly this President, great concern. And
I think it can be remedied without doing
violence to a person's right to protest.
Economic Assistance for Poland
Q. Mr. President, you're going to Poland
in a few weeks, and I wonder-a lot's happened since your Hamtramck speech.
We've had the free elections. Solidarity now
may have a much bigger role in what happens in Poland. When you go, are you interested in bringing some expanded debt
relief, financial aid? Walesa [Chairman, Independent Free Trade Union of Solidarity]
has been saying to the world that he really
needs help now. Do you think you are in a
position to bring it?
The President. Yes, I'm in a position to
discuss it; inasmuch as some of what I want
to do will require legislation, that will not
have been completed. But I called [Senator]
Lloyd Bentsen, the chairman of the Finance
Committee, to thank him over the weekend
for his stance in the Finance Committee in
terms of support for Poland. And so, we will
have a package that I'm not prepared to
discuss now in detail that I hope will help.
I know this will be a subject of great
concern, after the visit to Poland, in our
economic summit meeting. But the problem is, we would like very much to help
Poland. I am very encouraged with what's
happened in Poland, but I want to be sure
that when we do offer the specifics and the
specific plan to help Poland, that Poland
itself will have taken the steps necessary to
have the money well spent. I don't want to
just push money down the drain. So, I think
along with what we can offer will have to


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 27


come from their side some reforms. And
that, I want to talk to General Jarulzelski
[Chairman, Council of State] about, and obviously Lech Walesa, and we'll see where
we go.
President's Visit to Eastern Europe
Q. Let me follow on the Poland question.
Both there and in Hungary, you're entering
countries that are in a transition and in a
very delicate situation, politically and vis-avis their own allies. What cautions do you
take and do you exercise going in there so
as not to be a negative catalyst?
The President. I think being there is the
significant thing. It is important that the
United States show its interest in these
countries that are undergoing change. You
don't want to over exhort; you don't want
to over promise; you don't want to rally
people to levels of political activity that
might cause repression. And so, what I want
to do is make clear where the United States
stands in terms of our respect for freedom;
encourage reform as much as possible; and
then, back to David's [David Hoffman,
Washington Post] question, offer some specifics where we can help on the economy.
My views on differentiation have not
changed over the last few years. We will
differentiate; we will support those that
move towards us-economically, politically,
and in terms of human rights. And it's more
on those general themes that I will be talking to the Hungarian leaders and the Polish
leaders.
Q. If I could follow: Do you send any
signal at the same time to the Soviet Union,
or have you had any communication to
them about the purposes of your visit?
The President. No, but I would not expect
them to be uptight about it. Mr. Gorbachev
goes to Western Europe and is well received; and I will go to Eastern Europe,
and I will be well received. And I think it
was a good thing, his trip to Germany. I've
talked to Chancellor Kohl about it personally, and I don't get into some state of competition when I see Mr. Gorbachev get a
good, warm response in Germany.
The NATO alliance is together. One of
the things that came out of the Brussels
NATO summit meeting was the fact that
there is strong unity there. And so, it's a


good thing for him to go to Western
Europe, and it's a good thing for the President of the United States to go to Eastern
Europe. And I want to see us move beyond
containment. I want to see a much more
open Europe. So, the importance of this
visit is along that line, and it's not going to
be we're going to solve the problem of the
Hungarian economy or the Polish economy.
John [John Cochran, NBC News]?
Abortion
Q. Let me ask another question about
abortion and Roe v. Wade. We may get that
decision this week. As I understand your
position, you're for a constitutional amendment regardless of which way the Supreme
Court rules. Is that right?
The President. Yes, of course.
Q. Is that right? Now, if the Supreme
Court strikes down Roe v. Wade and sends
this back to the States, would it not be less
divisive to let the States decide this rather
than go through the whole long, tortuous
process of constitutional amendment?
The President. John, I hate to not respond
to your question. But the Court is probably
going to make a decision very soon, and I
would prefer to address myself to the question after the Court has decided.
Q. It is still your position, though, sir, that
you favor a constitutional amendment regardless?
The President. My position on that abortion question has not changed.
Campaign Finance Reform
Q. Mr. President, you will soon be proposing some campaign finance reforms.
What is it about the current system of campaign financing that makes you think some
kind of broad reform is required? And if
broad reform is important, why not go
ahead and go all the way to public financing of campaigns or some kind of a limit on
overall spending on congressional campaigns?
The President. I oppose public financing
of these campaigns. I think people should
be able to attract private support, and I
think participation by individuals in the political process through financial support is
very, very important. I don't want to see


809




June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the eroding of participation by Americans
in the political process. So, I will oppose,
and have opposed, the public financing of
all these campaigns. Now, there are proposals that I am not prepared to discuss in
detail, though I see others have already
started discussing what I might do on
Thursday.
I will have specific proposals. And I think
they'll be fairly far reaching, because I want
to see reform-real reform. And they'll be
good proposals. But I'm not prepared to go
into what I am going to do now except to
say I will not support kicking the citizen
out of the political process by saying that
citizen cannot financially support the candidate of his or her choice.
Q. Well, if I could follow up: If the broad
outlines of what you are going to do as
reported are correct, there are going to be
some accusations that they help Republicans more than Democrats. How are you
going to respond?
The President. Why would anyone make a
charge like that against me, when I'm looking at it as objectively as I can? Let's wait
until you see what the proposals are. I
mean, I would be outraged by a suggestion
of that nature.
Soviet-US. Relations
Q. You and Mr. Gorbachev are touring
each other's backyards in Europe. Now that
you've finished your foreign policy reviews
with regard to the Soviet Union, have you
moved any closer to perhaps meeting with
the General Secretary?
The President. I wouldn't say closer. That
matter will be discussed again -its having
been discussed once by the Secretary [of
State James A. Baker III] and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze. So, I guess I'd leave it
right there. There will obviously at some
point be a meeting, but I still feel I'd like
the meeting to be seen as productive rather
than just the meeting itself.
But let me say this: I feel comfortable
about the wavelength we're on with the
Soviet Union now, and I think they feel
comfortable in the sense that I think they
know we want to move forward with
START [strategic arms reduction talks].
They know that we're prepared to move
swiftly forward with rectifying the conven

tional force imbalance. And indeed, I got
the feeling from talking to Chancellor Kohl
that Mr. Gorbachev was not hung up on the
timetable that we set.
So, we're coming closer on some of these
broad-scale objectives. And then there are
some very nice, smaller things: that Soviet
ship helping with the cleanup; and our kids
from Brooke's [Institute of Surgical Research, Brooke Army Medical Center] going
over to help with the burn-our specialized
burn unit, really qualified people, the best
in helping with burns-going to the Soviet
Union; and then the outreach at the time of
Yerevan.
So, there are some atmospherics that I
think are very, very important and harmonious that will help when we sit down to
hammer out the details on the strategic
arms talks or on these other matters.
Q. Could I ask you-to follow up-to perhaps define a little bit more what useful or
progress would be, in terms of a meeting?
Are you setting a precondition, as President
Reagan did, that you need something to
sign, or is there
The President. No, I don't think it should
be something to sign, but I would like to
think that the governing criterion would be
so that the world would see the meeting as
having been successful, something good
happening out of it. And it doesn't have to
be signing, necessarily, although I've been
around this track long enough to know that
you can always whip out something to sign,
a fishing agreement or something of this
nature. [Laughter]
So, we could have that, but I'm not saying
that it should be hung up on a major treaty
of some sort before I would sit down with
Mr. Gorbachev. Maybe we'll do it like this:
say, hey, let's get together. And I'm interested in what he thinks about it. And we've
had some communication back and forth,
but all I want to say is, I think the relationship is going in the right general direction,
albeit we have tremendous differences with
the Soviet Union, still. And I still haveguided by a certain sense of caution.
China-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, you made much during
the campaign and after your election of


810




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 27


your relationship with China's leaders, and
yet for the past several weeks you've been
unable to contact them. And China appears
to have ignored our calls for clemency and
for dialog. Sir, do you not think the relationship was oversold?
The President. No, I don't think it was
oversold.
Q. Then tell us what benefit we've
gained from it.
The President. What we've gained is,
China has a much more open economic
system than when the Shanghai communique was signed quite a few years ago. What
we've gained is 30,000 students right this
minute, I think the figure is, studying in the
United States-Chinese kids that are going
back there with a sense of what freedom
and democracy is all about. What we have
gained is helping China move out of a
period of cultural revolution isolation. And
this relationship is important. And I can
continue to express my outrage about what
happened in Tiananmen Square, and I will.
But I am determined to do my level best to
keep from injuring the very people that
we're trying to help. And I'm talking about
the Chinese people generally.
So, we've gained a lot from this relationship, and so have they. And I still think that
it is in the strategic interests of the United
States. I'm not talking about the old adage
of playing the "China card" or something of
that nature, playing the "Soviet card." But
if you look at the world and you understand
the dynamics of the Pacific area, good relationships with China are in the national interest of the United States. Now, it's hard to
have them. It's impossible at this moment
to have what I would say normalized relations, for very obvious reasons. But I am
going to do my level best to find a way to
see improvement there that will help the
Chinese people.
Q. If I could follow, sir, it's the personal
relationship with China's leaders that I'm
speaking of. I'm looking for the benefit
when you cannot even complete a phone
call to Deng Xiaoping. I'm wondering if the
personalThe President. The benefit is, I understand the situation. That's the benefit, and
leaders are changing all the time over
there-I mean, recently. So, we've got to


deal with who is there. We don't dictate to
China about their leaders. We express our
concerns, as other leaders have.
But let me be very clear: In my view, the
United States has been out front. We've
been out front on the steps we've taken,
and I am very pleased that there has been
broad support for the position I've taken.
And I heard it just today from the Prime
Minister of Australia [Robert Hawke], one
of the most knowledgeable men about
China. The Australians, you see, have
always had a-they've been a little out
front. They've had relations before we did,
and they have almost a unique standing in
China. They've done a lot of business with
China; they've had a lot of exchanges with
China. Bob Hawke feels that he knows most
of the Chinese leaders, the ones that we
had been dealing with. And to be as supportive as he was today was very reassuring
to me.
Q. Mr. President, how concerned are you
that the political retreat that we've seen in
China in recent weeks could be duplicated
in the Soviet Union?
The President. Well, I did not predict
what would happen in Tiananmen Square,
and I don't know of any China expert,
scholar or otherwise, who predicted that.
And I guess the lesson is: Go forward as
best you can. Keep your eyes open. Hold
high the banner of values that we believe
in-the United States. We have a special
responsibility around the world in terms of
human rights and democracy, freedom. But
keep your eyes open. That's what I've
learned from this.
Q. Have you had any communications
with Secretary Gorbachev on the situation
in China?
The President. Not on China. Maybe
others in the administration-not Gorbachev personally, but I followed carefully the
statements out of there. And obviously the
Soviet Union has tried to-with Gorbachev's visit to China-tried to improve relations, but I think that's on a little bit of a
hold, although maybe they're more accommodating than we are right now.
Violent Crime Against Women
Q. Mr. President, women's groups have


811




June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


been very pleasantly surprised and saluting
you for your statements yesterday about
violent crimes against women and spousal
abuse. And a couple have asked the question whether you will be willing to take
that message to men's groups-those macho
groups, such as the NRA [National Rifle Association], the American Legion, the Police
Chiefs of America-and ask them to get the
word out to stop beating their wives and
stop beating-the generic "they," not specific.
The President. Hey, listen, I'm a member
of the NRA. You're hurting my feelings, as
they say in China.
Q. And the question is whether you will
take the message to men's groups instead of
to the American Association of University
Women.
The President. Jessica [Jessica Lee, USA
Today], because of the line of work you all
are engaged in, I hope that message got to
every group. But I don't want to single out
or acquiesce in the hypothesis here and say
that NRA is against women or-the other
groups you singled out? Come on, Jessie.
Q. No, no, no, but you spoke
The President. Come on, Jessie.
Q. But you talked about it to women who
are very well aware of the problem. Your
staffers here say they move their cars closer
to the White House after dark and have
someone walk out with them. So, women
know about the problem. My question is
whether you will go and take the message
to the men's group and ask their help in
eradicating the problem.
The President. I'm trying to take the message to the whole country. That's what our
whole crime package is about, absolutelyanybody that wants to listen.
Q. Now, you said also that you
wantedThe President. This is the followup. Yes?
Q. Please-that you want to be sure that
your seven granddaughters have the same
opportunities that your pride and joy,
George P., has. George P. is the one whom
you take on fishing trips and to the back
rooms with the boys and to the research
camps at the University of Nebraska and
things like that. I wonder if you're planning
to take some of the granddaughters on
some of these kinds of excursions where


you're doing the business of the Nation to
prepare them to be President.
The President. Yes. When they get older
than about 3-[laughter]-I will do that, because, now, I know-now, don't you say it,
I'll say it-Jenna and Barbara are about 7.
But that's a little young to go fishing at
Jackson Hole with their grandfather and
put up with Marlin Fitzwater and all these
people. [Laughter] I mean, I want them
prepared for the real world. I'm serious: I
want them prepared. And I look forward to
the day that those-Noelle, who is just a
couple years behind George P., she came
up here. We had her with us, and she
brought her cousin, and we had a wonderful time. And I want her to come back;
indeed, they'll be with us this summer.
But, no, you raise a good point. My affection for our oldest grandson is just that he's
there and he's ready and he plays ball and
he does stuff. And we're going to the Orioles game tomorrow, I think it is. [Laughter] But it is not discriminatory. It is not
discriminatory.
Q. The secret's out.
The President. Yes?
Q. Mr. President, if I could ask one last
question.
The President. Oh, wasn't I not supposed
to say that? [Laughter] What, about the
ballgame? [Laughter] Come on.
HUD Contracts
Q. If I could ask one last question on the
HUD scandal.
The President. Yes?
Q. I think that many people would think
it's unfair to hold you responsible when you
were Vice President for the things that
were going on at HUD. But some of the
people who have been implicated in this
scandal are very close to you. I'm thinking
of Frederick Bush, who was your chief
fundraiser in the campaign, and Paul Manafort, who was an adviser to your campaign
and a partner of Lee Atwater, your campaign manager. Have you made any effort
to find out exactly what these people who
are close to you were doing with HUD, or
to express your views of it to them? Have
you made any efforts in those regards?
The President. I'm not singling out any

812




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 27


you know, going, "Say, look for people that
I know that may have done business with
HUD in the past." What I'm trying to do is
do it generically-say: to the degree there
was any breaking of the law, obviously the
people should pay whatever the price is. To
the degree we can guard against any abuse
for the future, I want to go the extra mile
to do that.
And one of the first things I did as President, unnoted though it was, was to meet
with the Inspectors General in here and
encourage them towards independence and
thorough investigation. And so, that's the
way I'm trying to handle that matter.
Q. And to follow up: Does this affect your
relationship with these people-to know
that they were involved, apparently, in influence-peddling?
The President. Well, it doesn't improve
things. But on the other hand, I want to be
fair. I want to be sure that I don't jump at
conclusions as to what guilt is and what it
isn't, whether the law is broken or were
people just out there doing what was permitted. I want to have the standard higher,
though; even if it's permitted, I want to
have the highest possible standard. But I
haven't put it on that kind of a personal
basis yet.
Child-Care Legislation
Q. Mr. President, the Senate has just
passed a child-care bill that would spend
almost $9 billion in Federal funds for child
care.
The President. I know it.
Q. Your spokesman says that bill is a candidate for a veto. Do you intend to veto
that bill, and what are your objections?
The President. I want to see what comes
down here, but if there was one thing that
was clear-you've got to be careful of these
[hand] gestures, the way Rich Little and
these guys-[laughter]. But if there was one
thing that was clear, it was my position on
child care: maximum choice through credits. And the ABC bill does not fit what I
think is the proper description for child
care. And for me to take the back seat and
say I'm less concerned about child care because I'm unenthusiastic about the ABC
bill, I don't accept that at all.
So, I remain convinced that what I have


proposed is the right way to go about it. I
would like to see what comes down here
before I make further statements about
what action I will take or won't take. I want
to know the final piece of legislation that
hits this desk.
Q. But you would veto the bill as it stands
now.
The President. I've made my position
clear on the ABC bill.
HUD Contracts
Q. You say you don't want to prejudge
Secretary Pierce, but doesn't the evidence
of mismanagement and influence-peddling
make it evident to you that there were
major problems there at the very top?
The President. Yes, yes.
Q. And what can be done about that?
The President. Well, that's what the Secretary is trying to do right now-is to make
guarantees and put out regulations to see
that these kinds of abuses-a woman sitting
in Maryland ripping off $5 million from the
American taxpayers, that's wrong. And I
expect that's in the courts, I don't know.
That's where it should be, in my view.
Yes, Frank [Frank Sesno, CNN]? Then
I've got to go. We've got [Australian Prime
Minister] Bob Hawke appearing, about
whom I spoke highly because of his support
for our policies. [Laughter]
Federal Pay Raise
Q. On the rescinding of the pay raise, you
said that action was necessary for judges
and top Federal officials. It's been some
time now. I'd like to ask what you're doing
about that and when you plan to propose
some action? People are still quitting.
The President. Well, I know it, and I want
to see that remedied. I still would like to
see the separation of consideration for
judges and other key executive branch
posts-I'm thinking of some of the researchers in the NIH [National Institutes of
Health] and people of this nature. And I
want to see it separated out so it doesn't get
caught on the question of congressional pay.
Now, whether the Congress is willing to
do what I've suggested, I don't know. But I
will have suggestions when we make our
announcements, I think, Thursday-further


813




June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


announcements along this line-as to what I
think needs to be done. And I am not
trying to dictate to the legislative branch,
but I am going to have to make some recommendations. And maybe I can do that as
a former Member of Congress who is concerned about what the legislative branch
ought to do. This is a matter of considerable
concern.
This is the last, and then one behind you.
And then I've got to go, because Bob
Hawke is appearing.
Q. Mr. President, are youThe President. Next time, Sarah [Sarah
McClendon, McClendon News]. I'm sorry.
I've got two-thirds back there. Yes?
Q. Your suggestions will be specific pay
raise proposals, and will they take the form
of a proposed legislative bill?
The President. Excuse me?
Q. Will your suggestions, when you mention them on Thursday, be specific as to
salary increases, and will they take the form
of a bill?
The President. Yes, I think we will have
specifics on the-I haven't gone over this
with the final recommendations internally,
although I'm reading now what I've decided. [Laughter] And-very clear. But there
will be some specific recommendations with
amounts.
Johanna [Johanna Neuman, USA Today]?
Gambling in Baseball
Q. Mr. President, a lot of Americans this
summer are talking about Pete Rose [Cincinnati Reds manager]. And I wondered,
without prejudging his case, what you think
about betting on baseball and whether you
think that that should be reviewed by the
courts or the commissioner of baseball?
The President. I am not going to get into
how that matter should be resolved. Baseball, a national pastime, has sound rules regarding betting on baseball games, and I'm
not going to get into that one. This is the
last one, Mr. Matthews [Mark Matthews,
Baltimore Sun], and then I'm going.
China-US. Relations
Q. Mr. President, are you concerned that
a deterioration in the U.S. relations with
China would disrupt the strategic balance
between the U.S. and the Soviet Union?


And is that of overriding importance in
your reaction to events there?
The President. It is a matter that-as you
look at the whole Pacific area, you have to
consider that. I have never been one who
thinks that the relationship with China
ought to be based on playing the "Soviet
card," or playing the "China card." I will
not overlook fundamental abuse of the
human rights because of a strategic concern; but of course, when you look at all
your relationships, a President must be concerned about the strategic importance of
the relationships. And not only is our relationship with China of strategic importance,
it has this whole cultural and educational
and art and-hopefully, someday-human
rights side of it.
So, you look at it in what is right between
China and the United States, but of course,
I'm concerned about the strategic implications. And it's not just the strategic implications vis-a-vis the Soviet Union. Take a look
at what Deng Xiaoping used to call encirclement, and look at what he means. Just
take a look at China on the map, and you'll
understand why the Chinese leaders still, as
recently as 3 months ago, talked about encirclement. And that gets you into the questions of the ASEAN [Association of South
East Asian Nations] countries. It gets you
into the question of what's happening in
Cambodia today. It gets you into the question of, obviously then, Vietnam, the
Korean Peninsula. And there's a lot of strategic interests involved here.
Q. Sir, why don't you do something about
it? Why don't you let me have a question,
then? [Laughter]
The President. A real short one, and I'll
go.
Home Health Care
Q. All right. When you went out to see
[Representative] Claude Pepper and he was
dying, he rose up and said, "Mr. President,
when are we going to get home health
care?" And you looked at him, and you
wanted to cooperate with him. And I'm
sure you are anxious to do something about
that. Will you tell us if you're going to do
something about it?
The President. Regrettably, we can't go


814




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 27


the route that the late Claude Pepper
wanted. But I hope we can have more emphasis on care at home, and I think that
would be a very good way to approach the
health care needs of this country.
Q. Thank you, sir.
The President. But we can't go totally
with what Claude was suggesting.
Flag Desecration
Q. You didn't explain why you went the
constitutional route instead of legislative on


flag-burning.
The President. Because I am told that legislation cannot correct the-in my viewegregious offense: burning the American
flag.
Q. How about the death penalty for teenagers and the retarded?
The President. I really do have to go.
Note: The President's 16th news conference
began at 9:04 a.m. in the Briefing Room at
the White House.


Remarks at the Welcoming Ceremony for Prime Minister Robert
Hawke of Australia
June 27, 1989


The President. Prime Minister and Mrs.
Hawke, Barbara and I are very pleased to
welcome you as old friends to the United
States and to the White House. We had the
opportunity to enjoy Australia's renowned
hospitality in 1982 during Australian-American Friendship Week. And so, Barbara and
I are just delighted to try to return that
marvelous hospitality.
And there's another reason why it is so
fitting for Australia's Prime Minister to be
among the first official guests. Our nations
share a similar heritage: a pioneer heritage
in the taming of two vast continents, a heritage of democratic ideas, and a heritage of
common sacrifice in war and common efforts in peace. And in our last visit, Barbara
and I joined your countrymen in the commemoration of one of the most costly battles of the Second World War, the Battle of
the Coral Sea-a poignant reminder of how
much Americans and Australians have sacrificed four times in this century in the defense of freedom.
So, this is not just an alliance between
two great powers. It is an intimate partnership between two peoples. And your visit
reaffirms the vigor of this partnership, the
enduring strength of our alliance.
The giant strides that we've made recently toward many of our common goalsmajor progress in arms reductions; major
progress in resolving conflicts in Afghani

stan, Angola, and Cambodia-all were made
possible by the resolve of the West. Our
countries prize peace, but recognize that
peace comes only through Western strength
and vigilance. And we must maintain our
alliances and stand by our friends if we are
to fulfill the promise of a new era of lessened tension and confrontation. And that is
why the United States is so grateful for Australian leadership in our common defense.
America also admires Australia's bold
leadership in foreign policy, both close to
home and far from your shores. From the
South Pacific to Africa, Australia is a force
for economic growth and a beacon of democracy. And we value your contribution,
your good judgment, and your advice.
Mr. Prime Minister, we have much to discuss at an important moment in history.
Events in China call for close consultation
among the free nations. And the United
States and Australia have a longstanding
tradition of such consultation on important
issues, and I am interested in hearing your
assessments of recent world events.
There are many pressing international
issues. And, Mr. Prime Minister, your leadership in organizing global efforts to cope
with the threat of chemical weapons is one
position that is greatly admired by Americans. The United States supports Australia's
efforts, and you may be assured of our commitment to the early achievement of an ef

815




June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


fectively verifiable treaty banning these
weapons.
And so, today we shall discuss world
events, arms control, trade, Pacific regional
cooperation, economic cooperation, other
subjects. But, Mr. Prime Minister and Mrs.
Hawke-Bob and Hazel, if you will-you
have a busy schedule in your very brief
time with us, but we hope to make your
visit to Washington as pleasant and as memorable as ours was to your great country.
Welcome to Washington, sir.
The Prime Minister. Mr. President, Barbara, it's an immense pleasure for me, in
these 3 days in Washington, to renew our
long friendship. And it is a special pleasure
and privilege to join with you as the elected
Chief of the greatest democracy in reaffirming the deep, abiding friendship of our two
countries. In you, Mr. President, the Western World has an experienced and forwardlooking leader. And in you, Australia has a
valued and longstanding friend.
Today, as you've said, Mr. President, I
look forward with you to continuing the
exchange of views on all the issues affecting
our countries in the spirit of friendship and
of frankness which has always characterized
our association and which befits the relationship and, if I may say, the partnership
between Australia and the United States. As
you say, Mr. President, we are meeting at a
time of historic and far-reaching change
across the world. There now exists unparalleled new opportunities, challenges, and,
may I say, responsibilities for leadership and
positive achievement on crucial issues of
peace and security, East-West relations, economic progress, world trade, and the protection of the world environment.
You have already demonstrated, Mr.
President, your determination to give leadership. Your constructive approach to EastWest relations is demonstrated by your creative and bold proposal for the reduction of
conventional weapons in Europe. In this
and other arms controls endeavors aimed at
reducing nuclear armaments and, as you
importantly emphasize, banning chemical
weapons, you know, Mr. President, that you
can count consistently on the support of
Australia.
In this new and challenging era, the constancy, the depth, and the vitality of the


alliance between Australia and the United
States will remain crucially important to the
national interests of both our countries. But
it has a wider regional and, indeed, global
significance. Under ANZUS [Australia, New
Zealand, United States security treaty], the
joint Australia-United States defense facilities in Australia are significant elements in
maintaining the peace and in supporting
the effectiveness of arms control and disarmament agreements. Over recent years,
our cooperation and consultations at the
highest levels have been stronger, broader,
and more productive than at any other
time since ANZUS was formed.
But, Mr. President, as we both agree, our
alliance goes far beyond our defense alliance. It encompasses dynamic economic
links and broad and deep human and cultural associations. But above all, it is based
on the firmest of foundations: our shared
commitment to democracy and to individual liberty within the rule of law.
Mr. President, it is precisely because of
the depth and the maturity of our relationship that the differences of views that do
exist between us can be faced openly and
honestly-as, for example, on some trade
matters, particularly aspects of agricultural
policy. I am quite confident that today we
will be able to focus on ways to minimize, if
not entirely resolve, such differences. I look
forward to exploring with you means of cooperating in the current Uruguay round of
multilateral trade negotiations to achieve
some progress toward the goal that we both
want: an international trading system based
on free and fair competition.
I know that we both understand that
moving in the opposite direction toward a
world of separate and competing trade
blocs would be economically disastrous and
quite possibly strategically destabilizing.
That is one of the reasons, I might add, why
earlier this year I suggested the development of closer regional economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region. Implementation of my proposal could, I believe, improve significantly the chances for success
in the Uruguay round, as well as acting for
a catalyst for further growth in our dynamic
region. I'm very keen, Mr. President, to exchange views with you on this proposal.


816




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 27


And may I say, Mr. President, that I indeed
welcome Secretary [of State] Baker's support last night for a new mechanism for
multilateral cooperation among the nations
of the regions as an idea whose time has
come. I am delighted that the United States
supports my call for a ministerial meeting
this year as a first step if, as I hope and
expect, there is consensus in the region.
Mr. President, I make this final point.
The American presence has been a prime
factor in creating and in maintaining the
conditions for stability and prosperity in the
Asia-Pacific region. America's continuing involvement in our region remains a key to
its future progress. As you say, Mr. President, we have before us an imposing dialog
that we have to deal with.
What gives this visit and our discussions
their real substance, however, and what will
make them so mutually beneficial is the
sense of common purpose that we bring to
these matters, based on our common national and international interests and on our
common commitment to peace and to freedom.


Mr. President-George-I thank you
again for the warmth of your welcome not
merely today but since I have arrived. May
I say, not just the warmth-[laughter]we're used to that. And I know you have
enormous power, perhaps more than any in
the world, but I know there are limits to
your power. [Laughter] That warmth is a
coincidence, but, George, there is no coincidence about the personal warmth that you
and Barbara have extended to Hazel and
myself. For that, I thank you. And I conclude, George, by saying this: You have visited Australia, as you say, as Vice President;
and I look forward to welcoming you to our
country as President of the United States
and as a true friend of Australia.
Note: The President spoke at 10:10 a.m. at
the South Portico of the White House, where
Prime Minister Hawke was accorded a
formal welcome with full military honors.
Following the ceremony, the President and
the Prime Minister met in the Oval Office.


Message on the Observance of Independence Day
June 27, 1989


Growing up in Connecticut-"the Constitution State"-the Fourth of July represented the best of holidays. It held the promise
of parades, picnics, and fireworks. More important, however, it introduced a small boy
to the promise of America.
Everywhere I turned, I would see the
red, white, and blue of our flag. As I grew
older, I realized that the flag has reminded
generations of Americans how fortunate we
are to live in a free and democratic Republic. It is a banner respected around the
world. The Fourth of July is a day to pause
and thank God that men such as Thomas
Jefferson and Ben Franklin had the
strength, courage, and insight to forge a
nation predicated upon the noble ideal,
"that all Men are created equal, that they
are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable Rights.
Today, as we celebrate the 213th birth

day of our Nation's founding, let us recall
the words spoken by President George
Washington during his first Inaugural Address on April 30, 1789: "The preservation
of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny
of the republican model of government, are
justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to
the hands of the American people."
After 213 years, Americans can say that
the experiment is a resounding success. The
Fourth of July is a time to rejoice in this
success, which has inspired all who seek to
break the shackles of totalitarian rule and
breathe in the life-giving air of liberty.
Experience has shown us that success can
exact a heavy price. We must never forget
that this experiment in self-government
continues to thrive because our Nation is
blessed with an abundance of brave men
and women who proudly serve in its Armed


817




June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Forces. These individuals stand guard on
the ramparts of liberty so that all Americans
can say with pride and confidence, "I'm
free."
To every American citizen, here and


abroad, Happy Fourth of July! God bless
you and God bless America!
GEORGE BUSH


Toasts at the State Dinner for Prime Minister Robert Hawke of
Australia
June 27, 1989


The President. Mr. Prime Minister and
Mrs. Hawke-Bob and Hazel to us, to all of
you-we are just delighted to have this opportunity to welcome you back to Washington, sir. I would once more reminisce about
the fondness with which I remember our
visit to Australia a few years ago, and then,
of course, your own previous visits to Washington, DC, as Prime Minister. And now we
have been delighted with your gracious
company during this all-too-brief stay.
And lest you wonder about the Prime
Minister's travel plans, it is my understanding that he and Hazel go right to the airport, climb onto an airplane, and will be
seen smiling and greeting the Chancellor of
the Federal Republic of Germany about 1
p.m. Federal Republic of Germany time. So,
we will be brief, and-[laughter]. But I
think the friendship that we feel towards
our distinguished visitor is but a reflection
of a deeper closeness.
Wilbur Garrett, the editor of the National
Geographic, wrote that, "Both America and
Australia exert an enduring fascination on
each other, like brothers growing up in different parts of the world." Well, we've
borne great sacrifices as brothers in war,
and now we share great responsibilities as
brothers in peace. And in this century, Australia has risen in stature from a dominion
of England to become a nation, a great
nation, in culture and in the arts. The world
has taken note: Australia, the rising star.
In classic films like "Gallipoli" and
"Breaker Morant" and so many othersPatrick White's Nobel Prize for literatureare moving examples of why Australia is
emerging as this leading light in world culture. Australia has an even more profound


contribution to make to the world: the encouragement and spread of democracy.
Australia is the shining light in the Pacific, a
lamp of liberty for the oppressed peoples of
the East.
And so, Bob, let me just take a moment
to acknowledge your own outstanding personal leadership in the region. You've led
with ideas to better organize the trading
partners of the Pacific Basin, and you've
been a champion of freedom's cause. Your
nation's magnificent new Parliament building is a fitting monument to democratic
principles. Little wonder that so many
Americans, including Members of our own
Congress, joined you for the inauguration of
that building and even contributed to its
architecture in a reaffirmation of our kinship. It's a kinship that is more profound
than heritage, deeper than a shared language. It is the universal kinship, the
brotherhood of democracy.
Recent events in the Asia-Pacific region
show that it is not enough to let a man buy
what he wants. He must be allowed to say
what he believes. He must be allowed a
voice in the governing of the society. And
economic freedom alone and political freedom, indeed, go hand in hand. They
depend one on the other. And therefore, it
is very timely for us to meet, consult-and I
mean consult in the real spirit of consultation-and once again affirm the solidarity of
our U.S.-Australian alliance.
The United States is fully engaged in Asia
to support the forces of peace, democracy
and, yes, human rights. And our abiding
commitment to Australia and our friends
and allies in the region is going to remain
strong and abiding. And I know that you


818




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 27


stand with us, sir, not just in favor of the
free flow of goods but one of ideas and
ideals of freedom.
So, ladies and gentlemen, let me say that
Australia is a strong fellow democracy, a
very close ally of the United States of America. This visit, in my view, sir, has been an
outstanding success. We are delighted that
you have been with us, you and Hazel.
And now I would like to offer a toast to
Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth, Queen of
Australia.
The Prime Minister. Mr. PresidentGeorge and Barbara-and friends, I think
the people of this country probably imagine
that they have a fair idea of the capabilities
of their new President, as well they should.
He has been in the public eye for a very
many, many years. I may say that Barbara
has given me a few insights into some aspects of his character that are probably[laughter]-not so well known; but I want
to assure you, my friends, that I've come to
learn, just in the last 3 days, that he has a
capacity for shrewdness which is almost
limitless.
It occurred on the golf course. [Laughter]
We were lined up there-the President, the
Prime Minister [Secretary of State] Jim
Baker, and [House Minority Leader] Bob
Michel. And I know that my friend, Jim
Baker, will take no offense; and I, with my
well-known modesty, take no offense in acknowledging that of the three of us, apart
from the President, there was not a doubt
that Michel is the best player. [Laughter]
So, with an innocence which was all-belying, the President of the United States said,
"We will now work out who plays one with
the other." So, I thought that there would
be a fairly reasonable process that would be
followed. It was very exotic, I can assure
you. He gets his ball, and he takes a ball
from each of us. He puts his on the ground,
and he said, "Now, here they go." He said,
"The ball nearest mine will be my partner."
And there was no doubt which ball was
nearest his; it was Michel's, of course.
[Laughter] It was never going to be any
other way-a very, very shrewd operator.
[Laughter]
Now, we have shrewdness in sport, too, in
our country. George, I might say, I've had
the opportunity of sitting next to-here-to


Sarah, who shares my passion for racing.
And I can tell you a brief, true story about
horse racing in Australia, which will give an
indication that there is certain shrewdness
in sport in our country. It's a true story, I
can assure you.
It was a country race meeting out in the
bush in Australia, and this event was a
three-horse race-literally a three-horse
race. This punter went up to the bookmaker and said, "I'll have $5,000 on Blue Vein."
And the bookmaker took his $5,000 with a
huge grin and shoved it into his bookmaker's bag and said, "Thank you very much.
That's my horse." To which the punter replied, "It's going to be a bloody slow race,
isn't it? I own the other two." [Laughter]
Well, my friend, George, coming to more
serious matters, you and I and our two
countries are not in a slow race. We're certainly not in a race in which we're not
trying. It's an increasingly fast race. It's an
increasingly serious race. It's a race which
requires all of our commitments and our
courage and devotion and best efforts.
George, you and I are both politicians.
We've had a long experience in politics. It
would be honest enough to say that there
are times when you have to talk about persons, even perhaps some times when you
have to talk about nations, and where there
is no substance in the relationship with the
person or the nation with which you're talking, as politicians you have to delve fairly
deeply into the wells of rhetoric and platitudes to do justice to the situation.
But we're fortunately in the situation
where we have to do nothing of that kind.
Between our nations, there is an enormous,
immeasurable substance. It's a substance, a
relationship, which has been formed on the
battlefields. On four occasions in this century, our soldiers have fought next to one
another; they have died next to one another
in defense of the fundamental beliefs that
we share. And in the times of peace, our
nations also have been as one in pursuing
not only for the people of their own nations
but for others the achievement of those
ideals of freedom and liberty.
As for us as individuals, George, we have
had the pleasure of not merely knowing
one another but of being friends for the


819




June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


greater part of this decade, certainly a
friendship which I cherish. And may I say
to you, my friends, that in getting to know
George Bush I've got to know a man whose
integrity I admire, whose courage in defending lasting truths I admire, and whose
boldness in testing new frontiers of experience I have also increasingly come to
admire.
It is the case, George, that you and I,
through the responsibilities of leadership in
our nations, have the experience now of
living at a point in history which I would
suggest by almost any definition is at one
and the same time the most exciting and
challenging of any time in this 20th century-certainly the most challenging and
promising, in a sense, than at any time in
the nuclear age.
We are entitled-the rest of us in the
world-to say of the leadership of the
United States in recent times that, by the
discharge of your responsibilities, by the
preparedness, as I say, to exercise boldness
in testing new frontiers, that you have
given us cause for a greater degree of optimism about the possibility of living in a
world in peace than at any other time in
the nuclear age.
When I was here 12 months ago, in
speaking to a Joint Session of the Congress,
I referred to that thesis which had been
gaining some currency: that this was a
nation in some sort of relative decline. I
said then that that was a thesis that I dispute, a concept that I reject, because all the
evidence of recent times, in my analysis,
points in the other direction. It is not
merely a question of the continuation of
your great economic might but, on all the
evidence, of leadership that has been-the
courage of the previous administration of
which you were such a leading part, and
which you now, as President, have taken to
new frontiers.
It is that courage, that leadership, that
boldness which, with a certain responsiveness from the leadership in the Soviet
Union, has offered to mankind, to this generation and to our children and to theirs, a
greater hope for peace than at any other
time in this nuclear age, which so frequent

ly-almost consistently-has been fraught
with the ultimate danger of obliteration.
And it takes courage, it takes strength, it
takes leadership, it takes boldness to have
done those things. And, George, I want to
say to you that my country looks with enormous appreciation to what this country has
done and what you now as President are
doing. We thank you for the strength of our
alliance. May I say in the presence of the
Ambassador-elect, who I have just recently
gotten to know-Mel Sembler and his wife,
Betty-I thank you for your decision in
choosing them as your representative in our
country. We look forward to welcoming
them, and I take your selection of Mel
Sembler as an indication of the importance
that you attach to our relationship.
Our friendship, as I say, the friendship of
our two countries, forged in war and advanced in peace, rests on unshakable foundations. It involves a commitment to ensure
that the peoples of our own nations, the
United States and Australia, shall advance in
prosperity and in security. But more importantly even than that, I think the strength
of our relationship is in our commitment
that we shall do everything in our power to
see that those freedoms that we have nurtured and which have given us our
strength, our pleasure, our hope for the
future shall be freedoms and rights that increasingly, as a result of our efforts, shall be
enjoyed by men and women around the
globe. That is our great responsibility, it's
our great opportunity, and our great challenge.
And may I say, George, for me, that it is
an immeasurable pleasure that I have this
opportunity at this stage of history of sharing with you the leadership of two great
countries so firmly united.
Ladies and gentlemen, may I offer you a
toast to the President of the United States
and to the abiding friendship and partnership of the United States and Australia.
Note: The President spoke at 9:25 p.m. in
the State Dining Room at the White House.
In his remarks, the Prime Minister referred
to Sarah Farish, a Bush family friend.


820




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 28


Continuation of David S.C. Chu as
June 28, 1989
The President today announced that
David S.C. Chu will continue to serve as an
Assistant Secretary of Defense (Program
Analysis and Evaluation).
Dr. Chu has served as the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Program Analysis and Evaluation) since July 1988. Prior to this Dr.
Chu was the Director of Program Analysis
and Evaluation in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, 1981-1988. Dr. Chu also
served as assistant director for the national
security and international affairs division in


an Assistant Secretary of Defense
the Congressional Budget Office, 1978 -1981; as associate head of the economics
department at the Rand Corp., 1975-1978;
and as a senior economist at the Rand
Corp., 1970-1978.
Dr. Chu graduated from Yale University
(B.A., 1964; M.A., 1965; M. Phil., 1967;
Ph.D., 1972). He served in the U.S. Army
from 1968 to 1970. Dr. Chu was born in
New York City on May 28, 1944. He currently resides in Washington, DC.


Nomination of Alfred C. Sikes To Be a Member of the Federal


Communications Commission, and
June 28, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Alfred C. Sikes to be a
member of the Federal Communications
Commission for a term of 5 years from July
1, 1988. He would succeed Mary Ann Weyforth Dawson. Upon confirmation by the
Senate he will be designated Chairman.
Since 1986 Mr. Sikes has served as Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Administrator of the National Telecommunications
and Information Administration in Washington, DC. Prior to this he was president of
Sikes and Associates, Inc., a broadcast management and media consulting company,
1978-1986. From 1977 to 1978, he served
as an officer in a number of companies that
owned and operated radio stations in Texas,
Louisiana, and New Mexico. He was director of the Missouri Department of Con

Designation as Chairman


sumer Affairs, Regulation, and Licensing,
1974-1976; director of the Missouri Department of Community Affairs, 1973-1974; director of the Missouri transition government for Governor-elect Bond, 1972-1973;
and campaign manager for Christopher
Bond for Governor, 1972. He also served as
assistant attorney general for the State of
Missouri, 1969-1972, and campaign manager for attorney general John C. Danforth,
1970. Mr. Sikes was an associate and junior
partner in the law firm of Allen, Woolsey
and Fisher, 1964-1968.
Mr. Sikes graduated from Westminster
College (B.A., 1961) and the University of
Missouri (LL.B., 1964). He was born December 16, 1939, in Cape Girardeau, MO.
He is married, has three children, and resides in Bethesda, MD.


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on a Proposed
Constitutional Amendment Prohibiting Flag Desecration
June 28, 1989
The White House is working with Mem- language for a constitutional amendment on
bers of Congress to develop appropriate flag-burning. When these consultations are


821




June 28 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


complete, we hope to join with Members of receive swift consideration. The language
Congress in supporting a proposal that will will not be ready today.
Remarks Following Discussions With President Mobutu Sese Seko of
Zaire
June 29, 1989


President Bush. Zaire is among America's
oldest friends, and its President, President
Mobutu, one of our most valued friendsentire continent of Africa. And so, I was
honored to invite President Mobutu to be
the first African head of state to come to
the United States for an official visit during
my Presidency.
I first met President Mobutu when I was
Ambassador to the United Nations, and in
that capacity, I first visited Zaire in 1972.
And always, I have been impressed by his
insight and his vision.
In our talks, the President and I have had
the opportunity to review and renew the
excellent bilateral relationship between our
countries. And we've noted, to our mutual
pleasure, that those ties continue to be beneficial and productive.
One of Africa's most experienced statesmen, President Mobutu has worked with six
Presidents. And together, they-and wehave sought to bring to Zaire, and to all of
Africa, real economic and social progress
and to pursue Africa's true independence,
security, stability as the bases for that development.
Over the years, President Mobutu has
helped international councils from the
United Nations to the OAU [Organization
of African Unity] to the nonaligned movement address these issues sensibly-and
very effectively, I might add. And invariably, he has personally worked to bring
about the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
just last week, he brought together, for the
first time., in the presence of 18 African
chiefs of state, the leadership of Angola's
warring factions, setting the stage for national reconciliation in that country. And
thanks to President Mobutu., we are nearer
the goal long sought, yet long elusive: peace


and opportunity in southwestern Africa.
We discussed that goal in our talks here,
and the President and I also examined
other important aspects of regional conflicts, especially the southern third of the
African continent. And there we share goals
of a rapid, peaceful end to apartheid; the
full implementation of Security Council
Resolution 435, leading to the independence of Namibia; and the total withdrawal
of Cuban troops from Angola. Zaire's stake
in these results is as enormous as its influence. My advisers and I found President
Mobutu's analyses valuable, and we support
him as he strives to peacefully resolve problems.
In addition to foreign affairs and regional
matters, much of our discussion focused on
Zaire's efforts to strengthen its economy.
And I want to note that Zaire recently took
the constructive step of signing an economic policy reform agreement with the International Monetary Fund. Because we believe that strict adherence to its terms can
produce a healthy economy for Zaire, we
intend to support that effort.
During the President's visit, we also exchanged the instruments of ratification of a
bilateral investment treaty. We hope that
this treaty will encourage greater American
investment in Zaire leading, in turn, to
greater economic development.
In conclusion, we thank President
Mobutu for coming to -the United States at
this critical time, and we thank him for his
leadership in central Africa. And we look
forward to continued cooperation between
our countries. Mr. President, the strong ties
of friendship between Zaire and the United
States endure and prosper. And we are
proud and very, very pleased to have you
with us today. Thank you, sir.


822




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 29


President Mobutu. Ladies and gentlemen,
it is an honor to state in turn that the
friendship between Zaire and the United
States is today 29 years old. I am particularly pleased to have been honored by the
invitation extended by President Bush to
come on an official working visit early on in
his term of office. This has made it possible
for us to hold talks marked by warmth and
friendship. This occasion also gave us the
possibility of assessing bilateral cooperation
between our two countries and of identifying new goals to pursue together.
Thus, we spoke of disarmament, detente,
the Third World debt and, more specifically, the African debt. We also spoke of the
situation in southern Africa. In this connection, I informed President Bush of the results obtained following the summit held in
Gbadolite on June 22d, which lay the
groundwork for national reconciliation in
Angola. I have asked President Bush to support this process so as to restore once and
for all peace in this country which shares a
2,600-kilometer border with the Republic of
Zaire.
I wish to express my satisfaction with the
attention and the understanding shown by
President Bush in addressing these problems. I also welcome the fact that President
Bush, because of his long political and diplomatic experience, takes a special interest in
African issues, in which, incidentally, he is
thoroughly well-grounded.
Regarding my country, Zaire, I spoke to
President Bush about the new agreement
that I have just signed with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank on a
3-year structural adjustment program. President Bush has renewed the support of his
government to the Executive Council of
Zaire in its effort to implement this program. In support of this, President Bush has
committed his administration to promoting
and encouraging American investment in


the Republic of Zaire. This is the reason for
which we proceeded to exchange instruments of ratification of the bilateral investment treaty between the United States and
the Republic of Zaire. Furthermore, the
President reaffirmed United States support
for the program for stability and security in
the Republic of Zaire.
Finally, I informed the President of the
arrangements and measures of protection
which have been set up in Zaire for some
years now. These arrangements have made
it possible for the United Nations Commission on Human Rights to withdraw Zaire
from the list of those countries which it
monitors for human rights. Since then,
Zaire can be ranked among those countries
which observe the rule of law, not to be
confused or mistaken with any incidental
mishaps that are attributable to an administration or to individuals.
The United Nations Commission on
Human Rights and the Republic of Zaire
invites all governments and organizations
concerned with human rights to support by
all means possible the efforts deployed by
the Zairian Department of Human Rights
and Freedoms of the Citizen for the defense and the protection of human rights in
Zaire.
In concluding, we would like to thank
President Bush and his advisers for the invitation that he extended to us to be the first
African head of state to come on an official
working visit since Mr. Bush has come to
the White House.
Long live the United States of America.
Long live Zaire. Long live friendship and
cooperation between our two countries. I
thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 1:17 p.m. at
the South Portico of the White House. President Mobutu spoke in French, and his remarks were translated by an interpreter.


823




June 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on President Bush's
Meeting With President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire
June 29, 1989


The President met with President
Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire for 2 hours and
15 minutes today, including a private oneon-one meeting in the Oval Office, an expanded plenary meeting in the Cabinet
Room, and a luncheon in the Residence.
We attach a great deal of importance to
the visit to the United States of President
Mobutu. Zaire is one of our oldest and closest friends in Africa. The President wanted
to emphasize our excellent relations by inviting President Mobutu to be the first African head of state to come to the United
States on an official working visit. President
Mobutu recently organized and chaired the
successful Gbadolite summit, which led to a
cease-fire and the start of negotiations between UNITA [National Union for the Total
Independence of Angola] and the MPLA
[Popular Movement for the Liberation of
Angola] in Angola. This considerable diplomatic feat-along with his noteworthy contributions to regional stability in Chad, Bu

rundi, and elsewhere over the years-underscore his importance as an African
leader and statesman.
President Mobutu briefed the President
about the summit and the status of proceedings to arrange the talks which we hope
will lead to national reconciliation in
Angola. In addition to events in Angola, the
two Presidents reviewed security issues
elsewhere in Africa, U.S. assistance to Zaire,
Zaire's recent decision to begin an IMF
[International Monetary Fund] economic
reform program, and human rights issues.
During his Washington stay, President
Mobutu also had meetings with Treasury
Secretary  Brady,   Defense   Secretary
Cheney, and Secretary of State Baker. Tomorrow, Vice President and Mrs. Quayle
will be President and Mrs. Mobutu's hosts
for a breakfast meeting. During this visit,
President Mobutu has also met with Members of Congress, businessmen, and the
media.


Remarks to Congressional and Administrative Interns Announcing
Campaign Finance Reform Proposals
June 29, 1989


I can understand that warmth of the welcome. Look at it this way, the longer you
are here, the longer you don't have to be
there in the office working. [Laughter] I
expect I speak for all of you when I turn to
thank the marines for that warm welcome.
They are magnificent-always have been
and always will be. Apologies to Mr. Billington, the head of the Library of Congress. I
have to admit, I feel a little awkward giving
a speech at this particular place after all
those years of being told not to speak out
loud in the library. [Laughter]
But the Library of Congress has indeed
been called the diary of the American
people. In truth, it's a diary of the human


race. And in the million stories of achievement it has to tell, one truth is revealed
above all others: that for all its blemishes,
government of the people is the greatest
achievement of all. And as I look around
me, I see what I'm told are the best and the
brightest of the new generation, and for
you, this summer of independence is just a
sweet taste of adulthood, of what lies ahead.
And trust me, freedom is not as far off as it
seems.
Whatever you do in Washington, page or
intern, you are apprentices in what I steadfastly feel is a noble profession: public service. And we exalt public service because we
do not exalt the primacy of our govern

824




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 29


ment. We keep government close to the
people it's meant to serve.
And there's another fundamental concept
in our way of governing: reform. Ours is
not a perfect government; it's a government constantly perfected. A steadily improving government is the result of our
open political system. And in this system,
elections are more than the deadlines of
democracy; they are the marketplace of
ideas. They're not just contests between individuals; they are contests between philosophies. And when this sharp edge of
competition is dulled, democracy is the
loser.
In April, I proposed comprehensive ethics
legislation for all branches of government,
and today I call on the United States Congress to pass that package. But I also want
to address other problems: how to free our
electoral system from the grip of special
interests, how to spur the free competition
of ideas.
You've often heard me speak of the necessity of bipartisanship. And I do strongly
believe that we must work together when
dealing with the most difficult challenges
facing our country, not as partisans but as
Americans. But we will not, and should not,
cease to be Republicans and Democrats.
True, the Founding Fathers envisioned no
role for parties, and yet 200 years of political experiences have shown their value. Political parties clarify and sharpen the
debate. And they shape coalitions of likeminded people, giving millions of Americans an effective way to support their beliefs and advance their candidates.
Parties are the indispensable organizers
of democracy. And yet times have changed,
and today's special interest political action
committees [PAC's] and their $160 million
war chests overshadow the great parties of
Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln.
And as the strength of our parties erodes, so
does the strength of our political system.
Distinctions between candidates get all
mixed up; they become muddled. And congressional debate lacks coherence and lacks
discipline. By necessity, Members of Congress engage in time-consuming and often
degrading appeals for money outside the
party structure. As vigorous competition between candidates and between ideas wanes,


the clear winner in the race for PAC dollars
is incumbency.
Some believe public or taxpayer financing
is the best answer. I do not. If we exclude
individuals, you see, if we exclude them
from the process, we exclude the public.
And this is the ironic result of taxpayer financing: It would force taxpayers to support
extremist candidates they abhor. It would
be a siphon from the U.S. Treasury, already
in deficit, to campaign coffers. Taxpayer financing would do nothing to strengthen the
parties. If anything, it would strengthen the
status quo, and what the voters really need
is more choice.
Spending limits are not the answer either.
If we're to encourage individuals to participate in the electoral process, if we are to
encourage candidates to bring their message to as many voters as possible, we
should not have absolute limits on spending.
The answer is reform. We need reforms
that curtail the role of special interests, enhance the role of the individual, and
strengthen the parties.
So, today I propose just that: a sweeping
system of reform for our system. More than
90 percent of all PAC contributions come
from PAC's sponsored by corporations,
unions, and trade associations. So, the cornerstone of this reform-of our reform-is
the elimination of those political action
committees. I propose to curtail the proliferation of leadership PAC's by limiting all
candidates for Federal office to one fundraising committee. And by also barring
transfers between fundraising committees,
we will further reduce the influence of special interest money in the electoral process.
I propose to end a practice that's known
as bundling, where business and unions encourage or coerce contributions from employees or members and then give these
contributions as one single donation. And as
these  reforms  curtail special interest
money, we must encourage the role of the
parties-encourage it. And I propose to
more than double the amount of monies
parties may donate to congressional campaigns. Increasing party donations to Federal candidates will allow legislators to spend
more time legislating and less time raising
money. And it will give challengers the


825




June 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


means to compete with incumbents. And it
will allow all candidates to avoid having to
raise money from special interests.
And still, some PAC's must remain because they are protected under our Constitution by the first amendment. And these
independent PAC's account for about 10
percent of all contributions, but even these
I would limit by halving their allowable
contributions to Federal candidates from
$5,000 to $2,500-reduce it from $5,000 to
$2,500. And new laws must keep such
PAC's unaffiliated and independent, so a
business or labor group could not use them
as a back-door means of influencing the
process.
I also propose to strengthen the Supreme
Court's Beck decision, which held that
union members can't be forced to have
their dues go to political causes or organizations they do not support. No Americanno American, not one-should be compelled to give money to a candidate against
his or her will.
We must do more to truly clean up the
system. The basic strength of today's system
is disclosure: being honest with the American people. Yet most money spent in American elections is not disclosed. This littleknown area of campaign finance laws called
soft money concerns dollars spent on voter
turnout and registration efforts. And so, I
call on the United States Congress today to
join me in mandating full disclosure of all
soft money contributions by the political
parties, as well as corporations, unions, and
trade associations.
Other laws govern, now, independent expenditure groups-you know, which can
spend any amount of money to elect or
defeat a candidate so long as their activities
are not coordinated with those of a particular candidate. Now look, some of these
groups perform a public service, but too
often they mask the motives of hidden contributors acting as mercenary character assassins. Often they deceive the public into
thinking that they are a candidate's campaign. And yet, all independent expenditure groups, the good and the bad alike, are
protected by the Constitution. In order to
provide more information to the public, I
propose that such groups be required to
more clearly identify the person or organi

zation behind them. Disclosure full disclosure that's the answer here.
The third and final area of reform directly concerns the powers of incumbency. Jefferson envisioned a Congress of citizen politicians who suspended their careers in law,
in medicine, in agriculture to serve the
Nation. Now, how far we've come from that
simple vision: Today incumbents stay in
office for decades, amassing huge war
chests to scare off strong challenges in election after election. This is not democracy in
the spirit of Madison and Jefferson. This is
not the spirit of democracy at all. And so, I
propose to end the rollover of campaign
war chests, requiring any excess campaign
funds to be donated to the parties, to a fund
to retire the national debt, or to be given
back to the contributors. And this would
apply to   all unspent campaign   funds,
whether it's a race for Congress or a race
for the Presidency.
Under our current law, 190 House Members in office in 1980 can also use that leftover campaign money as a personal retirement fund, pocketing hundreds of thousands -even millions of dollars when they
leave office. Senators are allowed to convert
these funds for official use. This practice
must end. And this same principle should
apply to Presidential candidates as well.
Another advantage of incumbency arises
from the way in which Members of Congress use the public frank to pay for mass
mailings that amount to political advertising. The cost to the taxpayers, literally, runs
into hundreds of millions of dollars. And the
cost to our democracy is also very, very
steep. I propose to prohibit the use of the
frank for unsolicited mass mailings.
And yet another area in need of reform is
redistricting: the way in which parties in
power ignore community boundaries and
draw district lines favorable to their candidates. No single factor is more basic to restoring competitive elections than ensuring
fair redistricting. I propose a new criteria
for redistricting without favor to party. To
respect established community boundaries,
we must draw district lines that respect the
needs of the people, not tailor them to the
political needs of either party.
And finally, in the next few days I will


826




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 29


also send up legislation to ban honoraria
and to address certain aspects of compensation for Federal officials. This package will
include a 25-percent pay increase for
judges, which I've previously recommended, and an increase for a limited number of
specialized professionals, such as scientists
and surgeons, where the executive branch
is not competitive. And I'll also work with
the Congress on the development of details
for increasing the pay of those in the Congress, as well as other senior employees of
the executive branch.
This year, as Congress observes its 200th
anniversary, 11,000 Americans have served
in the House and Senate in the history of
our Republic. And I'm proud to have been
one of them. And most have served in the
great tradition-Russell and Rayburn, Dirksen and Mansfield, Dole and Mitchell, Foley
and Michel. And someday, who knows, you


may elect, after your experience here this
summer, to follow this path, the path to
greatness and achievement through public
service. And if you do, I hope the laws that
govern our campaigns and our Congress, as
well as our executive branch, are as just and
honest as the majority of those who serve
the public. You know, this vast and honest
majority in Congress live the words of
George Washington, who said, "The noblest
title in the world isn't President, Senator, or
Congressman but honest man." Whatever
you do in life, you can have no higher title
than that.
Thank you all for listening. God bless you
and God bless the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 2:06 p.m. in
the auditorium at the Thomas Jefferson
Building of the Library of Congress. In his
opening remarks, he referred to the Marine
Band.


White House Fact Sheet on the President's Campaign Finance
Reform Proposals
June 29, 1989


Today the President announced a comprehensive campaign finance proposal designed to lessen the power of special economic interests and restore competition to
American congressional elections. The package reflects the President's strong commitment to increasing the roles of individuals
and the political parties in the electoral
process. It is also designed to reform the
system of campaign finance under which in
the 1980's House incumbents have a 97.7 -percent reelection rate and Senate incumbents an 85-percent reelection rate. The
proposals follow general themes first articulated by the President in his April 12
speech to the American Society of Newspaper Editors:
* Eliminating political action committees
(PAC's) supported by corporations, unions,
or trade associations, and prohibiting such
entities from paying for the overhead or
administrative costs of any independent


PAC.
* Strengthening political parties by increasing the amounts they can spend on
behalf of congressional candidates. This
source of funds would permit legislators to
spend less time fundraising, would ensure
that challengers have greater resources
with which to challenge incumbents, and
would further limit the role of special economic interests in elections.
* Addressing the problem of the "permanent Congress" by reforms designed to
reduce the unwarranted advantages of incumbency. Specifically, the proposals would
prohibit the personal use of excess campaign funds, drastically reduce congressional mailings under the frank, ban the rollover of campaign funds from one election
cycle to the next, and legislate fair neutral
criteria for the redistricting of congressional
and legislative lines that will follow the
1990 census.
* Fully disclosing all "soft money" spent


827




June 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


by the political parties and all labor unions,
corporations, and trade associations to influence a Federal election.
The President's campaign finance reform
package is as follows:
1. CONTRIBUTION LIMITS
Curtailing Political Action Committees
(PA C's)
* The proposal calls for the elimination
of PAC's sponsored by corporations, unions
and trade associations. The bulk of PAC
contributions come from these corporate,
union, or trade association PAC's: They accounted for nearly 90 percent of the approximately $160 million contributed by
PAC's in the 1987-1988 election cycle.
* Contribution limits for the remaining
PAC's, i.e. those not sponsored by corporations, unions, or trade associations (the socalled  nonconnected    or  independent
PAC's), would be reduced from $5,000 to
$2,500 per candidate per election. It appears that freedom of association guarantees
under the first amendment make it impossible to eliminate these independent PAC's.
* Corporations, unions, and trade associations would also be prohibited from using
Treasury funds for nonconnected PAC administrative or overhead costs, including
corporate or union subsidies for payroll deductions to fund a PAC.
* PAC contributions to national and
State political parties would stay the same
($15,000 per year). The remaining independent PAC's would also be able to continue funding such participatory activities as
voter registration and get-out-the-vote programs, which would become fully reportable.
* The proposal would codify the Beck
Supreme Court decision, holding that union
members cannot be forced to have mandatory union dues go to political causes or
organizations they do not support.
* Leadership PAC's, including those associated with Presidential candidacies,
would be curtailed by limiting Federal candidates and elected officials to one fundraising committee and by prohibiting transfers
between fundraising committees.
* All but political party committees
would be prohibited from bundling, the


practice where an organization or its officials solicit contributions from its employees
or members at a central location, "bundles"
them, and sends them to a candidate without affecting the organization's contribution
limits.
* Independent expenditures would be
subject to additional notice requirements.
Any advertisement or other political communication paid for by independent expenditures would have to include additional
disclosure  throughout, identifying  the
person or organization funding it and stating that it is not authorized by any candidate.
Strengthening Political Parties
* The proposal increases to $0.05 from
$0.02 times the voting age population the
coordinated expenditure limits that parties
may spend on behalf of Federal candidates
(ranges now from $92,000 to about $1.5
million, depending on population, for a
Senate race; about $46,000 for a House
race). This would allow a larger percentage
of contributions to a candidate to come
from political parties.
2. REFORMING UNFAIR ADVANTAGES
Limiting the Use of Excess Campaign
Funds
* The rollover of excess campaign funds
into the next election cycle would be prohibited by requiring that all campaign treasuries be zeroed out by January 31 following
the election. All excess campaign funds
would have to go to national or State party
committees, the National Debt Retirement
Account of the United States Treasury, or
all campaign contributors as pro-rata refunds.
* Presidential candidates would also be
prohibited from using excess campaign
funds from previous races to fund their
Presidential efforts.
* The proposal bans the conversion of
excess campaign funds for personal use.
With regard to the Congress, this would
apply as follows: House Members who are
grandfathered could no longer convert the
funds to personal use. Senators would be
precluded from supplementing official ac

828




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 29


counts with their own excess campaign
funds.
Limiting the Use of the Frank
* The proposal bans the use of the frank
for unsolicited mass mailings.
* Quarterly filings would be required by
all Members of Congress regarding the
amounts spent on franked mail. The reports
would be due within 30 days of the close of
the quarter.
Fairness in Redistricting
* The proposal calls for the end of gerrymandering through the promulgation of criteria for fair redistricting in Federal elections. Such criteria will include requiring
district lines to adhere to compactness
standards and follow established community
boundaries.
* The legislation will emphasize the
need for congressional and State legislative
plans to follow the provisions of the Voting
Rights Act.
3. SOFT MONEY DISCLOSURE
* Full disclosure of all "soft money" contributions and expenditures by political
party committees would be required under
the proposal.
Nomination of Joy A. Silverman To
Barbados, Dominica, St. Lucia, and
June 29, 1989
The President today announced his intention to nominate Joy A. Silverman to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Barbados and to serve concurrently and
without additional compensation as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of
the United States of America to the Commonwealth of Dominica, St. Lucia, and to
St. Vincent and the Grenadines. She would
succeed Paul Russo.
Mrs. Silverman was a full-time, active participant in President Bush's 1988 campaign.
From  1987 to 1988 she served as a


* Labor unions, corporations, and trade
associations would have to disclose all
money spent to influence a Federal election, including voter registration and getout-the-vote activities, as well as any communications which advocate the election or
defeat of any Federal candidate.
* The proposal also calls for the adoption
of realistic allocation guidelines to attribute
the costs of party activities proportionately
to Federal candidates. This will assure that
non-Federal dollars are not used to support
Federal candidates.
4. HONORARIA BAN
* Separate legislation will be sent to the
Congress in the next few days to ban honoraria and to address certain aspects of compensation for Federal officials. This package
will include a 25-percent pay increase for
judges, which the President previously recommended, and an increase for a limited
number of specialized professionals where
the executive branch is currently not competitive, such as scientists and surgeons.
The President will also work with Congress
on the development of details for increasing
the pay of Members of the Congress, as
well as other senior employees of the executive branch.
Be United States Ambassador to
St. Vincent and the Grenadines
member, and later as chairman of the Advisory Council to the New York State Commission on the Bicentennial of the United
States Constitution. In 1986 Mrs. Silverman
became a member of the New York City
Mayor's Commission for Protocol. In addition to extensive work for various educational institutions, she has actively served
with various charitable organizations in the
New York metropolitan area.
Mrs. Silverman attended the University of
Maryland. She is married, has two children,
and currently resides in Manhattan, NY.


829




June 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Nomination of Eugene P. Kopp To Be Deputy Director of the
United States Information Agency
June 29, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Eugene P. Kopp to be
Deputy Director of the United States Information Agency. He would succeed Marvin
L. Stone.
Since 1987 Mr. Kopp has been a government affairs consultant in the private
sector. He served with the Union Pacific
Corp. of New York in various capacities,
including vice president of Washington affairs, 1981-1987, and as associate general
counsel of Champlin Petroleum Co., a subsidiary, 1977-1981. From 1969 to 1977, Mr.
Kopp served with the U.S. Information
Agency as Acting Director, 1976-1977, and
Deputy Director, 1973-1976. At the end of
his previous service at USIA, Mr. Kopp re

ceived the highest award, the Distinguished
Honor Award, for his contribution in the
field of U.S. public diplomacy. He has also
been a member of the board of directors at
the Institute for Foreign Analysis since
1979.
Mr. Kopp graduated with honors from
the University of Notre Dame (B.A., 1957;
M.A., 1958) and the College of Law, West
Virginia University (J.D., 1961). He was
born November 20, 1934, in Charleston,
WV. Mr. Kopp is married to the former
Katherine Patricia Rogers of Lynchburg,
VA. They have one son, Paul, a student at
the College of William and Mary. Mr. Kopp
and his wife currently reside in Alexandria,
VA.


Continuation of Kathleen Day Koch as General Counsel of the
Federal Labor Relations Authority
June 29, 1989


The President today announced that
Kathleen Day Koch will continue to serve
as General Counsel of the Federal Labor
Relations Authority for a term of 5 years.
She would succeed Dennis M. Devaney.
Since 1988 Ms. Koch has served as General Counsel of the Federal Labor Relations
Authority. Prior to this she was Associate
Counsel to the President at the White
House, 1987-1988. She was senior attorney
at the Department of Commerce, 1984 -

1987. She was an attorney with the United
States Merit Systems Protection Board,
1979-1984, and at the Department of Housing and Urban Development, 1977-1979.
Ms. Koch graduated from the University
of Missouri at St. Louis (B.S., 1971) and the
University of Chicago Law School (J.D.,
1977). Ms. Koch, a native of St. Louis, currently resides with her three children in
Annandale, VA.


Nomination of Jean McKee To Be a Member of the Federal Labor
Relations Authority, and Designation as Chairman
June 29, 1989
The President today announced his inten- for a term of 5 years expiring July 1, 1994.
tion to nominate Jean McKee as a member Upon confirmation, she is to be designated
of the Federal Labor Relations Authority Chairman. This is a reappointment.


830




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 30


Since 1988 Ms. McKee has served as
Acting Chairman of the Federal Labor Relations Authority, and has served as a
member of the Authority since 1986. Prior
to this she was Executive Director of the
Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service,
1983-1986. From 1980 to 1983, Ms. McKee
was director of government relations for
the General Mills Restaurant Group. From
1979 to 1980, she was a public affairs consultant in New York and Connecticut. In


1979 she was appointed to a 3-year term on
the Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy; and was Deputy Administrator, then
Administrator, of the American Revolution
Bicentennial Administration in Washington,
DC, 1976-1977. Prior to this she served in
several capacities for New York Senator
Jacob K. Javits, 1967-1975.
Ms. McKee graduated from Vassar College with a political science degree. She resides in Washington, DC.


Statement on the Death of Alan Woods
June 29, 1989


We are saddened by the loss of Alan
Woods, a personal and professional friend
who served his country with compassion
and distinction.
Alan was committed to focusing AID's
[Agency for International Development]
work on promoting growth in developing
countries. He was convinced that without
basic economic growth permanent improvements could not be made in the quality of
life and the elimination of poverty in those


nations. He cared deeply for those people
around the world who needed our help.
He served his country loyally and diligently under two Presidents. On a personal
level, Alan was a good friend and family
man. While he continued his battle against
cancer, he also continued to promote the
ideas and programs in which he believed.
Barbara and I send our sympathies to
Cameron, Alexandra, and Caroline.


Remarks Announcing the Proposed Constitutional Amendment on
Desecration of the Flag
June 30, 1989


Senator Dole, thank you, sir, and Senator
Dixon, appreciate your coming all this way
to join us on such short notice. To Congressmen Michel and Montgomery, my sincere
thanks, and all the Members of the Senate
and House that are here, Secretary of Defense and other distinguished civilians, the
Defense Department, and of course I salute
the members of the Joint Chiefs who have
joined us here. I might say I'm delighted to
see Admiral Crowe back from his very successful visit to the Soviet Union-welcome
back to the U.S. of A., Bill. And also our
fellow citizens, citizens of this, the freest,
most generous nation on God's Earththank you for joining us.


And we stand today before a symbol of
hope and of triumph. All across Americaabove farmhouses and statehouses, schools
and courts and capitols-our flag is borne
on the breeze of freedom. And it reminds
Americans how much they've been given
and how much they have to give. Our flag
represents freedom and the unity of our
nation. And our flag flies in peace, thanks to
the sacrifices of so many Americans.
A woman in Florida recently shared with
me a letter written by her cousin, a young
soldier named Wayne Thomas. On December 16, 1966, he wrote: "Every time we go
out on patrol, it gets a little scarier. The
only thing that gives us a sense of security is


831




June 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


when we walk back into camp and our flag
is still flying high." She told me that Wayne
stepped on a landmine 11 days later and
was killed. He was 18 years old. He understood this banner of freedom and ultimately
gave his life for the flag to give others the
freedom that it represents.
You know, she also pointed out to me,
parenthetically, that she was a registered
Democrat. And to me that simply states
that patriotism is not a partisan issue; it's
not a political issue. Our purpose today
transcends politics and partisanship.
And we feel in our hearts, and we know
from our experience, that the surest way to
preserve liberty is to protect the spirit that
sustains it. And this flag sustains that spirit,
and it's one of our most powerful ideas. And
like all powerful ideas, if it is not defended,
it is defamed. To the touch, this flag is
merely fabric. But to the heart, the flag
represents and reflects the fabric of our
nation-our dreams, our destiny, our very
fiber as a people.
And when we consider the importance of
the colors to this nation, we do not question
the right of men to speak freely. For it is
this very symbol, with its stripes and stars,
that has guaranteed and nurtured those
precious rights-for those who've championed the cause of civil rights here at home,
to those who fought for democracy abroad.
Free speech is a right that is dear and
close to all. It is in defense of that right, and
the others enshrined in our Constitution,
that so many have sacrificed. But before we
accept dishonor to our flag, we must ask
ourselves how many have died following
the order to "Save the Colors!" We must
ask how many have fought for the ideals it
represents. And we must honor those who
have been handed the folded flag from the
casket at Arlington.
If the debate here is about liberty, then
we cannot turn our backs on those who
fought to win it for us. We can't forget the
importance of the flag to the ideals of liberty and honor and freedom. To burn the
flag, to dishonor it, is simply wrong.
And today we remember one of the most
vivid images of our flag-the one you see
behind me-Joe Rosenthal's stunning photograph immortalized in bronze. As you view
this memorial, think of its flag and of these


men and of how they honor the living and
the dead. Remember their heroism and
their sacrifice, giving of themselves and
others of their lives, fighting bravely, daring
greatly, so that freedom could survive.
The Battle of Iwo Jima wrote one of the
greatest chapters in the story of America.
And even now, it humbles us, inspires us,
reminds us of how Henry Ward Beecher
said, "A thoughtful mind, when it sees a
nation's flag, sees not the flag only but the
nation itself."
The Nation itself was ennobled by the
Battle of Iwo Jima. It was fought in early
1945, fought on 8 square miles of sand,
caves, and volcanic rubble. And it cost our
Armed Forces almost 7,000 killed and more
than 19,000 wounded-almost a third of the
landing force. But like Tarawa and Guadalcanal and the Philippines before, it had to
be won. For victory at Iwo would be yet
another step towards bringing that ghastly
war to a close.
These marines wrote a profile in courage,
enduring a torrent of shells, pushing their
way up that extinct volcano. And they
stormed Mount Suribachi. And when they
reached the top, the five men behind me
raised a piece of pipe upright, and from one
end flew a flag. And in the most famous
image of World War II, a photograph was
taken of these men and that flag. And what
that flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
As Justice Stevens stated so eloquently in
his dissenting opinion in the recent Supreme Court case: "The ideas of liberty and
equality have been an irresistible force in
motivating leaders like Patrick Henry,
Susan B. Anthony, Abraham Lincoln;
schoolteachers like Nathan Hale and Booker
T. Washington; the Philippine Scouts who
fought at Bataan; and the soldiers who
scaled the bluff at Omaha Beach. If those
ideas are worth fighting for-and our history demonstrates that they are-it cannot be
true," he says, "that the flag that uniquely
symbolizes their power is not itself worthy
of protection from unnecessary desecration." The Justice is right.
And today I am grateful to the leaders
here and the leaders of the Congress with
us in this audience who have proposed a


832




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / June 30


constitutional amendment to protect the
flag. Its language is stark, and it's simple
and to the point: "The Congress and the
States shall have power to prohibit the
physical desecration of the flag of the
United States." Simple and to the point, this
amendment preserves the widest conceivable range of options for free expression. It
applies only to the flag, the unique symbol
of our nation.
Senator Dole, Senator Dixon, Congressmen Michel and Montgomery, I know that
you have already taken the lead, but please
take the lead, working with others here
today, in moving this bill forward. With the
help of you Members of the Senate and
House here today, and with the help of the
many more of your colleagues who couldn't
be with us today, I am confident that we
will succeed. I've seen predictions that this
will take a long time; it need not. It is
simple, to the point, direct; and it addresses
itself to only one thing: Our flag will not be
desecrated.
Let me close with a letter from a man
named Augusto Moreno. Born in Argentina,
now a naturalized citizen, he likes to say
that he's more proud to be an American
than most of those born in this country. I'm
not sure he's right about that, but that's
what he likes to say, anyway. He's very serious when he states: "I am proud to say that
Statement on Meeting With South
Albertina Sisulu
June 30, 1989
I have been pleased today to welcome to
the White House Mrs. Albertina Sisulu, of
Soweto, South Africa. "Mama Sisulu," as she
is known by her legion of admirers, is copresident of the United Democratic Front,
a coalition of multiracial South African organizations opposed to apartheid. The UDF is
among the organizations banned by the
South African Government, and Mrs. Sisulu
has been subjected to imprisonment, house
arrest, and to government restrictions on
her activities. However, she remains a
strong advocate of nonviolence and of a


my blood is represented on our flag. I was
wounded while fighting for democracy with
the United State Marine Corps in Vietnam.
I am now a disabled veteran. I am sure that
there is not one day that goes by without
you seeing the faces of those who were not
so fortunate to return as you and I." And he
says: "We must continue our struggle to
protect the flag now, as when we were in
uniform-if not for us, then for those fallen
veterans. We've been entrusted by those
who have fought for freedom before us to
protect our flag. I cannot allow anyone to
desecrate the only symbol of freedom in the
world." And he ends saying, "Sir, I realize
that you're a Navy veteran, but Semper Fi
anyway." [Laughter] Those darn marines,
I'll tell you.
Well, Mr. Moreno, you have our word on
it: For the sake of the fallen, for the men
behind the guns, for every American, we
will defend the flag of the United States of
America.
Thank you. God bless this flag, and God
bless the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 9:23 a.m. in
front of the Iwo Jima Memorial in Arlington, VA. In his remarks, he referred to Secretary of Defense Richard B. Cheney and
Adm. William J. Crowe, Jr., USN, Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff:
African Anti-Apartheid Activist
nonracial South Africa.
Mrs. Sisulu has lived a life of sacrifice for
the betterment of all South Africans. At age
70, she continues to be active in the service
of others. Each day she travels more than
an hour to reach her job as a nurse in a
clinic which cares for the neediest residents
of Soweto. She personifies the struggle for
human rights and human dignity, and her
presence here is an inspiration to us all.
As I told Mrs. Sisulu in our meeting, the
United States also believes fundamentally in
human rights and human dignity. We be

833




June 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


lieve strongly that apartheid is wrong and
that it must end. We want to see the creation of a nonracial and democratic South
Africa as a result of negotiations among legitimate representatives of all of South Africa's people. We support the beginning of a
process leading to a peaceful transition to
democracy.
To achieve our goal, we intend to expand
our assistance to black South Africans to
help them both economically and politically
so they can play their rightful role in determining the future of their country. We will
work with the Congress to increase present
programs and develop new ones to assist
black South Africans in the critical areas of
human rights, education, employment,
housing, and community development.
Such programs should not be misunderstood as our acquiescing in apartheid, but


rather viewed as a determined effort to
bring it to an end.
We will also work closely with our allies,
particularly the British, Japanese, West Germans, and Portuguese, to develop mutually
supporting policies and cooperative programs to resolve the political impasse created by apartheid and to assist in the advancement of black South Africans. These
nations have important historical, cultural,
and economic ties with South Africa, and
their wisdom and influence need to be
brought to bear on the problems of South
Africa and the region.
Again, it has been an honor to be with
Mrs. Sisulu here today. Her struggle and
that of her husband, Walter, who remains in
prison, and her children, remind us of the
price of freedom and the hope which her
example inspires in all of us.


Nomination of Jane A. Kenny To Be Director of ACTION
June 30, 1989


The President today announced his intention to nominate Jane A. Kenny to be Director of ACTION. She would succeed
Donna M. Alvarado.
Ms. Kenny currently serves as Deputy Director of ACTION, the Federal domestic
volunteer agency in Washington, DC, and
also serves as Acting Associate Director of
the Office of Domestic and Antipoverty
Operations. In November 1988 she was appointed Deputy Director of the Office of
Domestic Operations and administered the
ACTION programs, including the Foster
Grandparent, Senior Companion, and Retired Senior Volunteer Programs (RSVP);
Volunteers In Service to America (VISTA);


and ACTION Drug Alliance. Ms. Kenny
joined ACTION in July 1986, serving as Director of VISTA. Prior to this, she was Director of the Executive Secretariat at the
General   Services  Administration.  She
served in the Office of Vice President
George Bush for 4 years, most recently
serving as Special Assistant to the Vice
President. Ms. Kenny has served as a staff
assistant at the National Association of
Schools of Public Affairs and Administration, and as a management analyst in the
Department of Justice in Washington, DC.
Ms. Kenny graduated from the College of
New Rochelle (B.A., 1967) and American
University (M.P.A., 1977).


Remarks at a White House Ceremony Commemorating the 25th
Anniversary of the Civil Rights Act
June 30, 1989


Well, thank you for that warm reception,
and welcome to the White House. We're


just delighted that you joined us for this
important occasion. And of course, I'm very


834




Administration of George Bush, 1989 /June 30


pleased to see several of our Cabinet members here, leaders of the United States Congress here. I'm particularly pleased to see
our Attorney General, Dick Thornburgh,
and, I might say, Bill Lucas, a friend of
mine of longstanding, our nominee at Justice-both of whom, I can tell you, are fully
committed to the vigorous enforcement of
civil rights.
And I might say I am just delighted that,
among others representing the fine work of
the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we have their president, the Reverend Joseph Lowery, with us over here
today. I don't know who the man sitting on
his right is, but I'll try to-[laughter]. Jesse
[Jackson], you know the ground rules.
[Laughter] But let me be very clear: I'm
delighted you are here. It's most important
that you be here today, too, sir.
We gather today not only to commemorate an anniversary but to celebrate a
movement and to rededicate our efforts to
the unfinished work of that movement.
Some of America's mileposts are easy to
date. In 1776, America invented itself, a
nation founded upon an idea-the self-evident truth that all men are created equal.
And nearly a century later, our nation
fought its bloodiest war that the promise of
that Revolution might be extended to all
people. But for many Americans, another
hundred years were to pass before the
promise would even begin to become a reality.
Like the first American Revolution, it
began with the quiet courage of ordinary
citizens. Perhaps it began on December 1,
1955, when Rosa Parks refused to give up
her rightful place on a Birmingham bus. Or
maybe, maybe it was October 1, 1962,
when James Meredith took destiny into his
hands and registered at the University of
Mississippi. But by the summer of '64, the
revolution had a name. It was called the
civil rights movement, and that year
marked a watershed for many Americans.
The previous August had seen 250,000
gathered-just beyond those windows-to
hear Martin Luther King, Jr., proclaim a
dream that was due every American. And
the following year would see the march on
Selma, and Watts would burn.
But in 1964, the debate raged. Good


people with honorable intentions struggled
with issues as old as the Republic and as
young as the movement's leadership. The
breakthrough came when the Senate finally
invoked cloture, ending the longest debate
in its history and a 74-day filibuster. And
the result was a statutory package-soon to
be bolstered by voting rights and open
housing legislation-that stands as a landmark in the civil rights movement.
But it wasn't the year's only milepost.
That same summer, the brutal murder of
three young civil rights workers, so singularly appalling in its savagery, shocked the
conscience of this nation and became critical to our country's progress on civil rights.
Twenty-five years later, these mileposts are
important symbols of how far we've come
as a nation and reminders of how far we
must still go.
It's appropriate today that we rededicate
ourselves to that most American of dreams:
a society in which individuals are judged
not "by the color of their skin, but by the
content of their character." That means
vigilant and aggressive enforcement of all
civil rights laws. It means the sensitive application of those laws when competing
rights of innocent persons are at stake. The
law cannot tolerate any discrimination, and
my administration will not tolerate abuse of
that principle.
And while celebrating our achievements
and recommitting ourselves to their preservation, we must recognize that the full
promise of the civil rights movement has
still not been achieved. The hard lesson of
the passing years is that it has not been
enough to wage a war against the old forms
of bigotry and inequality. The lives of the
disadvantaged in this country are affected
by economic barriers at least as much as by
the remnants of legal discrimination. And
for that reason, I continue to support affirmative action and minority outreach programs. And as I've stated before, we must
move beyond the protection of rights to the
creation of opportunity.
Creating opportunities for all Americans
will require both public and private leadership. And it's time to move forward on a
broader front. And we will be satisfied with
nothing less than equal opportunity for all


835




June 30 /Administration of George Bush, 1989


Americans and the removal of final barriers
to self-reliance. And that's why-that my
administration has proposed new initiatives
in education, the key to opportunity, to
boost programs such as Head Start, merit
schools, adult literacy and, of course, historically black colleges and universities. And
we've asked Congress for emergency urban
grants to help free our youth from a new
form of enslavement: the slavery of drug
addiction.
On other fronts, we're supporting landmark new legislation to extend the Nation's
civil rights guarantees to those more than
36 million Americans with disabilities,
bringing them into the mainstream of
American society. And last week we added
our voice to those calling for passage of the
Hate Crimes Act. My administration's comprehensive crime package isn't just about
law enforcement. Earlier this week, I spoke
about the impediments to providing equal
opportunities for women-if a justifiable
fear of violent crime leaves them concerned
about walking to a campus library at night
or reluctant to work late hours for fear of
getting out of the parking lot safely.
And new programs in civil rights also
means anticipating the future, a future in
which more than 80 percent of those entering the work force will come from the
ranks of women, minorities, and immigrants. The challenge of the future will not
be just finding jobs for our people but, if
you look at the demographics, finding
people for our jobs.
And the work force of the future can also
benefit from the unique abilities of persons
with disabilities. The time-tested laws that
give civil rights protections can and ought
to be extended to persons with disabilities.
This will involve, of course, a careful balance between the needs of persons with
disabilities and the needs of business to
make real progress towards opening the
doors of the workplace.
In the 25 years since the summer of '64,


we've seen much progress. It is time now to
move forward on a broader front, to move
forward into the century's final decade with
a civil rights mission that fully embraces
every deserving American, regardless of
race-whether women, children, or the
aged; whether the disabled, the unemployed, or the homeless. And for all these
reasons, I'm proud today to honor this
year's anniversary by calling on Congress,
respectfully, to join me in a new partnership to reauthorize the Civil Rights Commission, with the goal of launching a renewed civil rights mission.
Launching a civil rights mission that can
keep pace with a fast-changing world and
work force will require commitment, cooperation and, yes, creative thinking. And
beyond government, and even beyond the
private leadership of dedicated representatives such as those here in this room,
achieving the long-delayed dream of civil
rights for every citizen will require full support from our businesses, our schools, and
families.
As President Kennedy proclaimed in a
call to conscience when he proposed the
landmark legislation in 1963, even the most
comprehensive of laws could never meet
the challenge of civil rights. The problem,
he declared, "must be solved in the homes
of every American in every community
across our country." And in this, I ask you
and every American for a renewed commitment to this just cause.
And I thank you for coming to the White
House today and for honoring the history of
this movement-a movement in which
many of you here in this room today were
in the very forefront of leadership for that
movement. Thank you for coming. Now
we've got some work to do in the 25 years
ahead. Thank you all very, very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:05 p.m. in
the East Room at the White House.


836




Administration of George Bush, 1989 /June 30


Message on the Observance of Independence Day
June 30, 1989


Like most of you, Barbara and I will be
celebrating Independence Day with family.
Our Fourth of July wish for all Americans is
a day of enjoyment, a day spent with family
and friends, a day celebrated the traditional
way, with picnics, parades, and fireworks.
But as you celebrate, I want to ask you to
take a moment sometime before the last of
the fireworks light the sky to think about
what this day means, to think about how
fortunate we Americans are. That first
Fourth of July in 1776 was more than the
birth of our nation. It was the first day of a
new era, an era that changed the world,
that proved that men and women could
govern themselves in freedom.
Today, 213 years after the signing of the


Declaration of Independence, the idea of
democracy is stronger than ever in our
nation and around the world. The symbols
of liberty speak with power to people everywhere. Lady Liberty in New York
Harbor, the goddess of democracy in Tiananmen Square, the flag-our banner of
freedom-flying over thousands of town
halls across America-these symbols tell us,
they tell the world, that the most momentous idea in all of human history-freedom-is alive and unconquerable.
I ask all Americans to remember the precious legacy of liberty we enjoy. Thank you.
God bless all of you, and God bless the
United States of America on this Fourth of
July weekend.


Statement on Signing the Dire Emergency Supplemental
Appropriations and Transfers, Urgent Supplementals, and
Correcting Enrollment Errors Act of 1989
June 30, 1989


Today, I have signed into law H.R. 2402,
the Dire Emergency Supplemental Appropriations and Transfers, Urgent Supplementals, and Correcting Enrollment Errors Act
of 1989.
The bill provides emergency funding for
several mandatory programs, including Veterans Compensation and Pension programs;
Food Stamps; Guaranteed Student Loans;
Foster Care; and firefighting programs. The
bill also provides emergency funding for
several discretionary programs, such as Veterans Medical Care; refugee programs; and
U.N. Peacekeeping activities.
I am especially pleased that this bill will
provide the long overdue additional funding for our Nation's veterans, particularly
for the Veterans Medical Care program.
The additional funds will be used to provide


for more service to veterans at outpatient
clinics; to treat more veterans in nursing
homes; and to increase purchases of capital
equipment, prosthetic appliances, and a variety of medical supplies.
I want to take this opportunity to commend the Congress for keeping the funding
levels in this bill within acceptable bounds.
The House, the Senate, and the Administration reached a satisfactory compromise that
funds "dire emergencies" while also attending to our mutual responsibility to restore
fiscal discipline.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
June 30, 1989.
Note: H.R. 2402, approved June 30, was assigned Public Law No. 101-45.


837




June 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Statement on Signing the Bill Extending Title I of the Energy
Policy and Conservation Act
June 30, 1989


S. 694, which I signed into law today,
extends until April 1, 1990, the authorization for the Nation's Strategic Petroleum
Reserve (SPR). The bill also requires the
Secretary of Energy to study alternative financing arrangements for expanding the
SPR to a level of one billion barrels.
Although I would have preferred a simple
5-year extension of the SPR authority, I believe that this bill represents an acceptable
compromise. It provides for the uninterrupted operation of the SPR, which is important to our Nation's energy security. It
also allows sufficient time for the Adminis

tration to complete an interagency study of
the SPR's size. A study of both the SPR size
and alternative financing arrangements is
necessary if we are to make an informed
decision on the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.
GEORGE BUSH
The White House,
June 30, 1989.
Note: S. 694, approved June 30, was assigned Public Law No. 101-46.


838




Appendix A-Digest of Other White House Announcements


The following list includes the President's public
schedule and other items of general interest announced by the Office of the Press Secretary and
not included elsewhere in this book.
January 20
Following the Inaugural luncheon at the Capitol, the President and Mrs. Bush traveled by motorcade to the White House, where they viewed
the Inaugural parade from the viewing stand. In
the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush attended several Inaugural balls in their honor.
January 21
The President commissioned the following
members of his White House senior staff:
John H. Sununu, of New Hampshire, as Chief of Staff to
the President;
Brent Scowcroft, of Maryland, as Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs;
David Q. Bates, Jr., of Texas, as Assistant to the President and Secretary to the Cabinet;
Richard C. Breeden, of Virginia, as Assistant to the President for Issues Analysis;
Andrew H. Card, Jr., of Massachusetts, as Assistant to the
President and Deputy to the Chief of Staff;
James W. Cicconi, of Texas, as Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff;
David F. Demarest, Jr., of New Jersey, as Assistant to the
President for Communications;
Max Marlin Fitzwater, of Kansas, as Assistant to the
President and Press Secretary;
C. Boyden Gray, of North Carolina, as Counsel to the
President;
Frederick D. McClure, of Texas, as Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs;
J Bonnie Newman, of New Hampshire, as Assistant to
the President for Management and Administration;
Roger B. Porter, of Utah, as Assistant to the President for
Economic and Domestic Policy;
Stephen M. Studdert, of Utah, as Assistant to the President for Special Activities and Initiatives;
Charles G. Untermeyer, of Texas, as Assistant to the
President and Director of Presidential Personnel;
Joseph W Hagin II, of Ohio, as Deputy Assistant to the
President for Appointments and Scheduling;
Edward M. Rogers, Jr., of Alabama, as Deputy Assistant
to the President and Executive Assistant to the Chief
of Staff.
January 22
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended church services at the National Cathedral.


January 23
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Senior White House staff, for lunch;
-the Vice President;
-the Cabinet, to discuss staff organization,
major issues, foreign policy, and the Federal
budget;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In an Oval Office ceremony, John H. Sununu
was sworn in as Chief of Staff to the President by
the Vice President.
January 24
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scoweroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-the congressional leadership;
-Frank Nebeker, Director of the Office of
Government Ethics;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The White House announced that the President will meet with Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of Canada in Ottawa on February 10 for a
working visit to discuss bilateral and international
issues.
In the evening, the President hosted a dinner
in the Residence in honor of United Nations Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar de la
Guerra and Mrs. de Cuellar.
January 25
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scoweroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-administration officials, to discuss the budget;
-Secretary of State-designate James A. Baker
III;


839




Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


-Malcolm R. Wilkey and Griffin B. Bell, Chairman and Vice Chairman, respectively, of the
President's Commission on Federal Ethics
Law Reform;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President hosted a reception in the Residence for the Congressional Core
Group, political supporters of the President.
The President announced the appointment of
the following individuals to positions in the
Office of Management and Budget:
Robert E. Grady, of New Jersey, to be Associate Director
for Natural Resources, Energy, and Science. Mr.
Grady has served as senior adviser to President Bush's
transition team. Prior to this he was senior adviser for
speechwriting and policy to the Bush-Quayle '88 campaign.
Janet Hale, of the District of Columbia, to be Associate
Director for Economics and Government. Ms. Hale
has served as Assistant Secretary for Budget and Programs at the Department of Transportation from 1986
to the present.
Edwin L. Dale, Jr., of Pennsylvania, to be Counsellor
and Director of External Affairs. Since 1987 Mr. Dale
has been Counsellor to the Secretary at the Department of Commerce in Washington, DC.
Thomas A. Scully, of Virginia, to be Associate Director
for Congressional Affairs. Since 1986 Mr. Scully has
been with the law firm of Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer
& Feld in Washington, DC.
The President appointed the following individuals as members of the President's Commission
on Federal Ethics Law Reform:
Malcolm Richard Wilkey, of Texas, as Chairman. Since
1985 Judge Wilkey has served as U.S. Ambassador to
Uruguay. Previously he was a circuit judge on the U.S.
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.
Griffin B. Bell, of Georgia, as Vice Chairman. Judge Bell
served as Attorney General of the United States from
1977 to 1979 and was formerly a circuit judge on the
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. He is
currently a senior partner in the Atlanta and Washington, DC, law firm of King & Spalding.
Jan Witold Baran, of Virginia. Mr. Baran is a partner in
the Washington, DC, law firm of Wiley, Rein & Fielding. He currently serves as general counsel to the
American Bicentennial Presidential Inaugural Committee and to the Republican National Committee. He
was also general counsel to the Bush-Quayle '88 organization. He has previously served as Executive Assistant to the Chairman of the Federal Election Commission.
Judith Hippler Bello, of Virginia. Mrs. Bello is the outgoing General Counsel to the U.S. Trade Representative
and has served as the agency's designated ethics official. She will be joining the Washington, DC, office of
Sidley & Austin as a partner.
Lloyd N. Cutler, of Maryland. Mr. Cutler is a partner in
the Washington, DC, law firm of Wilmer, Cutler &
Pickering and is Chairman of the Quadrennial Commission on Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Salaries.


From 1979 to 1980, he served as Counsel to President
Carter.
Fred Fisher Fielding, of Virginia. Mr. Fielding is a senior
partner in the Washington, DC, law firm of Wiley,
Rein & Fielding. From 1981 to 1986, he served as
Counsel to President Reagan.
Harrison H. Schmitt, of New Mexico. Dr. Schmitt was a
U.S. Senator from New Mexico from 1977 to 1983 and
served as vice chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Ethics from 1977 to 1979. A former Apollo
astronaut, Dr. Schmitt is now a private consultant,
scientist, and businessman.
R. James Woolsey, of Maryland. Mr. Woolsey is a partner
in the Washington, DC, law firm of Shea & Gardner.
From 1977 to 1979, he served as Under Secretary of
the Navy, and from 1970 to 1973, he was general
counsel to the U.S. Senate Committee on Armed Services.
January 26
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Ambassador Robert B. Oakley;
-the Vice President, for lunch.
In the afternoon, the President attended the
swearing-in ceremony for Richard G. Darman as
Director of the Office of Management and
Budget.
In the evening, the President hosted a reception in the Residence for members of the Republican congressional leadership.
January 27
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-U.S. Inspectors General;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the morning, the President telephoned
South Korean President Roh Tae Woo to accept
President Roh's invitation to make an official visit
to Seoul on February 26.
January 28
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger.


840




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


In the evening, the President attended the
annual Alfalfa Club dinner at the Capital Hilton
Hotel.
January 29
In the morning, the President left the White
House for a brief visit to Camp David, MD. He
returned to the White House in the afternoon.
January 30
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-members of the Office of the National Service, to discuss an overall plan to involve
other elements of the Government in volunteer work;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
January 31
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President hosted a reception on the State Floor at the White House for
members of the Senate congressional committee
leadership.
The President declared that a major disaster
exists in Washington County, UT, as a result of
flooding caused by a dike failure at the Quail
Creek Reservoir on January 1. He directed the
Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide funds to supplement State and local recovery efforts.
The President has commissioned the following
members of the White House senior staff:
Paul W. Bateman, of California, as Deputy Assistant to
the President for Management and Director of the
Office of Administration;
Phillip D. Brady, of California, as Deputy Assistant to
the President and Director of Cabinet Affairs;
Nicholas E. Calio, of Ohio, as Deputy Assistant to the
President for Legislative Affairs;
B. Jay Cooper, of Connecticut, as Deputy Assistant to the
President and Deputy Press Secretary;
Everett Boyd Hollingsworth, Jr., of Wyoming, as Deputy
Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs;
Roman Popadiuk, of New York, as Deputy Assistant to
the President and Deputy Press Secretary;
Patricia Presock, of Virginia, as Deputy Assistant to the
President;


Gary John Andres, of Virginia, as Special Assistant to the
President for Legislative Affairs;
Nancy P. Dorn, of Texas, as Special Assistant to the
President for Legislative Affairs;
Juanita Donaghey Duggan, of Alabama, as Special Assistant to the President for Cabinet Affairs;
Cooper Evans, of Iowa, as Special Assistant to the President for Agricultural Trade and Food Assistance;
John S. Gardner, of Maryland, as Special Assistant to the
President and Assistant Staff Secretary;
Alixe Reed Glen, of Washington, DC, as Special Assistant
to the President and Deputy Press Secretary;
Shirley M. Green, of Texas, as Special Assistant to the
President for Presidential Messages and Correspondence;
Stephen T Hart, of Virginia, as Special Assistant to the
President and Deputy Press Secretary;
John W. Howard, of New Jersey, as Special Assistant to
the President for Legislative Affairs;
Hector F. Irastorza, Jr., of Virginia, as Special Assistant to
the President and Deputy Director of the Office of
Administration;
Lehmann K. Li, Jr., of Connecticut, as Special Assistant
to the President and Executive Secretary to the Economic Policy Council;
Antonio Lopez, of Tennessee, as Special Assistant to the
President and Director of the White House Military
Office;
Timothy John McBride, of Michigan, as Special Assistant
to the President;
Gordon Bissell Wheeler, of New York, as Special Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs;
Kenneth P. Yale, of Maryland, as Special Assistant to the
President and Executive Secretary to the Domestic
Policy Council;
Rose M. Zamaria, of Florida, as Special Assistant to the
President and Director of White House Operations.
February 1
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-members of the National Association of
Wholesale Distributors;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception in the Residence for the Diplomatic Corps.
February 2
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;


841




Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


-representatives of the banking industry;
-leading female athletes;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception on the State Floor of the
White House for the House of Representatives
committee leadership.
Later in the evening, the President attended
the New Jersey State Chamber of Commerce
dinner at the Sheraton Washington Hotel.
February 3
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Penne Korth and Bobby Holt, cochairmen of
the American Bicentennial Inauguration
Committee;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President left the White
House for a weekend stay at Camp David, MD.
February 5
In the afternoon, the President returned to the
White House from a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
February 6
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
February 7
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-the Economic Policy Council;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the morning, the President attended the
swearing-in ceremony in the Oval Office at the
White House for Michael J. Boskin as Chairman
of the Council of Economic Advisers.
In the afternoon, the President attended a
Senate policy luncheon at the Capitol to discuss
the budget and the savings and loan crisis.


In an Oval Office ceremony, the President received diplomatic credentials from Ambassadors
Jaime Moncayo of Ecuador, Pierre Francois Benoit
of Haiti, Kjeld Vibe of Norway, Gustavo Petricioli
Iturbide of Mexico, Ali Bengelloun of Morocco,
Derek H. Burney of Canada, Angus Albert Khan
of Trinidad and Tobago, and Edouard Brunner of
Switzerland.
In the evening, the President hosted a reception in the Residence for newly elected Members
of Congress.
February 8
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Secretary  of  Veterans   Affairs-designate
Edward J. Derwinski, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
February 9
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Catholicos Vazgen I, Supreme Patriarch of
the Armenian Church in the Soviet Union;
-Members of Congress;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-the Cabinet;
-West German Chancellery Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
February 13
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from Manchester,
NH.
February 14
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-leaders of the Safe Kids Program, a volunteer
organization that fostered the prevention of
accidental childhood injuries to children;
-members of the senior White House staff;
-Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas F. Brady;
Richard G. Darman, Director of the Office of


842




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


Management and Budget; and John H.
Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President, for
lunch and to discuss the budget;
-the Domestic Policy Council, to discuss organizational strategies;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
February 15
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-John Clendenin, U.S. Savings Bond chairman;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, in the Roosevelt Room at the
White House, the President presented James C.
Young, football coach at the U.S. Military Academy, with the Commander In Chiefs Trophy,
which was awarded to the leading service academy football team.
February 16
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Joy Hall, the 1989 Easter Seal Poster Child;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-the Commission on Merchant Marine and
Defense;
-President Juan Antonio Samaranch and other
members of the International Olympic Committee, to discuss the possibility of hosting
the 1996 Olympic games in Atlanta, GA;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
February 17
The President met at the White House with
the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant
to the President for National Security Affairs; and
members of the CIA briefing staff.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a dinner at Camp David, for His Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales.
February 20
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from a weekend
stay at Camp David, MD.


February 21
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-the congressional leadership;
-Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas F. Brady;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President transmitted the following reports to the Congress:
-the annual report of ACTION for fiscal year
1988;
-the annual report on mine safety and health
activities for fiscal year 1987;
-the annual reports of the Department of
Transportation for fiscal years 1985, 1986,
and 1987;
-the annual report of the National Endowment for Democracy for fiscal year 1988.
February 22
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a trip to the Far East.
February 23
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
arrived at Haneda Airport, Tokyo, Japan, where
they were greeted by Japanese and American
officials. The President and Mrs. Bush then went
to the U.S. Ambassador's residence, where President Bush and senior staff members attended a
working luncheon with President Francois Mitterrand of France. Following the luncheon, President Bush met with Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita of Japan in the Asahi-No-Ma Room at
Akasaka Palace and then proceeded to the Hotel
Okura, his residence during his stay in Japan.
In the evening, President Bush returned to the
U.S. Ambassador's residence and met individually
with President Mario Alberto Soares of Portugal,
President Mohammed Hosni Mubarak of Egypt,
Prime Minister Chatchai Chunhawan of Thailand, King Juan Carlos I of Spain, King Hussein I
of Jordan, and President Chaim Herzog of Israel.
Following his meetings, President Bush returned
to the Hotel Okura for the evening.
February 24
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended the funeral ceremony for Emperor Hirohito at Shinjuku Gyoen. At the conclusion of
the ceremony, the President and Mrs. Bush went
to the U.S. Embassy, where the President greeted members of the staff in the auditorium.
In the afternoon, President Bush went to the
U.S. Ambassador's residence, where he met indi

843




Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


vidually with President Richard von Weizsacker
of West Germany, Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew
of Singapore, King Baudouin I of Belgium, Prime
Minister Turgut Ozal of Turkey, Prime Minister
Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan, President Mobutu
Sese Seko of Zaire and President Francesco Cossiga of Italy. At the conclusion of his meetings,
President Bush returned to his hotel.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended a reception at Akasaka Palace hosted by
Prime Minister Takeshita. President Bush then
met with President Corazon C. Aquino of the
Philippines. At the conclusion of the meeting, the
President and Mrs. Bush returned to their hotel.
The President declared that a major disaster
exists in Kentucky as a result of heavy rains and
flooding that began on February 13. He directed
the Federal Emergency Management Agency to
provide funds to supplement State and local recovery efforts.
February 25
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
had an audience with Emperor Akihito at the
Imperial Palace. They then went to the U.S. Ambassador's residence, where President Bush met
individually with President Ibrahim Babangida of
Nigeria and with President Jose Sarney Costa of
Brazil.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left Tokyo and flew to Beijing International Airport, where they were greeted by Chinese and
American officials. They then went to the
Diaoyutai State Guest House, their residence
during their stay in China, and exchanged gifts
with Premier and Mrs. Li Peng.
In the evening, President Bush participated in
a bilateral meeting and a gift exchange in the
Great Hall of the People with President Yang
Shangkun. The President and Mrs. Bush then attended a banquet in the Western Hall hosted by
President Yang. At the conclusion of the banquet,
the President and Mrs. Bush returned to the
Diaoyutai State Guest House.
February 26
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended morning prayer services at the Chongmenwen Christian Church. The President then
attended meetings at the Great Hall of the
People with Premier Li Peng and Chairman
(Central Military Commission) Deng Xiaoping.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended a luncheon in the Big East Hall hosted
by Chairman Deng Xiaoping. At the conclusion
of the luncheon, they went to the International
Club, where the President visited with friends.
He and Mrs. Bush then attended a reception at
Ambassador Winston Lord's residence. Upon returning to the Diaoyutai State Guest House,


President Bush met with President Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia. President Bush then met
with General Secretary Zhao Ziyang at the Great
Hall of the People.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a tea and dinner for Chinese leaders in
the Grand Ballroom at the Sheraton Great Wall
Hotel. At the conclusion of the dinner, the President and Mrs. Bush returned to the Diaoyutai
State Guest House.
February 27
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
bid farewell to Vice Premier Wu Xueqian during
an informal departure tea at Beijing International
Airport.
In the afternoon, upon arriving at K-16 Airport
in Seoul, South Korea, the President and Mrs.
Bush were welcomed by Prime Minister and Mrs.
Kang Yong Hoon and Korean and American officials in a formal arrival ceremony. They then met
with President Roh Tae Woo and First Lady Kim
Ok Sook at the Blue House, the official residence
of the Korean President, and were invited to sign
the guest book. Later in the afternoon, President
Bush met privately with President Roh in the
study at the Blue House. The meeting was then
expanded to include Korean and American officials. Afterwards, the two Presidents and the officials attended a luncheon in the Korean Traditional House. Following the luncheon, President
Bush addressed the National Assembly and met
with the Assembly's leadership. The President
and Mrs. Bush then went to the U.S. Ambassador's residence, where they greeted the American community. At the conclusion of the reception, they left Seoul and returned to Washington,
DC.
February 28
The President met at the White House with
the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant
to the President for National Security Affairs; and
members of the CIA briefing staff.
The President transmitted to the Congress the
national trade policy agenda for calendar year
1989 and an addendum to the 1988 annual
report on the Trade Agreements Program that
was sent to the Congress on January 3, 1989.
March 1
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-administration officials, to discuss the budget;
-conservative leaders;


844




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


-representatives of the Toys for Tots organization;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
March 2
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Adm. William J. Crowe, Jr., USN, Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Deputy Secretary of Defense William Howard Taft IV;
-President Vinicio Cerezo Ar6valo of Guatemala;
-Senator Barry Goldwater;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
March 3
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Ambassador Jack Matlock;
-Secretary of Labor Elizabeth H. Dole and
Secretary of Transportation Samuel K. Skinner, to discuss the Eastern Airlines strike;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III.
In the morning, the President telephoned
President Carlos Andr6s P6rez, to express support for the Venezuelan Government in light of
the recent rioting.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
March 5
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from a weekend
stay at Camp David, MD.
March 6
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Secretary of Agriculture Clayton Yeutter, for
lunch;
-congressional foreign policy leaders, to discuss the President's recent trip to the Far
East;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.


The President commissioned the following
members of his White House senior staff:
Ronald Carlin Kaufman, of Massachusetts, as Deputy
Assistant to the President for Presidential Personnel;
Johin G. Keller, Jr., of the District of Columbia, as
Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of
Presidential Advance;
Bobbie Greente Kilberg, of Virginia, as Deputy Assistant
to the President for Public Liaison;
Charles Gregg Petersmeyer, of Colorado, as Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of
National Service;
James P. Pitnkerton, of Massachusetts, as Deputy Assistant to the President for Policy Planning;
William L. Roper, of Alabama, as Deputy Assistant to
the President for Domestic Policy and Director of the
Office of Policy Development;
Susani Porter Rose, of Virginia, as Deputy Assistant to the
President and Chief of Staff to the First Lady;
Johin Patrick Schmnitz, of California, as Deputy Counsel
to the President;
Sichan Siv, of Texas, as Deputy Assistant to the President for Public Liaison;
Roscoe Burton Starek III, of Illinois, as Deputy Assistant
to the President and Deputy Director of Presidential
Personnel;
Chriss A. Winston, of Virginia, as Deputy Assistant to
the President for Communications;
G. Philip Hughes, of Virginia, as Executive Secretary of
the National Security Council;
Robert A. Estrada, of Texas, as Special Assistant to the
President and Associate Director of Presidential Personnel;
Martha H. Goodwin, of Virginia, as Special Assistant to
the President and Associate Director of Presidential
Personnel;
Anne Brooks Gwaltney, of Connecticut, as Special Assistant to the President and Associate Director of Presidential Personnel;
Thomas F. Kranz, of California, as Special Assistant to
the President and Associate Director of Presidential
Personnel;
Lee S. Libermain, of Virginia, as Associate Counsel to the
President;
Nantcy Fleetwood Miller, of Virginia, as Special Assistant
to the President and Associate Director of Presidential
Personnel;
Jeannette Louise Naylor, of Texas, as Special Assistant to
the President and Associate Director of Presidential
Personnel;
Doug Wead, of Missouri, as Special Assistant to the President for Public Liaison;
Amy L. Schwartz, of New York, as Associate Counsel to
the President.
March 7
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;


845




Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


-Secretary of State James A. Baker III.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception in the Residence for members
of the National Economic Commission.
March 8
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President attended a
luncheon in the Roosevelt Room at the White
House for former chairmen of the Republican
National Committee.
March 9
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-members of the Bush/Quayle Jewish Campaign Committee, National Jewish Coalition;
-representatives of national Jewish organizations;
-Charles Reynolds, president of the International Association of Chiefs of Police;
-the Vice President, for lunch.
March 10
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Kevin Dobson, chairman of the Salute to
Hospitalized Veterans;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
March 12
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from a weekend
stay at Camp David, MD.
March 13
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of


Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Representatives John Paul Hammerschmidt
of Arkansas and G.V. (Sonny) Montgomery of
Mississippi, for lunch;
-administration officials, to discuss the budget;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The White House announced that the President and Mrs. Bush upon learning of the death of
John J. McCloy, expressed their condolences to
his family.
The President transmitted to the Congress requests for additional appropriations for the fiscal
year 1989 budget.
March 14
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-members of the Commission on Federal
Ethics Law Reform;
-Spanish Foreign Minister Francisco Fernandez-Ord6fiez;
-the congressional budget committee;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
March 15
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Members of Congress;
-Attorney General Richard L. Thornburgh,
for lunch;
-ranking members of the House of Representatives Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President transmitted to the Congress the
annual report on the U.S.-Japan Cooperative
Medical Science Program for the period covering
July 1987 to July 1988.
The President transmitted a report on foreign
governments engaged in intelligence activities
that were harmful to U.S. national security to
Senate and House committees on foreign relations and intelligence.


846




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


March 16
The President met at the White House with
the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant
to the President for National Security Affairs; and
members of the CIA briefing staff.
March 17
The President met at the White House with:
-recipients of the White House News Photographers Association Award;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The White House announced that the President asked Representative Dan Rostenkowski of
Illinois to be his representative to the Poznan
International Trade Fair in Poland from June 11
to June 18.
The President announced that the following
individuals will travel to El Salvador, March 18 -20, as official U.S. observers of the Presidential
election. The United States will be represented
by a Presidential delegation composed of Members of Congress, State and local government officials, and private citizens. The Chairman of the
delegation will be Senator Mitch McConnell (RKY), and the Vice Chairman will be Gov. Robert
Martinez of Florida.
Congressional Delegates:
Senator Mitch McConnell (R-KY)
Congressman Jon Kyl (R-AZ)
Congressman Bill McCollum (R-FL)
Congressman Robert K. Dornan (R-CA)
Congressman Alan B. Mollohan (D-WV)
Congressman Tony Coelho (D-CA)
Congressman John P. Murtha (D-PA)
State and local government officials:
William Bartlett, of New Hampshire, president, New
Hampshire State Senate
Miriam Ramirez de Ferrer, of Puerto Rico, president,
State Federation of Republican Women, Commonwealth of Puerto Rico
Gene DeFries, of Virginia, president, Maritime Engineers Beneficial Association/NMU
William C. Doherty, of Virginia, executive director of
the American Institute for Free Labor Development/
AFL-CIO
Peter Flaherty, of Virginia, president, Conservative Campaign Fund
Daryl Gates, of California, chief of police, Los Angeles
Police Department
William R. Haynes, of Texas, attorney, Petroleum Industry
Charles House, of California, deputy sheriff, Los Angeles
County
Robert Martinez, of Florida, Governor of Florida
Beryl Milburn, of Texas
Maurice Sonnenberg, of New York, consultant


Frank Tejeda, of Texas, Texas State Senator
William G. Walker, of California, U.S. Ambassador to El
Salvador
March 20
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines Nicholas
Platt and Gov. Guy Hunt of Alabama, to discuss drug abuse and trafficking;
-Cardinal Casaroli of the Vatican;
-Foreign Secretary Fernando Solana of
Mexico;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception in the Residence for U.S.
Roman Catholic Cardinals.
March 21
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Archbishop Iakovos of the Greek Orthodox
Archdiocese of North and South America, for
the observance of Greek Independence Day;
-the Tennessee State University basketball
team;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President;
-Secretary of Labor Elizabeth H. Dole, to discuss the minimum wage.
The President announced that Secretary of
State James A. Baker III will serve as his personal
representative to attend the funeral of John J.
McCloy. Accompanying Secretary Baker as official representatives of the President will be:
Mrs. Dean Acheson, widow of former Secretary of State
Acheson
Representative E. Thomas Coleman, of Missouri, vice
chairman, Congressional Study Group on Germany
Ambassador Martin J. Hillenbrand, former Ambassador
to the Federal Republic of Germany
Former Senator Charles McC. Mathias, of Maryland,
chairman of the American Council on Germany
Ambassador George C. McGhee, former Ambassador to
the Federal Republic of Germany
AmbassadorJoseph Verner Reed, Chief of Protocol
Ambassador Vernon A. Walters, Ambassador-designate
to the Federal Republic of Germany


847




Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


March 22
The President met at the White House with
John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception in the Residence for the Inaugural Family Housing Group.
March 23
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-children with life-threatening illnesses, as
part of the Make a Wish program;
-administration officials, to discuss the budget;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
March 24
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Members of Congress;
-Darryl Waltrip, Daytona 500 winner;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III, for
lunch.
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended Good Friday services at St. Johns
Church at Lafayette Square.
The President sent to the Congress requests for
additional appropriations totaling $2.2 billion in
budget authority: $892.4 million in appropriations to liquidate contract authority and $144.6
million in transfer authority for fiscal year 1989,
and $444.5 million in budget authority and $62.5
million in appropriations to liquidate contract authority for fiscal year 1990. Most of the increases
for fiscal year 1989 are required by law for mandatory Federal programs. All outlays resulting
from fiscal year 1989 requests for discretionary
programs would be offset mainly through a percentage reduction to be applied to a set of programs identified in a report to be transmitted to
the Congress with this package. This transmittal
also includes fiscal year 1989 and 1990 appropriation requests for the legislative branch and the
judiciary.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House to visit President Jose Napole6n Duarte Fuentes of El Salvador at Walter
Reed Army Hospital. Following their visit, the
President and Mrs. Bush went to Camp David,
MD, for a weekend stay.


March 26
The President and Mrs. Bush returned to the
White House from a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
March 27
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Catholic supporters, to discuss religious
issues;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the morning, the President attended the
swearing-in ceremony for Richard J. Kerr as
Deputy Director of Central Intelligence in the
Old Indian Treaty Room of the Old Executive
Office Building.
Later in the morning, the President participated in the White House Easter Egg Roll on the
South Lawn of the White House.
March 28
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President designated Anne E. Brunsdale as
Chairman of the U.S. International Trade Commission for the term expiring June 16, 1990. She
would succeed Susan Wittenberg Liebler. Ms.
Brunsdale has been serving as Vice Chairman
since June 16, 1986, and as a member since December 17, 1985.
The President also designated Ronald A. Cass
as Vice Chairman of the U.S. International Trade
Commission for the term expiring June 16, 1990.
He would succeed Anne E. Brunsdale. Mr. Cass
has been serving as a member since January 19,
1988.
March 29
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-members of the National Commission on
Public Service, to receive the Commission's
report;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;


848




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In an Oval Office ceremony, the President presented Steve Allen and Jayne Meadows with the
Cancer Courage Award.
March 30
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Secretary of Transportation Samuel K. Skinner; William K. Reilly, Administrator of the
Environmental Protection Agency; and Adm.
Paul A. Yost, Commandant of the U.S. Coast
Guard, to discuss the Alaskan oil spill cleanup
efforts;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
March 31
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
April ]
The President met at the White House with
John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President;
Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs; and members of the
CIA briefing staff.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended the Gridiron dinner at the Capitol
Hilton Hotel.
April 3
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, President Bush attended
the opening day of the 1989 baseball season at
Memorial Stadium in Baltimore, MD. He threw
the first pitch of the game between the' Baltimore Orioles and the Boston Red Sox and
watched five innings before returning to the


White House. President Mohammed Hosni Mubarak of Egypt accompanied President Bush.
April 4
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-President Oscar Arias Sanchez of Costa Rica;
-Secretary of Education Lauro F. Cavazos, for
lunch;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
April 5
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Hans-Jochen Vogel, chairman of the West
German Social Democratic Party;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
April 6
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-the Republican congressional leadership;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President and Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir of Israel visited the Smithsonian Institution's National Air and Space
Museum.
April 7
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Gov. William P. Clements, Jr., of Texas;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III.
In an Oval Office ceremony, the Inaugural
Medals Committee gave the President and the
Vice President medals commemorating the
American Bicentennial Presidential Inaugural.
Mrs. Bush and Mrs. Quayle received charms.


849




Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended a reception in the Residence for the
Folger Library. Following the reception, the
President and Mrs. Bush left the White House for
a weekend stay at Camp David, MD.
April 9
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from a weekend
stay at Camp David, MD.
April 10
The President met at the White House with
the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scoweroft, Assistant
to the President for National Security Affairs; and
members of the CIA briefing staff.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception in the Residence for the Republican Eagles.
April 11
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scoweroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Secretary of Defense Richard B. Cheney;
-Senator Pete Wilson of California;
-Members of the Cabinet;
-French Foreign Minister Roland Dumas;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
April 12
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-Prime Minister Arthur Napoleon Raymond
Robinson of Trinidad and Tobago;
-Secretary-General Manfred Woerner of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the morning, the President telephoned
Chancellor Helmut Kohl of West Germany to
discuss preparations for the upcoming North Atlantic Treaty Organization summit.
In an Oval Office ceremony, the President met
with crime victims Tillie Black Bear, Ellen Griggin Dunne, Charles D. Gill, Louis and Patricia
Herzog, Stephen M. McNanea, and Jack Russell.
April 13
The President met at the White House with:


-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The White House announced that President
Bush has invited President Virgilio Barco Vargas
of Colombia for an official working visit to the
United States. The two Governments are discussing exact dates and agenda for the visit.
The White House announced that the President will travel to Hamtramck, MI, on April 17,
to visit with Polish leaders and give a speech on
foreign policy. The President will also travel
across the country, April 24-27, to address the
American Newspaper Publishers Association in
Chicago, IL, and stay overnight in northern California. On April 25, the President will speak in
Palo Alto, CA, and stay overnight in Los Angeles,
CA. On April 26, the President will visit former
President Ronald Reagan and will address the
Texas State Legislature in Austin, TX, and stay
overnight in Miami, FL. On April 27, the President will participate in an event with the U.S.
Coast Guard, the U.S. Customs Service, and the
Drug Enforcement Conference in Miami, FL. On
April 30, the President will travel to New York
City to attend church services and participate in
an event marking the bicentennial of the American Presidents. At the conclusion of the event,
the President will return to the White House.
The White House announced that retail sales
increased 0.1 percent in March, stating that the
reduced growth of retail sales in March as well as
the downward revision for February, a 0.6 percent decline, provide further evidence of a pattern of slower consumer spending in recent
months, and there is a continued belief that the
economy is sound, showing steady growth with
low inflation.
The White House also announced that the
President will deliver five commencement addresses this year. They include: Texas A&M, College Station, TX, on May 12; Alcorn State University, Lorman, MS, on May 13; Mississippi State
University, Starkville, MS, on May 13; Boston
University, Boston, MA, on May 21; and the U.S.
Coast Guard Academy, New London, CT, on May
24.
April 14
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;


850




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


-Members of Congress, to discuss the Federal
budget;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III.
The President declared that a major disaster
exists in the State of Washington because of
flooding and mudslides that occurred March 8 -17. He directed the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide assistance to supplement
State and local recovery efforts.
April 15
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
April 16
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from a weekend
stay at Camp David, MD.
April 17
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Foreign Secretary Sir Geoffrey Howe of the
United Kingdom;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President;
-Republican members of the House Appropriations Committee.
April 18
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-religious leaders;
-Secretary of Health and Human Services
Louis W. Sullivan, to discuss proposed legislation that would provide assistance to infants,
children, and pregnant women;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President transmitted to the Congress the
annual report of the Commodity Credit Corporation for fiscal year 1987.
April 19
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security


Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-Walter Momper, mayor of West Berlin;
-the congressional leadership;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
April 20
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-Secretary of Transportation Samuel K. Skinner;
-Prime Minister Manuel A. Esquivel of Belize;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
April 21
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President; John H. Sununu, Chief of
Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing
staff;
-William Croaker, advocate for early cancer
detection;
-leaders of the Minimum Wage Veto Coalition;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-President Aristides Pereira of Cape Verde, to
discuss the Namibia-Angola peace settlement;
-President's Dinner fundraisers;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
April 23
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from a weekend
stay at Camp David, MD.
April 25
The President declared that a major disaster
existed in Texas as a result of severe thunderstorms and flooding that occurred March 28-29.
He directed the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide assistance to supplement
State and local recovery efforts. In the afternoon,
the President attended a baseball game between
the California Angels and the Baltimore Orioles
at Anaheim Stadium in Anaheim, CA.


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Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


April 26
In the morning, the President attended a
breakfast reception for major political supporters
in the Grand Ballroom at the Four Seasons Hotel
in Beverly Hills, CA.
April 28
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-James R. Lilley, U.S. Ambassador to China;
-Mayor James Garner of Homestead, NY;
-Secretary of State James Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
April 29
The President met at the White House with
Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs, and members of the
CIA briefing staff.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended the White House Correspondents
Dinner at the Washington Hilton Hotel.
May 1
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-national Protestant leaders;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In an Oval Office ceremony, Paul Coverdell
was sworn in as Director of the Peace Corps.
May 2
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-the Republican congressional leadership;
-the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council leadership;
-William J. Bennett, Director of National
Drug Control Policy;
-members of the House Select Committee on
Narcotics;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President transmitted the following reports to the Congress:
-the first comprehensive triennial report on
immigration, 1989;
-the 15th annual report of the Federal Council on the Aging for calendar year 1988;


-the 23d annual report of the National Endowment for the Humanities for fiscal year
1988.
May 3
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland of
Norway;
-Republican members of the Senate Steering
Committee;
-the National Collegiate Athletic Association
swimming champions, from Kenyon College;
-the National Collegiate Athletic Association
hockey champions, from Harvard University;
-Secretary of Energy James D. Watkins, for
lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-members of the National Law Enforcement
Council;
-administration officials, to discuss the budget;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the morning, the President received a telephone call from Suzanne Smith, a 17-year-old student at the Arizona School for the Deaf and
Blind, who participated in inaugurating the General Services Administration's Telecommunications Relay Service.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended a reception for the Dole Foundation at
the National Museum for Women in the Arts.
May 4
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Republican Members of the House of Representatives Whip Organization;
-winners of the National Bicentennial Competition on the Constitution and the Bill of
Rights;
-the New Jersey Governor's Club "Committee
of One Hundred;"
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
May 5
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Chancellor Franz Vranitzky of Austria;


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Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


-the Vice President, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III.
The President designated Representative William L. Dickinson of Alabama as his representative to the Paris Air Show to be held June 8-18,
1989.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
May 7
The President and Mrs. Bush returned to the
White House from a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
May 8
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-King Olav V of Norway;
-Jacques Chirac, mayor of Paris, France;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the morning, the President attended the
swearing-in ceremony in the Oval Office for
Bruce S. Gelb as Director of the U.S. Information
Agency.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception in the Residence for members
of the Republican Congressional Leadership Conference.
May 9
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-members of the Presidential delegation of
observers of the Panamanian Presidential
elections, to receive their findings;
-Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers of The Netherlands, to discuss environmental issues, the
NATO alliance, and the deployment of shortrange nuclear forces in Europe;
-administration officials, to discuss the Federal
budget;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President declared that a major disaster
exists in areas of Minnesota and North Dakota as
a result of flooding that began on March 29. He
directed the Federal Emergency Management
Agency to provide assistance to supplement State
and local recovery efforts.


May 10
The President met at the White House with
John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President;
Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs; and members of the
CIA briefing staff.
The President declared that a major disaster
exists in areas of Alaska as a result of severe
freezing conditions that occurred during the
period of January 15-February 15. He directed
the Federal Emergency Management Agency to
provide assistance to supplement State and local
recovery efforts.
The President today transmitted to the Congress amendments to the request for appropriations for the Department of Defense-Military to
provide funding for fiscal year 1990 consistent
with the $305.5 billion for the national defense
budget function contained in the recently signed
bipartisan budget agreement. The amendments
also adjust the fiscal year 1991 request, as well as
the fiscal year 1992-1994 requests for advance
appropriations for multiyear procurement programs.
May 11
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-the congressional leadership, to discuss the
crisis in Panama;
-members of the Columbus Group, representatives of the European and Latin American
business community promoting international
cooperation;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-the Air Force Thunderbirds;
-Rev. Edmond Browning, the presiding
bishop of the Episcopal Church in the United
States;
-Secretary of Labor Elizabeth H. Dole and
participants in the Job Training Partnership
program;
-Franciszek Gajowniczek, a Polish nationalist
leader;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In an Oval Office ceremony, the President and
Mrs. Bush received diplomatic credentials from
Ambassadors Octavio Errazuriz Guilisasti of
Chile, Gendengiin Nyamdoo of Mongolia, Botsweletse Kingsley Sebele of Botswana, Abderrahmane Bensid of Algeria, Michael J. Cook of Australia, Simon Alberto Consalvi of Venezuela, and
Willem Udenhout of Suriname.


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Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


The President transmitted to the Congress the
annual report of the Corporation for Public
Broadcasting for fiscal year 1988.
May 12
The White House announced that the following
individuals will comprise the Presidential delegation to the inaugural ceremonies of Presidentelect Andres Rodriguez of Paraguay:
Delegation Chairman:
Dorothy Bush LeBlond of Maine
Congressional Delegation:
Senator Larry Pressler (R-SD)
Representative John Paul Hammerschmidt (R-AR)
Private Citizens:
Paul Coverdell, Peace Corps Director
Tony Salinas, of Texas
Timothy Towell, U.S. Ambassador to Paraguay
Elsie Vartanian, of New Hampshire
May 14
In the morning, the President returned to the
White House from his trip to Texas, Mississippi,
and Kentucky.
May 15
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Albert Kurz, Anthony Ky, Steven McInerney,
Alex Morcos, and Lenny Ng, winners of the
Mathcounts National Competition;
-President Dawda Kairaba Jawara of The
Gambia;
-Jozef Czyrek, Polish Communist Party Secretary;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
May 16
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-the congressional leadership, to discuss the
Federal budget;
-Bishops Dario Castrillon and Oscar Rodriguez, president and general secretary of the
Council of Bishops of Latin America, respectively, and Rev. Robert N. Lynch, general
secretary of the National Conference of
Catholic Bishops;
-the executive committee of the National
Governors' Association;
-members of the Domestic Policy Council;


-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President transmitted to the Congress the
annual report of the National Endowment for the
Arts and the National Council on the Arts for
fiscal year 1988.
In the afternoon, the President hosted a reception in the Residence at the White House for the
Republican Senatorial Trust.
May 17
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-members of the House Republican Conference;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-Gov. Terry Branstad of Iowa;
-members of the Domestic Policy Council;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President hosted a reception in the Residence for members of the Senate
and House of Representatives budget committees
and the budget staff.
May 18
The President met at the White House with
Archbishop Desmond Tutu and the Rev.'s Alan
Boesak and Beyers Naude, antiapartheid leaders
from South Africa.
The President declared that a major disaster
exists in North Carolina as a result of tornadoes
that struck on May 5-6. He directed the Federal
Emergency Management Agency to provide assistance to supplement State and local recovery
efforts.
The President sent to the Congress amended
budget requests for fiscal year 1990 totaling
$245.9 million. Included in this package were the
following:
-$68.6 million for the Department of Health
and Human Services (HHS). This request
would provide $42.9 million to provide
health professional training for minority students and $25.8 million to maintain support
for research and training for the National
Institute for Occupational Safety and Health.
The increased fiscal year 1990 outlays resulting from these proposals would be offset by a
reduction in another HHS program.
-$59.3 million for the Department of Agriculture and $124 million for the Department of
the Interior to implement the Federal recreational land acquisition initiative that was in

854




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


eluded in the President's February 9, 1989
budget transmittal.
-$44 million for the Department of Housing
and Urban Development to implement the
President's Low Income Home Ownership
program.
-$50 million for the Department of Justice to
investigate and prosecute instances of suspected fraud involving financial institutions,
that was also included in the President's February 9, 1989 budget transmittal.
This transmittal also contains a change in a
proposed shift of functions between the Department of Commerce and the Small Business Administration and a fiscal year 1990 appropriation
request of $441,000 for the legislative branch.
May 20
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
greeted President and Mrs. Mitterrand of France
at Walker's Point, their home in Kennebunkport,
ME.
In the afternoon, the two Presidents participated in a working luncheon at Walker's Point.
May 21
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended church services at the First Congregational Church in Kennebunkport, ME. Following
the church service, President Bush and President
Mitterrand traveled to Boston, MA, where President Bush met briefly with Gov. Michael Dukakis
and then with Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad of Malaysia.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House.
May 22
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-members of the National Federation of Republican Women Capitol Regents;
-members of the Delaware Governor's Club;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President declared that a major disaster
exists in Louisiana as a result of severe storms
and flooding that began on May 5. He directed
the Federal Emergency Management Agency to
provide assistance to supplement State and local
recovery efforts.
May 23
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the Presi

dent for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-members of the Congressional Black Caucus;
-President Vigdis Finnbogad6ttir of Iceland;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
May 24
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception on the State Floor of the Residence for the Federal Judges Association.
May 25
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
went to Walter Reed Army Medical Center to
visit Representative Claude Pepper, who had
been hospitalized for a stomach ailment. The
President presented the Presidential Medal of
Freedom to Representative Pepper in recognition
of his long years of public service.
May 26
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
arrived at Ciampino Airport, Rome, Italy. Following the welcoming ceremony, they went to Villa
Taverna, the home of the U.S. Ambassador and
their residence during their stay in Italy.
May 27
In the morning, the President and U.S. Ambassador Maxwell Rabb went to Villa Madama,
where they participated in a bilateral meeting
with Prime Minister Ciriaco De Mita and U.S.
and Italian officials.
In the afternoon, President Bush went to Quirinale Palace, where he participated in a bilateral
meeting with President Francesco Cossiga and
U.S. and Italian officials. President Bush then attended a luncheon hosted by President Cossiga in
the State Dining Room at the palace. Following
the luncheon, President Bush returned to Villa
Taverna.
Later in the afternoon, the President hosted a
reception in his residence. After the reception,


855




Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


the President and Mrs. Bush went to the Vatican
for an audience with Pope John Paul II in the
Papal Library.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended a reception and dinner hosted by Prime
Minister De Mita at Villa Madama. At the conclusion of the dinner, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to their residence.
May 28
In the morning, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended Mass at the Church of San Francesco.
Afterwards, they went to the Sicily-Rome American Cemetery, where they participated in a Memorial Day ceremony with Prime Minister De
Mita and U.S. and Italian officials. Following the
ceremony, the President and Mrs. Bush made a
surprise visit to the helicopter carrier U.S.S. Guadalcanal, which was off the coast of Italy.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to Villa Taverna, where they hosted
a private luncheon for Prime Minister De Mita
and U.S. and Italian officials. Later that afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush left Rome and
traveled to Brussels, Belgium, for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization summit.
In the evening, following the welcoming ceremony at Zaventem International Airport in Brussels, the President and Mrs. Bush went to Chateau Stuyvenberg, their residence during their
stay in Belgium. At the chateau, the President
participated in a bilateral meeting with Prime
Minister Wilfried Martens and U.S. and Belgian
officials.
May 29
In the morning, the President went to NATO
Headquarters, where he met with Secretary-General Manfred Woerner and attended the opening
ceremony and first working session of the
summit.
In the afternoon, the President attended a
luncheon at Brussels Palace hosted by King Baudouin I. Following the luncheon, the President
returned to NATO Headquarters for the summit's second working session. At its conclusion,
he returned to Chateau Stuyvenberg.
In the evening, the President attended a working dinner for NATO heads of state and government. Following the dinner, the President returned to his residence at Val Duchesse.
May 30
In the morning, the President went to NATO
Headquarters, where he participated in the third
working session of the summit and then met with
members of the military staffs.
In the afternoon, President Bush went to Berlaymont, the European Commission Headquarters, where he met with Jacques Delors, Presi

dent of the Commission of the European Communities, and other Commission representatives.
Later, the President and Mrs. Bush left Brussels
and traveled to Bonn, Federal Republic of Germany.
The President and Mrs. Bush arrived at KolnBonn Airport and went to Villa Hammerschmidt,
the official residence of the West German President, where they participated in a welcoming
ceremony and a reception hosted by President
Richard von Weizsicker. Later, the President
and Mrs. Bush went to the U.S. Ambassador's
residence and then to La Redoute Castle, where
they attended a dinner hosted by Chancellor
Helmut Kohl. Following the dinner, they returned to the Ambassador's residence, where
they stayed overnight.
May 31
In the morning, President Bush attended a private breakfast at Villa Hammerschmidt hosted by
President von Weizsacker and then went to the
Chancellery, where he participated in a bilateral
meeting with Chancellor Kohl and U.S. and West
German officials.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush,
accompanied by Chancellor and Mrs. Kohl, went
on a Rhine River cruise, leaving from Oberwesel
and arriving at Koblenz. Later the President and
Mrs. Bush participated in a departure ceremony
at Rhein-Main Air Force Base and then traveled
to London, United Kingdom.
Following a welcoming ceremony at Heathrow
Airport, London, the President and Mrs. Bush
went to Winfield House, their residence during
their stay in the United Kingdom.
June I
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended a luncheon at Buckingham Palace
hosted by Queen Elizabeth II. Later in the afternoon, they returned to Winfield House.
June 2
The President and Mrs. Bush left London and
traveled to Kennebunkport, ME.
June 4
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from Kennebunkport, ME.
June 5
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-members of the Cabinet;


856




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


-Chinese students, to discuss the situation in
China;
-members of the Domestic Policy Council;
-members of the congressional leadership, to
discuss the recent NATO summit.
June 6
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Secretary of Transportation Samuel K. Skinner, for lunch;
-members of the congressional leadership, to
discuss environmental issues;
-President Richard von Weizsacker of the
Federal Republic of Germany.
In the afternoon, the President met with Soviet
Ambassador Yuriy V. Dubinin at the Soviet Embassy to discuss the gas pipeline explosion and
train disaster that occurred on June 4 in the
Soviet Union.
The President transmitted to the Congress:
-the 10th annual report describing Federal
actions with respect to the conservation and
use of petroleum and natural gas in Federal
facilities, which covers calendar year 1988;
-the 1985, 1986, and 1987 reports of the Federal Prevailing Rate Advisory Committee.
June 7
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-President Kenneth D. Kaunda of Zambia;
-Thomas S. Foley and Robert H. Michel,
Speaker and minority leader of the House of
Representatives, respectively, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-President Quett K.J. Masire of Botswana;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
June 8
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-representatives of the Clean Air Business
Group;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-Citizens for a Sound Economy board members;
-environmentalists;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.


The President declared that a major disaster
exists in the counties of Androscoggin, Cumberland, Franklin, and Oxford in Maine as a result of
severe storms and flooding that began on May 5.
He directed the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide assistance to supplement
State and local recovery efforts.
June 9
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Senator Pete V. Domenici of New Mexico;
-chief educational officers of Catholic dioceses, to discuss tuition tax credits;
-the rector of Complutense University in
Madrid, Spain, to receive the Complutense
Gold Medal in honor of signing an educational agreement with Spain;
-editorial cartoonists, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President;
-President Soeharto of Indonesia.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
June 11
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from a weekend
stay at Camp David, MD.
June 12
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-a group of the Nation's Governors, to discuss
the administration's clean air plan;
-congressional staff members, to discuss the
administration's clean air plan;
-the congressional leadership, to discuss the
administration's clean air plan.
The President declared that major disasters
exist in areas located along the Yukon and Kuskokwim Rivers in Alaska as a result of flooding
that began on May 1 and in areas of Ohio as a
result of heavy rains and flooding that began on
May 23. He directed the Federal Emergency
Management Agency to provide assistance to
supplement State and local recovery efforts.
In the afternoon the President traveled to Yellowstone National Park, WY, where he toured
Fountain Flats, an area of the park devastated by
forest fires in 1988. He then traveled to the


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Appendix A / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Grand Teton National Park, WY, where he remained overnight at the Brinkerhoff Guest
House.
June 14
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President appointed Secretary of the Interior Manuel J. Lujan, Jr., as the Federal member
of the Delaware and Susquehanna River Basin
Commissions.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended the President's Dinner at the Washington Convention Center.
June 15
The President met at the White House with
John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a reception for members of the Republican National Committee on the State Floor at the
White House.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended a performance of "Spirit of America" at
the Capital Centre.
June 16
The President met at the White House with:
-the Vice President, for breakfast;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-the heads of Federal law enforcement agencies, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President transmitted to the Congress
fiscal year 1990 budget amendments totaling
$1,189.1 million to implement his initiative to
combat violent crime that was announced on
May 15, 1989. These proposals would provide the
following:
-$1,119.6 million for the Department of Justice. Of this amount, $1 billion would be
used to expand Federal prison capacity. Additional funds are also requested for legal activities of the Department, the FBI, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, and
the Office of Justice Programs.
-$50.7 million for the Federal judiciary, of
which $40 million would cover the cost of


processing increased numbers of criminal defendants and additional Federal criminal
prosecutions. The remaining $10.7 million is
included for the drug testing of all Federal
prisoners released on probation, parole, or
supervised release.
-$18.8 million for the Department of the
Treasury to enable the Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco, and Firearms to provide additional
personnel to investigate assault weapon and
other firearms violations by armed career
criminals and repeat offenders.
The details of the President's initiative are contained in the fact sheet entitled "Combating Violent Crime," issued by the White House Press
Office on May 15.
The President declared that a disaster exists in
Louisiana as a result of severe storms and tornadoes that struck the southern portion of the State
on June 7-8.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
June 18
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House from a weekend
stay at Camp David, MD.
June 19
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-President Hugh Desmond Hoyte of Guyana;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
The President announced his intention to appoint Secretary of Defense Richard B. Cheney,
Secretary of Health and Human Services Louis
W. Sullivan, and Secretary of State James A.
Baker III to be government representatives on
the Board of Governors of the American Red
Cross, each for a term of 3 years.
June 20
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Members of the congressional leadership, to
discuss defense issues;
-Paul D. Coverdell, Director of the Peace
Corps, for lunch;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.


858




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix A


June 21
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Members of Congress, to discuss voluntary
steel import restrictions;
-West German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
June 22
The President met at the White House with
John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President;
Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs; and members of the
CIA briefing staff.
June 23
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Members of Congress, to discuss the situations in Israel and China;
-family members of James Chaney, Andrew
Goodman, and Michael Schwerner, civil
rights advocates slain 25 years ago in Mississippi;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House for a weekend stay at Camp
David, MD.
June 25
In the morning, the President met with Prime
Minister Robert Hawke of Australia at Camp
David, MD.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
returned to the White House, and Prime Minister
Hawke went to the Blair House, where he remained overnight.
June 26
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;


-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
attended the Marine Corps evening parade at the
Marine Barracks in Washington, DC.
June 27
The President met at the White House with
John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President;
Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs; and members of the
CIA briefing staff.
June 28
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Polish-American leaders;
-the Vice President, for lunch;
— Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President and his grandson,
George P. Bush, attended a Baltimore Orioles
baseball game.
June 29
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-the Republican congressional leadership;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the evening, the President and Mrs. Bush
hosted a dinner for the Cabinet in the Rose
Garden.
June 30
The President met at the White House with:
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President; Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and members of the CIA briefing staff;
-Secretary of State James A. Baker III;
-John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to the President.
In the afternoon, the President and Mrs. Bush
left the White House and traveled to Kennebunkport, ME.


859








Appendix B —Nominations Submitted to the Senate


The following list does not include promotions of
members of the Uniformed Services, nominations
to the Service Academies, or nominations of Foreign Service officers.
Submitted January 20
James Addison Baker III,
of Texas, to be Secretary of State.
John Goodwin Tower,
of Texas, to be Secretary of Defense.
Manuel Lujan, Jr.,
of New Mexico, to be Secretary of the Interior.
Clayton Yeutter,
of Nebraska, to be Secretary of Agriculture.
Robert Adam Mosbacher,
of Texas, to be Secretary of Commerce.
Elizabeth Hanford Dole,
of Kansas, to be Secretary of Labor.
Louis W. Sullivan,
of Georgia, to be Secretary of Health and Human
Services.
Jack Kemp,
of New York, to be Secretary of Housing and
Urban Development.
Samuel Knox Skinner,
of Illinois, to be Secretary of Transportation.
Adm. James D. Watkins, USN, Ret.,
of California, to be Secretary of Energy.
Edward J. Derwinski,
of Illinois, to be Secretary of Veterans Affairs.
Edward J. Derwinski,
of Illinois, to be Administrator of Veterans Affairs.
Richard G. Darman,
of Virginia, to be Director of the Office of Management and Budget.
Carla Anderson Hills,
of California, to be U.S. Trade Representative,
with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary.


William J. Bennett,
of North Carolina, to be Director of National
Drug Control Policy.
Michael J. Boskin,
of California, to be a member of the Council of
Economic Advisers.
Thomas R. Pickering,
of New Jersey, to be the Representative of the
United States of America to the United Nations
with the rank and status of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, and the Representative of the United States of America in the Security Council of the United Nations.
William Kane Reilly,
of Virginia, to be Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency.
Submitted February I
Edith E. Holiday,
of Georgia, to be General Counsel for the Department of the Treasury, vice Mark Sullivan III,
resigned.
William M. Diefenderfer III,
of Virginia, to be Deputy Director of the Office
of Management and Budget, vice John F. Cogan,
resigned.
Submitted February 8
Robert Michael Kimmitt,
of Virginia, to be Under Secretary of State for
Political Affairs, vice Michael Hayden Armacost,
resigned.
Margaret DeBardeleben Tutwiler,
of Alabama, to be an Assistant Secretary of State,
vice Charles E. Redman, resigned.
Janet Gardner Mullins,
of Kentucky, to be an Assistant Secretary of State,
vice J. Edward Fox, resigned.
Robert B. Zoellick,
of the District of Columbia, to be Counselor of
the Department of State, vice Max M. Kampelman, resigned.


861




Appendix B / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Submitted February 21
Richard J. Kerr,
of Virginia, to be Deputy Director of Central
Intelligence, vice Robert M. Gates, resigned.
Submitted February 28
Ferdinand F. Fernandez,
of California, to be United States Circuit Judge
for the Ninth Circuit, vice Warren J. Ferguson,
retired.
Pamela Ann Rymer,
of California, to be United States Circuit Judge
for the Ninth Circuit, vice Anthony M. Kennedy,
elevated.
Robert C. Bonner,
of California, to be United States District Judge
for the Central District of California, vice Pamela
Ann Rymer, upon elevation.
Melinda Harmon,
of Texas, to be United States District Judge for
the Southern District of Texas, vice John V. Singleton, Jr., retired.
Vaughn R. Walker,
of California, to be United States District Judge
for the Northern District of California, vice Spencer M. Williams, retired.
Submitted March I
John D. Negroponte,
of New York, a career member of the Senior
Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of
the United States of America to Mexico.
Submitted March 3
Lawrence S. Eagleburger,
of Florida, to be Deputy Secretary of State, vice
John C. Whitehead, resigned.
Bruce S. Gelb,
of New York, to be Director of the United States
Information Agency, vice Charles Z. Wick, resigned.
Submitted March 6
Donald Phinney Gregg,
of Maryland, to be Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to the Republic of Korea.
Anthony Joseph Principi,
of California, to be Deputy Secretary of Veterans
Affairs (new position).


William Pelham Barr,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Attorney General,
vice Douglas W. Kmiec, resigned.
Submitted March 7
Joseph Verner Reed,
of Connecticut, for the rank of Ambassador
during his tenure of service as Chief of Protocol
for the White House.
Submitted March 8
David Campbell Mulford,
of Illinois, to be an Under Secretary of the Treasury (new position).
Charles H. Dallara,
of South Carolina, to be a Deputy Under Secretary of the Treasury, vice David Campbell Mulford.
David W. Mullins, Jr.,
of Massachusetts, to be an Assistant Secretary of
the Treasury, vice Charles 0. Sethness, resigned.
Submitted March 9
Henry E. Catto,
of Texas, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland.
Vernon A. Walters,
of Florida, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Federal Republic of Germany.
Wendell Lewis Willkie II,
of the District of Columbia, to be General Counsel of the Department of Commerce, vice Robert
H. Brumley II, resigned.
Submitted March 13
Michael Hayden Armacost,
of Maryland, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of
the United States of America to Japan.
Eric I. Garfinkel,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Secretary of Commerce, vice Jan W. Mares, resigned.
Submitted March 14
Richard B. Cheney,
of Wyoming, to be Secretary of Defense.


862




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix B


Donna R. Fitzpatrick,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Energy (Management and Administration), vice Lawrence F. Davenport, resigned.
Submitted March 17
James Roderick Lilley,
of Maryland, to be Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to the People's Republic of China.
Richard Thomas McCormack,
of Pennsylvania, to be Under Secretary of State
for Economic and Agricultural Affairs, vice W.
Allen Wallis, resigned.
Donald J. Atwood,
of Massachusetts, to be Deputy Secretary of Defense, vice William H. Taft IV, resigned.
Submitted April 4
John R. Bolton,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Secretary of State,
vice Richard Salisbury Williamson, resigned.
Herman Jay Cohen,
of New York, a career member of the Senior
Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to be
an Assistant Secretary of State, vice Chester A.
Crocker, resigned.
Terence A. Todman,
of the Virgin Islands, a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister,
to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to Argentina.
Charles Edgar Redman,
of Florida, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, to be
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of
the United States of America to Sweden.
Richard Reeves Burt,
of Arizona, for the rank of Ambassador during his
tenure of service as head of delegation on nuclear and space talks and chief negotiator on strategic nuclear arms (START).
Robert R. Glauber,
of Massachusetts, to be an Under Secretary of the
Treasury, vice George D. Gould, resigned.
Hollis S. McLoughlin,
of New Jersey, to be an Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury, vice Charles H. Dallara, resigned.
Kenneth Winston Starr,
of Virginia, to be Solicitor General of the United
States, vice Charles Fried, resigned.


Susan Carol Schwab,
of Maryland, to be Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Director General of the United States
and Foreign Commercial Service, vice Lew W.
Cramer, resigned.
Constance Horner,
of the District of Columbia, to be Under Secretary of Health and Human Services, vice Donald
M. Newman, resigned.
Mary Sheila Gall,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Health
and Human Services, vice Sydney J. Olson, resigned.
Elaine L. Chao,
of California, to be Deputy Secretary of Transportation, vice Mary Ann Weyforth Dawson, resigned.
W. Henson Moore,
of Louisiana, to be Deputy Secretary of Energy,
vice Joseph F. Salgado, resigned.
John Chatfield Tuck,
of Virginia, to be Under Secretary of Energy,
vice Donna R. Fitzpatrick, resigned.
John Theodore Sanders,
of Illinois, to be Under Secretary of Education,
vice Linus D. Wright, resigned.
Frank Quill Nebeker,
of Virginia, to be chief judge of the U.S. Court of
Veterans Appeals for the term of 15 years (new
position).
William G. Rosenberg,
of Michigan, to be an Assistant Administrator of
the Environmental Protection Agency, vice J.
Craig Potter, resigned.
Constance Berry Newman,
of Maryland, to be Director of the Office of Personnel Management, vice Constance Horner, resigned.
Paul D. Coverdell,
of Georgia, to be Director of the Peace Corps,
vice Loret M. Ruppe, resigned.
Withdrawn April 4
Lew W. Cramer,
of California, to be Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Director General of the United States
and Foreign Commercial Service (new positionP.L. 100-418), which was sent to the Senate on
January 3, 1989.


863




Appendix B / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Submitted April 6
Reginald Bartholomew,
of Virginia, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to be
Under Secretary of State for Coordinating Security Assistance Programs, vice Edward J. Derwinski, resigned.
Morris Berthold Abrams,
of New York, to be the Representative of the
United States of America to the European Office
of the United Nations, with the rank of Ambassador, vice Joseph Carlton Petrone, resigned.
John E. Robson,
of Georgia, to be Deputy Secretary of the Treasury, vice M. Peter McPherson, resigned.
Roger Bolton,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury, vice Edith E. Holiday, resigned.
Jack Callihan Parnell,
of California, to be Deputy Secretary of Agriculture, vice Peter C. Myers, resigned.
Richard Thomas Crowder,
of Minnesota, to be Under Secretary of Agriculture for International Affairs and Commodity
Programs, vice Daniel G. Amstutz, resigned.
Kay Coles James,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Health
and Human Services, vice Stephanie Lee-Miller,
resigned.
Phillip D. Brady,
of Virginia, to be General Counsel of the Department of Transportation, vice B. Wayne Vance,
resigned.
Susan S. Engeleiter,
of Wisconsin, to be Administrator of the Small
Business Administration, vice James Abdnor, resigned.
Submitted April 7
Richard Thomas McCormack,
of Pennsylvania, to be United States Alternate
Governor of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development for a term of 5 years,
United States Alternate Governor of the InterAmerican Development Bank for a term of 5
years, United States Alternate Governor of the
African Development Bank for a term of 5 years,
United States Alternate Governor of the African
Development Fund, and United States Alternate
Governor of the Asian Development Bank, vice
W. Allen Wallis, resigned.


James O. Mason,
of Georgia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Health
and Human Services, vice Robert E. Windom,
resigned.
Fred M. Zeder II,
of New York, to be President of the Overseas
Private Investment Corporation, vice Craig A.
Nalen, resigned.
Submitted April 12
Douglas P. Mulholland,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Secretary of State,
vice Morton I. Abramowitz, resigned.
Diane Kay Morales,
of Texas, to be an Assistant Secretary of Energy
(Environment, Safety and Health), vice Ernest C.
Baynard III, resigned.
John Cameron Monjo,
of Maryland, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of
the United States of America to the Republic of
Indonesia.
Ronald Frank Lehman II,
of Virginia, to be Director of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, vice William F.
Burns, resigned.
Thomas Jones Collamore,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Commerce, vice Katherine M.
Bulow, resigned.
Nancy Mohr Kennedy,
of Maryland, to be Assistant Secretary for Legislation, Department of Education, vice Frances M.
Norris, resigned.
Dale Triber Tate,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Labor, vice Jerry D. Blakemore.
Withdrawn April 12
Jerry D. Blakemore,
of Illinois, to be an Assistant Secretary of Labor,
vice David F. Demarest, resigned, which was
sent to the Senate on January 3, 1989.
Submitted April 13
Ivan Selin,
of the District of Columbia, to be Under Secretary of State for Management, vice Ronald I.
Spiers, resigned.


864




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix B


Michael Rucker Darby,
of Texas, to be Under Secretary of Commerce for
Economic Affairs, vice Robert Ortner, resigned.
Rufus Hawkins Yerxa,
of the District of Columbia, to be a Deputy
United States Trade Representative, with the
rank of Ambassador, vice Michael A. Samuels,
resigned.
Submitted April 17
Alan Charles Raul,
of New York, to be General Counsel of the Department of Agriculture, vice Christopher Hicks,
resigned.
Paul Dundes Wolfowitz,
of the District of Columbia, to be Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, vice Fred Charles Ikle,
resigned.
Peter F. Secchia,
of Michigan, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to Italy.
Submitted April 18
Walter J.P. Curley,
of New York, to be Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to France.
David George Ball,
of Connecticut, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Labor, vice David M. Walker, resigned.
Richard Thomas Crowder,
of Minnesota, to be a member of the Board of
Directors of the Commodity Credit Corporation,
vice Daniel G. Amstutz, resigned.
Jack Callihan Parnell,
of California, to be a member of the Board of
Directors of the Commodity Credit Corporation,
vice Peter C. Myers, resigned.
Submitted April 19
Roderick Allen DeArment,
of Virginia, to be Deputy Secretary of Labor, vice
Dennis Eugene Whitfield, resigned.
H. Lawrence Garrett III,
of Virginia, to be Secretary of the Navy, vice
William Lockhart Ball III, resigned.
Submitted May 1
Morton I. Abramowitz,
of the District of Columbia, a career member of
the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Min

ister, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to
Turkey.
Melvyn Levitsky,
of Maryland, to be Assistant Secretary of State for
International Narcotics Matters, vice Ann Barbara Wrobleski, resigned.
Kenneth W. Gideon,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury, vice O. Donaldson Chapoton, resigned.
Shirley D. Peterson,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Attorney General,
vice William S. Rose, Jr., resigned.
William Lucas,
of Michigan, to be an Assistant Attorney General,
vice William Bradford Reynolds, resigned.
Michael Philip Skarzynski,
of Illinois, to be an Assistant Secretary of Commerce, vice James P. Moore, Jr., resigned.
Gerald L. Olson,
of Minnesota, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Health and Human Services, vice Marty T.
Goedde, resigned.
Alfred A. DelliBovi,
of New York, to be Under Secretary of Housing
and Urban Development, vice Carl D. Covitz,
resigned.
Galen Joseph Reser,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Transportation, vice Edward R. Hamberger, resigned.
Robert Refugio Davila,
of the District of Columbia, to be Assistant Secretary for Special Education and Rehabilitative
Services, Department of Education, vice Madeleine C. Will, resigned.
Sidney Linn Williams,
of Virginia, to be a Deputy United States Trade
Representative, with the rank of Ambassador,
vice Alan F. Holmer, resigned.
E. Patrick Coady,
of Virginia, to be United States Executive Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development for a term of 2 years, vice
Robert Brendon Keating, term expired.
John B. Taylor,
of California, to be a member of the Council of
Economic Advisers, vice Michael Mussa, resigned.


865




Appendix B / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Submitted May 2
Bernard William Aronson,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Secretary of State,
vice Elliott Abrams, resigned.
Carol T. Crawford,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Attorney General,
vice Thomas M. Boyd, resigned.
David Philip Prosperi,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Transportation, vice Wendy Monson
DeMocker, resigned.
Chic Hecht,
of Nevada, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas.
Thomas Michael Tolliver Niles,
of the District of Columbia, a career member of
the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to be the Representative of the United
States of America to the European Communities,
with the rank and status of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary.
Joseph Zappala,
of Florida, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to Spain.
Francis Anthony Keating II,
of Oklahoma, to be General Counsel of the Department of Housing and Urban Development,
vice J. Michael Dorsey, resigned.
Franklin Eugene Bailey,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, vice Wilmer D. Mizell, Sr., resigned.
James E. Cason,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, vice George S. Dunlop, resigned.
Charles E. Hess,
of California, to be an Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, vice Orville G. Bentley, resigned.
David J. Gribbin III,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Secretary of Defense, vice M.D.B. Carlisle, resigned.
Louis A. Williams,
of Wyoming, to be an Assistant Secretary of Defense, vice J. Daniel Howard, resigned.
Submitted May 5
Melvin F. Sembler,
of Florida, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America


to Australia and to serve concurrently and without additional compensation as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United
States of America to the Republic of Nauru.
Richard H. Solomon,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of State, vice Gaston Joseph Sigur, Jr.,
resigned.
Jewel S. Lafontant,
of Illinois, to be United States Coordinator for
Refugee Affairs and Ambassador-at-Large while
serving in this position, vice Jonathan Moore, resigned.
Jo Ann D. Smith,
of Florida, to be an Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, vice Kenneth A. Gilles, resigned.
Kathleen M. Harrington,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Labor, vice Francis J. Duggan.
Kenneth B. Kramer,
of Colorado, to be an Associate Judge of the
United States Court of Veterans Appeals for the
term of 15 years (new position-P.L. 100-687).
Withdrawn May 5
Francis J. Duggan,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Labor,
vice William John Maroni, which was sent to the
Senate on January 3, 1989.
Submitted May 10
Frank Henry Habicht II,
of Virginia, to be Deputy Administrator of the
Environmental Protection Agency, vice A. James
Barnes, resigned.
Submitted May 11
John Hubert Kelly,
of Georgia, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, to be
an Assistant Secretary of State, vice Richard W.
Murphy, resigned.
James Buchanan Busey IV,
of Illinois, to be Administrator of the Federal
Aviation Administration, vice T. Allan McArtor,
resigned.
Submitted May 12
Edward N. Ney,
of New York, to be Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to Canada.


866




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix B


Donald B. Rice,
of California, to be Secretary of the Air Force,
vice Edward C. Aldridge, Jr., resigned.
Sean Charles O'Keefe,
of Virginia, to be Comptroller of the Department
of Defense, vice Clyde 0. Glaister, resigned.
Frank A. Bracken,
of Indiana, to be Under Secretary of the Interior,
vice Earl E. Gjelde, resigned.
Jennifer Lynn Dorn,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Labor, vice Michael E. Baroody, resigned.
Jerry M. Hunter,
of Missouri, to be General Counsel of the National Labor Relations Board for a term of 4 years,
vice Rosemary M. Collyer, term expired.
Submitted May 16
James Franklin Rill,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Attorney General,
vice Charles F. Rule, resigned.
E. Bart Daniel,
of South Carolina, to be United States Attorney
for the District of South Carolina for the term of
4 years, vice Vinton DeVane Lide, resigned.
John Michael Farren,
of Connecticut, to be Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade, vice W. Allen
Moore, resigned.
Robert P. Davis,
of Virginia, to be Solicitor for the Department of
Labor, vice George R. Salem, resigned.
John C. Weicher,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development,
vice Kenneth J. Beirne, resigned.
Nell Carney,
of Virginia, to be Commissioner of the Rehabilitation Services Administration, vice Susan S. Suter,
resigned.
Submitted May 17
Della M. Newman,
of Washington, to be Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to New Zealand and to serve concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of
the United States of America to Western Samoa.


Robert D. Orr,
of Indiana, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Republic of Singapore.
Bryce L. Harlow,
of Virginia, to be a Deputy Under Secretary of
the Treasury, vice John K. Meagher, resigned.
Submitted May 18
Antonio Lopez,
of Tennessee, to be an Associate Director of the
Federal Emergency Management Agency, vice
George Woloshyn, resigned.
Submitted May 31
Keith Lapham Brown,
of Colorado, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to Denmark, to which position he was appointed
during the recess of the Senate from October 22,
1988, to January 3, 1989.
William Andreas Brown,
of New Hampshire, a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister,
to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to Israel, to
which position he was appointed during the
recess of the Senate from October 22, 1988, to
January 3, 1989.
Dee V. Benson,
of Utah, to be United States Attorney for the
District of Utah for the term of 4 years, vice
Brent D. Ward, resigned.
Thomas Joseph Murrin,
of Pennsylvania, to be Deputy Secretary of Commerce, vice Donna F. Tuttle, resigned.
Quincy Mellon Krosby,
of New York, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Commerce, vice G. Philip Hughes, resigned.
C. Austin Fitts,
of New York, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Housing and Urban Development, vice Thomas
T. Demery, resigned.
Jeffrey Neil Shane,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Transportation, vice Gregory S.
Dole.
Charles E.M. Kolb,
of Virginia, to be Deputy Under Secretary for
Planning, Budget, and Evaluation, Department of
Education, vice Bruce M. Carnes, resigned, to
which position he was appointed during the


867




Appendix B / Administration of George Bush, 1989


recess of the Senate from October 22, 1988, to
January 3, 1989.
Fred T. Goldberg, Jr.,
of Maryland, to be Commissioner of Internal Revenue, vice Lawrence B. Gibbs, resigned.
Reggie B. Walton,
of the District of Columbia, to be Associate Director for National Drug Control Policy (new position-P.L. 100-690).
Delos Cy Jamison,
of Montana, to be Director of the Bureau of Land
Management, vice Robert F. Burford, resigned.
Withdrawn May 31
Keith Lapham Brown,
of Colorado, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to Denmark, which was sent to the Senate on
January 3, 1989.
William Andreas Brown,
of New Hampshire, a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister,
to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to Israel,
which was sent to the Senate on January 3, 1989.
Gregory S. Dole,
of Massachusetts, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Transportation, vice Matthew V. Scocozza, resigned, which was sent to the Senate on January
3, 1989.
Charles E.M. Kolb,
of the District of Columbia, to be Deputy Under
Secretary for Planning, Budget, and Evaluation,
Department of Education, vice Bruce M. Carnes,
resigned, which was sent to the Senate on January 3, 1989.
Submitted June 6
Shirley Temple Black,
of California, to be Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.
Richard Wood Boehm,
of the District of Columbia, a career member of
the Senior Foreign Service, Class of MinisterCounselor, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Sultanate of Oman, to which position he
was appointed during the recess of the Senate
from October 22, 1988, to January 3, 1989.


Morris Dempson Busby,
of Virginia, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, for the
rank of Ambassador in his capacity as Coordinator for Counterterrorism.
Michael Ussery,
of Virginia, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Kingdom of Morocco, to which position he
was appointed during the recess of the Senate
from October 22, 1988, to January 3, 1989.
C. Howard Wilkins, Jr.,
of Kansas, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Kingdom of The Netherlands.
Eddie F. Brown,
of Arizona, to be an Assistant Secretary of the
Interior, vice Ross 0. Swimmer, resigned.
Constance Bastine Harriman,
of Maryland, to be Assistant Secretary for Fish
and Wildlife, Department of the Interior, vice
Becky Norton Dunlop, resigned.
Rockwell Anthony Schnabel,
of California, to be Under Secretary of Commerce for Travel and Tourism, vice Charles E.
Cobb, Jr., resigned.
Thomas D. Larson,
of Pennsylvania, to be Administrator of the Federal Highway Administration, vice Robert Earl
Farris, resigned.
Kate Leader Moore,
of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant
Secretary of Transportation, vice Janet Hale, resigned.
Edward C. Stringer,
of Minnesota, to be General Counsel, Department of Education, vice Wendell L. Willkie II,
resigned.
D. Allan Bromley,
of Connecticut, to be Director of the Office of
Science and Technology Policy, vice William R.
Graham, resigned.
Deborah Kaye Owen,
of Maryland, to be a Federal Trade Commissioner for the unexpired term of 7 years from September 26, 1987, vice Margot E. Machol.
Timothy B. Atkeson,
of Pennsylvania, to be an Assistant Administrator
of the Environmental Protection Agency, vice
Jennifer Joy Manson, resigned.


868




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix B


Withdrawn June 6
Richard Wood Boehm,
of the District of Columbia, a career member of
the Senior Foreign Service, Class of MinisterCounselor, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Sultanate of Oman, which was sent to the
Senate on January 3, 1989.
Michael Ussery,
of South Carolina, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to the Kingdom of Morocco, which was
sent to the Senate on January 3, 1989.
Becky Norton Dunlop,
of Virginia, to be Assistant Secretary for Fish and
Wildlife, Department of the Interior, vice William P. Horn, resigned, which was sent to the
Senate on January 3, 1989.
Margot E. Machol,
of the District of Columbia, to be a Federal
Trade Commissioner for the term of 7 years from
September 26, 1987, vice Patricia Price Bailey,
resigned, which was sent to the Senate January 3,
1989.
Submitted June 7
Janice Obuchowski,
of Virginia, to be Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Communications and Information, vice
Alfred C. Sikes, resigned.
Michael J. Astrue,
of Massachusetts, to be General Counsel of the
Department of Health and Human Services, vice
Malcolm M.B. Sterrett, resigned.
Sherrie Sandy Rollins,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, vice Harry K.
Schwartz, resigned.
Richard Harrison Truly,
of Texas, to be Administrator of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, vice James C.
Fletcher, resigned.
Roy M. Goodman,
of New York, to be a member of the National
Council on the Arts for a term expiring September 3, 1994, vice C. Douglas Dillon, term expired.


Submitted June 13
Joseph Bernard Gildenhorn,
of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United
States of America to Switzerland.
Martin Lewis Allday,
of Texas, to be Solicitor of the Department of the
Interior, vice Ralph W. Tarr, resigned.
John F. Turner,
of Wyoming, to be Director of the United States
Fish and Wildlife Service, vice Frank H. Dunkle,
resigned.
Deborah Wince-Smith,
of Ohio, to be Assistant Secretary of Commerce
for Technology Policy, vice D. Bruce Merrifield,
resigned.
Submitted June 15
Frederick Morris Bush,
of Maryland, to be Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America to Luxembourg.
Chas. W. Freeman, Jr.,
of Rhode Island, a career member of the Senior
Foreign Service, Class of Minister-Counselor, to
be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
Stella Garcia Guerra,
of Texas, to be an Assistant Secretary of the Interior, vice Janet J. McCoy, resigned.
Edward T. Timperlake,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Veterans Affairs (Congressional and Public Affairs)
(new position).
Raoul Lord Carroll,
of the District of Columbia, to be General Counsel, Department of Veterans Affairs (new position).
Withdrawn June 15
Janet J. McCoy,
of Oregon, to be an Assistant Secretary of the
Interior, vice Richard Thomas Montoya, resigned,
which was sent to the Senate on January 3, 1989.
Submitted June 19
Andrew Camp Barrett,
of Illinois, to be a member of the Federal Communications Commission for the term expiring
June 30, 1990, vice Mark S. Fowler, resigned.


869




Appendix B / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Subm itted June 21
S. Anthony McCann,
of Maryland, to be an Assistant Secretary of Veterans Affairs (Finance and Planning) (new position).
Wade F. Horn,
of Maryland, to be Chief of the Children's
Bureau, Department of Health and Human Services, vice Dodie Truman Livingston, resigned.
Susan M. Coughlin,
of Pennsylvania, to be a member of the National
Transportation Safety Board for the term expiring December 31, 1993, vice Lemoine V. Dickinson, Jr., term expired.
Henry E. Hockeimer,
of Michigan, to be an Associate Director of the
United States Information Agency, vice Woodward Kingman, resigned, to which position he
was appointed during the recess of the Senate
from October 22, 1988, to January 3, 1989.
Withdrawn June 21
Henry E. Hockeimer,
of Michigan, to be an Associate Director of the
United States Information Agency, vice Woodward Kingman, resigned, which was sent to the
Senate on January 3, 1989.


Submitted June 22
Richard A. Clarke,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of State,
vice H. Allen Holmes, resigned.
Gerard F. Scannell,
of New Jersey, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Labor, vice John A. Pendergrass, resigned.
Claire E. Freeman,
of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, vice Judith L.
Tardy, resigned.
John J. Easton, Jr.,
of Vermont, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Energy (International Affairs and Energy Emergencies), vice David B. Waller, resigned.
Subm itted June 23
Julia Chang Bloch,
of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United
States of America to the Kingdom of Nepal.
Kyo Ryoon Jhin,
of Maryland, to be Chief Counsel for Advocacy,
Small Business Administration, vice Frank S.
Swain, resigned.


870




Appendix C-Checklist of White House Press Releases


The following list contains releases of the Office
of the Press Secretary which are not included in
this book.
Released January 26
Advance text:
Remarks to members of the Senior Executive
Service
Released January 31
Advance text:
Remarks to the crew of the U.S.S. America and
naval shipyard employees in Norfolk, VA
Released February 2
Transcript:
Press briefing on the President's meeting with
Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita of Japan-by
Gaston J. Sigur, Assistant Secretary of State for
East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Released February 6
Transcript:
Press briefing on the savings and loan crisis-by
Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas F. Brady;
Richard G. Darman, Director of the Office of
Management and Budget; Attorney General
Richard Thornburgh; Alan Greenspan, Chairman
of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System; M. Danny Wall, Chairman of the Federal
Home Loan Bank Board; and L. William Seidman, Chairman of the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation
Released February 7
Transcript:
Press briefing on the President's upcoming visit
to Canada-by Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs
Released February 8
Fact sheet:
Economic Policy Council and Domestic Policy
Council
Released February 9
Advance text:
Address before a joint session of the Congress


Fact sheet:
President's Bush's Agenda: Building a Better
America
Transcript:
Press briefing on the fiscal year 1990 budget-by
Richard G. Darman, Director of the Office of
Management and Budget
Released February 10
Transcript:
Press briefing on the President's meeting with
Prime Minister Brian Mulroney in Ottawa,
Canada-by Secretary of State James A. Baker III
Released February 13
Advance text:
Remarks to the members of the Business and
Industry Association of New Hampshire in Manchester
Released February 15
Advance text:
Remarks to the South Carolina State Legislature
in Columbia
Released February 17
Advance text:
Remarks to students at Washington University in
St. Louis, MO
Released February 22
Advance text:
Remarks to Armed Forces personnel at Elmendorf Air Force Base, Anchorage, AK
Announcement:
Nomination of Robert C. Bonner to be United
States District Judge for the Central District of
California
Announcement:
Nomination of Vaughn R. Walker to be United
States District Judge for the Northern District of
California
Announcement:
Nomination of Ferdinand F. Fernandez to be
United States Circuit Judge for the Ninth Circuit


871




Appendix C / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Announcement:
Nomination of Melinda Harmon to be United
States District Judge for the Southern District of
Texas
Announcement:
Nomination of Pamela Ann Rymer to be United
States Circuit Judge for the Ninth Circuit
Released February 23
Transcript:
Press briefing on the President's trip to the Far
East-by Secretary of State James A. Baker III
Released February 24
Transcript:
Interview of Secretary of State James A. Baker III
by Tom Brokaw of NBC News
Transcript:
Interview of Secretary of State James A. Baker III
by Harry Smith of CBS News
Transcript:
Interview of Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs by Charles
Gibson of ABC News
Released February 25
Advance text:
Toast at the welcoming banquet in Beijing, China
Released February 26
Transcript:
Interview of Secretary of State James A. Baker III
by Bill Plante of CBS News
Advance text:
Remarks to U.S. and Chinese officials at a banquet hosted by the President in Beijing, China
Transcript:
Interview of John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to
the President, by Frank Sesno and Charles Bierbauer of Cable Network News
Released February 27
Advance text:
Address to the National Assembly in Seoul, South
Korea
Released February 28
Transcript:
Press briefing on the Senate's deliberations on
the confirmation of John Tower as Secretary of
Defense-by Senators Robert Dole and John
Warner


Released March 9
Advance text:
Remarks to Drug Enforcement Administration
officers in New York, NY
Advance text:
Remarks at the United Negro College Fund
dinner in New York, NY
Released March 13
Statement:
Condolences on the death of John J. McCloy
Released March 15
Fact sheet:
Building a Better America: President Bush's
Child Care Proposals
Advance text:
Remarks at the Electronic Industries Association's
annual Government-Industry Dinner
Released March 16
Advance text:
Remarks at a luncheon hosted by the Forum
Club in Houston, TX
Advance text:
Remarks at the Junior Achievement National
Business Hall of Fame Dinner in Colorado
Springs, CO
Released March 21
Fact sheet:
President's minimum-wage proposal
Released March 22
Advance text:
Remarks to students at Conestoga Valley High
School in Lancaster, PA
Advance text:
Remarks to the law enforcement community in
Wilmington, DE
Released March 23
Advance text:
Remarks to the National Association of Manufacturers Congress of American Industry
Released March 24
Transcript:
Press briefing on the bipartisan accord on Central America-by Secretary of State James A.
Baker III; Jim Wright, Speaker of the House of


872




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix C


Representatives; George Mitchell and Robert
Dole, majority and minority leaders of the
Senate, respectively; Thomas S. Foley and Robert
H. Michel, majority and minority leaders of the
House of Representatives, respectively
Released March 29
Announcement:
Nomination of Wayne A. Budd to be United
States Attorney for the District of Massachusetts
Released March 30
Transcript:
Press briefing on the oil spill in Prince William
Sound, Alaska-by Secretary of Transportation
Samuel K. Skinner; William K. Reilly, Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency; and
Adm. Paul A. Yost, Commandant of the U.S.
Coast Guard
Advance text
Remarks to members of the American Association of Community and Junior Colleges
Released April 4
Advance text:
Remarks at a White House briefing for members
of the American Business Conference
Transcript:
Press briefing on Central America-by President
Oscar Arias Sanchez of Costa Rica
Released April 5
Transcript:
Press briefing on the proposed Educational Excellence Act of 1989-by Secretary of Education
Lauro F. Cavazos and Under Secretary of Education Charles Kolb
Announcement:
Nomination of Frank Quill Nebeker to be chief
judge of the U.S. Court of Veterans Appeals
Released April 6
Transcript:
Press briefing on Federal assistance for the Alaskan oil spill cleanup-by Secretary of Transportation Samuel K. Skinner; Secretary of Defense
Richard Cheney; and William K. Reilly, Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency
Released April 12
Fact sheet:
President's ethics reform proposals


Advance text:
Remarks at the Congressional Fire Services Institute dinner
Advance text:
Remarks to participants in Project Educational
Forum in Union, NJ
Released April 14
Transcript:
Press briefing on the budget-by the budget
agreement negotiating group
Released April 17
Advance text:
Remarks to citizens in Hamtramck, MI
Fact sheet:
U.S. support for Polish reforms
Released April 18
Fact sheet:
Implementation of the bipartisan accord on Central America
Released April 24
Advance text:
Remarks at the memorial service for crewmembers of the U.S.S. Iowa in Norfolk, VA
Advance text:
Remarks at the Associated Press business luncheon in Chicago, IL
Advance text:
Remarks at the dedication ceremony for the Centennial Grove in Bismarck, ND
Released April 25
Advance text:
Remarks to employees of the Ford Aerospace
Space Systems Division in Palo Alto, CA
Advance text:
Remarks to members of the law enforcement
community at Rancho del Rio in Orange County,
CA
Advance text:
Remarks to members of the Spanish-American
community in Los Angeles, CA
Released April 26
Advance text:
Remarks to the State legislature in Austin, TX


873




Appendix C / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Released April 27
Advance text:
Remarks at the International Drug Enforcement
Conference in Miami, FL
Advance text:
Remarks at the dedication ceremony for the
Drug Command Coordination Control and Intelligence Center in Miami, FL
Advance text:
Remarks at the dedication ceremony for the Michael Bilirakis Alzheimer's Center in Palm
Harbor, FL
Advance text:
Remarks at the Andrew Mellon dinner in Washington, DC
Released April 28
Fact sheet:
Executive order on historically black colleges and
universities
Released May 2
Advance text:
Remarks to the Council of the Americas
Released May 5
Announcement:
Nomination of Kenneth B. Kramer to be an Associate Judge of the United States Court of Veterans Appeals
Released May 11
Transcript:
Press briefing on the crisis in Panama-by Brent
Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs
Released May 12
Advance text:
Remarks at the Texas A&M University commencement ceremony in College Station, TX
Fact sheet:
"Beyond Containment"-the President's Texas
A&M University commencement address
Fact sheet:
President's "Open Skies" initiative
Fact sheet:
The Jackson-Vanik amendment


Announcement:
Nomination of E. Bart Daniel to be the United
States Attorney for the District of South Carolina
Released May 17
Fact sheet:
Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday Commission Extension Act
Released May 18
Advance text:
Remarks to supporters of the Brainpower Coalition in Rochester, NY
Released May 20
Transcript:
Press briefing on President Bush's meeting with
President Mitterrand of France in Kennebunkport, ME-by Secretary of State James A. Baker
III and French Foreign Minister Roland Dumas
Released May 23
Transcript:
Press briefing on the resumption of Strategic
Arms Reduction Talks with the Soviet Union and
the President's participation in the upcoming
NATO summit-by Secretary of State James A.
Baker III
Released May 24
Announcement:
Nomination of Dee V. Benson to be United States
Attorney for the District of Utah
Released May 25
Statement:
Presidential decision on U.S. action against foreign trade barriers
Released May 26
Advance text:
Remarks upon departure for Europe
Advance text:
Remarks at the arrival ceremony in Rome
Released May 27
Advance text:
Toast at a state dinner hosted by Prime Minister
Ciriaco De Mita in Rome


874




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix C


Released May 28
Transcript:
Interview of Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs, by ABC's
"This Week with David Brinkley"
Advance text:
Remarks at a Memorial Day ceremony at the
Sicily-Rome American Cemetery in Nettuno,
Italy
Transcript:
Interview of John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff to
the President, by CNN's "Newsmaker Sunday"
Released May 29
Fact sheet:
President's initiative on conventional arms control
Released May 30
Joint communique:
Statement on the Ministerial Meeting of the
North Atlantic Council at Reykjavik
Fact sheet:
NATO summit declaration (two documents)
Transcript:
Interview of Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the
President for National Security Affairs, by Frank
Sesno, Cable News Network
Transcript:
Press briefing on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Summit-by Secretary of State James A.
Baker III
Advance text:
Toast at a state dinner hosted by Chancellor
Helmut Kohl in Bonn, Federal Republic of Germany
Released May 31
Advance text:
Remarks to citizens in Mainz, Federal Republic
of Germany
Advance text:
Remarks to military personnel and their families
in Frankfurt, Federal Republic of Germany
Released June 1
Transcript:
Press briefing on the President's meeting with
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the United


Kingdom and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization summit-by Secretary of State James A.
Baker III
Advance text:
Toast at a state dinner hosted by Prime Minister
Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom in
London
Released June 5
Advance text:
Remarks at the annual meeting of the Business
Roundtable
Released June 8
Advance text:
Remarks to members of Ducks Unlimited
Released June 9
Announcement:
Nomination of William Braniff to be United
States Attorney for the Southern District of California
Released June 12
Transcript:
Press briefings on the President's Clean Air Act
amendment proposals-by William K. Reilly, Administrator of the Environmental Protection
Agency, and James D. Watkins, Secretary of
Energy
Released June 13
Advance text:
Remarks to students at the Teton Science School
in Grand Teton National Park, WY
Advance text:
Remarks at the University of Nebraska in Lincoln
Released June 15
Fact sheet:
President's trip to Glynco, GA
Advance text:
Remarks at the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center in Glynco, GA
Announcement:
Nomination of Margaret Person Currin to be
United States Attorney for the Eastern District of
North Carolina


875




Appendix C / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Released June 16
Announcement:
Distribution by Attorney General Richard L.
Thornburgh to U.S. attorneys of guidelines for
plea bargaining in cases involving firearms
Released June 19
Advance text:
Remarks at the Cheltenham High School commencement ceremony in Wyncote, PA
Released June 21
Advance text:
Remarks to members of the Family Motor Coach
Association in Richmond, VA
Advance text:
Remarks to State Republican leaders at a fundraising dinner in Richmond, VA
Released June 22
Advance text:
Remarks at a luncheon hosted by the New York
Partnership and the Association for a Better New
York in New York, NY


Advance text:
Remarks at a Republican Party fundraising
dinner in New York, NY
Advance text:
Remarks at the Wall Street Journal anniversary
dinner in New York, NY
Released June 27
Transcript:
Press briefing on the President's meeting with
Prime Minister Hawke of Australia-by William
Clark, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for
Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs
Released June 29
Transcript:
Press briefing on the economic summit and
China-by Secretary of State James A. Baker III
Released June 30
Advance text:
Remarks at a White House ceremony commemorating the 25th anniversary of the Civil Rights
Act


876




Appendix D-Acts Approved by the President


Approved February 7
H.J. Res. 129 / Public Law 101-1
Disapproving the increases in executive, legislative, and judicial salaries recommended by the
President under section 225 of the Federal Salary
Act of 1967
Approved March 15
H.J. Res. 22 / Public Law 101-2
To designate the week beginning March 6, 1989,
as "Federal Employees Recognition Week"
Approved March 21
S.J. Res. 64 / Public Law 101-3
To designate March 25, 1989, as "Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of
Greek and American Democracy"
Approved March 23
HJ. Res. 117 / Public Law 101-4
To proclaim March 20, 1989, as "National Agriculture Day"
H.J. Res. 167 / Public Law 101-5
To designate March 16, 1989, as "Freedom of
Information Day"
Approved March 24
H.J. Res. 148 / Public Law 101-6
Designating the month of March in both 1989
and 1990 as "Women's History Month"
Approved March 29
S. 553 / Public Law 101-7
To provide for more balance in the stocks of
dairy products purchased by the Commodity
Credit Corporation
S.J. Res. 87 / Public Law 101-8
To commend the Governments of Israel and
Egypt on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of
the Treaty of Peace between Israel and Egypt
Approved March 31
H.R. 1373 / Public Law 101-9
To authorize the Agency for International Development to pay the expenses of an election observer mission for the 1989 presidential elections
in Panama


Approved April 2
S.J. Res. 50 / Public Law 101-10
To designate the week beginning April 2, 1989,
as "National Child Care Awareness Week"
Approved April 7
H.R. 829 / Public Law 101-11
Wildfire Suppression Assistance Act
Approved April 10
S. 20 / Public Law 101-12
Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989
Approved April 13
S.J. Res. 43 / Public Law 101-13
Designating April 9, 1989, as "National Former
Prisoners of War Recognition Day"
Approved April 18
H.R. 1750 / Public Law 101-14
To implement the Bipartisan Accord on Central
America of March 24, 1989
H.J. Res. 173 / Public Law 101-15
To designate April 16, 1989, and April 6, 1990, as
"Education Day, U.S.A."
Approved April 19
H.J. Res. 102 / Public Law 101-16
To designate April 1989 as "National Recycling
Month"
Approved April 20
H.R. 666 / Public Law 101-17
To allow an obsolete Navy drydock to be transferred to the city of Jacksonville, Florida, before
the expiration of the otherwise applicable 60-day
congressional review period
H.J. Res. 112 / Public Law 101-18
Designating April 23, 1989, through April 29,
1989, and April 23, 1990, through April 29, 1990,
as "National Organ and Tissue Donor Awareness
Week"


877




Appendix D / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Approved May 1
S.J. Res. 45 / Public Law 101-19
Designating May 1989 as "Older Americans
Month"
S.J. Res. 92 / Public Law 101-20
To invite the houses of worship of this Nation to
celebrate the bicentennial of the inauguration of
George Washington, the first President of the
United States, by ringing bells at 12 noon on
Sunday, April 30, 1989
Approved May 2
S.J. Res. 60 / Public Law 101-21
To designate the period commencing on May 1,
1989, and ending on May 7, 1989, as "National
Drinking Water Week"
S.J. Res. 84 / Public Law 101-22
To designate April 30, 1989, as "National Society
of the Sons of the American Revolution Centennial Day"
S.J. Res. 52 / Public Law 101-23
To express gratitude for law enforcement personnel
Approved May 3
H.J. Res. 124 / Public Law 101-24
To recognize the seventy-fifth anniversary of the
Smith-Lever Act of May 8, 1914, and its role in
establishing our Nation's system of State Cooperative Extension Services
Approved May 5
S.J. Res. 25 / Public Law 101-25
To designate the week of May 7, 1989, through
May 14, 1989, as "Jewish Heritage Week"
Approved May 11
H.R. 678 / Public Law 101-26
To make a correction in the Education and
Training for a Competitive America Act
S.J. Res. 62 / Public Law 101-27
Designating May 1989 as "National Stroke
Awareness Month"
Approved May 15
S. 968 / Public Law 101-28
To delay the effective date of section 27 of the
Office of Federal Procurement Policy Act
Approved May 17
S.J. Res. 37 / Public Law 101-29
Designating the week beginning May 14, 1989,


and the week beginning May 13, 1990, as "National Osteoporosis Prevention Week"
H.R. 1385 / Public Law 101-30
Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday Commission Extension Act
Approved May 22
H.J. Res. 135 / Public Law 101-31
To designate the week beginning May 7, 1989, as
"National Correctional Officers Week"
S.J. Res. 58 / Public Law 101-32
To designate May 17, 1989, as "High School Reserve Officer Training Corps Recognition Day"
Approved May 23
S.J. Res. 68 / Public Law 101-33
To designate the month of May 1989, as "Trauma
Awareness Month"
Approved May 25
H.J. Res. 170 / Public Law 101-34
Designating May 1989, as "National Digestive
Disease Awareness Month"
H.J. Res. 247 / Public Law 101-35
Designating May 29, 1989, as the "National Day
of Remembrance for the Victims of the USS
IOWA"
Approved June 9
S.J. Res. 128 / Public Law 101-36
Authorizing a first strike ceremony at the United
States Capitol for the Bicentennial of the Congress Commemorative Coin
Approved June 15
S. 767 / Public Law 101-37
Business Opportunity Development Reform Act
Technical Corrections Act
Approved June 19
H.J. Res. 274 / Public Law 101-38
To designate the week beginning June 11, 1989,
as "National Scleroderma Awareness Week"
S.J. Res. 63 / Public Law 101-39
Designating June 14, 1989, as "Baltic Freedom
Day", and for other purposes
Approved June 20
H.R. 964 / Public Law 101-40
To correct an error in Private Law 100-29 (relat

878




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix D


ing to certain lands in Lamar County, Alabama)
and to make technical corrections in certain
other provisions of law
Approved June 21
H.R. 932 / Public Law 101-41
Puyallup Tribe of Indians Settlement Act of 1989
Approved June 28
H.R. 881 / Public Law 101-42
Coquille Restoration Act
H.J. Res. 111 / Public Law 101-43
Designating June 23, 1989, as "United States
Coast Guard Auxiliary Day"
Approved June 30
H.R. 2344 / Public Law 101-44
To authorize the transfer to the Republic of the
Philippines of two excess naval vessels
H.R. 2402 / Public Law 101-45
Dire Emergency Supplemental Appropriations


and Transfers, Urgent Supplementals, and Correcting Enrollment Errors Act of 1989
S. 694 / Public Law 101-46
To extend title I of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act
S. 1077 / Public Law 101-47
To authorize the President to appoint Admiral
James B. Busey to the Office of Administrator of
the Federal Aviation Administration
S. 1180 / Public Law 101-48
To authorize the President to appoint Rear Admiral Richard Harrison Truly to the Office of
Administrator of the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration
S. 1184 / Public Law 101-49
To allow the obsolete destroyer United States
ship Edson (DD 946) to be transferred to the
Intrepid Sea-Air-Space Museum in New York
before the expiration of the otherwise applicable
sixty-day congressional review period
S.J. Res. 96 / Public Law 101-50
Designating July 2, 1989, as "National Literacy
Day"


879








Appendix E-Proclamations and Executive Orders


NOTE: The texts of the proclamations and Executive orders are printed in the Federal Register
(FR.) at the citations listed below. The documents are also printed in title 3 of the Code of
Federal Regulations and in the Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents.
PROCLAMATIONS
Proc.    Date                                Subject                                 54 FR.
No.      1989                                                                           page
5936    Jan. 20   National Day of Prayer and Thanksgiving, 1989......................................... 3575
5937    Feb. 21 American Heart Month, 1989................................. 7751
5938    Feb. 28   American Red Cross Month, 1989.............................. 8723
5939    Mar.   1 Save Your Vision Week, 1989................................. 9193
5940    Mar. 2 National Poison Prevention Week, 1989......................... 9195
5941    Mar. 8    Federal Employees Recognition Week, 1989.................... 10261
5942    Mar. 17   National Day of Prayer, 1989................................. 11483
5943    Mar. 18   National Agriculture Day, 1989............................... 11485
5944    Mar. 21   Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of
Greek and American Democracy, 1989...................... 12165
5945    Mar. 24   Women's History Month, 1989 and 1990....................... 12573
5946    Mar. 24   Actors' Fund of America Appreciation Month, 1989.............. 12869
5947    Mar. 27   National Earthquake Awareness Week, 1989.................... 13043
5948    Apr.   2 National Child Care Awareness Week, 1989..................... 13663
5949    Apr.   6  Cancer Control Month, 1989................................. 14329
5950    Apr.   6  National Consumers Week, 1989.............................. 14331
5951    Apr.   7 National Former Prisoners of War Recognition Day, 1989.......... 14617
5952    Apr. 10   National Volunteer Week, 1989............................... 14619
5953    Apr. 12   Crime Victims Week, 1989.................................. 15157
5954    Apr. 13   Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1989............... 15163
5955    Apr. 13   Amending the Generalized System of Preferences................ 15357
5956    Apr. 14   Education Day, U.S.A., 1989 and 1990............................................. 15737
5957    Apr. 19   National Recycling Month, 1989.............................. 17687
5958    Apr. 20   National Organ and Tissue Donor Awareness Week, 1989 and
1990.................................................. 17695
5959    Apr. 21   Law Day, U.S.A., 1989...................................... 17697
5960    Apr. 21   Death of American Servicemen on Board the USS Iowa........... 17699


881




Appendix E / Administration of George Bush, 1989


Proc.    Date                                 Subject                                    54 FR.
No.      1989                                                                              page
5961    Apr. 28   National Arbor Day, 1989....................................18859
5962    Apr. 28   Loyalty Day, 1989..........................................18861
5963    Apr. 28   Bicentennial Celebration of the Inauguration of George Washington....................................................18863
(Correction to Proclamation -5963-line 1)....................... 22054
5964    Apr. 28   National Drinking Water Week, 1989..........................18865
5965    Apr. 28   National Society of the Sons of the American Revolution Centennial Day, 1989...........................................18867
5966    May    1 Jewish Heritage Week, 1989................................. 19153
5967    May    2  National Maritime Day, 1989................................. 19343
5968    May    2  Fire Prevention Week, 1989................................. 19345
5969    May    3  Smith-Lever Act 75th Anniversary, 1989....................... 19537
5970    May    4  Older Americans Month, 1989................................ 19539
5971    May    5  World Trade Week, 1989.................................... 19867
5972    May    8  Asian/Pacific American Heritage Week, 1989................... 20113
5973    May    8  Small Business Week, 1989.................................. 20115
5974    May 10    Mother's Day, 1989......................................... 20781
5975    May 11    National Stroke Awareness Month, 1989........................ 21043
5976    May 11    National Correctional Officers Week, 1989...................... 21045
5977    May 12    National Farm Safety Week, 1989............................. 21181
5978    May 12    To Implement in Terms of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of
the United States the Nairobi Protocol to the Florence Agreement on the Importation of Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Materials.......................................... 21187
5979    May 15    Trauma Awareness Month, 1989.............................. 21193
5980    May 16    National Defense Transportation Day and National Transportation Week, 1989.........................................21587
5981    May 17    National Osteoporosis Prevention Week, 1989 and 1990........................ 21589
5982    May 17    High School Reserve Officer Training Corps Recognition Day,
1989..................................................21591
5983    May 17    Armed Forces Day......................................... 21593
5984    May 22    National Digestive Disease Awareness Month, 1989................................ 22405
5985    May 22    Prayer for Peace, Memorial Day, 1989......................... 22407
5986    May 24    National Day of Remembrance for the Victims of the USS
IOWA.................................................22737
5987    May 24    National Safe Boating Week, 1989............................. 22875


882




Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Appendix E


Proc.
No.
5988
5989
5990
5991
5992
5993
5994
5995


Date
1989
June 7
June  9
June 14
June 15
June 16
June 19
June 23
June 30


E..     Date
No.     1989
12668 Jan. 25
12669 Feb. 20
12670 Mar. 9
12671  Mar. 14
12672 Mar. 21
12673 Mar. 23
12674 Apr. 12


Subject                                  54 F.R.
page
Flag Day and National Flag Week, 1989...................................................24885
Father's Day, 1989...................................................25435
Baltic Freedom Day, 1989....................................................25701
National Grasslands Week, 1989...................................................   25837
National Scleroderma Awareness Week, 1989...........................................26015
National Lighthouse Day, 1989...................................................  26183
United States Coast Guard Auxiliary Day, 1989........................................26941
National Literacy Day, 1989......................................   28409
EXECUTIVE ORDERS
Subject                                  54 F.R.
page
President's Commission on Federal Ethics Law Reform........................... 3979
Organization of Eastern Caribbean States...................................................7753
Nuclear Cooperation With EURATOM................................................... 10267
Exclusion of the Customs Office of Enforcement From the Federal Labor-Management Relations Program......................................... 11157
Interagency Committee on Handicapped Employees............................. 12167
Delegation of Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Functions......................................................12571
Principles of Ethical Conduct for Government Officers and Employees................................................................15159
Establishing the National Space Council................................................... 17691
Delegating Authority To Provide Assistance for the Nicaraguan
Resistance........................................................................ 18639
Historically Black Colleges and Universities.............................................. 18869
Level IV of the Executive Schedule................................................... 18872
Level IV of the Executive Schedule................................................... 27149


12675
12676
12677
12678
12679


Apr. 20
Apr. 26
Apr. 28
Apr. 28
June 23


883








Subject Index


AFL-CIO. See Labor & Congress of Industrial
Organizations, American Federation of
AIDS. See Health and medical care
ASEA Brown Boveri Ltd.-571
ASEAN. See South East Asian Nations, Association
of
Abortion-12, 13, 28, 481, 527, 808, 809
Academy. See other part of subject
Acid rain. See Environment
Acquired immune deficiency syndrome. See
Health and medical care
ACTION-395, 834
Administration. See other part of subject
Adoption-78
Advisory. See other part of subject
Aeronautics and Space Administration, National-76, 165, 251, 310, 342, 399-401, 473, 532,
566
Afghanistan
Administration policies-100, 106
Economic assistance-100, 106
Internal situation-100, 684
Pakistan, role-106, 133, 684
Refugees-684
Relations with U.S.-26, 100
Soviet role-26, 100, 106, 113
Africa. See specific country
Afro-American (Black) History Month, National39
Aged
See also specific subject
President's views-490
Agence France-Presse-454
Agency. See other part of subject
Agriculture
Administration policies-438, 439
Alternative fuels, role. See Energy
Chilean fruit, import restrictions. See Chile
Drought. See Disaster assistance
Free market policies-80, 97, 343, 437-440
Grain-509
President's views-723
Price supports and subsidies-437, 509
Rural development-437
Water quality, role. See Environment
Agriculture, Department of
Alaskan oil spill cleanup, role. See Disaster assistance
Assistant Secretaries-305, 306
Budget-436, 438
Deputy Secretary-96, 153
Forest Service, U.S.-770
General Counsel-350
President's views-96
Secretary-96, 343, 347, 436-439, 721


Agriculture, Department of-Continued
Under Secretary-188, 570
Air Force, Department of the
See also Armed Forces, U.S.
Alaskan Air Command, Commander-122
Secretary-504
Aircraft. See Aviation
Airline industry. See Aviation
Alabama, Governor-293
Alaska
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge-15, 123, 318,
340, 385
Economy-382
Elmendorf Air Force Base-122
Governor-122, 318, 387
Oilspill. See Disaster assistance
President's visit-122
Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, Bureau of. See
Treasury, Department of
Alcorn State University-544
Ambassadors. See specific country
America, U.S.S.-37
American. See other part of subject
Americas, Council of the-504
America's Heritage Abroad, Commission for the
Preservation of-509
Angola
Cuban role-822
Peace efforts-822, 824
Angola, National Union for the Total Independence of-824
Angola, Popular Movement for the Liberation
of-824
Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith-232
Anti-Semitism. See Human rights
Apartheid. See South Africa
Arab League-726
Archives and Records Administration, National450
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. See Alaska
Argentina, U.S. Ambassador-264
Armed Forces, U.S.
See also specific military department; Defense
and national security
Alaskan oil spill cleanup, role. See Disaster assistance
Deployment-537, 538, 548, 549
Drug trafficking prevention, role-74, 175
Europe, role. See Europe, defense and security
Korea, role. See Korea, Republic of
Manpower reductions-618, 624, 653
POW's-MIA's-3, 5, 40, 470
President's views-37, 74, 80, 123, 142, 175,
409, 620, 654, 730, 832


A-1




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S.215, 237, 317, 752
Arms and munitions
See also Iran arms and contra aid controversy;
Nuclear weapons
Biological weapons-414
Chemical weapons-79, 128, 140, 237, 321,
414, 542, 618, 632, 636, 653, 660, 684, 815
China, arms sales-670
Combatant ships-252, 453
Conventional forces and weapons-122, 128,
183, 196, 237, 516, 522, 542, 585, 589, 603,
618, 623, 630, 632, 634, 635, 638-642, 653,
660
Gun control. See Law enforcement and crime
High-technology weapons, proliferation-79,
140, 626
Quality-38
Saudi Arabia, arms sales-413, 414
Army, Department of the
See also Armed Forces, U.S.
Assistant Secretary-765
Military adviser, U.S., assassination. See Philippines
Secretary-478
Arts, National Council on the. See Arts and the
Humanities, National Foundation on the
Arts and the Humanities, National Foundation on
the
Arts, National Council on the-688
Humanities, National Endowment for the-166
Museum Services Institute-279
Asia-Pacific region
See also specific country
Administration policies-138, 150, 705
Nuclear nonproliferation. See Nuclear weapons
President's views-79, 123, 148, 150
Asian-Americans, President's views-523
Asian/Pacific American Heritage Week-523
Associated Press-454, 465, 551
Association. See other part of subject
Atlantis. See Space program, shuttle
Atomic Energy Agency, International-79, 340
Attorney General. See Justice, Department of
Attorneys, U.S. See Justice, Department of
Attorneys General, National Association of-221
Australia
Ambassador, U.S.-265
Chemical weapons, opposition. See Arms and
munitions
Democracy and freedom-815, 818
Economy-815
Prime Minister-811, 813, 815, 818
Relations with China-811
Relations with U.S.-815, 818
Austria, U.S. Ambassador-327
Automobiles. See Motor vehicles
Aviation
Aerial surveillance, East-West. See Defense and
national security
Aircraft industry-497
Airline labor dispute-172, 178, 180
Airport security-348


Aviation-Continued
Combat aircraft reductions. See Arms and munitions, conventional forces and weapons
Japan-U.S. fighter aircraft-256, 319, 497
Pan American plane crash in Scotland-347
Safety-58, 178, 324
Aviation Administration, Federal. See Transportation, Department of
Award. See other part of subject
Bahamas, U.S. Ambassador-313
Baltimore Orioles-350, 355
Bank. See other part of subject
Banking. See Monetary affairs
Bar Association, American-458
Barbados, U.S. Ambassador-829
Basketball Association, National-760
Battle Monuments Commission, American-730,
731
Belgium
Ambassador, U.S.-644
King-133, 617
President's visit-617, 621, 627, 638, 644
Prime Minister-617
Relations with U.S.-617, 659
Bennett College-495
Berlin-625, 646, 652, 668
Better New York, Association for a-785
Bicentennial. See other part of subject
Biological weapons. See Arms and munitions
Black history month. See Afro-American (Black)
History Month, National
Board. See other part of subject
Boston Globe-454, 551
Boston University-582
Boy Scouts of America-87
Brainpower coalition. See Rochester Brainpower
Coalition
Brazil
President-133, 150
Trade with U.S.-607
Brotherhood. See other part of subject
Budget, Federal
Administration policies-60, 737
Deficit-2, 8, 10, 42, 50, 75, 85, 93, 94, 105,
108, 121, 134, 145, 162, 179, 244, 247, 250,
258, 270, 280, 302, 322, 344, 352, 356, 422,
425, 434, 435, 438, 472, 492, 500, 579, 582,
595, 725, 734, 808
Fiscal year 1989-110, 389, 436, 484, 687, 837
Fiscal year 1990-75, 81, 83, 85, 93, 94, 103,
104, 108, 115, 134, 168, 171, 174, 184, 190,
191, 200, 212, 222, 224, 236, 241, 244, 245,
247, 255, 258, 283, 296, 302, 345, 352, 366 -369, 422, 425, 434, 435, 438, 442, 454, 468,
472, 492, 500, 559, 565, 739, 740, 743
Line-item veto-75, 93
Reform of process-75, 93, 162
Rescissions and deferrals-75, 436
Building and Construction Trades Department.
See Labor & Congress of Industrial Organizations, American Federation of


A-2




Subject Index


Bulgaria, human rights-802
Bureau. See other part of subject
Burma
Trade with U.S.-420, 421
Worker rights-420, 421
Business Conference, American-351, 679
Business Hall of Fame, National. See Junior
Achievement
Business and industry
See also specific industry
Air pollution control. See Environment, air
quality
Capital gains tax. See Taxation, tax reform
Child-care facilities. See Children and youth
Deregulation. See Regulatory reform
Education, role. See Education
Enterprise zones. See Enterprise zones
Ethics-50
Foreign investment. See Economy, international
Free enterprise system-499
Government's role-160, 302, 500, 568, 707
Mandated employee benefits. See Labor issues,
Government's role
Oilspill liability-387
Political contributions. See Elections, campaign
financing
President's views-80, 352, 546, 579
Productivity and competitiveness-48, 85, 130,
160, 190, 245, 279, 302, 370, 435, 472, 502,
579, 581,799
Small and minority business-29, 160, 233, 279,
280, 502, 525
Voluntarism, role. See Voluntarism
Business and Industry Association of New Hampshire-84
Business Roundtable-678
Business Week-336
CAFE. See Motor vehicles, fuel efficiency
CBS News-454, 697
CCTV-142
CFC's. See Environment
CFE. See Arms and munitions, conventional
forces and weapons
CSBM. See Confidence and Security Building
Measures and Disarmament in Europe, Conference on
CSCE. See Security and Cooperation in Europe,
Conference on
Cabinet
See also specific position
Domestic Policy Council-74, 692
Economic Policy Council-74, 607
Meeting with President-152
President's views-74, 224, 454, 734
Cable News Network-551
California
Bookstore bombings-152
Orange County Sheriff-474, 475
Outer Continental Shelf oil and gas development. See Maritime affairs
President's visit-471, 474, 476, 480


California, University of, Los Angeles-477
Cambodia
Administration policies-133, 150, 451, 705
Chinese role-150
President-133, 150, 451
Vietnamese role-133
Canada
Acid rain. See Environment
Ambassador, U.S.-315
Ambassador to U.S.-693
Clean coal technology agreement. See Energy,
coal
Europe, military role. See Europe, defense and
security
President's visit-81
Prime Minister-81, 514, 618, 707
Relations with U.S.-81, 84, 514
Trade with U.S.-56, 81
Capital punishment. See Law enforcement and
crime
Caribbean region. See specific country
Central African Republic
Trade with U.S.-420, 421
Worker rights-420, 421
Central America
See also specific country; Iran arms and contra
aid controversy; Latin America
Administration policies-373, 440
Democracy and freedom-64, 79, 101, 129,
299, 306-308, 343, 347, 388, 440, 491, 505,
533, 536, 547, 548, 555, 586
Economic development-307, 310
Economic and military assistance-373
Nicaraguan conflict-129, 306-309, 372, 388,
440, 505
Vice President's visit-734
Central Intelligence Agency-9, 95, 165, 215,
748, 803
Chamber of Commerce, U.S.-353, 499, 679
Cheltenham High School-756
Chemical industry-486, 487
Chemical weapons. See Arms and munitions
Chemicals, illicit, dumping. See Environment,
toxic waste
Chicago Tribune-454
Chief State School Officers, Council of-567
Children and youth
See also specific subject
Administration policies-77, 245
Child care-77, 161, 179, 236, 240, 241, 249,
287, 357, 473, 494, 501, 525, 527, 529, 569,
813
East-West relations, role-626
Infant mortality. See Health and medical care
President's views-54, 80, 190, 253, 311, 478,
546, 569, 601, 649, 759, 761, 765, 784
Children's Bureau. See Health and Human Services, Department of
Chile
Citizen Participation, Crusade for-510
Fruit exports to U.S., contamination-257
Plebiscite election-510


A-3




Administration of George Bush, 1989
China
Ambassador, U.S.-142, 242, 587, 670, 671,
697, 698
Ambassador to U.S.-805
Arms sales. See Arms and munitions
Cambodia, role. See Cambodia
Central Military Commission Chairman-23,
138, 142, 144, 145, 148, 179, 670, 696
Democratization-582, 586, 588, 595, 670-672,
695, 699, 800, 806
Economy-139, 144, 595
Embassy, U.S.-141
Exchange programs, educational and cultural.
See Education
Foreign investment. See Economy, international
General Secretary-138, 144
Human rights-136, 152, 179, 519, 582, 586,
669, 695, 697, 699, 700, 764, 814
Internal situation-669, 679, 698, 699
Military cooperation with U.S.-131, 140, 670,
673, 679, 695
National People's Congress, Standing Committee Chairman-595, 671, 696
People's Liberation Army-669-673, 679, 696
Premier-138, 139, 144, 696, 805
President-138, 139, 144
President Bush's visit-139, 141, 142, 145, 150,
152, 167
President's views-143, 290, 587, 588, 672,
698-700
Relations with Soviet Union-138, 140, 150
Relations with Taiwan. See Taiwan
Relations with U.S.-23, 123, 130, 132, 138,
139, 141-145, 595, 669, 671, 673, 695-700,
764, 805, 811,814
Science and technology cooperation with U.S.
See Science and technology
Students, meeting with President Bush-700
Trade with U.S.-130, 140, 144, 648, 670, 672,
679, 697
Chlorofluorocarbons. See Environment
Cinco de Mayo-520, 521
Cities, Federal aid. See State and local governments
Citizen Participation, Crusade for. See Chile
Citizens for a Sound Economy-94
Civil rights
See also specific subject
Administration policies-496, 797, 807, 834
Desegregation-367, 368
Government's role-202
President's views-75, 114, 573
Worker slayings, 25th anniversary-795
Civil Rights, Commission on-836
Climate. See Environment
Close-Up Foundation-328
Coal. See Energy
Coast Guard, U.S. See Transportation, Department of
Colleges and universities. See specific institution;
Education


Collegiate Athletic Association, National-398,
454, 749
Colorado
Governor-253
President's visit-252, 256
Two Forks Dam-341
Colt Industries, Inc.-257
Commerce, Department of
Alaskan oil spill cleanup, role. See Disaster assistance
Assistant Secretaries-186-188, 196, 205, 278,
300
Budget-661
Deputy Secretary-592
General Counsel-204
Minority Business Development Agency-29
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National-278, 387
Secretary-47, 159, 165, 247, 252, 301, 352,
540
Space program, role-661
Under Secretaries-187, 204, 205, 246
Commerce, international
See also specific country or subject
Administration policies-48, 56
Free and fair trade-8, 48, 56, 97, 115, 121,
130, 132, 160, 343, 502, 568, 607, 728
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT)-42, 56, 97, 121, 437, 439, 607, 608,
728
Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)-420,
432, 433, 752
Harmonized  Tariff Schedule of the U.S.
(HTS)-420
President's views-55, 160, 189
Protectionism-149, 343, 372
State governments, role-344
Commission. See other part of subject
Committee. See other part of subject
Communications, satellites-473
Communications Commission, Federal-751, 752,
821
Communism, President's views-601
Community and Junior Colleges, American Association of-334
Conestoga Valley High School-281
Conference. See other part of subject
Confidence and Security Building Measures and
Disarmament in Europe, Conference on-314,
522
Confidentiality. See Defense and national security; Government agencies and employees
Congress
See also specific subject
Ethics. See Government agencies and employees
Franked mail-826, 829
Honoraria-402, 403, 406
House Speaker. See Speaker of House of Representatives


A-4




Subject Index


Congress-Continued
Pay-22, 26, 61, 66, 321, 402, 406, 814, 827,
829
Senate President. See Vice President
Congressional Asian/Pacific American Heritage
Week Caucus-523
Congressional Budget Office-94, 422, 425, 434
Congressional Fire Services Institute-411
Congressional Gold Medal-463
Connecticut, President's visit-600
Conservation
See also Environment
Administration policies-67
Forest system-770
Park system-77, 717, 719, 769
President's views-769
Rain forests-693
Wetlands preservation-692, 770, 796
Wildlife preservation-693
Constitution, U.S., President's views-288, 392,
498
Constitutional amendments
Balanced Federal budget. See Budget, Federal,
deficit
Flag desecration. See Flag, U.S.
Human life. See Abortion
Prayer in schools. See Education
Construction industry-433
Consular affairs. See specific country
Consumer Affairs, Office of. See Health and
Human Services, Department of
Continental shelf. See Maritime affairs
Copley News Service-535
Corporation. See other part of subject
Costa Rica, President-308, 310
Council. See other part of subject
Court. See other part of subject
Covenant House-397, 778
Cox News Service-535
Crime. See Law enforcement and crime
Cuba
Angola, role. See Angola
Democracy and freedom-591
Human rights-151, 590
Nicaraguan conflict, role. See Central America
President-591
Relations with Soviet Union-373
Relations with U.S.-591
Cuban Independence Day-590
Customs Service, U.S. See Treasury, Department
of the
Cyprus
Conflict resolution-163, 674
Foreign Minister-674
Relations with U.S.-164
Czechoslovakia, U.S. Ambassador-661, 741
D-day, 45th anniversary-686
Defense, Department of
See also specific military department; Armed
Forces, U.S.
Assistant Secretaries-507, 509, 750, 751, 764,
821


Defense, Department of-Continued
Base closings-699
Budget-78, 110, 174, 276, 436, 699
Comptroller-511
Conventional arms control, role-643
Deputy Secretary-16, 126
Joint Chiefs of Staff-165, 172, 174, 215, 238,
243, 275, 456, 643, 831
Management improvement-158
Military Support, Director-387
Procurement-38, 79, 158
Secretary-165, 215, 275, 331, 382, 408, 453,
564, 649, 668, 699, 824, 831
Secretary-designate-62, 63, 72, 73, 113, 114,
116, 125-127, 134-136, 152, 159, 173, 180,
185, 203, 215-220, 251, 258
Under Secretary-427
Defense and national security
See also Nuclear weapons
Administration policies-30, 174, 250, 276, 308,
602, 619, 627
Aerial surveillance-542, 603, 618, 624, 653
Battleships, obsolescence. See Arms and munitions, combatant ships
Border control-324
Confidential information, disclosure-104, 497
Congressional role-79, 453
Foreign investment, impact-66, 115
Intelligence-324
Military procurement-38, 175
Military strength and deterrence-3, 5, 78, 85,
174, 176, 252, 276, 541, 556, 586, 602, 623,
630, 631, 655, 756, 802
President's views-39, 114, 128, 173, 176, 181,
185, 238, 389, 483, 497, 699
Strategic Petroleum Reserve. See Energy, oil
Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board-794
Delaware
Governor-291, 294-296, 364
Lieutenant Governor-295
President's visit-291, 295
Democracy, National Endowment for-510, 519
Democracy Award-510
Democracy and freedom, President's views —, 3,
24, 42, 79, 117, 127, 143, 150, 152, 174, 250,
288, 436, 459, 469, 498, 510, 519, 534, 536,
541, 588, 591, 593-595, 601, 603, 610, 616,
645, 669, 730, 758, 764, 818, 831
Democratic Party, President's views-801
Denmark
Ambassador, U.S.-508
Fishery agreement with U.S. See Maritime affairs
Department. See other part of subject
Deposit Insurance Corporation, Federal-28, 47,
60, 61, 63
Desegregation. See Civil rights
Detroit Newspaper Agency-465
Detroit Pistons-760
Developing countries
See also specific country or region
Debt. See Economy, international


A-5




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Developing countries-Continued
Global climate change, impact. See Environment
Japanese economic assistance-42, 52, 120, 150
President's views-42
Trade with U.S.-421
Worker rights. See specific country
Development, Agency for International. See Development Cooperation Agency, U.S. International
Development Cooperation Agency, U.S. International
Development, Agency for International-596
Overseas Private Investment Corporation-19,
92, 432, 433, 752
Dire Emergency Supplemental Appropriations
and Transfers, Urgent Supplementals, and Correcting Enrollment Errors Act of 1989-837
Disabled persons
See also specific subject
President's views-745
Disadvantaged persons
See also specific subject
President's views-356, 569, 725
Disaster assistance
Alaskan oil spill-318, 335, 339, 381-383, 385,
386, 388, 410, 483, 488
Drought-346, 437
Fire protection, administration policies-411
Discovery. See Space program, shuttle
Discrimination. See Civil rights
Distinguished Rank Award, Presidential-19
District of Columbia
Abortion, funding. See Abortion
Budget-527
Drug abuse and trafficking. See Law enforcement and crime
Federal payments, apportionment authority527
Inaugural expenses, reimbursement-527
Urban violence. See Law enforcement and
crime
Water and sewer services, Federal payments527
District of Columbia Police Boys and Girls
Club-760
Domestic policy
See also specific subject
Administration policies-48, 51, 75, 86, 88, 94,
222, 243, 248, 304, 338, 357, 467, 735, 790
Government's role-2, 12, 14, 34, 51, 75, 86,
94, 108, 161, 210, 212, 213, 222, 332, 394,
484, 492, 493, 718, 735, 785, 788
President's views-2, 11, 34, 53, 75, 85, 104,
108, 178, 210, 235, 243, 271, 291, 329, 451,
469, 757
Domestic Policy Council. See Cabinet
Dominica, U.S. Ambassador-829
Dow Jones & Co., Inc.-792
Drought. See Disaster assistance
Drug abuse and trafficking. See Law enforcement
and crime
Drug Control Policy, National, Director. See
White House Office


Drug Enforcement Administration. See Justice,
Department of
Drug Enforcement Conference, International485
Drug-Free Schools Awards-753
Ducks Unlimited-691
EEP. See Agriculture, price supports and subsidies
ETBE. See Energy, alternative fuels
EURATOM. See European Atomic Energy Community
Eastern Airlines-172, 178, 180, 181
Eastman Kodak Co.-579
Economic Advisers, Council of-49, 238, 352,
355, 358
Economic Policy Council. See Cabinet
Economy, international
Administration policies-130, 601
Debtor nations-27, 247, 347, 468, 507
Foreign investment-65, 115, 145, 571
Global climate change, impact. See Environment
Monetary exchange rates-121
Policy coordination-42, 121
President's views-128, 499, 502, 583
Zaire-U.S. investment treaty-822
Economy, national
Administration policies-160, 302
Government's role-27, 50, 244, 249
Growth-83, 85, 105, 434, 500, 525, 707, 725,
796
President's views-14, 50, 75, 93, 105, 185
Small business, role. See Business and industry
Education
Administration policies-76, 109, 162, 168, 190,
202, 237, 245, 249, 254, 322, 329, 354, 362,
365, 366, 418, 468, 494, 569, 580, 680, 726,
798
Bilingual education-322
Black colleges and universities-202, 203, 363,
365, 369, 495, 496, 545
Business and industry, role-303, 354, 579, 580,
680-682
College savings bonds-363
Community colleges-336
Desegregation. See Civil rights
Disadvantaged persons-202, 363, 366
Drug abuse prevention-31, 77, 86, 212, 282,
292, 323, 331, 342, 363, 365, 369, 475, 753,
799
Exchanges, international-130, 140, 333, 626
Funding-419, 680
Government's role-254, 303, 330, 331, 354,
363, 367-369, 418, 680, 798
Magnet schools-363, 365, 367, 574, 576, 578,
580
Parochial schools-367
Prayer in schools-291
President's views-80, 86, 167, 179, 189, 202,
254, 303, 319, 335, 362, 417, 418, 574, 578,
679, 761


A-6




Subject Index


Education-Continued
Prison literacy efforts-273
Quality-363, 365, 367, 417, 418, 578, 580, 581,
680, 798
Scholarships-363, 365, 368, 626, 798
Teachers-166, 254, 329, 363, 365, 368, 494,
496, 578, 580, 798
Tuition tax credits. See Taxation, President's
views
Vocational education. See Employment and unemployment, job training
Voluntarism, role. See Voluntarism
Education, Department of
Assistant Secretary-214, 479
Budget-331
Deputy Assistant Secretary-479
Deputy Under Secretaries-570, 804
General Counsel-675
Historically Black Colleges and Universities,
President's Board of Advisors on-496, 545
Magnet schools, role. See Education
Rehabilitation Services Administration-479
Secretary-167, 202, 273, 332, 354, 362, 364,
369, 417, 477, 495, 496, 564, 678, 679, 753,
756, 757, 761
Special Education Services, Office of-479
Under Secretary-214
Egypt
Ambassador, U.S.-762
Economy-349
Middle East, role. See Middle East
President-115, 133, 321, 334, 339, 348, 360,
374, 379, 384, 453
Relations with U.S.-334, 348, 360, 452
El Salvador
Elections-298, 321, 343, 388, 506
Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front
(FMLN)-299, 373
Human rights-298, 388, 506, 705
Minister of the Presidency, assassination-705
President-129, 299, 343, 388
President-elect-298, 321, 343, 388, 506
Relations with U.S.-298, 299, 388
Soviet role-705
Vice President-elect-388
Elections
Campaign financing-404, 406, 809, 824, 827
Congressional-735
Congressional redistricting. See State and local
governments
Foreign. See specific country
Gubernatorial-271, 736, 774
State and local-114, 271, 344, 736, 774, 791
Electrical and electronics industries-243, 571
Elephants. See Conservation, wildlife preservation
Emergency Management Agency, Federal-155,
412, 571
Employment Policy, National Commission for393
Employment and unemployment
Administration policies-726


Employment and unemployment-Continued
Child care. See Children and youth
Disabled persons-80, 836
Drug testing-303, 339, 454
Job creation-160, 279, 356, 472, 724
Job training-163, 303, 336, 364, 435, 569, 681,
726
Mandated benefits. See Labor issues, Government's role
Minimum wage-24, 25, 248, 279, 355, 356,
385, 494, 501, 568, 724
Minorities and youth-496, 545, 569, 725, 726
President's views-34, 35
Rates-85, 280, 568
Work force-280, 336, 473, 798, 836
Endeavour. See Space program, shuttle
Endowment. See other part of subject
Energy
Administration policies-123, 194
Alternative fuels-483, 693, 707, 710, 712-715,
721
Coal-77, 483, 693, 707, 710
Domestic energy industry-708-710, 713, 722
Natural gas-250, 278, 483
Nuclear energy-197, 198, 483, 516, 684
Oil-123, 278, 318, 335, 339-341, 381, 383,
385, 386, 410, 481, 483, 723, 838
Resource management-15, 77, 194
Energy, Department of
Assistant Secretaries-192, 393, 429, 744, 768
Budget-436
Deputy Secretary-16
General Counsel-744
President's views-193
Secretary-193, 215, 278, 344, 721, 838
Under Secretary-192
England. See United Kingdom
Enterprise zones-76, 88, 161, 245, 579
Entertainment industry, drug abuse prevention475
Environment
See also Conservation
Acid rain-77, 81, 82, 84, 517, 518, 706-709,
719
Administration policies-67, 68, 77, 86, 222,
223, 236, 304, 385, 410, 468, 471, 481, 692,
706-709, 722
Air quality-483, 693, 706, 708, 717-719, 722,
735, 770, 796
Alaskan oil spill, impact. See Disaster assistance
Chlorofluorocarbons (CFC's)-471, 693
Economic growth, impact. See Economy, national, growth
Global climate change-471, 539
Government's role-222, 692
International cooperation-77, 81, 82, 84, 170,
207, 471, 539, 586, 627, 652, 668, 693, 707,
718
Outer Continental Shelf oil and gas development, impact. See Maritime affairs
Ozone layer depletion-170


A-7




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Environment-Continued
President's views-15, 123, 179, 249, 691, 693,
706, 708, 715, 717-720, 796
Toxic waste-77, 78, 194, 207, 273, 487, 693,
708, 715
Waste management and recycling-796
Water quality-692, 693, 796
Environmental Protection Agency-68, 77, 82,
170, 179, 222, 223, 273, 278, 316, 318, 319,
335, 339, 341, 382, 383, 387, 410, 415, 661,
691,693, 709, 711, 716, 777
Environmental Quality, Council on-691, 795
Ethanol. See Energy, alternative fuels
Ethics, Government employees. See Government
agencies and employees
Ethics Law Reform, President's Commission on
Federal-15, 22, 50, 65, 101, 102, 179, 251,
402, 405
Europe
See also specific country
Defense and security-122, 175, 196, 351, 522,
584-586, 603, 607, 618, 619, 622, 623, 627,
638, 647, 652, 653, 655, 665, 667, 668, 702
Democracy and freedom-351, 430, 432, 584,
622, 625, 626, 642, 647, 651, 652, 667, 809
East-West relations-432, 542, 583, 584, 606,
617, 622-625, 627, 628, 637, 638, 642, 647,
651, 653, 654, 665, 668, 702
Economic relations-583, 607, 624, 626
Human rights-622, 625, 629
President's views-386, 583, 584, 606, 608,
617, 638, 728
Relations with U.S.-79, 133, 431, 583, 584,
586, 607, 642, 666, 667, 728, 809, 809
Soviet role-122, 128, 432, 584, 606, 618, 623,
630, 635, 642, 653, 668, 701, 809
European Atomic Energy Community-197, 198
European Communities-112, 358, 437, 510, 583,
586, 617, 644, 728
Executive branch
See also specific constituent unit
Pay-66, 402, 407, 813, 827, 829
Executive Office of the President. See specific
constituent unit
Executive Schedule. See Government agencies
and employees
Export Enhancement Program. See Agriculture,
price supports and subsidies
Export-Import Bank of the U.S.-687, 776, 777
Exxon Corp.-318, 381, 383, 385-387, 410
Exxon Valdez-386, 483
FMLN. See El Salvador
FSX. See Aviation, Japan-U.S. fighter aircraft
Families
Administration policies-272, 287, 303, 357,
468, 478, 494, 501, 526, 527, 545, 553
President's views-248, 289, 290, 546, 553
Family Motor Coach Association-768
Far East. See Asia-Pacific region
Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front. See
El Salvador
Farming. See Agriculture


Federal. See other part of subject
Federalism. See Domestic policy, Government's
role
Federation. See other part of subject
Fiji, U.S. Ambassador-803
Finance Corporation, International. See Reconstruction and Development, International Bank
for
Finland, U.S. Ambassador-265
Fire Academy, National. See Emergency Management Agency, Federal
Fire Administration, U.S. See Emergency Management Agency, Federal
Fire Chiefs, International Association of-411
Fire Fighters, International Association of-411
Fire protection. See Disaster assistance
Fire Protection Association, National-411
Fire Service Instructors, International Society
of-411
Fish and Wildlife Service, U.S. See Interior, Department of the
Fishing. See Maritime affairs
Fishing Week, National-690
Flag, U.S.-785, 805, 806, 808, 815, 821, 831
Florida
Governor-485, 488, 490
Outer Continental Shelf oil and gas development. See Maritime affairs
President's visit-485, 488, 490
Republican Party event- -112
Food and Drug Administration. See Health and
Human Services, Department of
Ford Aerospace Corp.-471
Ford Motor Co.-471
Foreign Assets Control, Office of. See Treasury,
Department of the
Foreign Investment in the U.S., Committee on65, 571
Foreign policy
See also specific country or region
Administration policies-79, 120, 133, 339, 467,
469, 583, 735
Agricultural trade, role. See Agriculture, free
market policies
Congressional role-469
President's views-3, 5, 8, 10, 24, 32, 53, 113,
123, 126, 127, 133, 135, 150, 175, 179, 189,
235, 252, 451, 452, 516, 602, 618, 640-643,
811
Foreign Service. See State, Department of
Forest Service, U.S. See Agriculture, Department
of
Fortune-253
Forum Club-246
Foundation. See other part of subject
France
Ambassador, U.S.-305
Defense and security-623
Middle East, role. See Middle East, peace efforts, international


A-8




Subject Index


France-Continued
President-113, 133, 441, 452, 463, 577, 582,
585, 642, 718
Relations with U.S.-585
Fraternal Order of Police-557
Frederick D. Patterson Distinguished Leadership
Award-201
Freedom. See Space program, manned space station
Fruit. See Agriculture
Fund. See other part of subject
Furman University-93
Fusion. See Energy, nuclear energy
GATT. See Commerce, international
GSP. See Commerce, international
Gas. See Energy, natural gas
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. See
Commerce, international
General Services Administration-564
Generalized System of Preferences. See Commerce, international
Georgia, President's visit-741
German Democratic Republic, Berlin. See Berlin
Germany, Federal Republic of
Ambassador, U.S.-649
Berlin. See Berlin
Chancellor-103, 639, 645, 647, 649, 650, 659,
718, 809, 810, 818
Defense and security-653, 702
Embassy, U.S.-649
Foreign investment. See Economy, international
Foreign Minister-639, 649, 659
Mainz, Lord-Mayor-650
Nonimmigrant visas, U.S. waiver. See Immigration and naturalization
President-133
President Bush's visit-645, 647, 649, 650, 654
Relations with U.S.-103, 514, 516, 587, 646,
647, 649, 650, 655, 659
Rheinland-Pfalz, Minister-President-650
Government agencies and employees
See also specific agency
Administration  appointments,  President's
views-183, 271, 272, 410, 435
Clearance process-101
Confidential information, disclosure-181, 403,
404
Divestment of assets, tax deferral. See Taxation,
tax reform
Drug testing-454, 563, 565, 739
Ethics-11, 15, 20, 21, 28, 50, 62, 64, 72, 102,
251, 401, 402, 405, 467, 696, 735, 806, 807,
813
Honoraria-22, 827, 829
Management improvement-158
Minorities and youth, employment. See Employment and unemployment
Outside earned income, limitations-403, 404
Pay-22, 25, 26, 30, 62, 66
President's views-19, 34, 48, 101, 328, 391,
392, 499


Government agencies and employeesContinued
Quality-19
Regulations. See Regulatory reform
Senior Executive Service-19
Waste and fraud elimination-39, 391
Water and sewer services, payments-527
Government Ethics, Office of. See Personnel
Management, Office of
Governors' Association, National-593
Grain. See Agriculture
Greece
Foreign Minister-674
Prime Minister-674
Guatemala
Ambassador, U.S.-803
President-183
Gun control. See Law enforcement and crime
HTS. See Commerce, international
Habeas corpus, writ of. See Law enforcement and
crime
Haiti, worker rights-421
Handicapped persons. See specific subject; Disabled persons
Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the U.S. See Commerce, international
Head Start. See Health and Human Services, Department of
Health
First Lady's-412, 417, 434, 490
President's-138, 259, 535
Health and Human Services, Department of
Assistant Secretaries-154, 156, 177, 242
Budget-436, 442
Children's Bureau-763
Consumer Affairs, Office of-480
Food and Drug Administration-429
General Counsel-686
Head Start-241, 322, 363
President's views-208
Radiation control, annual report-521
Secretary-126, 202, 207, 242, 442, 495
Secretary-designate-13, 28, 55, 65, 102
Social Security Administration-436
Social Security agreement, report-119
Under Secretary-153
Health and medical care
Acquired  immune     deficiency  syndrome
(AIDS)-77, 700
Administration policies-208
Air quality, impact. See Environment
Chilean fruit, contamination. See Chile
Government's role-443
Infant mortality-442, 443
Maternal and child health-442
Medical waste. See Environment, toxic waste
Medicare and Medicaid-77, 345, 442
President's views-814
Heritage Foundation-450
Highway Administration, Federal. See Transportation, Department of


A-9




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Highway Traffic Safety Administration, National.
See Department of Transportation
Highways. See Transportation
Hispanics, President's views-477
Historically Black Colleges and Universities,
President's Board of Advisors on. See Education, Department of
Holy See. See Vatican City
Home Loan Bank Board, Federal-28, 47, 60
Homeless persons. See specific subject; Disadvantaged persons
Honduras, President-101
Honoraria. See Congress; Government agencies
and employees; Judiciary
Hostages. See specific country or region
Housing
Administration policies-88
Disadvantaged persons-78, 88, 179, 236, 425
Fair housing-88
Housing and Urban Development, Department
of
Assistant Secretaries-221, 316, 429, 604, 688,
772
Contract awards, investigation-806, 812, 813
General Counsel-317
President's views-88
Secretary-88, 179, 232, 736, 806, 813
Under Secretary-316
Houston Post-13
Howard University-185
Huels AG-65
Human rights
See also specific country
Administration policies-152, 696
Anti-Semitism-232
International conferences, U.S. role-14
President's views-14, 136, 179, 519, 610
Humanities, National Endowment for the. See
Arts and the Humanities, National Foundation
on the
Hungary
Political reforms-431, 752
Relations with U.S.-809
Trade with U.S.-648, 752
IAEA. See Atomic Energy Agency, International
ICRC. See Red Cross, International Committee of
the
INF. See Nuclear weapons
Iceland, fishery agreement with U.S. See Maritime affairs
Illinois
Chicago, mayor-344
Governor-57, 58, 344
President's visit-465
Immigration and naturalization
Administration policies-587
Criminal aliens, deportation-564, 565
Nonimmigrant visa waiver program-612, 613,
647
Immigration and Naturalization Service. See Justice, Department of
Immigration Review, Executive Office for. See
Justice, Department of


Imports, U.S. See specific subject
Inauguration. See Presidency
Inauguration Committee, American Bicentennial-8, 9
Independence Day-817, 837
Independent Insurance Agents of America-233
India
President-133
Prime Minister-133
Relations with Pakistan. See Pakistan
Trade with U.S.-607
Indians, American
Claims settlement-771
President's views-471
Indonesia
Ambassador, U.S.-327
Economy-705
President-705
Vice President's visit-705
Industry. See specific industry; Business and industry
Industry, Congress of American. See Manufacturers, National Association of
Inflation. See Monetary affairs
Information Agency, U.S.
Officials-18, 678, 763, 830
Radio Marti-591
Voice of America-596
Institute. See other part of subject
Insurance, child-care liability. See Children and
youth, child care
Insurance industry-234
Intellectual property rights. See Patents, copyrights, and trademarks
Intelligence. See Defense and national security
Interagency. See other part of subject
Interest rates. See Monetary affairs
Interior, Department of the
Alaskan oil spill cleanup, role. See Disaster assistance
Assistant Secretaries-415, 524, 675, 721, 775
Fish and Wildlife Service, U.S.-717, 720, 770
Land Management, Bureau of-357, 770
Park Service, National-717, 770
President's views-66
Secretary-66, 68, 278, 477, 497, 498, 691, 692,
716, 721, 730
Solicitor-416
Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement,
Office of-805
Under Secretary-416
Intermediate-range nuclear forces, treaty. See
Nuclear weapons
Internal Revenue Service. See Treasury, Department of the
International. See other part of subject
Interstate Commerce Commission-300
Investigation, Federal Bureau of. See Justice, Department of
Investment, foreign. See Economy, international
Iowa, Governor-593
Iowa, U.S.S.-453, 464, 465, 470


A-10




Subject Index


Iran
British author, death threats-112, 116, 117,
152
Hostages in Middle East, role-29, 30, 672, 698
President-671
Relations with U.S.-29, 112, 598, 672, 698
Trade with U.S.-596
U.S. national emergency, report-596
Iran arms and contra aid controversy, President's
views-104, 382, 383, 411, 449, 515, 517, 534
Ireland
Ambassador, U.S.-337
Northern Ireland, role. See United Kingdom
Prime Minister-267
Relations with U.S.-267
Iron Workers, International Association of Bridge,
Structural and Ornamental-434
Israel
Administration policies-421
Ambassador, U.S.-508
Ambassador to U.S.-227
Defense Minister-600
Defense and security-227, 348, 379, 600
Foreign Minister-227, 233
Middle East, role. See Middle East
Policy Adviser to Foreign Minister-227
President-133
President's views-600
Prime Minister-227, 233, 321, 339, 374, 379,
383, 453
Relations with U.S.-233, 374, 379, 452, 600
Worker rights-421
Italy
Ambassador, U.S.-327, 615
Embassy, U.S.-615
Foreign Minister-616
Nonimmigrant visas, U.S. waiver. See Immigration and naturalization
President-133, 616
President Bush's visit-608, 609, 611, 613, 615
Prime Minister-608, 611, 616
Relations with U.S.-608, 612, 615, 659
Sicily-Rome American Cemetery-613
Ivory, import ban. See Conservation, wildlife
preservation
James Madison High School-319
Japan
Ambassador, U.S.-213
Defense and security-121, 150, 497
Economy-42, 120, 121
Emperor-42, 52, 134
Empress-134
Foreign development assistance. See Developing countries
Foreign investment. See Economy, international
Foreign Minister-800
Military aircraft, cooperation with U.S. See
Aviation
Nonimmigrant visas, U.S. waiver. See Immigration and naturalization
President's visit-125, 133, 150, 167


Japan-Continued
Prime Minister-42, 52, 57, 120, 121, 148
Relations with U.S.-42, 52, 121, 123, 137, 150,
319, 800
Trade with U.S.-42, 52, 121, '50, 607, 800
Jews, anti-Semitism. See Human rights
Job Corps. See Labor, Department of
Job training. See Employment and unemployment
Joint Chiefs of Staff. See Defense, Department of
Jordan
Defense and security-444
Economy-444
King-113, 133, 384, 444, 447, 452, 453
Middle East, role. See Middle East
Relations with U.S.-444, 448, 452
Joseph C. Wilson Magnet High School-574, 578,
580
Judiciary
Budget-564, 565, 740
Honoraria-402, 403, 406
Pay-26, 62, 66, 322, 402, 406, 459, 813, 827,
829
Junior Achievement-252
Justice, Department of
Assistant Attorneys General-166, 300, 326,
479, 496, 538, 776, 835
Attorney General-77, 104, 152, 169, 175, 200,
223, 232, 282, 285-287, 290, 292, 294, 295,
297, 331, 391, 404, 454, 474, 485, 487, 488,
496, 557, 558, 561-565, 613, 741, 746-748,
807, 808, 835
Attorneys, U.S.-564, 565, 746
Budget-60, 436, 484, 563-565, 740
Criminal Division —564, 565, 748
Drug Enforcement Administration-198, 211,
223, 485, 486
Environmental protection, role-693
Financial fraud prosecution, role-60
Immigration and Naturalization Service-564,
565
Immigration Review, Executive Office for564, 565
Investigation, Federal Bureau of-62, 63, 220,
559, 563, 565, 743, 748
Justice Programs, Office of-561, 565
Marshals Service, U.S.-559, 563, 565, 743
Solicitor General-40
Kansas, drought. See Disaster assistance
Kentucky
President's visit-554
Republican Party event-554
Korea, Democratic Republic of
Chinese role-129
Relations with South Korea. See Korea, Republic of
Relations with U.S.-132
Korea, Republic of
Defense and security-146, 148, 150
Democracy and freedom-123, 147-150
Economy-123, 131, 132, 148


A-11




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Korea, Republic of-Continued
Fishery agreement with U.S. See Maritime affairs
Foreign policy-131, 146, 148
Olympic games. See Olympic games
President-131, 146, 148
President Bush's visit-146, 147, 150, 167
Relations with North Korea-129, 131, 146,
148
Relations with U.S.-146, 147
Speaker of National Assembly-147
Trade with U.S.-132, 146, 149
U.S. Armed Forces, role-129, 148
Korean War Veterans Memorial Advisory
Board-730, 731
Kyodo News Service-120
La Prensa-519
Labor, Department of
Assistant Secretaries-177, 206, 230, 231, 427,
695, 773, 776
Deputy Secretary-231
Job Corps-435
Occupational Safety and Health Administration-435
President's views-33
Secretary-25, 33, 49, 210, 242, 355, 385, 434,
435, 492, 494, 496
Solicitor-206
Wage and Hour Division-694
Labor & Congress of Industrial Organizations,
American Federation of-34, 433
Labor issues
See also specific industry
Administration policies-435
Federal employees. See Government agencies
and employees
Government's role-234, 353, 356, 501, 526
Minimum wage. See Employment and unemployment
President's views-178, 433
Solidarity, U.S. labor union support-431, 435
Unions, political contributions. See Elections,
campaign financing
Worker rights. See specific country
Labor Relations Authority, Federal-830
Labor Relations Board, National-351, 435, 543
Land Management, Bureau of. See Interior, Department of the
Lands, Federal. See Real property
Landsat. See Space program
Latin America
See also specific country; Central America
Debt. See Economy, international
Democracy and freedom-504, 510
Drug trafficking prevention, cooperation with
U.S.-200, 297
Economic growth-504, 506
Relations with U.S.-309, 505
Law Day, U.S.A.-458
Law enforcement and crime
Administration policies-557, 560, 735, 738,
747, 799


Law enforcement and crime-Continued
Capital punishment-199, 558, 561, 739, 743,
747
Criminal history data-562
Deportation of criminal aliens. See Immigration
and naturalization
Drug abuse and trafficking-3, 13, 27, 31, 58,
72, 76, 86, 115, 169, 175, 179, 182, 191, 198,
210, 222, 224, 236, 247, 282, 285, 291, 295,
304, 322, 323, 331, 339, 341, 343, 363, 365,
369, 454, 468, 474, 485, 488, 493, 507, 537,
538, 548, 560, 561, 563, 684, 739, 753, 755,
778, 799
Enforcement officers, President's views-198,
558, 742, 744
Exclusionary rule, reform-563, 739
Financial fraud-60, 61, 78, 247, 484, 737
Government's role-115, 738, 742, 747
Gun control-105, 116, 182, 247, 257, 258, 271,
297, 322, 373, 450, 558, 560, 561, 739, 743,
747
International cooperation-485, 507, 612, 613,
684, 755
Juvenile delinquency-560, 562
Plea bargaining-558, 561, 743, 747
President's views-105, 152
Press, role-106
Prisons-559, 564, 565, 743, 748
Sentences, mandatory-558, 560, 561, 743, 747
Slain officers, tribute-557
Tort law-235
Urban violence-115
Women, violence against-799, 812, 836
Writ of habeas corpus, reform of procedures740
Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund, National-557
Law Enforcement Training Center, Federal. See
Treasury, Department of the
League. See other part of subject
Lebanon
Administration policies-463, 590, 610, 727
Hostages-257, 341, 465, 590
Internal situation-441, 452, 463, 727
President's views-463
Relations with U.S.-452
Legislative branch. See specific constituent unit
Legislative Exchange Council, American-492
Lesotho, U.S. Ambassador-266
Liberia, worker rights-421
Library of Congress-824
Libya
Chemical weapons production. See Arms and
munitions
Chief of state-321
Live Oak Elementary School-754
Locomotive Engineers, Brotherhood of-231
Louisiana, legislative election, President's role.
See Elections, state and local
Luxembourg, U.S. Ambassador-267
MIA's. See Armed Forces, U.S.


A-12




Subject Index


MPLA. See Angola, Popular Movement for the
Liberation of
Machinists and Aerospace Workers, International
Association of-172, 180
Magellan. See Space program, Venus probe
Malaysia
Ambassador, U.S.-313
Prime Minister-582
Worker rights-421
Management and Budget, Office of-17, 28, 64,
94, 96, 104, 165, 278, 332, 339, 345, 352, 353,
422-426, 660
Manufacturers, National Association of-301, 679
Marine Corps, U.S. See Navy, Department of the
Maritime affairs
Alaskan oil spill. See Disaster assistance
Combatant ships. See Arms and munitions
Denmark-U.S. fishery agreement-727
European Economic Community-U.S. fishery
agreement-510
Iceland-U.S. fishery agreement-511
Ocean dumping. See Environment, toxic waste
Oilspills, international agreements-387
Outer Continental Shelf, resource development-278
Republic of Korea-U.S. fishery agreement-503
Maritime Commission, Federal-459
Marshals Service, U.S. See Justice, Department of
Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday Commission Extension Act-572
Maryland
Governor-692
President's visit-111
Massachusetts
Boston, mayor-582
Boston Harbor cleanup efforts-589
Governor-582
President's visit-582
Medal. See other part of subject
Mediation Board, National-172
Medicaid. See Health and medical care
Medical care. See Health and medical care
Medicare. See Health and medical care
Memorial Day
See also Prayer for Peace, Memorial Day
Sicily-Rome American Cemetery, ceremony.
See Italy
Merit Systems Protection Board-391
Methanol. See Energy, alternative fuels
Mexico, U.S. Ambassador-120, 411
Michael Bilirakis Alzheimer's Center-490
Michigan
Governor-430
Hamtramck, mayor-430
President's visit-430
Michigan, University of-398
Middle East
See also specific country
Administration policies-113, 115, 129, 348,
374, 444
Arms proliferation-414
Hostages-3, 5, 29, 30
Palestinians-348, 360, 374, 600


Middle East-Continued
Peace efforts, international-133, 137, 183,
227, 321, 348, 360, 374, 379, 384, 441, 444,
447, 452, 453, 463, 586, 600, 726
President's views-137
Relations with U.S.-452
Soviet role 115
Minnesota, Governor-364
Minorities
See also specific group or subject
Administration policies-29, 271, 272
Infant mortality. See Health and medical care
Minority Business Development Agency. See
Commerce, Department of
Mississippi
Lieutenant Governor-544
President's visit-544, 551
Mississippi State University-551
Missouri
Governor-107
President's visit-107
Monetary affairs
Administration policies-60
Banking-22, 28, 46, 60, 63, 78, 104, 178, 236,
248, 303, 467, 484, 501, 582, 594, 729, 737,
734
Exchange rates. See Economy, international
Inflation and interest rates-14, 28, 50, 83, 103,
104, 135, 137, 258, 280, 344, 345, 355, 434,
438, 454, 725
Monetary Fund, International-432, 822
Monsanto Electronic Materials Co.-65
Morehouse College-495
Morocco, U.S. Ambassador-661
Motor vehicles
Automobile industry-708, 713, 722
Emissions. See Environment, air quality
Fuel efficiency-693
Safety-154
Museum Services Institute. See Arts and the Humanities, National Foundation on the
Mutual Radio-551
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NBA. See Basketball Association, National
NBC-551
NCAA. See Collegiate Athletic Association, National
NRA. See Rifle Association, National
Namibia, independence-822
National. See other part of subject
Natural gas. See Energy
Naturalization. See Immigration and naturalization
Nauru, President-523
Navy, Department of the
See also Armed Forces, U.S.
Atlantic Fleet, Commander in Chief-488
Marine Corps, U.S.-172, 658, 730
Naval Air Forces, Atlantic Fleet, Commander37
Naval Operations, Chief-37
Secretary-37, 415


A-13




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Navy, Department of the-Continued
U.S.S. Iowa, explosion. See Iowa, U.S.S.
Nebraska
Governor-721
President's visit-721
Nebraska, University of-721
Nepal, U.S. Ambassador-524
Netherlands
Ambassador, U.S.-662
Foreign investment. See Economy, international
Prime Minister-534
New Hampshire
Governor-84
President's visits-84, 667
New Jersey
Governor-271, 364, 417, 786
President's visit-417
New York
Governor-579
New York City, mayor-497, 791
New York City Police Commissioner-198
President's visits-198, 201, 497, 578, 574, 579,
778, 785, 790, 792
Press building, bombing-152
Republican Party event-790
New York Partnership-785
New York Times-13
New Zealand, U.S. Ambassador-338
Newspaper Editors, American Society of-405
Newspaper Publishers Association, American465
Nicaragua
Conflict resolution. See Central America
Economic and military assistance-64, 101,
129, 183, 259, 306-309, 342, 373, 440, 505
Elections-307-309, 441, 505
Human rights-505, 519
President-343
Soviet military assistance-310, 372, 441, 505
Trade with U.S.-461
U.S. national emergency, reports-460, 461
Nigeria, President-133, 150
North Atlantic Treaty Organization-103, 111,
113, 122, 128, 133, 196, 312, 350, 432, 514,
516, 522, 534, 551, 584-587, 606, 612, 616-620,
621, 627, 638, 644, 646, 647, 649, 650, 651,
653, 654, 657, 659, 660, 665, 667, 668, 678,
701,702, 802, 809
North Carolina, Governor-335
North Dakota
Centennial-470
Governor-470
President's visit-470
Northern Ireland. See United Kingdom
Nuclear energy. See Energy
Nuclear Regulatory Commission-716
Nuclear waste. See Environment, toxic waste
Nuclear weapons
Administration policies-175
Arms control negotiations-128, 237, 542, 632,
633, 634, 641, 660, 666, 755
Intermediate-range  nuclear  forces  (INF),
treaty-140, 660


Nuclear weapons-Continued
Negotiators, U.S.-44, 756, 802
Nonproliferation-79, 197, 237, 340, 413, 414,
684
President's views-619
Production plants-78, 194, 344
Short-range forces (SNF)-514, 534, 551, 603,
619, 631, 633, 634, 638-642, 668, 702
Strategic defense programs-79, 114, 128, 175,
219, 542, 603
Strategic weapons-110, 389, 603, 631, 633
Testing-801
Treaties, compliance-215, 542, 660, 756, 802
Nursing Home Week, National-446
OAS. See States, Organization of American
Occupational Safety and Health Administration.
See Labor, Department of
Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission-605
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National. See Commerce, Department of
Oceans, waste dumping. See Environment, toxic
waste
Office. See other part of subject
Oil. See Energy
Oklahoma, Governor-593
Olympic games-148
Oman, U.S. Ambassador-662
Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of
1988-66
Open skies initiative. See Defense and national
security, aerial surveillance
Operating Engineers, International Union of434
Organization. See other part of subject
Outer Continental Shelf Leasing and Development Task Force-278
Overseas Private Investment Corporation. See
Development Cooperation Agency, U.S. International
Ozone layer. See Environment
Ozone pollution. See Environment, air quality
PAC's. See Elections, campaign financing
PATH. See Port Authority Trans-Hudson Corp.
PLO. See Palestine Liberation Organization
POW's. See Armed Forces, U.S.
Pakistan
Afghanistan, role. See Afghanistan
Democracy and freedom-133, 682, 684, 689
Nuclear energy development-684
Prime Minister-133, 682, 683, 688
Relations with India-133
Relations with U.S.-682, 684, 689
Palestine Liberation Organization-24, 113, 137,
183, 384
Palestinians. See Middle East
Panama
Ambassador, U.S.-536, 550
Defense Forces-536, 547, 549, 550, 702


A-14




Subject Index


Panama-Continued
Drug trafficking. See Law enforcement and
crime
Elections-491, 506, 516, 533, 536, 547, 555,
701
Internal situation-377
President-elect-537
Relations with U.S.-376, 377, 506, 533, 536,
538, 547, 550, 702
Trade with U.S.-537, 550
U.S. national emergency, reports-376, 377
U.S. troops, deployment. See Armed Forces,
U.S.
Panama Canal-536, 537
Paraguay
Elections-506
President-elect-506
Paris Club-432
Park Service, National. See Interior, Department
of the
Park System, National. See Conservation
Patents, copyrights, and trademarks
Chinese patent and copyright legislation-145
Intellectual property rights-370
Peace Corps-18, 741, 806
Pennsylvania
Governor-282
Philadelphia, mayor-344
President's visits-281, 285, 756
Pennsylvania State University-731
Personnel Management, Office of-18, 20, 65,
102, 398, 403, 404, 407, 496
Peru, President-533
Petroleum. See Energy, oil
Philippines
Democracy and freedom-458
Economic assistance-42
Military advisor, U.S., assassination-458
President-133, 458
Points of Light Initiative-786, 788
Poland
Council of State, Chairman-386, 431, 809
Debt-432
Democratization-386, 431, 435, 510, 608, 610,
674, 687, 702
Economy-431, 608, 610, 666, 808
Elections-674, 687
Internal Affairs Minister-431
Internal situation-372
Relations with U.S.-430, 431, 452, 610, 666,
702, 809
Relations with West-431, 435
Religious freedom-610
Solidarity, Independent Free Trade Union of372, 386, 431, 433, 435, 510, 809
Trade with U.S.-432
Worker rights-433
Police. See Law enforcement and crime
Police Week and Police Officers' Memorial
Day-556
Polish American Congress-431
Politics
Political action committees. See Elections, campaign financing


Politics-Continued
President's views-328, 329, 546, 696, 697,
792, 799, 824, 827
Pollution. See Environment
Poor. See Disadvantaged persons
Port Authority Trans-Hudson Corp.-231
Portugal, President-133, 802
Prayer, National Day of-512
Prayer Breakfast, National-40
Prayer Committee, National Day of-512
Presidency
Approval ratings-451
Constitutional role-5, 9
Former President, role-481
Health. See Health
Inauguration —, 527
Income tax return, President's-397
Memoirs of former Presidents-28
President's views-2-4, 7, 15, 23, 26, 31, 51,
180, 181, 240, 289, 320, 345, 346, 408, 465,
492, 498
Press coverage-6, 25, 74, 184, 220, 261, 408,
598, 666
State elections, role. See Elections
Veto use, President's views-355
Presidential. See other part of subject
President's. See other part of subject
Press
See also specific subject
President's views-405, 466
Prisoners of war day. See Former Prisoners of
War Recognition Day, National
Prisons. See Law enforcement and crime
Private Sector Initiatives, President's Citation
for-580
Project Educational Forum-417
Public lands. See Conservation
Public Radio, National-454
Public Service, National Commission on-328
Puerto Rico, statehood referendum-78
Puyallup Tribe of Indians Settlement Act of
1989-771
Radio Marti. See Information Agency, U.S.
Railroad Administration, Federal. See Transportation, Department of
Railroad industry, labor dispute-231
Reader's Digest-168
Real property, land acquisition funding-770
Reconstruction and Development, International
Bank for-301, 432
Recreation Association, American-769
Recycling. See Environment
Red Cross, International Committee of the-565
Regional conflicts
See also specific country or region
Administration policies-542
NATO summit policy-626
President's views-182
Regulatory reform, administration policies-234,
568


A-15




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Rehabilitation Services Administration. See Education, Department of
Religion
Amish and Mennonite leaders, meeting with
President-285
Child care, religiously affiliated. See Children
and youth
Government's role-512
Parochial schools. See Education
Prayer in schools. See Education
President's views-41, 286, 289, 290, 512
Religious freedom
See also specific country
President's views-232, 610
Republic. See other part of subject
Republican National Committee-8, 92, 112, 114,
185, 270, 271, 274, 344, 573, 696, 736, 800
Republican Party
Minorities, role-273
President's views-112, 270, 735, 774, 791, 800
State party organizations, fundraisers, etc. See
specific State
Reserve System, Federal-28, 63, 103, 134, 135,
138, 258, 280
Response Team, National-388
Retail Federation, American-568
Reuters-454
Rifle Association, National-272, 298, 812
Rochester Brainpower Coalition-579
Ronald Reagan Award for Volunteer Excellence-397
Roosevelt Vocational School-754
Rwanda, U.S. Ambassador-378
SDI. See Nuclear weapons, strategic defense programs
SEMATECH. See Semiconductor industry
SNF. See Nuclear weapons
SSC. See Science and technology, superconductivity
START. See Nuclear weapons, arms control negotiations
Sailor of the Year. See America, U.S.S.
St. John the Baptist School-753
St. Lucia, U.S. Ambassador-829
St. Mark Village-490
St. Patrick's Day-176, 267
St. Vincent and the Grenadines, U.S. Ambassador-829
San Francisco 49ers-53
Satellites. See Communications; Space program
Saudi Arabia
Ambassador, U.S.-732
Arms sales. See Arms and munitions
Chemical and biological weapons. See Arms
and munitions
Foreign Minister-726, 728
Nuclear weapons. See Nuclear weapons, nonproliferation
Savings and loan industry. See Monetary affairs,
banking
Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation, Federal. See Home Loan Bank Board, Federal


Scholars, Commission on Presidential-761
Scholars, Presidential-761
Schools. See specific institution; Education
Science Foundation, National-76, 203, 473, 567
Science and technology
Administration policies-171, 245, 303, 473
Annual report-369
Fusion. See Energy, nuclear energy
Government's role-162
International cooperation-130, 144, 369, 627
President's views-170, 311, 369, 567
Research and development-76, 86, 162, 369,
567
Scholarships. See Education
Space program. See Space program
Superconductivity-371, 473, 483
Science and Technology Policy, Office of-457
Sciences, National Academy of-169, 278
Scotland, Pan American plane crash. See Aviation
Security, national. See Defense and national security
Security and Cooperation in Europe, Conference
on-196, 522, 625, 628
Security Council, National
Defense policy, role-79
Officials and senior staff —117, 227-230, 243,
347, 676, 678
Semiconductor industry-65
Senatobia Middle School-566
Senior Executive Service. See Government agencies and employees
Service, Office of National. See Voluntarism
Shiloh Baptist Church-529
Shiloh Child Development Center-529
Shipping. See Maritime affairs
Ships. See specific vessel
Singapore
Ambassador, U.S.-567
Prime Minister-133
Small business. See Business and industry
Small Business Administration-17, 29, 502, 524,
525
Small Business Legislative Council-159
Small Business Persons of the Year Awards-525
Smithsonian Institution, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars-189
Social Security
Administration policies-78
Switzerland-U.S. agreement-119
Social Security Administration. See Health and
Human Services, Department of
Socialism, President's views-499
Society. See other part of subject
Solicitor General. See Justice, Department of
Solidarity, Independent Free Trade Union of. See
Poland
South Africa
Apartheid-696, 822, 833
Blacks, U.S. economic assistance-834
United Democratic Front-833
South Carolina
Economic growth-92


A-16




Subject Index


South Carolina-Continued
Governor-92, 93, 335
Lieutenant Governor-92
President's visit-92
South East Asian Nations, Association of-133
Southern Christian Leadership Conference-835
Soviet Union. See Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Space Council, National-165, 166, 251, 456, 473,
660
Space program
Administration policies-76, 165, 245, 457, 660
Commercial development-660
Communications satellites. See Communications
Funding-251, 660
Landsat satellite program-660
Manned space station-473
President's views-399, 566
Private sector, role-342
Shuttle-222, 249, 252, 310, 399, 531, 566
Space station-251
Venus probe-566
Space Services, Inc.-342
Spain
Ambassador, U.S.-266
King-133
Speaker of House of Representatives-1, 3, 10,
32, 46, 47, 74, 91, 163, 197, 215, 217, 306, 308,
409, 413, 420, 422-424, 441, 449, 460, 461,
463, 595, 648, 666, 674, 687, 696, 697, 729,
735, 737
Special Counsel, Office of the-391, 392
Speech, freedom of-288, 832, 833
Spingarn High School-753
State, Department of
Afghan resistance, Special Envoy-677
Ambassadors. See specific country
Assistant Secretaries-155-157, 314, 347, 359,
397, 504, 658, 727, 773
Chief of Protocol-270
Counterterrorism, Coordinator-663
Cyprus, U.S. Special Coordinator-674
Deputy Secretary-803
Foreign Service-142, 606, 644, 658
International agreements, report-91
Panama crisis, role-537
Refugee Affairs, U.S. Coordinator and Ambassador-at-Large-158
Secretary-26, 32, 48, 52, 79, 81, 101, 103, 111,
113, 115, 117, 122, 123, 134, 136, 138, 141,
144, 149, 152, 165, 169, 179, 180, 183, 189,
215, 227, 232, 259, 268, 307, 331, 347, 373,
449, 504, 505, 542, 550, 589, 608, 611, 613,
619, 621, 639, 644, 649, 654, 657, 668, 674,
810, 824
Secretary-designate-8, 14
Treaties and conventions, reports —119, 226,
755
Under Secretaries-44, 45
State Legislators, National Conference of-210
State Legislators Working Group-270


State and local governments
See also specific State or subject
Cities, Federal aid-344, 363, 365, 369
Congressional redistricting-826, 829
Education, role. See Education, Government's
role
Environmental protection. See Environment,
Government's role
Federalism. See Domestic policy, Government's
role
Health care, role. See Health and medical care,
Government's role
President's views-95, 210, 492, 593
States, Organization of American-536, 537, 549,
591, 745
Strategic arms reduction talks. See Nuclear weapons, arms control negotiations
Strategic Defense Initiative. See Nuclear weapons
Strategic Petroleum Reserve. See Energy, oil
Submarines. See Arms and munitions, combatant
ships
Sudan
Administration policies-231
Economic assistance-231
Internal situation-231
Sudan, National Day of Concern for-231
Super Bowl XXIII-53
Superconducting supercollider. See Science and
technology, superconductivity
Superconductivity, National Commission on-460
Supreme Court of the U.S. —, 32, 56, 66, 67,
193, 224, 297, 304, 497, 498, 698, 785, 805,
807, 832
Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement,
Office of. See Interior, Department of the
Sweden
Ambassador, U.S.-315
Foreign investment. See Economy, international
Switzerland
Ambassador, U.S.-313
Foreign investment. See Economy, international
Social Security agreement with U.S. See Social
Security
Syria, worker rights-421
Taiwan
Administration policies-131
Relations with China-131, 140
Relations with U.S.-140
Tallulah Falls Schools, Inc.-566
Task force. See other part of subject
Taxation
Administration policies-356, 500
President's views-13, 24, 28, 34, 93, 160, 244,
273, 333, 342, 352
Tax reform-29, 76, 78, 86, 93, 161, 234, 241,
244, 249, 303, 353, 402, 407, 435, 472, 493,
494, 501, 726
Teacher of the Year, National-362
Teachers. See Education


A-17




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers, International Brotherhood of-434
Technology. See Science and technology
Telecommunication Union, International-264
Tennessee, University of-454
Terrorism
See also specific country or region
Antiterrorism efforts-58, 323, 324
Bombing incidents in U.S. See specific State
President's views-112, 183, 257, 267
Teton Science School-716
Texas
Economy-483
Governor-482, 484, 540
Greater Houston Partnership-246
Houston, mayor-246
Lieutenant Governor-482
President's visits-246, 482, 540
Texas A&M University-540
Texas National Research Laboratory Commission-483
Thailand, Prime Minister-133
Time, Inc.-454, 535
Tonga, U.S. Ambassador-803
Tort law. See Law enforcement and crime
Toxic waste. See Environment
Trade. See Commerce, international
Trade Commission, Federal-539
Trade Commission, U.S. International-421
Trade Policy and Negotiations, Advisory Committee for-604
Trade Representative, Office of the U.S.-55, 97,
110, 111, 274, 343, 421, 607, 608, 732
Transportation
See also specific industry
Highways-154
Transportation, Department of
Airline labor dispute, role-172, 178
Assistant Secretaries-262, 263
Aviation Administration, Federal-178, 265
Coast Guard, U.S.-318, 319, 335, 339, 382,
383, 386, 410, 485, 488, 489, 600
Deputy Secretary-106
General Counsel-263
Highway Administration, Federal-428, 712
Highway Traffic Safety Administration, National-275
President's views-58
Railroad Administration, Federal-256
Secretary-57, 165, 178, 180, 318, 319, 335,
339, 348, 381, 383, 386, 387, 410, 600, 748
Urban Mass Transit Administration-428
Transportation Safety Board, National-764
Treasury, Department of the
Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, Bureau of558, 559, 561-563, 565, 740, 743
Assistant Secretaries-193, 299, 326, 427
Budget-563, 565, 740
Customs Service, U.S.-474, 488, 489
Deputy Secretary-124
Deputy Under Secretary-427
Foreign Assets Control, Office of-377, 461
General Counsel-44


Treasury, Department of the-Continued
Internal Revenue Service-605
Law Enforcement Training Center, Federal741
Secret Service, U.S.-260
Secretary-28, 60, 61, 63, 66, 104, 160, 242,
247, 303, 347, 373, 423-426, 557, 559, 563,
571,594, 608, 741, 824
Semiautomatic weapons, import suspension373, 558
Treasurer-359
Under Secretary-124
Treaties and conventions. See specific subject
Turkey
Ambassador, U.S.-446
Foreign Minister-674
Prime Minister-133, 674
Tuskegee University-495
Tuvalu, U.S. Ambassador-803
UCLA. See California, University of, Los Angeles
UNITA. See Angola, National Union for the Total
Independence of
Unemployment. See Employment and unemployment
Union. See other part of subject
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Administration policies-431, 652
Arms control. See Arms and munitions; Nuclear
weapons
Europe, role. See Europe
Foreign Minister —113, 115, 122, 179, 183, 640,
810
Grain sales, U.S. See Agriculture, grain
Human rights-14, 179, 542
Military reductions-122, 128, 542, 603, 618,
624, 636, 653, 668, 679, 701
Military spending-603, 620, 640
President and General Secretary-6, 14, 23, 24,
26, 52, 79, 84, 122, 144, 250, 252, 372, 373,
383, 452, 542, 556, 584, 589, 603, 618-621,
640, 641, 646, 647, 660, 666, 668, 679, 701,
809-811
President's views-174, 334, 584, 606, 646,
651, 654, 701
Regional conflicts, role. See specific country or
region; Regional conflicts
Relations with China-811
Relations with Cuba. See Cuba
Relations with U.S.-3, 23, 24, 52, 64, 79, 84,
104, 122, 138, 174, 182, 252, 276, 310, 383,
452, 541, 546, 553, 556, 589, 602, 640, 641,
667, 810
Relations with West-542, 584, 586, 606, 608,
617, 619, 622, 629, 647, 665, 679
Science and technology cooperation with U.S.
See Science and technology, international cooperation
Trade with U.S.-543, 618, 651
Treaties, compliance. See Nuclear weapons
United Kingdom
Ambassador, U.S.-658


A-18




Subject Index


United Kingdom-Continued
Ambassador to U.S.-665
British author, Iranian threats. See Iran
Embassy, U.S.-657
Foreign investment. See Economy, international
Foreign Minister-657
Nonimmigrant visas, U.S. waiver. See Immigration and naturalization
Northern Ireland situation-267
Pan American plane crash in Scotland. See
Aviation
President's visit-656, 657, 664, 665
Prime Minister-222, 588, 656, 659, 664, 718
Queen-659
Relations with Eastern bloc-657
Relations with U.S.-657, 659, 664
United Nations
Afghanistan, relief efforts-100, 106
Cyprus conflict resolution, role. See Cyprus
Drug trafficking convention-755
Human Rights Commission-151
International organizations, report-449
Members, U.S. foreign policy support-449
NATO support-626
President's views-268
Regional conflicts, role-268
Representatives, U.S.-20, 46, 268, 497, 498,
674, 804
Secretary-General-163, 268, 452, 590, 674,
675
United Negro College Fund-201
United Press International-454, 535, 551
U.S. See other part of subject
U.S. News and World Report-184
U.S.S. See other part of subject
Universities. See specific institution; Education
University Women, American Association of-797
Urban Mass Transit Administration. See Transportation, Department of
Uruguay, U.S. Ambassador-522
Vatican City
Ambassador, U.S.-611, 704
Pope-609, 611
President's visit-609, 611
Venezuela
Ambassador to U.S.-347
Ambassador-designate to U.S.-347
Central America, role. See Central America
Chief of Staff-347
Debt-347
Economy-347
Foreign Minister-347
Planning Minister-347
President-347, 533
Property expropriation claim, review-420
Very Special Arts Foundation-745
Veterans, President's views-173, 239, 436, 730
Veterans Administration-177
Veterans Affairs, Department of
Assistant Secretaries-733, 763


Veterans Affairs, Department of-Continued
Budget-837
Establishment-239
General Counsel-733
President's views-239
Secretary-238
Secretary-designate-173
Veterans of Foreign Wars-172
Vice President
Anti-abortion leaders, meeting-12
Appearances with President-1, 12, 19, 32,
224, 238, 268, 275, 347, 399, 400, 457, 750,
753, 800
Competitiveness task force, role-76, 86
Foreign visits. See specific country
President's views-216, 218, 643, 734
Senate President, role-74, 197, 420, 449, 460,
461, 687
Space council, role-165, 251, 457, 473, 660
Vice President's. See other part of subject
Vietnam
Cambodia, role. See Cambodia
POW-MIA's. See Armed Forces, U.S.
Virginia
Governor-271, 364, 593
Norfolk Naval Air Station-464
Norfolk Naval Base-37
President's visits-37, 319, 464, 768, 773
Republican Party event-773
Voice of America. See Information Agency, U.S.
Voluntarism-2, 12, 21, 34, 37, 50, 52, 67, 80, 87,
107, 179, 247, 253, 273, 294, 323, 325, 354,
382, 387, 389, 393, 411-413, 434, 471, 490,
491, 496, 499, 553, 579-581, 680, 758, 766,
770, 785, 788, 794, 797
Volunteer Action Awards, President's-393
Volunteer Fire Council, National-411
Volunteer Firemen's Insurance Services-411
VOLUNTEER: The National Center for Citizen
Involvement-395
Volunteer Week, National-389, 394, 412
WTO. See Warsaw Pact
Wage and Hour Division. See Labor, Department
of
Wall Street Journal-792
Warsaw Pact-196, 522, 542, 585, 603, 621, 623,
629, 634-637, 642, 653, 668
Washington, DC. See District of Columbia
Washington, Indian claims settlement. See Indians, American
Washington, inauguration bicentennial-497
Washington University-107
Water quality. See Environment
Waterfowl Symposium, Sixth International-694
Weapons. See Arms and munitions; Nuclear
weapons
Western Samoa, U.S. Ambassador-338
Westinghouse Electric Corp.-169, 571
Westside Preparatory School-798
Wetlands. See Conservation
Wheat. See Agriculture, grain


A-19




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989-391
Whistleblowing. See Government agencies and
employees, waste and fraud elimination
White House
President's views-4, 10, 440
Staff-11, 183, 219, 481
White House fellows-703
White House Fellowships, President's Commission on-663, 703
White House News Photographers Association598
White House Office
Assistant to President for Communications-49
Assistant to President and Director of Presidential Personnel-503
Assistant to President for Economic and Domestic Policy-49, 338, 352, 355
Assistant to President for Issues Analysis-49,
159
Assistant to President for Legislative Affairs540
Assistant to President for Management and Administration-49, 84
Assistant to President for National Security Affairs-9, 23, 49, 52, 123, 138, 160, 165, 169,
217, 227, 243, 259, 320, 347, 348, 392, 453,
504, 536, 538, 550, 611, 640, 649, 654, 657,
666, 668
Assistant to President and Press Secretary-49,
65, 111, 145, 158, 169, 227, 278, 298, 347,
348, 372, 373, 388, 397, 441, 458, 463, 522,
535, 582, 589, 595, 600, 657, 660, 705, 728,
752, 764, 800, 802, 821,824
Assistant to President for Science and Technology-165, 473, 516
Assistant to President for Special Activities and
Initiatives-49
Assistants to President and Deputies to Chief of
Staff-49, 210, 492, 494
Associate Director for National Drug Control
Policy-513
Chief of Staff-7, 8, 9, 30, 49, 84, 104, 117, 165,
183, 217, 227, 232, 271, 286, 338, 347, 348,
424, 425, 568, 593, 611, 649, 654, 657, 668
Counsel to President-49, 50, 64, 65, 169, 219,
319, 404, 807
Deputy Assistant to President-9
Deputy Assistant to President for Appointments and Scheduling-49
Deputy Assistant to President and Director of
Office of Intergovernmental Affairs-154,
210, 270, 492, 494
Deputy Assistant to President and Director of
Office of National Service-49, 51, 159, 179,
253
Deputy Assistant to President for Domestic
Policy and Director of Policy Development
Office-118


White House Office-Continued
Deputy Assistant to President for Public Liaison-49, 232
Director of National Drug Control Policy-224,
236, 247, 257, 282, 283, 285, 286, 289, 291,
292, 295, 296, 331, 338, 341, 343, 450, 475,
486, 557
Director-designate of National Drug Control
Policy-27, 31, 58, 72, 76, 115, 169, 175, 179,
182, 191, 198-200, 208, 213
Pay-30
Physician to President-227, 535
Special Assistant to President for Intergovermental Affairs-378
Special Assistant to President for Presidential
Messages and Correspondence-118
Special Assistants to President for National Security Affairs-227-230, 658, 676, 678
Special Presidential Emissary to Hanoi for
POW/MIA Affairs-40
Wichita State University-749
Wildlife. See Conservation
Wildlife refuge. See specific State
Wilmington Cluster Against Substance Abuse291, 296
Wilson center. See Smithsonian Institution
Wilson magnet school. See Joseph C. Wilson
Magnet High School
Women
See also specific subject
Administration appointments. See Government
agencies and employees
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. See Smithsonian Institution
Working group. See other part of subject
World Bank. See Reconstruction and Development, International Bank for
World Environment Day-677
Wyoming
Governor-716
President's visit-716
Xinhua-127
YES. See Youth Engaged in Service to America
Yonhap News Agency-131
Youth. See specific subject; Children and youth
Youth Engaged in Service to America-80, 108,
253, 323, 330, 394, 759, 765, 786, 788
Yugoslavia
Consular convention with U.S.-226
Relations with U.S.-226
Zaire
Angola, peace efforts. See Angola
Economy-822
Investment treaty with U.S. See Economy,
international
President-133, 150, 822, 824
Relations with U.S.-822, 824


A-20




Name Index


Abdenour, Mike-760
Ables, Robert J.-231
Abram, Morris B.-46
Abramowitz, Morton I.-446
Abrams, Robert-222
Acheson, Dean G.-350, 540
Acland, Antony-665
Adenauer, Konrad-585
Adkisson, Perry L.-540
Akers, John F.-678
Akhromeyev, Sergey F.-38
Akihito, Emperor-42, 52, 134
Albrecht, Mark-166
Alexander, Lamar-454, 455
Allday, Martin L.-416
Allen, Ethan-750
Alvarado, Donna M.-395
Ammerman, Burt-348
Anderson, Bob-655
Anderson, Debra R.-154, 210, 270, 274, 492,
494
Anderson, Terry-5, 465
Andreas, Dwayne-189
Andreotti, Giulio-616
Angle, James L.-454
Angotti, Antonio M.-703
Antolak, Sylvester-614, 615
Aquino, Corazon C.-133, 458
Arad, Moshe-227
Arafat, Yasser-24, 137, 183
Arens, Moshe-227, 233
Arias Sanchez, Oscar-308, 310, 467
Armacost, Michael H.-213
Armitage, Richard L.-157, 478
Armstrong, Neil-731
Armstrong, Warren B.-749
Armstrong, William L.-341
Aron, Raymond C.F.-583
Aronson, Bernard W.-157, 347, 504
Arrington, Percy-599
Ashcroft, John D.-107
Aspin, Les- 11, 389
Astrue, Michael J.-686
Atkeson, Timothy B.-661
Attucks, Crispus-39
Atwater, H. Lee-92, 112, 114, 185, 270, 271,
273, 344, 573, 696, 736, 800, 801
Atwood, Donald J.-16
Audley, Jim-750
Austin, Jeanie-270, 800, 801
Austin, Jeff-10
Austin, Richard G.-564
Austin, Tracy-10
Ayatollah. See Khomeini, Ruhollah


Azcona Hoyo, Jose S.-101, 515
Babangida, Ibrahim-133, 150
Bagian, James P.-310
Bailey, Franklin E.-305
Baker, James A., III-8, 26, 32, 48, 79, 81, 101,
103, 111, 113, 117, 122, 123, 134, 136, 138,
141, 144, 149, 152, 169, 179, 180, 182, 183,
189, 227, 232, 259, 268, 288, 307, 347, 373,
452, 469, 504-506, 542, 550, 588, 589, 611,
613, 616, 619, 621, 639, 644, 649, 654, 657,
658, 668, 674, 810, 824
Baker, Susan-32, 288
Baldino, Joseph-577
Baldrige, Malcolm-47
Baliles, Gerald L.-364, 593, 594
Ball, David G.-427
Ball, Lucille-485
Ball, William L.-37
Banneker, Benjamin-39
Barlow, Richard-526
Baroody, William J.-189
Barr, Dan-540
Barr, William P.-166
Barrett, Andrew C.-751
Barrett, J. Patrick-791, 792
Bartholomew, Reginald-45
Barton, Clarissa H.-758
Barton, Joe-540
Bateman, Herbert H.-773
Bathgate, Laurence E.-8
Baudouin I, King-133, 617
Bauman, Edward-33
Beamish, Rita-551
Bean, Jennifer-330
Beckwith, Jennifer-644
Beecher, Henry W.-832
Begin, Menachem-374
Bell, Griffin B.-15, 20, 22, 50, 65, 251, 406
Bell, James-757
Bellmon, Henry-593
Benedetti, Joseph-775
Benedi, Claudio F.-591
Bennett, William J.-27, 31, 58, 72, 76, 115, 169,
175, 179, 182, 191, 198-200, 208, 213, 224,
236, 247, 257, 271, 272, 282, 283, 285, 286,
289, 291, 292, 295-297, 331, 338, 341-343, 352,
450, 475, 486, 557, 559
Bentsen, Lloyd-422, 424, 484, 808
Bereuter, Doug-721
Bertrand, John-434
Bethune, Mary M.-758
Bevin, Ernest-350
Bhutto, Benazir-133, 682, 683, 688


B-1




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali-683, 684
Bicouvaris, Mary V.-362, 364
Biden, Joseph R., Jr.-295
Bierbauer, Charles J.-643
Bilirakis, Evelyn-490
Bilirakis, Michael-488, 490
Billington, James H.-824
Black, Shirley Temple-661, 741
Blackwill, Robert D.-228, 658
Blaha, John E.-310
Blanchard, James J.-430
Blatt, Solomon-92
Bliley, Thomas J., Jr.-768, 773
Blitzer, Charles-189
Bloch, Julia C.-524
Boccardi, Louis D.-465
Boehlert, Sherwood L.-412
Boehm, Richard W.-662
Boggs, Corinne C.-498
Bolton, John R.-157
Bolton, Roger-326
Bonaparte, Napoleon-466
Bond, Christopher S.-107
Bonner, Robert C.-748
Boren, David L.-5
Boskin, Michael J.-27, 49, 352, 355
Bostick, Thomas P.-703
Bowden, John-434
Bowen, Meath-761
Bowland, Debra R.-694
Boyd, Gerald-13
Bracken, Frank A.-416
Brady, Nicholas F.-28, 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 104,
160, 247, 303, 347, 424, 557, 563, 571, 595,
741, 824
Brady, Phillip D.-263
Branstad, Terry E.-593
Breeden, Richard C.-49, 159, 160
Bretting, Tad-526
Briggs, Everett E.-676
Bright, Bill-512
Bright, Vonette-512, 513
Brock, William E., III-34
Bromley, D. Allan-457, 473, 516
Brooke, Edward W., III-207
Brooks, Jack-458
Brooks, Ron-765, 766
Brooks, William C.-695
Broomfield, William S.-760
Brown, Eddie F.-416
Brown, Jacqueline K.-429
Brown, Keith L.-508
Brown, Lee, Jr.-555
Brown, Michael-759
Brown, William A.-508
Brubeck, Ed-434
Brummett, Greg-749, 750
Brunelli, Samuel-492
Buchli, James F.-310
Buechner, Jack-107
Bullard, John S.-599


Bunning, Jim-554, 556
Burdick, Quentin N.-312
Burger, Warren E.-497, 498
Burke, Marie-658
Burney, Derek H.-693
Burnham, Daniel H.-337
Burnley, James, IV-57
Burt, Richard R.-44, 756
Busby, Morris D.-663
Busey, James B., IV-265
Bush, Barbara-12, 53, 168, 273, 291, 330, 335,
362, 390, 395, 397, 412, 417, 418, 434, 456,
577, 578, 582, 595, 664, 681, 682, 701, 717,
770, 771, 778, 782
Bush, Columba-477
Bush, Frederick M.-267
Bush, John J.-201
Butler, Eugene-554
Byrd, Robert C.-111, 389, 422, 424
Byrne, Edward-198, 557, 558
Byrne, Matthew-198, 557
Calder6n, Ricardo A.-549
Calhoun, John C.-95
Camilion, Oscar H.-164
Campbell, Carroll A., Jr.-92, 93, 335
Campbell, Tom J.-471
Card, Andrew H., Jr.-49, 210, 492, 494
Carey, James J.-459
Carmichael, Gilbert E.-256
Carney, Nell-478
Carr, Kenneth M.-716
Carroll, Raoul L.-733
Carter, Jimmy-197, 321, 379, 533, 536, 555
Carver, George W.-39
Case, Edson G.-795
Casey, Robert-282, 289
Cason, James E.-306
Cassidy, Butch-718
Castle, Michael N.-291, 295-297, 364
Castro Ruz, Fidel-506, 591
Catto, Henry E.-658, 659
Catto, Jessica 0.-659
Caulfield, James-417
Cavazos, Lauro F.-27, 167, 202, 273, 332, 354,
356, 362, 364, 417, 418, 477, 495, 496, 520,
564, 678, 679, 736, 754, 756, 761
Cerezo Arevalo, Vinicio-183
Certo, Albert-599
Chafee, John H.-68, 692
Chambers, Ray-785
Chamorro, Violeta-519
Chaney, James-795, 835
Chao, Elaine L.-106
Charles, Daedra-455
Chatchai Chunhawan-133
Cheney, Elizabeth-275
Cheney, Lynne V.-168, 275
Cheney, Marjorie-275
Cheney, Mary C.-275


B-2




Name Index


Cheney, Richard B.-215-220, 251, 258, 275,
382, 408, 453, 564, 649, 668, 699, 824, 831
Cheney, Richard H.-275
Chu, David S.C.-821
Churchill, Winston-80, 147, 173, 201, 212, 213,
464, 566, 665, 686
Cicconi, James W.-49
Clark, Dick-760
Clark, William-717
Clarke, Richard A.-773
Cleave, Mary L.-531, 566
Clemens, Samuel L. See Twain, Mark
Clement, Bob-454
Clements, William P.-482, 484, 540
Clendenin, John L.-499
Cleveland, Paul M.-313
Clower, Jerry-554
Clymer, Brian W.-428
Coady, E. Patrick-301
Coats, Michael L.-310, 311
Cochran, Charles F.-47
Cochran, Thad-544, 552
Cocteau, Jean-554
Coe, Doug-40
Coelho, Tony-595
Cohen, Herman J.-156
Colavita, Anthony J.-791
Coleman, J. Marshall-774, 775
Collamore, Thomas J.-186
Collins, Marva-798
Collins, Thomas E., III-776
Colter, John-717, 719
Condon, George E.-534
Conrad, Kent-470
Consalvi, Simon A.-347
Conte, Silvio 0.-422, 424, 463, 692
Conway, John T.-795
Cook, James-567
Cook, Lodwrick M.-253, 255
Cooper, Anneke-759
Cooper, Henry-756
Cooper, Jim-454
Cooper, Steve-554
Cosby, Bill-496
Cosby, Camille-496
Cossiga, Francesco-133, 614, 616
Coughlin, Lawrence-757
Coughlin, Susan M.-764
Courter, Jim-417
Coverdell, Paul D.-18, 741
Cowper, Steve-122, 318
Cox, C. Christopher-474
Craig, Roger-54
Crandall, Derrick-769
Cranston, Alan-730
Crawford, Carol T.-326
Crawford, Gary-437
Crawford, John W., Jr.-795
Cristiani, Alfredo-298, 321, 343, 388, 506, 705
Crockett, Davy-482
Cronan, Joan-454


Cross, Julie-742
Crowder, Richard T.-188
Crowe, William J., Jr.-643, 831
Cueroni, R.P.-600
Cullman, Hugh-201, 203
Culvahouse, Arthur B., Jr.-449, 450, 517
Cummock, Victoria-348
Cuomo, Mario M.-579
Curley, Walter J.P.-305
Curry, Jerry R.-275
Curtis, Brenda-437
Cutler, Lloyd N.-346
Dahl, Michael-754
Dalton, Edwina J.-774
Dalton, John N.-774
Daly, Charles J.-760
D'Amato, Alfonse M.-199, 497, 791
D'Amato, Antoinette-791
Damsker, Keithe-759
Danaher, John W.-703
Danforth, John C.-5
Danforth, William H.-107
Dangerfield, Rodney-666
Daniels, Lee-210
Dannemeyer, William E.-474
Darby, Michael R.-204
Darman, Richard G.-28, 64, 104, 332, 339, 345,
352, 353, 424, 692
Davidson, William M.-760
Davila, Robert R.-478
Davis, Arthur H.-536, 550
Davis, J. Michael-744
Davis, Raymond G.-730, 731
Davis, Robert P.-206
De Bartolo, Edward J., Jr.-53, 54
De Gasperi, Alcide-585
de la Garza, E.-438
De Mita, Ciriaco-608, 611, 613, 616
de Tocqueville, Alexis-51, 323, 800
Dean, Dizzy-749
DeArment, Roderick A.-231
Deland, Michael R.-691
DelliBovi, Alfred A.-316
Delors, Jacques-617, 728
Demarest, David F., Jr.-49
Deng Xiaoping-23, 138, 140, 142, 144, 145, 148,
179, 670, 696, 814
Denktash, Rauf-674
Denver, John-757
DeRoburt, Hammer-523
Derwinski, Bonita-238
Derwinski, Edward J.-238
Derwinski, Maureen S.-238
Derwinski, Michael S.-238
DeSio, Joseph E.-351
Dewey, Thomas E.-346, 466
Diefenderfer, William M., III-17
DiMaggio, Joe-612
Dingell, John D.-692
Dirksen, Everett M.-419, 827


B-3




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Disraeli, Benjamin-665, 761
Disselkamp, Henry B.-599
Dixon, Alan J.-831, 833
Dodd, Christopher J.-528
Dole, Elizabeth H.-25, 33, 49, 51, 210, 241, 355,
385, 434, 435, 492, 494, 496, 800
Dole, Robert-1, 10, 33, 46, 113, 125, 180, 185,
306, 308, 346, 441, 729, 734, 736, 749, 750,
827, 831,833
Domenici, Pete V.-422, 424
Donaldson, Frank W.-746
Dorgan, Byron L.-470
Dorn, Jennifer L.-206
Dornan, Robert K.-474
Douglas, Charles G., III-84
Douglas-Home, Alec. See Home, Alec Douglas
Downey, Morton, Jr.-409, 792
Downing, Lawrence-599
Dreifort, Todd-750
Dress, Katherine C.-524
Drmacichi, Barbara-577
Duarte Fuentes, Jos6 N.-129, 299, 343, 388, 705
Duderstadt, James J.-398
Duesterberg, Thomas J.-188
Duffy, Michael W.-454
Dufu-140
Dugan, Bill-434
Dukakis, Michael S.-433, 582
Duke, David-114
Dumars, Joe-760
Duncan, John J.-454
Duncan, Stephen M.-764
Dunleavy, Richard M.-37
Durenberger, Dave-393
Durnan, Robert J.-296, 298
Dye, Brad-544
Dyke, Wade T.-703
Eagleburger, Lawrence S.-803
Early, Joseph D.-463
Eastman, George-579, 581
Easton, John J., Jr.-768
Easton, Michelle-804
Ebbeling, William-535
Edelman, Mark L.-596
Edley, Christopher S.-201, 203
Edwards, Tonya-455
Eggenberger, A.J.-795
Einaudi, Luigi R.-745
Einstein, Albert-246, 483
Eisenhower, Dwight D.-147, 345, 466, 540, 542,
686, 731, 758, 769
Elizabeth II, Queen-659, 819
Emerson, Ralph W.-786
Emmett, Edward M.-300
Emperor. See other part of name
Empress. See other part of name
Endara, Guillermo-538, 549, 550, 555
Engeleiter, Brian T.-502
Engeleiter, Gerald H.-502
Engeleiter, Jennifer L.-502
Engeleiter, Susan S.-17, 502, 525


Engler, John-430
Escalante, Jaime-477
Espy, Mike-544
Evans, Molly-330
Evert-Lloyd, Christine M.-10
Fang Lizhi-697
Farish, Sarah-555
Farish, William, III-260, 555
Farren, J. Michael-187
Fauci, Anthony S.-477, 612
Faulkner, William C.-553, 554
Ferraro, Geraldine A.-433
Feulner, Edwin J., Jr.-450
Fialka, John J.-793
Figueredo, Reinaldo-347
Fisher, Angie-398
Fisher, Jonathan-398
Fisher, Mark-398
Fisher, Steve-398, 399
Fishgold, Herbert-231
Fiske, Robert B., Jr.-748
Fitts, C. Austin-604
Fitzpatrick, Donna R.-192
Fitzwater, Marlin-6, 11, 14, 23, 30, 49, 65, 100,
103, 105, 111, 116, 145, 158, 169, 179, 216,
220, 227, 257, 258, 260, 261, 278, 298, 347,
372, 373, 385, 388, 397, 441, 458, 463, 522,
535, 582, 589, 595, 598, 599, 600, 657, 660,
705, 719, 728, 752, 754, 764, 800, 802, 812,
821, 824
Flaum, Joel M.-59
Fletcher, Arthur A.-201
Fletcher, James C.-291, 310, 399, 400
Flower, Ludlow, III-504
Floyd, Craig-557
Flynn, Raymond L.-582
Fogg, Joseph G., III —791
Foley, Thomas S. —10, 243, 306, 308, 422-424,
441, 595, 687, 696, 697, 729, 735, 737, 827
Ford, Gerald R.-142, 215, 217, 398, 533, 536,
555
Ford, Guillermo-549, 701
Ford, Wendell H.-557
Foxman, Abraham H.-232
Franck, James-762
Franklin, Barbara H.-604
Franklin, Benjamin-75, 412, 681, 759
Franklin, Calvin G.-155
Fras, Andrew I.-311
Frawley, Daniel-291
Freeman, Chas. W., Jr.-732
Freeman, Claire E.-772
Frenzel, Bill-422, 424
Fresh, James H.-490
Fritts, William D., Jr.-186
Frost, Sheila-455, 456
Gable, Robert E.-554
Gaddis, Richard-551
Galinsky, Harry-417


B-4




Name Index


Gall, Mary S.-154
Gallardo, Felix-486
Gallegly, Elton-474
Gallegos, Lou-775
Galvin, John R.-619, 643
Galvin, Michael P.-205
Gandhi, Mohandas K.-417, 759
Gandhi, Rajiv-133
Ganzie, Wally-8
Garcia Alvarado, Roberto-705
Garcia Perez, Alan-533
Garfinkel, Eric I.-205
Garland, Judy-750
Garn, Jake-730, 734
Garner, James-731
Garrett, H. Lawrence, III-415
Garrett, Wilbur E.-818
Gartland, John C.-393
Gates, Brad-474, 475
Gates, Daryl-211
Gates, Robert M.-9, 803
Gayle, Crystal-166
Gee, Jenlane-523, 526
Gehrig, Lou-395
Geibler, Wendy-348
Geisel, Harold W.-649
Gelb, Bruce S.-18, 678
Genscher, Hans-Dietrich-639, 649, 659
Georgine, Robert A.-433, 435
Gephardt, Richard A.-728
Geraci, William-577
Gerald, Justina-531
Gergen, David R.-184
Gideon, Kenneth W.-299
Gildenhorn, Joseph B.-313
Gingrich, Newt-342, 422-424, 595
Gingrich, William-84
Ginn, Ronald B.-741
Giuliani, Rudolf-791
Glauber, Robert R.-124
Gleason, Jackie-566
Glenn, John H., Jr.-731
Glitman, Maynard W.-644
Goldberg, Fred T., Jr.-605
Goldwater, Barry M., Jr.-579
Goldwyn, Samuel-566
Goode, W. Wilson-344
Goodgame, Charles D.-535
Goodling, William F.-364
Goodman, Andrew-795, 835
Goodman, Roy M.-92, 688
Goodpaster, Andrew J.-730, 731
Gorbachev, Mikhail S.-6, 14, 23, 24, 26, 52, 79,
84, 122, 138, 144, 175, 180, 250, 252, 308, 372,
373, 383, 452, 499, 541, 542, 556, 584, 603,
618-621, 640, 641, 643, 646, 647, 653, 666,
668, 679, 701,809-811
Gordon, Bart-454
Gordon, Bridgette-454-456
Gore, Albert, Jr.-288
Gore, Mary E.-288


Grabe, Ronald J.-531, 566
Graham, Billy-41, 658, 659
Graham, Donald E.-793
Graham, Katherine-793
Gramm, Phil-484, 488, 540, 557
Grant, Bill-112, 800, 801
Grant, Janet-112
Grant, Ulysses S.-28
Graves, Earl G.-87
Gray, Alfred M., Jr.-172, 175, 730, 731
Gray, C. Boyden-49, 50, 64, 65, 169, 319, 808
Gray, William H., III1-728
Green, Shirley M.-118
Greenspan, Alan-14, 27, 63, 103, 134, 135, 137,
280
Grefe, Mary-797
Gregg, Hugh-85
Gregg, Judd-85, 668
Gregory, Henry, III-530, 531
Greindl, Guenther-675
Gribbin, David J., III-507
Griesinger, Carissa-765, 766
Grimes, William H.-794
Grizzle, Charles L.-777
Grune, George V.-168
Grunwald, Henry A.-327
Guerra, Stella G.-721
Guiton, Bonnie F.-480
Gutenberg, Johannes-651
Haass, Richard N.-230
Habicht, Frank H., II-415
Hadley, Stephen J.-750
Hagarty, Lois S.-272, 273
Hagin, Joseph W., II-49
Halbrook, David-492
Hale, Nathan-832
Haley, Alex P.-203, 363, 600
Halsey, William F.-464
Halstead, Dirck-599
Halverson, Brad-655
Halverson, Gail-655
Hamilton, Alexander-787
Hammann, Karen-768
Hammann, Richard H.-768
Hampton, Lionel-792
Han Xu-805
Hand, B. Learned-108
Hanford, Mary E.-33
Hang Nguyen-756
Hannah, David, Jr.-342
Hansen, Clifford P.-717
Hansen, Martha E.-717
Harder, Sarah-797, 798
Hardin, David-331
Harlow, Bryce L.-427
Harriman, Constance B.-675
Harrington, Kathleen M.-230
Harris, Chessie-394
Harrison, William H.-122
Hart, Mary-734


B-5




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Hatcher, Everett-198-201, 298, 322, 486, 743
Hatcher, Mary J.-198, 200, 211, 298, 322, 485
Hatcher, Zachary-201
Hatfield, Mark 0.-422, 424
Hathaway, Edward-577
Haughey, Charles-267
Havel, Vaclav-651
Hawhee, Debbie-455
Hawke, Hazel-815, 816, 818, 819
Hawke, Robert-811, 813-815, 818, 819
Hawkins, Augustus F.-201
Hayde, Michael K.-474, 475
Hayes, James B.-253
Hayes, Wayne W.-472
Haynes, Clarity-761
Hazelwood, Joseph J.-340
Head, Dena-455
Head, Hazel-456
Healy, George P.A.-447, 512, 593
Hecht, Chic-313
Heckert, Richard E.-301
Hefley, Joel-253
Hefner, Vena-771
Heikes, Darryl L.-599
Henderson, Ricky-750
Henry, Patrick-832
Hergelroth, Edward-759
Hernandez, Valentin-347
Herzog, Chaim-133
Hess, Gregory P.-703
Hewitt, Eben-761
Higginbotham, A. Leon, Jr.-207
Higgins, Sean-398
Hill, Charles W.-322
Hills, Carla A.-55, 97, 343, 607, 800
Hippie, Thomas-282
Hirohito, Emperor-42, 109, 123, 125, 136, 137,
150, 167
Hite, Lawrence E.-233
Hobby, Bill-482
Hockeimer, Henry E.-763
Hodsoll, Francis S.M.-96
Hoffman, David-673
Hoffman, Deane E.-676
Hogan, Lee-247
Hogg, J.R.-644
Hogg, Margaret-644
Hoke, Nancy-721
Holiday, Edith E.-44
Holmes, Oliver W.-491
Holt, Bobby-8, 9
Holt, Cooper T.-172
Homan, Cynthia M.-107
Home, Alec Douglas-664
Home, Elizabeth H.-664
Hook, Harold S.-87
Hoover, Herbert C.-345
Hope, Bob-793
Hopkins, Larry J.-554, 556
Horatius Cocles-731
Horgan, Joseph-348


Horn, Wade F.-763
Horner, Constance-20, 153
Horton, Frank-391, 523, 577, 579
Howe, Geoffrey-657
Hudson, Paul-348
Hughes, G. Philip-117
Hughes, Mark-398
Hugo, Victor-430
Hunt, Albert R.-793
Hunt, Terence-454
Hunter, Jerry M.-543
Hussein I, King-113, 133, 384, 444, 447, 452,
453
Hutfliz, Edgar E., II —490
Iacocca, Lee-791
Iacovou, George-674
Iakovos, Demetrios A.C.-497
Iqbal, Muhammad-689
Jackson, Jesse-798, 835
Jackson, Karl D.-228
Jacobs, Eli S.-792
Jahnke, Walter-574
James, Kay C.-242
Jamiesson, Max-731
Jamison, Delos C.-357
Janger, Stephen A.-334
Jaruzelski, Wojciech-372, 386, 431, 432, 809
Jefferson, Thomas-406, 466, 573, 594, 655, 775,
825, 826
Jenkins, Dan-481
Jenkins, Peter-721
Jensen, Jackie-750
Jew, Jeanie-523
Jhin, Kyo Ryoon-524, 525
Jia Hao-700
Jimenez de Barros, Monica-510
Joaquim, Nancy R.-582
John Paul II, Pope-609, 611
Johnson, Benjamin, Jr.-408
Johnson, Claudia A.-484
Johnson, Cynthia-600
Johnson, Dick-246
Johnson, Erik-253, 255
Johnson, Joan-530, 531
Johnson, Lyndon B.-147, 346, 410, 484
Johnson, Michael-765-767
Johnson, Vinnie-760
Johnston, Bruce-765, 766
Johnston, Suzanne-574, 577-579
Jones, Roberts T.-177
Jordan, Michael H.-201, 203
Juan Carlos I, King-133
Juarez, Benito P.-521
Kalhammet, Max-334
Kan Xueqing-141
Kanaga, William S.-499
Kanter, Arnold-676
Kaspervik, Donald-615
Kaspervik, Edith-615


B-6




Name Index


Kaspervik, Preston-615
Kaspervik, William-615
Kassebaum, Nancy L.-346, 347, 749, 750, 800
Kasten, Robert W., Jr.-526
Katz, Julius L.-274
Kaufman, George S.-352
Kean, Thomas H.-271, 364, 417, 786
Keating, Francis A., II-317
Keating, William J.-465
Keel, Alton G., Jr.-620, 644
Keith, Leroy, Jr.-495
Kelly, John H.-156
Kelso, F.B., II-488
Kemp, Jack F.-53, 88, 179, 232, 736, 806, 813
Kemp, Joanne-88
Kennan, George F.-540
Kennedy, Edward M.-184
Kennedy, John F.-34, 346, 410, 579, 836
Kennedy, Nancy M.-214
Kenny, Jane A.-834
Kerr, Richard J.-95
Kestenbaum, Zvi-509
Khamenei, Ali-671
Khomeini, Ahmad-671
Khomeini, Ruhollah-117, 669
Kilberg, Bobbie G.-49, 232, 274, 357
Kim Jaison-147
Kimmitt, Robert M.-45
King. See other part of name
King, Coretta S.-573
King, Dexter-573
King, Martin L., Jr.-202, 546, 547, 573, 586, 835
Kingon, Alfred H.-644
Kinnock, Neil-664
Kirkland, Lane-34
Kissinger, Henry A.-142
Kiszczak, Czelslaw-431
Klausner, Michael D.-703
Kleppe, Thomas S.-470
Kloske, Dennis E.-205
Knight, Harry D.-691, 692
Koch, Edward I.-497, 753
Koch, Kathleen D.-830
Kohl, Helmut-103, 639, 645, 646, 649, 650, 652,
659, 718, 809, 810, 818
Kolb, Charles E.M.-570
Kondratas, S. Anna-221
Kopp, Eugene P.-830
Korth, Penne P.-8
Kosciusko, Thaddeus-433
Kotlowitz, Alex-794
Kotzebue, Albert-543
Kouts, Herbert-795
Kozaren, Robert-430
Krosby, Quincy M.-300
Kurkjian, Stephen A.-551
Kuron, Jacek-510
La Guardia, Fiorello H.-612, 791
LaFalce, John J.-577, 579
Lafayette, Marquis de-758
Lafontant, Jewel S.-158


Laimbeer, Chris-760
Laimbeer, E. William-760
Laingen, Bruce-328
Lamb, Robert-765
Lampley, Virginia A.-229
Lancaster, Burt-546
Landau, George W.-504
Larson, Thomas D.-428
Lasker, Albert D.-463
Lasker, Mary-463
Lasorda, Tom C.-471
Lauder, Ronald S.-792
Lautenberg, Frank R.-497
Lavorel, Warren A.-732
Law, Bernard F.-582, 590
Lawn, John C.-212, 485, 486
Lawson, Eugene K.-777
Leamond, Frederick J.-93
Lee, Burton, III-227, 535, 784
Lee, Mark C.-531, 566
Lee Kuan Yew-133
Lehder Rivas, Carlos-486
Lehman, Ronald F., II-317
Leon, Don-731
Leopold, Aldo-693
Lesher, Richard L.-499, 501
Levin, Carl M.-391, 760
Levinson, Richard-759
Levitsky, Melvyn-359
Lewis, Gib-482
Lewis, Jerry-243
Lewis, Katherine-13
Lewis, Meriwether-717
Lewis, Tom-567
Li, Lehmann-523
Li Bo-140
Li Peng-138-140, 144, 805
Liberman, Lee M.-107
Lilley, James R.-242, 670, 671, 697, 698
Lincoln, Abraham-19, 41, 80, 239, 255, 346,
447, 512, 559, 593, 717, 730, 825, 832
Lindner, Carl-736
Lindsay, Jon-247
Link, Arthur A.-470
Link, William-759
Little, Rich-600, 813
Little, William G.-243
London, Herbert-792
Long, Dale-765, 766
Lopez, Antonio-571
Lord, Betty-142
Lord, Winston-142, 587
Lorenzo, Frank-181
Lott, Trent-544, 552
Love, Ben H.-87
Love, Mike-765
Lowe, Jennifer-759
Lowell, James R.-761
Lowery, Joseph E.-835
Lubbers, Ruud-534


B-7




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Lucas, John-731
Lucas, Veronica-731
Lucas, William-479, 496, 835
Luce, Thomas W., III —483
Lujan, Manuel, Jr.-66, 68, 278, 477, 497, 498,
520, 691, 692, 716, 721, 730
Lukens, Walter P.-731
Lungren, Daniel E.-476
MacArthur, Douglas-136, 147, 440, 731
Macaulay, Thomas B.-55
Mack, Connie-485, 488, 490
Macomber, John D.-776
Madison, James-826
Mahathir, Mukhris-582
Mahathir bin Mohamad-582
Mahatma. See other part of name
Mahorn, Rick-760
Malone, Julia L.-535
Mann, Horace-389
Mansfield, Michael J.-827
Mao Zedong-671
Marbut, Robert G., Jr.-703
Maready, Harold L.-754
Maresca, John J.-314
Margolis, Jeremy-748
Marous, John C., Jr.-169
Marshall, C. Travis-264
Marshall, George C.-540, 584, 771
Marshall, Sherrie P.-752
Martens, Wilfried-617
Marti, Jose J.-591
Martin, James G.-335
Martinez, Robert-485, 488, 490
Marx, Karl-665
Mashek, John W.-454
Mason, James 0.-156
Massengale, Martin A.-721
Matalin, Mary-270, 273
Matthews, David-544
Mauldin, William H.-238
Mauro Hoyos, Carlos-324
McAllister, Eugene J.-397
McBee, Barry R.-704
McBride, Timothy-6, 324
McCain, John-555
McCall, David W.-460
McCann, S. Anthony-763
McCarthy, Rosemary-731
McCarthy, William-434
McClendon, Sarah-220
McCloskey, Joseph M.-243
McCloskey, Paul N., Jr.-731
McCloskey, Peter F.-243
McCloy, John J.-227, 394
McClure, Frederick D.-540
McClure, Mary-378
McConnell, Mitch-554
McCormack, Richard T.-45
McCray, Melissa-455, 456
McCurtis, Janel-332
McGhee, Carla-455


McGrath, Marcos G.-533
McInerney, Thomas G.-122, 123
McIntire, Paulla J.-754
McKavitt, James D.-731
McKay, John-704
McKee, Jean-830
McKenzie, William A.-540
McKernan, John R., Jr.-668
McLaughlin, Ann-34,
McMurtry, Larry-482, 718
McNulty, Timothy J.-454
McQuillan, Lawrence-454
Meares, Pat-750
Melady, Thomas P.-704
Melanson, Edgar-417
Meredith, James-835
Meridor, Sallai-227
Merino, Francisco-388
Metcalf, Arthur G.B.-582
Michel, Robert H.-1, 10, 46, 217, 306, 308, 441,
595, 736, 737, 827, 831,833
Michiko, Empress-134
Miles, Shawndra-331, 332
Miller, Arthur-793
Miller, David C., Jr.-229
Miller, Ella-390
Mills, Terry-398
Milner, Clive-675
Mintzmeyer, Lorraine-717
Mitchell, George J.-1, 3, 10, 46, 47, 180, 181,
216, 217, 219, 306, 308, 422-424, 441, 692,
735, 827
Mitsuzuka, Hiroshi-800
Mitterrand, Danielle-582, 586
Mitterrand, Franqois-113, 133, 441, 452, 463,
577, 582, 583, 585, 642, 718
Mobley, William H.-540
Mobutu, Bobi Ladawa-824
Mobutu Sese Seko-133, 150, 822, 824
Molinari, Guy V.-791
Molinari, Susan-791
Monjo, John C.-327
Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de-707
Montana, Joe-53, 54
Montgomery, G.V.-172, 544, 552, 831, 833
Montgomery, W.B.-552
Moore, Jerry A., Jr.-266
Moore, Kate L.-262
Moore, Richard A.-337
Moore, W. Henson-16
Morales, Diane K.-393
Moreno, Augusto-833
Morton, Azie T.-202
Mosbacher, Robert A.-47, 159, 247, 252, 301,
352, 540
Moskal, Edward J.-431
Motley, Langhorne A.-411
Moy, Ruby-523
Moynihan, D. Patrick-191, 497


B-8




Name Index


Mubarak, M. Hosni-115, 133, 321, 334, 339, 348,
360, 374, 379, 384, 453
Mubarak, Suzanne-360
Mulholland, Douglas P.-155
Mullins, David W., Jr.-193
Mulroney, Brian-81, 514, 618, 707
Mulroney, Mila-514
Mufioz Sanabria, Rafael G.-487
Murdock, David-734
Murkowski, Frank H.-122, 381
Murphy, Audie-614
Murray, Daphne W.-279
Murrin, Thomas J.-592
Murtha, John P.-555
Muskie, Edmund S.-328
Mustafa, Rashid-291-295
Mustelier-Nuevo, Alfredo-591
Myers, Dale D.-399
Myers, Peter C.-96
Neale, Harold W.-412
Negroponte, John D.-120, 411, 520
Nettles, Graig-493
Newlin, Jim-750
Newman, Constance B.-18, 20
Newman, Della-338
Newman, J. Bonnie-49, 84
Ney, Edward N.-315
Nickerson, Yvette-530, 531
Nickles, Don-734
Niles, Thomas M.T.-358
Noor, Queen-447, 448
Noriega, Manuel A.-491, 506, 517, 533, 536-538,
547-551, 701
North, Oliver L.-104, 382, 409, 449, 515, 534
Nunez, Sammy-210
Nunn, Sam-72, 73, 111, 114, 126, 135, 181, 216,
217, 219, 389
Oberholtzer, Eliza-731
Obuchowski, Janice-278
O'Connell, Kevin-535
O'Connor, Sandra D.-798, 800
Oerichbauer, Dawn-655
Oh, Christine-762
O'Keefe, Sean C.-511
Olson, Chad-526
Olson, Gerald L.-177
Omachonu, Florence-529-531
O'Neill, Joseph R.-568
O'Neill, Thomas P., Jr.-463
Oppenheimer, J. Robert-762
O'Reilly, William H.-68
Orr, Kay-721
Orr, Robert D.-567
Orrison, John W.-704
Ortega Saavedra, Daniel-343
O'Shields, Dick-247
Owen, Deborah K.-539
Ozal, Turgut-133, 674
Ozark, Daniel L.-394
Packwood, Bob-422, 424


Page, Robert W., Sr.-765
Paige, Satchel-473
Paine, Thomas-507
Panetta, Leon E.-422, 424
Paolucci, Benjamin-760
Papandreou, Andreas-674
Papoulias, Karolos-674
Parker, Diana-49
Parker, Mike-544
Parks, Frank-753
Parks, Helen-753
Parks, Rosa-835
Parlette, Harry-535
Parnell, Dale P.-335
Parnell, Jack C.-153
Parris, Stan-773
Parrish, Jess H.-335
Pasteur, Louis-86
Pastorino, Robert S.-347
Paterno, Joseph V.-731
Patrick, Saint-176
Patterson, Frederick D.-201, 202
Patti, Sandy-41
Patton, George S.-615
Payes, Jennifer-759
Payton, Benjamin F.-495
Pearson, Lester B.-350
Pei, I.M.-523
Pell, Claiborne-91, 163, 215, 413, 674
Pepper, Claude-463, 637, 815
Perez, Carlos A.-347, 533
Perez de Cuellar de la Guerra, Javier-163, 164,
268, 452, 590, 674, 675
Perkins, Edward J.-606
Perkins, Frances-34
Perpich, Rudy-364
Petersen, Donald E.-471
Petersmeyer, Charles G.-49, 51, 159, 179, 253
Peterson, Robert E.-231
Peterson, Shirley D.-300
Petricioli, Gustavo-520
Pettry, David-554
Phelps, William L.-761
Phillips, Warren-792, 793
Phong Sak Meunchanai-745
Pickering, Alice-268, 270
Pickering, Thomas R.-20, 268, 497, 498, 674
Pierce, Samuel R., Jr.-88
Poneman, Daniel P.-704
Poole, Van- 12
Pope. See other part of name
Porter, Roger B.-49, 338, 351, 355, 663, 703
Pratt, Edmund T., Jr.-678, 679
Press, Frank-169, 171
Pressman, Gabe-345
Price, Leontyne-202
Prince. See other part of name
Principi, Anthony J.-177
Prisock, Donnie-554
Prosperi, David P.-263


B-9




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Purbaugh, Marvin W.-599
Purdy, Patrick-106, 559
Qadhafi, Mu'ammar-321
Quayle, Dan-1, 12, 19, 32, 74, 76, 86, 197, 216,
218, 224, 238, 251, 268, 275, 347, 399, 400,
420, 449, 454, 457, 460, 461, 473, 643, 660,
687, 705, 734, 750, 753, 754, 800, 824
Quayle, Marilyn-734, 824
Queen. See other part of name
Quillen, James H.-454
Rabb, Maxwell M.-613, 616
Rabb, Ruth-613
Rabin, Yitzhak-600
Raeihle, Mary J.-753
Rassier, Donald-471
Raul, Alan C.-350
Raum, Thomas-673
Raven, Robert D.-458
Rawl, Lawrence G.-201
Rayburn, Sam T.-274, 408, 540, 827
Rayzer, Joyce J.-704
Reagan, Nancy-481
Reagan, Ronald-1, 6, 8, 9, 22, 40, 51, 74, 147,
179, 180, 197, 202, 238, 345, 388, 397, 410,
460, 461, 466, 477, 480, 616, 731, 734, 793, 801
Redman, Charles E.-315
Reed, Joseph V., Jr.-270
Rehnquist, William H.-I, 32, 193
Reilly, William K.-68, 77, 82, 170, 179, 221-223,
271, 273, 318, 319, 335, 339-341, 382, 383,
387, 410, 691-693
Reser, Galen J.-262
Reuter, Ernst-651
Revere, Paul-583
Rice, Donald B.-504
Rice, Glen-398, 399
Rice, Jerry-53, 54
Richards, Ann-484
Ridge, Thomas J.-434
Ridgway, Matthew B.-731
Riegle, Donald W., Jr.-430, 730, 760
Rill, James F.-538
Rinaldo, Matthew J.-417
Rinkevich, Charles F.-741
Rios, Ariel-742
Ripley, Robert L.-398
Ritter, Bruce-397, 778, 780, 782-784
Rivers, Larry W.-172
Robbins, Clyde E.-387
Robinson, C. Paul-802
Robinson, James D., III-785
Robinson, Joseph-38
Robinson, Rumeal-398, 399
Robson, John E.-124
Rockefeller, David-504, 785
Rockefeller, John D.-792
Rockne, Knute-301
Rodgers, Joseph W.-757
Rodman, Dennis-760
Rodman, Peter W.-678


Rodriguez, Miguel-347
Rodriguez Pedotti, Andres-506
Rodriguez Porth, Jose A.-705
Rogers, Harold-554, 556
Rogers, Kenny-745
Rogers, Will-495, 593
Roh Tae Woo-131, 146, 148
Rollins, Sherrie S.-688
Romano, Benito-748
Romer, Roy-253
Romney, George-395
Romney, Ronna-761
Roosevelt, Alice H.-470
Roosevelt, Franklin D.-80, 173, 441, 464, 512,
557, 593, 665, 682, 758
Roosevelt, Martha B.-470
Roosevelt, Theodore-67, 233, 236, 330, 345,
413, 466, 468, 470, 694, 717
Roper, William L.-118
Rosenberg, William G.-316
Rosenblatt, Cheryl-535
Rosenthal, Joe-832
Roskens, Ronald W.-721
Rostow, Charles N.-228
Roth, Richard-697
Roth, William V., Jr.-295
Roukema, Marge-417
Rowe, James N.-458
Rowen, Henry S.-751
Rowny, Edward L.-752
Rubenstein, Larry A.-598
Ruckelshaus, William D.-304
Rudin, Lewis-785
Rudman, Warren B.-84, 86, 93, 162, 731
Ruel, Buddy-434
Rushdie, Salman-112, 116, 152
Russell, Lawrence-658
Russell, Richard B., Jr.-827
Ryan, Edward J.-324
Sadat, Anwar-334, 374
Sakharov, Andrei-541
Salk, Jonas E.-463
Salley, John-760
Sampas, Dorothy-142
Sandburg, Carl-296
Sanders, John T.-214
Sandler, Norman D.-454
Sarney Costa, Jose-133, 150
Sasser, James R.-422, 424
Satterfield, Jimmy-95
Sa'ud, Fahd bin 'Abd al-'Aziz Al-453
Sa'ud, Sa'ud al-Faysal Al-726, 728
Sauerhafer, Darlene-577
Sawyer, Ralph-535
Sawyer, Suzy-557
Scalia, Antonin-56, 66, 67, 224, 612
Scannell, Gerard F.-773
Schaefer, William D.-692
Schembechler, Glenn E.-398
Schiff, Joseph G.-429


B-10




Name Index


Schifter, Richard-727
Schmalensee, Richard-358
Schnabel, Rockwell A.-246
Schrag, Judy-478
Schuette, Bill-760
Schuller, Robert H.-475
Schuman, Robert-350
Schuster, Sharon-797
Schwab, Susan C.-188
Schwartz, Murray-476
Schwarzschild, Jeffrey-757
Schwerner, Michael-795, 835
Scott, Charles R.-355
Scott, Gloria-495
Scott, Willard-734, 792
Scowcroft, Brent-9, 23, 123, 138, 160, 169, 217,
227, 243, 259, 320, 321, 347, 348, 504, 536 -538, 550, 611, 640, 649, 654, 657, 658, 666, 668
Seaborg, Glenn T.-170, 171
Secchia, Joan-616
Secchia, Peter F.-327, 613, 616
Seibert, Donald V.-568
Seidman, L. William-63
Seigenthaler, John L.-406
Seitz, Raymond-658
Selin, Ivan-44
Sembler, Melvin F.-8, 265
Sensenbrenner, F. James, Jr.-312
Sesno, Frank-551
Sessions, William S.-748
Shakespeare, Frank-611
Shakespeare, Fredricka-611
Shakespeare, William-167
Shamir, Shulamit-380
Shamir, Yitzhak-227, 233, 321, 339, 374, 379,
384, 453
Shane, Jeffrey N.-262
Shaten, Lew-759
Sheen, Fulton J.-243
Sheenen, Robert J.-92
Shevardnadze, Eduard A.-113, 115, 122, 179,
182, 189, 469, 584, 640, 810
Shi Zesheng-141
Shiah, Richard-413
Shore, Dinah-253
Showa. See Hirohito
Shriver, Pam-10
Shultz, George P.-8
Sihanouk, Norodom, Prince-133, 150, 451
Sikes, Alfred C.-821
Silber, John-582
Silverman, Joy A.-829
Simmons, Reggie-577
Simon, Gary-577
Simon, Paul-201
Simpson, Alan K.-41, 422-424, 716, 717, 721,
730
Sinner, George A.-470
Sinner, Jane-470
Sisco, Gina M.-417
Sisulu, Albertina-833


Sitting Bull-792
Siv, Sichan-523
Skarzynski, Michael P.-196
Skinner, Samuel K.-57, 178, 180, 318, 319, 335,
339, 348, 382, 386-388, 410, 600, 748
Skladany, Linda A.-605
Slaughter, D. French, Jr.-773
Slayton, Donald K.-342
Smith, James D.-387
Smith, Jean K.-745
Smith, Jeff-294
Smith, Jo Ann D.-305
Smith, Robert C.-84
Snyder, Harry M.-805
Soares, Mario A.-133, 802
Soeharto-705
Sohn Kee Chung-148
Solomon, Richard H.-314
Sommaruga, Cornelio-565
Spaak, Paul-Henri C.-350
Spearman, Leonard H.O., Sr.-378
Specter, Arlen-282, 286, 289
Spence, Floyd-92
Spinks, Charles-545
Spinks, Jack-545
Springer, Robert C.-310
Stacy, Richard A.-746
Stahl, Lesley R.-454
Stalin, Joseph-542
Starr, Kenneth W.-40
Stefanski, Charles F.-756, 757
Steiger, Janet D.-539
Steiger, William A.-244
Stello, Victor, Jr.-768
Stenholm, Charles W.-438
Stennis, John C.-552, 554, 555
Stephens, Jay B.-748
Stephenson, Gene-749, 750
Stern, David-760
Stevens, John P.-832
Stevens, Ted-381
Stevenson, Adlai E.-311, 405
Stewart, Richard B.-776
Stieglitz, Allison-394
Stilwell, Richard G.-730, 731
Stokes, Dewey-557
Stradley, Carolyn-526
Strickland, Theodore-210
Stringer, Edward C.-674
Stroessner, Alfredo-506
Stroock, Thomas F.-803
Studdert, Stephen M.-49
Stump, Bob-40
Stutman, Robert-198, 199
Suazo C6rdova, Roberto-518
Sudnick, Kimberly-582
Suessmuth, Rita-649
Sullivan, Ginger-207
Sullivan, Halstead-207
Sullivan, John L.-793


B-ll




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Sullivan, Louis W.-13, 28, 55, 65, 102, 126, 202,
207, 442, 495, 496
Sullivan, Michael J.-716, 717
Sullivan, Michelle-717
Sullivan, Paul-207
Sullivan, Shanta-207
Summitt, Pat H.-454-456
Sundquist, Don-454
Sununu, John H.-5, 7-9, 27, 30, 49, 51, 84, 104,
184, 217, 227, 232, 270, 271, 274, 286, 289,
338, 347, 348, 424, 568, 593, 611, 649, 654,
658, 668
Szoka, Edmund C.-430
Taft, William H., IV-126, 312
Tagore, Rabindranath-148
Taillandier, Pascal-454
Takeshita, Noboru-42, 52, 57, 120, 121, 148
Tang, Henry-523
Tate, Dale T.-206
Taylor, James F.-34
Taylor, John B.-238
Taylor, Patrick-681
Teegen, Evelyn I.H.-803
Tejera-Paris, Enrique-347
Tettleton, Mickey-355
Thagard, Norman E.-531, 566
Thatcher, Denis-664
Thatcher, Margaret-222, 271, 588, 656, 659,
664, 718
Theodore, Nick-92
Thomas, Craig-716, 717, 721
Thomas, Helen-535, 551, 664
Thomas, Isiah-760
Thomas, Lee M.-68
Thomas, Robert L.-741
Thomas, Wayne-831
Thompson, James R.-57, 58, 344
Thompson, James R., Jr.-401
Thoreau, Henry D.-769
Thornburgh, Dick-77, 104, 152, 169, 175, 200,
223, 232, 282, 285-287, 291, 292, 294, 295,
297, 391, 454, 474, 485, 487, 488, 496, 557 -559, 562-565, 741, 743, 746-748, 807, 808, 835
Thrill, Joseph-332
Thurmond, Strom-92, 458
Tichy, Rose-394
Timperlake, Edward T.-733
Tinsley, Jackson B.-409
Todman, Terence A.-264
Tomlinson, James F.-465
Tomsen, Peter-677
Topol, Sidney-243
Tower, John G.-26, 27, 62, 72, 74, 113, 114, 116,
125-127, 134, 135, 152, 159, 173, 180, 184,
185, 203, 216-219, 251, 408, 410, 697
Train, Russell E.-69, 304
Traverse, Bruce-198
Trent, Vi-201
Trent, William-201
Tribble, Paul S., Jr.-774
Trimble, Robert-757


Trost, Carlisle A.H.-37
Trowbridge, Alexander B.-301
True, Peter-282
Truly, Richard H.-310, 399, 532, 566
Truman, Harry S.-107, 301, 345, 346, 350, 466,
540, 552, 593, 731, 747
Tsai, Gerald, Jr.-523, 526
Tuan, Wayne-704
Tuck, John C.-192
Turner, John F.-717, 720
Twain, Mark-107, 435, 466, 615, 757, 792
Untermeyer, Charles G.-503
Updike, John-203, 363
Usery, Willie J., Jr.-33
Ussery, Michael-661
Vader, Michael-478
Valdez, David-598
Valladares, Armando-591
Valukas, Anton R.-748
Van Buren, Abigail-731
Van Buren, Martin-451, 452
Van Fleet, James A.-731
Vandenberg, Arthur H.-541
Vander Jagt, Guy-734
Vassiliou, George-674
Vaught, Loy-398
Vautour, Roland R.-570
Veasey, William E.-691
Vellinger, John C.-311
Venkataraman, Ramaswamy I.-133
Vessey, John W., Jr.-40
Villalpando, Catalina V.-359
Volcker, Paul A.-328
von Raab, William-474, 488, 489
Vrdolyak, Edward R.-344
Vuono, Carl E.-238
Wagner, Carl-Ludwig-650
Wakefield, Stephen A.-744
Walesa, Lech-372, 386, 431, 432, 435, 809
Walgren, Doug-411
Walker, David M.-531, 566, 567
Walker, Diana H.-598
Walker, Robert S.-282
Wallenberg, Raoul-758
Wallop, Malcolm-716, 717, 721
Walsh, Joseph P., Jr.-551
Walsh, William-53, 54
Walters, Vernon A.-268, 649
Walton, Reggie B.-513
Wan Li-595, 671, 696
Ward, Benjamin-198
Warner, John W.-768, 774, 775
Warner, Leigh-704
Warren, Ellen A.-385
Washington, Booker T.-832
Washington, George-1, 238, 466, 498, 499, 512,
514, 520, 591, 746, 787, 827
Washington, Walter-544, 545
Watkins, James D.-194, 344, 721


B-12




Name Index


Watson, Alexander F.-804
Watson, Barbara-616
Weaver, Chad-281
Webster, William H.-9, 598, 748
Wedge, Eric-750
Weicher, John C.-316
Weinmann, John G.-265
Weizsacker, Richard von-133
Welch, Larry D.-243
Weldon, Curt-411
Wells, Herbert G.-336
Wentworth, Mike-750
West, Mae-418
Weyel, Herman-Harmut-650
White, Patrick-818
Whitehead, Alfred N.-390
Whitmire, Kathryn J.-247
Whitmore, Kay R.-579, 580
Whittaker, Barbara-168
Whitten, Jamie L.-111, 312, 389, 422, 424
Wiesel, Elie-582
Wilkey, Malcolm R.-15, 20, 22, 50, 65, 251, 406,
522
Wilkins, C. Howard, Jr.-662
Wilkinson, M. James-674
Williams, Daniel H.-39
Williams, Louis A.-509
Williams, Sidney Linn-110
Williams, Ted-731
Willkie, Wendell L., II-204
Wilsford, James-417
Wilson, Lafayette-794
Wilson, Pete-471, 474, 557
Wilson, Woodrow-189, 191, 583, 682, 730
Wince-Smith, Deborah L.-187
Winks, Robin-719
Winslow, Bryant-750


Wirth, Harry-281
Wisner, Frank G.-762
Woerner, Manfred-617, 638
Wolf, Dale-295
Wolf, Frank R.-773
Wolfowitz, Paul D.-427
Woods, Alan-831
Working, William W.-229
Wright, Betty H.-648
Wright, Jim-1, 3, 10, 32, 46, 47, 74, 91, 163, 182,
197, 215, 217, 306-308, 413, 420, 422, 424,
425, 441, 449, 460, 461, 463, 595, 648, 666,
674, 793
Yang Shangkun-138, 139, 144
Yerby, Frank-202
Yerxa, Rufus H.-111
Yeutter, Clayton-96, 343, 346, 436-440, 721
Yeutter, Jeane-440
Yeutter, Kim-100
Yilmaz, Mesut-674
Yin Jiceng-141
Yost, Paul A.-318, 319, 339, 382, 387, 410, 485,
488, 489, 600, 601
Young, C.W. Bill-488, 490
Young, Don-122, 381
Young, Frank E.-429
Young, Robert-491
Zacharias, Donald W.-552
Zappala, Joseph-8, 266
Zardari, Asis Ali-682, 688
Zardari, Bilawal-688
Zeder, Fred M., 11-19
Zeoli, Billy-512
Zhao Ziyang-138, 140, 144
Zuckerman, Mortimer B.-599


B-13








Document Categories List


Addresses to the Nation
Inauguration-1
Joint session of the Congress-74
Addresses and Remarks
See also Addresses to the Nation; Bill Signings;
Bill Vetoes; Interviews With the News Media
Administration officials
Luncheon-169
Meeting-318
Agriculture Department
Farm Radio Broadcast-436
Swearing-in ceremony for Clayton Yeutter as
Secretary-96
Alcorn State University, commencement ceremony in Lorman, MS-544
American Association of Community and
Junior Colleges, meeting-334
American Association of University Women,
meeting-797
American Business Conference, briefing-351
American Federation of Labor and Congress of
Industrial Organizations, meeting with the
Building and Construction Trades Department-433
American Legislative Exchange Council, briefing-492
American Newspaper Publishers Association,
conference in Chicago, IL-465
American Retail Federation, briefing-568
American Society of Newspaper Editors, meeting-405
Amish leaders, meeting in Lancaster, PA-285
Antidefamation League, briefing-232
Asian/Pacific American Heritage Week, proclamation signing ceremony-523
Associated Press, business luncheon in Chicago,
IL-465
Association for a Better New York, luncheon in
New York, NY-785
Australia, visit of Prime Minister Hawke
Arrival ceremony-815
State dinner-818
Belgium, President's visit
Arrival ceremony in Brussels-617
Brussels American School, meeting in Brussels-644
North Atlantic Treaty Organization summit,
conventional arms control initiative, announcement in Brussels-618
Bipartisan Accord on Central America, announcement-307
Bipartisan budget agreement, announcement422


Addresses and Remarks-Continued
Boston University, commencement ceremony
in Boston, MA-582
Boy Scouts of America, meeting-87
Brainpower Coalition supporters, meeting in
Rochester, NY-579
Business and Industry Association, meeting in
Manchester, NH-84
Business leaders, luncheon-49
Business Roundtable, meeting-678
Cabinet, meeting-152
Campaign staff members and political supporters, meeting-7
Canada, meetings with Prime Minister Mulroney
Ottawa-81
Washington, DC-514
Centennial Grove, dedication ceremony in Bismarck, ND-470
Cheltenham High School, commencement
ceremony in Wyncote, PA-756
Chilean human rights leaders, meeting-510
China, President's visit
Chongmenwen Christian Church, morning
prayer service in Beijing-141
U.S. Embassy community, meeting in Beijing-141
Welcoming banquet in Beijing-139
Cinco de Mayo, celebration-520
Citizens of Hamtramck, MI, meeting-430
Civil Rights Movement, 25th anniversary commemorative ceremony-834
Clean Air Act Amendments of 1989, announcement of proposed legislation-706
Close-Up Foundation, meeting-328
Commerce Department, swearing-in ceremony
for Robert A. Mosbacher as Secretary-47
Conestoga Valley High School students and faculty, meeting in Lancaster, PA-281
Congressional  and  administration  interns,
meeting-824
Congressional Fire Services Institute, dinner411
Congressional Gold Medal recipient, presentation ceremony-463
Congressional leaders, meetings-46, 729
Council of the Americas, meeting-504
Covenant House residents, meeting in New
York, NY-778
Cuban Independence Day, briefing-590
Defense Department, swearing-in ceremony
for Richard B. Cheney as Secretary of Defense-275


C-1




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Addresses and Remarks-Continued
Detroit Pistons, meeting with the National Basketball Association champions-760
Drug Enforcement Administration officers,
meeting in New York, NY-198
Drug-free schools, recognition ceremony-753
Ducks Unlimited, meeting in Arlington, VA691
Egypt, visit of President Mubarak
Dinner-360
Meeting-348
Electronic Industries Association, dinner-243
Elmendorf Air Force Base, Anchorage, AK, arrival ceremony-122
Energy Department, swearing-in ceremony for
James D. Watkins as Secretary-193
Environmental Protection Agency, swearing-in
ceremony for William K. Reilly as Administrator-68
Europe, President's visit-606, 608, 609, 611,
615, 617, 618, 644-646, 649, 650, 654, 656,
657, 664, 667
Family Motor Coach Association, meeting in
Richmond, VA-768
Far East, President's visit-122, 139, 141, 146,
147, 150
Flag desecration, constitutional amendment
proposal, announcement-831
Ford Aerospace Space Systems Division employees, meeting in Palo Alto, CA-471
Forum Club, luncheon in Houston, TX-246
George Washington's Presidential inauguration,
bicentennial celebration in New York, NY497
Germany, Federal Republic of, President's visit
Chancellor Kohl, meeting in Bonn-645
Departure ceremony in Frankfurt-654
Dinner hosted by Chancellor Kohl in Bonn646
German citizens, meeting in Mainz-650
U.S. Embassy community, meeting in Bonn649
Health and Human Services Department,
swearing-in ceremony for Louis W. Sullivan
as Secretary-207
Hispanic-American community, meeting in Los
Angeles, CA-476
Historically black colleges and universities, Executive order signing ceremony-495
Housing and Urban Development Department,
swearing-in ceremony for Jack F. Kemp as
Secretary-88
Independent Insurance Agents of America,
conference-233
Interior Department, swearing-in ceremony for
Manuel Lujan, Jr., as Secretary-66
International drug enforcement supporters
Command Coordination Control and Intelligence Center, dedication ceremony in
Miami, FL-488
Conference in Miami, FL-485
Israel, visit of Prime Minister Shamir
Dinner-379


Addresses and Remarks-Continued
Israel, visit of Prime Minister ShamirContinued
Meeting-374
Italy, President's visit
Arrival ceremony in Rome-608
Dinner hosted by Prime Minister De Mita in
Rome-611
Memorial Day ceremony at the Sicily-Rome
American Cemetery in Nettuno-613
U.S. Embassy community, meeting in
Rome-615
James Madison High School students, meeting
in Vienna, VA-319
Japan
Announcement of FSX-fighter aircraft agreement with U.S.-497
Meeting with Prime Minister Takeshita-42
Jordan, visit of King Hussein I
Dinner-447
Meeting-444
Junior Achievement National Business Hall of
Fame dinner in Colorado Springs, CO-252
Korean War Memorial, design ceremony-730
Labor Department, swearing-in ceremony for
Elizabeth H. Dole as Secretary-33
Law Day, U.S.A., proclamation signing ceremony-458
Law enforcement community, meetings
Federal training center in Glynco, GA-741
Orange County, CA-474
Wilmington, DE-295
March for Life rally participants-12
Mennonite leaders, meeting in Lancaster, PA285
Michael Bilirakis Alzheimer's Center, dedication ceremony in Palm Harbor, FL-490
Mississippi State University, commencement
ceremony in Starkville, MS-551
National Aeronautics and Space Administration, nomination of Richard H. Truly to be
Administrator-399
National Association of Attorneys General,
meeting-221
National Association of Manufacturers, meeting-301
National Conference of State Legislators, briefing-210
National Drug Control Policy
Director-designate William J. Bennett, meeting-72
Swearing-in ceremony for William J. Bennett
as Director-224
National Endowment for the Humanities
Teacher-Scholar Program participants, reception-166
National Governors' Association, dinner-593
National Prayer Breakfast-40
National Space Council, establishment, Executive order signing ceremony-456
National Teacher of the Year Award recipient,
presentation ceremony-362


C-2




Document Categories List


Addresses and Remarks-Continued
National Volunteer Week, proclamation signing
ceremony-389
New York Partnership, luncheon in New York,
NY-785
North Atlantic Treaty, 40th anniversary commemorative ceremony-350
Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, swearing-in ceremony for Carla A. Hills as U.S.
Trade Representative-55
Pakistan, visit of Prime Minister Bhutto
Arrival ceremony-682
Meeting-683
State dinner-688
Panama, political situation-536
Peace officers, memorial ceremony-557
Polish human rights leaders, meeting-510
Presidential Scholars, awards presentation ceremony-761
President's Commission on Federal Ethics Law
Reform, Executive order signing ceremony15
President's family, walk-10
Project Educational Forum, meeting in Union,
NJ-417
Religious leaders, breakfast meeting-512
Republican Party
Fundraisers
Lexington, KY-554
New York, NY-790
Richmond, VA-773
Washington, DC-734
Meetings with new members-112, 800
San Francisco 49'ers, meeting with the Super
Bowl champions-53
Senior Executive Service, meeting-19
Shiloh Child Development Center teachers,
meeting-529
Small Business Administration, swearing-in
ceremony for Susan S. Engeleiter as Administrator-502
Small Business Legislative Council, meeting159
Small Business Persons of the Year Awards,
presentation ceremony-525
South Carolina State legislature, meeting in Columbia, SC-92
South Korea, Republic of, President's visit
National Assembly, meeting in Seoul-147
President Roh, meeting in Seoul-146
Space shuttle program
Atlantis crewmembers
Meeting-566
Telephone conversation-531
Discovery crewmembers, meeting-310
Orbiter-naming competition winners, meeting-566
State Department, swearing-in ceremony for
James A. Baker III as Secretary-32
State Legislators Working Group, briefing-270
Teton Science School students, meeting in
Grand Teton National Park, WY-716


Addresses and Remarks-Continued
Texas A&M University, commencement ceremony in College Station, TX-540
Texas State legislature, meeting in Austin-482
Transportation Department, swearing-in ceremony for Samuel K. Skinner as Secretary-57
United Kingdom, President's visit
Dinner hosted by Prime Minister Thatcher
in London-664
Prime  Minister  Thatcher,  meeting  in
London-656
U.S. Embassy community, meeting in
London-657
United Nations, swearing-in ceremony for
Thomas R. Pickering as U.S. Representative-268
United Negro College Fund, dinner in New
York, NY-201
U.S. Attorneys, meeting-746
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, meeting-499
U.S. Coast Guard Academy, commencement
ceremony in New London, CT-600
U.S.S. America crew and naval shipyard employees, meeting in Norfolk, VA-37
U.S.S. Iowa, memorial service for crewmembers in Norfolk, VA-464
University of Michigan Wolverines, meeting
with the NCAA basketball champions-398
University of Nebraska students, meeting in
Lincoln, NE-721
University of Tennessee Lady Volunteers,
meeting with the NCAA basketball champions-454
Vatican City, visit
American Seminary students, meeting-611
Pope John Paul II, audience-609
Very Special Arts International Festival participants, reception-745
Veterans Affairs Department, swearing-in ceremony for Edward J. Derwinski as Secretary238
Veterans of Foreign Wars, conference-172
Volunteer Action Award recipients, presentation ceremony-393
Wall Street Journal, anniversary dinner in New
York, NY-792
Washington University students, meeting in St.
Louis, MO-107
Westinghouse Science Talent Search winners,
meeting-169
White House News Photographers Association,
dinner-598
White House staff, swearing-in ceremony —11
White House visitors, greeting-4
Wichita State University Shockers, meeting
with the NCAA baseball champions-749
Wilmington Cluster Against Substance Abuse
program participants, meeting in Wilmington, DE-291
Wilson Magnet School, Rochester, NY
Faculty, meetings-574, 578


C-3




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Addresses and Remarks-Continued
Wilson Magnet School, Rochester, NYContinued
Students, meeting-574
Woodrow Wilson International Center for
Scholars, meeting with membership-189
Youth Engaged in Service to America Initiative, announcement-765
Zaire, meeting with President Mobutu-822
Announcements
See also Appointments and Nominations;
Digest (Appendix A) and Checklist (Appendix C); Statements by the President
White House fellows for 1989 and 1990-703
Appointments and Nominations
See also Addresses and Remarks; Announcements; Digest (Appendix A), Nominations
Submitted (Appendix B), and Checklist (Appendix C); Statements by the President
ACTION, Director-834
Advisory Committee for Trade Policy and Negotiations, member-604
Agriculture Department
Assistant Secretaries
Government and Public Affairs-305
Marketing and Inspection-305
Special Services-306
Deputy Secretary-153
General Counsel-350
Under Secretaries
International Affairs and Commodity Programs-188
Small Community and Rural Development-570
Air Force Department, Secretary-504
Army Department
Assistant Secretary (Civil Works)-765
Secretary-478
Central Intelligence Agency, Deputy Director-95
Commerce Department
Assistant Secretaries
Administration-186
Communications and Information-278
Congressional Affairs-186
Export Administration-205
Export Enforcement-300
Import Administration-205
International Economic Policy-188
Technology Policy-187
Trade Development-196
Assistant Secretary and Director General of
the U.S. and Foreign Commercial Service-188
Deputy Secretary-592
General Counsel-204
Under Secretaries
Economic Affairs-204
Export Administration-205
International Trade-187
Travel and Tourism-246


Appointments and Nominations-Continued
Commission for the Preservation of America's
Heritage Abroad, member-509
Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe,
U.S. delegation chief, rank of Ambassador314
Council of Economic Advisers, members-238,
358
Council on Environmental Quality, Chairman
and member-691
Defense Department
Assistant Secretaries
International Security Affairs-751
International Security Policy-750
Legislative Affairs-507
Program Analysis and Evaluation-821
Public Affairs-509
Reserve Affairs-764
Comptroller- 511
Deputy Secretary-16
Secretary-220
Under Secretary (Policy)-427
Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board, Chairman, Vice Chairman, and members-794
Education Department
Assistant Secretaries
Legislation-214
Special Education and Rehabilitation Services-479
Deputy Under Secretaries
Intergovernmental and Interagency Affairs-804
Planning, Budget, and Evaluation-570
General Counsel-675
Rehabilitation Services Administration, Commissioner-479
Under Secretary-214
Energy Department
Assistant Secretaries
Congressional and Intergovernmental Affairs-429
Conservation and Renewable Energy-744
Defense Programs-768
Environment, Safety and Health-393
International Affairs and Energy Emergencies-768
Management and Administration-192
Deputy Secretary-16
General Counsel-744
Under Secretary-192
Environmental Protection Agency
Assistant Administrators
Administration  and  Resource  Management-777
Air and Radiation-316
International Activities-661
Deputy Administrator-415
European Communities, U.S. Representative358
Export-Import Bank of the U.S.
First Vice President-777
President-776


C-4




Document Categories List


Appointments and Nominations-Continued
Federal Communications Commission
Chairman-821
Members-751, 752, 821
Federal Emergency Management Agency
Associate Director (National Preparedness
Directorate)-571
Director-155
Federal Labor Relations Authority
Chairman and member-830
General Counsel-830
Federal Maritime Commission, Acting Chairman-459
Federal Trade Commission
Chairman-539
Commissioners-539
Health and Human Services Department
Assistant Secretaries
Health-156
Human Development Services-153
Legislative Affairs-177
Public Affairs-242
Children's Bureau, Chief-763
Food and Drugs, Commissioner-429
General Counsel-686
Office of Consumer Affairs, Director-480
Under Secretary-153
Housing and Urban Development Department
Assistant Secretaries
Administration-772
Community Planning and Development221
Federal Housing Commissioner-604
Policy Development and Research-316
Public Affairs-688
Public and Indian Housing-429
General Counsel-317
Under Secretary-316
Interior Department
Assistant Secretaries
Fish and Wildlife-675
Indian Affairs-415
Policy, Budget, and Administration-775
Territorial and International Affairs-721
Bureau of Land Management, Director-357
Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and
Enforcement, Director-805
Solicitor-416
Under Secretary-416
U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Director-720
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, U.S. Executive Director-301
International Telecommunication Union plenipotentiary conference, U.S. delegation chairman, rank of Ambassador-264
Interstate Commerce Commission, member300
Justice Department
Assistant Attorneys General
Antitrust Division-538
Civil Rights Division-479
Lands and Natural Resources-776
Office of Legal Counsel-166
Office of Legislative Affairs-326


Appointments and Nominations-Continued
Justice Department-Continued
Assistant Attorneys General-Continued
Tax Division-300
Solicitor General-40
Labor Department
Assistant Secretaries
Congressional Affairs-230
Employment Standards Administration695
Employment and Training-177
Occupational Safety and Health-773
Pension and Welfare Benefit-427
Policy-206
Public and Intergovernmental Affairs-206
Veteran's Employment and Training-776
Deputy Secretary-231
Solicitor-206
Wage and Hour Division, Administrator694
National Aeronautics and Space Administration
Administrator-400
Deputy Administrator-401
National Commission for Employment Policy,
Chairman-393
National Commission on Superconductivity,
Chairman-460
National Drug Control Policy, Associate Director (Bureau of State and Local Affairs)-513
National Foundation on the Arts and the Humanities
Institute of Museum Services, Director-279
National Council on the Arts, member-688
National Labor Relations Board
Acting General Counsel-351
General Counsel-543
National Security Council
Counselor-678
Executive Secretary —117
Legal Adviser-227
Senior Directors
Asian Affairs-228
Defense Policy and Arms Control-676
European and Soviet Affairs-228
Intelligence Programs-229
International Economic Affairs-676
International Programs and African Affairs-229
Latin America and the Caribbean-676
Legislative Affairs-229
Near East and South Asian Affairs-230
National Space Council, Director-166
National  Transportation  Safety  Board,
member-764
Navy Department, Secretary-415
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Council,
U.S. Permanent Representative-312
Nuclear Regulatory Commission, Chairman716
Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission, Acting Chairman-605


C-5




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Appointments and Nominations-Continued
Office of Management and Budget
Deputy Director-17
Executive Associate Director and Chief Financial Officer-96
Office of Personnel Management, Director-18
Office of Science and Technology Policy, Director-457
Office of the U.S. Trade Representative
Deputy U.S. Trade Representatives-110,
111, 274
U.S. Coordinator for Multilateral Trade Negotiations, rank of Ambassador-732
Peace Corps, Director-118
President's Commission on White House Fellowships, Acting Chairman-663
Small Business Administration
Administrator-17
Chief Counsel for Advocacy-525
Special Presidential Emissary to Hanoi for
POW/MIA Affairs-40
State Department
Afghan resistance, Special Envoy, rank of
Ambassador-677
Ambassadors
Argentina-264
Australia-265
Austria-327
Bahamas-313
Barbados-829
Canada-315
China-242
Czechoslovakia-661
Denmark-508
Dominica-829
Egypt-762
Fiji-803
Finland-265
France-305
Guatemala-803
Holy See-704
Indonesia-327
Ireland-337
Israel-508
Italy-327
Japan-213
Kiribati-803
Lesotho-266
Luxembourg-266
Malaysia-313
Mexico-120
Morocco-661
Nepal-524
Netherlands-662
New Zealand-338
Oman-662
Rwanda-378
St. Lucia-829
St. Vincent and the Grenadines-829
Saudi Arabia-732
Singapore-567
Spain-266
Sweden-315


Appointments and Nominations-Continued
State Department-Continued
Ambassadors-Continued
Switzerland-313
Tonga-803
Turkey-446
Tuvalu-803
Uruguay-522
Western Samoa-338
Assistant Secretaries
African Affairs-156
East Asian and Pacific Affairs-157, 314
Economic and Business Affairs-397
Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs727
Intelligence and Research-155
Inter-American Affairs-157
International Narcotics Matters-359
International Organization Affairs-157
Near East and South Asian Affairs-156
Politico-Military Affairs-773
Coordinator for Counterterrorism, rank of
Ambassador-663
Foreign Service, Director General-606
Organization of American States, U.S. Permanent Representative, rank of Ambassador745
Under Secretaries
Economic and Agricultural Affairs-45
Management-44
Political Affairs-45
Security Assistance-45
U.S. Coordinator for Refugee Affairs-158
U.S. Negotiator for Strategic Nuclear Arms,
rank of Ambassador-44
Transportation Department
Assistant Secretaries
Budget and Programs-262
Governmental Affairs-262
Policy and International Affairs-262
Public Affairs-263
Deputy Secretary-106
Federal Aviation Administration, Administrator-265
Federal Highway Administration, Administrator-428
Federal Railroad Administration, Administrator-256
General Counsel-263
National Highway Traffic Administration,
Administrator-275
Urban Mass Transit Administration, Administrator-428
Treasury Department
Assistant Secretaries
Domestic Finance-193
Legislative Affairs-427
Public Affairs and Public Liaison-326
Tax Policy-299
Deputy Secretary-124
Deputy Under Secretary (Legislative Affairs)-427


C-6




Document Categories List


Appointments and Nominations-Continued
Treasury Department-Continued
Assistant Secretaries-Continued
General Counsel-44
Internal Revenue Service, Commissioner605
Treasurer of the U.S.-359
Under Secretary-124
United Nations
European Office, U.S. Representative-46
U.S. Deputy Representative-804
U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
Director-317
Special Advisor to the President and Secretary of State on Arms Control Matters752
U.S. Information Agency
Associate Director (Management)-763
Deputy Director-830
Director-18
U.S. International Development Cooperation
Agency
Agency for International Development,
Deputy Administrator-596
Overseas Private Investment Corporation
Member-92
President-18
Veterans Administration, Deputy Secretary177
Veterans Affairs Department
Assistant Secretaries
Congressional and Public Affairs-733
Finance and Planning-763
General Counsel-733
White House Office
Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs-154
Deputy Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy and Director of the White House
Office of Policy Development —118
Physician to the President-227
Special Assistant to the President for Intergovernmental Affairs-378
Special Assistants to the President for National Security Affairs-227-230, 676, 678
Special Assistant to the President for Presidential Messages and Correspondence118
Bill Signings
See also Acts Approved (Appendix D)
Bipartisan Accord on Central America, implementation-440
Dire Emergency Supplemental Appropriations
and Transfers, Urgent Supplementals, and
Correcting Enrollment Errors Act of 1989,
statement-837
Energy Policy and Conservation Act, amendments, statement-838
Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday Commission Extension Act, remarks-572


Bill Signings-Continued
Pay and allowance adjustments for Federal employees, rescission of proposed increase,
statement-66
Puyallup Tribe of Indians Settlement Act of
1989, statement-771
Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989
Remarks-391
Statement-391
Bill Vetoes
Fair Labor Standards Amendments of 1989,
message-724
Bipartisan Accords
Budget agreement-424
Central America-307
Communications to Congress
See also Bill Vetoes
Arms control agreements compliance, letter215
Budget
Budget Message of the President-81
Deferrals, message-436
Deficit reduction plan meeting, letter-10
Strategic weapons appropriations for fiscal
year 1989 report, letter-110
Burma, suspension of beneficiary developing
country status, letter-420
Central African Republic, suspension of beneficiary developing country status, letter-420
Child-care legislation, message-241
China, trade with U.S., message-648
Comprehensive Violent Crime Control Act of
1989, message transmitting proposed legislation-738
Council on Environmental Quality report, message-795
Cyprus situation, letters-163, 678
Denmark, fishing agreement with U.S., message-727
District of Columbia, budget and supplemental
appropriations request, message-527
Educational Excellence Act of 1989, message
transmitting proposed legislation-364
European Economic Community, fishing agreement with U.S., message-510
Export-Import Bank of the United States
report, letter-687
Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery and
Enforcement Act of 1989, letter-737
Government-Wide Ethics Act of 1989, message
transmitting proposed legislation-401
Highway and motor vehicle safety reports,
message-154
Hungary, trade with U.S., message-648
ICBM Rail Garrison program, additional funds,
letter-389
Iceland, fishing agreement with U.S., message-511


C-7




Administration of George Bush, 1989
Communications to Congress-Continued
International agreements report, letter-91
Iran, claims settlement under the U.S. national
emergency, message-596
Joint session of Congress, address request-108
National Science Foundation report, message567
National  Space   Council,  establishment,
report-165
Nicaragua, U.S. national emergency
Continuation, letter-460
Economic sanctions, letter-461
Nuclear cooperation with EURATOM, letter197
Panama, U.S. national emergency
Continuation, message-376
Economic sanctions, message-377
Radiation control for health and safety report,
message-521
Republic of Korea, fishing agreement with U.S.,
message-503
Saudi Arabia, arms sales certification, letter413
Savings and loan financing legislation, letter594
Science and technology report, message-369
Switzerland, Social Security agreement with
U.S., message-119
United Nations
Convention against illicit drug trafficking,
message-755
Member country activities report, letter449
U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
report, message-237
Yugoslavia, consular convention with U.S., message-226
Communications to Federal Agencies
China, trade with U.S., memorandum-648
Harmonized Tariff Schedules of the U.S., Generalized System of Preferences, memorandum-420
Hungary, trade with U.S., memorandum-648
Saudi Arabia, arms sales certification, memorandum-414
Fact Sheets
Alaskan oil spill, Federal cleanup assistance386
Campaign finance reform proposals-827
Child-care principles-527
Combating violent crime-560
Educational Excellence Act of 1989-366
Ethics reform proposals-402
Health care for infants, children, and pregnant
women-442
Minimum wage proposal-279
Nonimmigrant Visa Waiver Pilot Program613
Points of Light Initiative-788
President's clean air plan-708


Interviews With the News Media
Agricultural journalists-436
British journalists-656
Canadian and U.S. journalists-81
Chinese television journalists-142
German and U.S. journalists-645
Houston Post-13
Kyodo News Service of Japan-120
New York Times-13
News Conferences
January 27 (No. 1 —21
February 6 (No. 2)-60
February 21 (No. 3 —112
February 24 (No. 4)-125
February 25 (No. 5)-133
March 7 (No. 6)-178
March 10 (No. 7)-215
March 17 (No. 8)-256
March 24 (No. 9 —306
April 7 (No. 10)-381
April 28 (No. 11 -497
May 21 (No. 12)-585
May 30 (No. 13)-638
June 5 (No. 14)-669
June 8 (No. 15 —695
June 27 (No. 16)805
Regional press-338
White House press corps-4, 10, 72, 100, 152,
318, 449, 480, 514, 533, 536, 547, 618, 665,
728
Xinhua of China-127
Yonhap News Agency of South Korea-131
Joint Statements
North Atlantic Treaty Organization summit in
Brussels
A Comprehensive Concept of Arms Control
and Disarmament-627
Declaration of the Heads of State Participating in the Meeting of the North Atlantic
Council-621
Letters and Messages
See also Bill Vetoes; Communications to Congress; Communications to Federal Agencies
Cinco de Mayo, message-521
Independence Day, messages-817, 837
National Afro-American (Black) History Month,
message-39
National Fishing Week, message-690
National Nursing Home Week, message-446
Police Week and Police Officers' Memorial
Day, message-556
St. Patrick's Day, message-176
Notices
Nicaragua, continuation of the U.S. national
emergency-460
Panama, continuation of the U.S. national
emergency-376


C-8




Document Categories List


Statements by the President
See also Appointments and Nominations; Bill
Signings; Bill Vetoes
Afghanistan, Soviet withdrawal-106
Arms reduction and security in Europe, negotiations-196
Bipartisan Accord on Central America-309
Child-care legislation-240
China, government suppression of student
demonstrations-669
Civil rights advocates, 25th anniversary of the
slayings in Mississippi-795
Cuba, U.N. human rights report-151
D-day, 45th anniversary-686
Deaths
Ball, Lucille-485
McCloy, John J.-281
Pepper, Claude-637
Woods, Alan-831
Defense Department, Senate action on the
nomination of John Tower to be Secretary-203
Eastern Airlines-International Association of
Machinists and Aerospace Workers labor dispute-172
Economic and Domestic Policy Councils-71
Foreign trade barriers-607
Global climate change, international discussions-539
Health care for infants, children, and pregnant
women-442
Ireland,  meeting  with  Prime   Minister
Haughey-267
Nuclear and space arms negotiations-755
Panama's Presidential elections-491
Poland, elections-687
South Africa, meeting with antiapartheid activist Albertina Sisulu-833
Speaker of the House of Representatives, resignation of Jim Wright-648
Sudan, civil war-231
World Environment Day-677
Statements Other Than Presidential
See also Bill Signings; Checklist (Appendix C)
ABB-Westinghouse joint venture, proposed
Swiss/Swedish acquisition-571
Bulgaria, persecution of its Turkish minority802
China
Chairman Wan Li of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress,
meeting-595
President's visit-145
Student demonstrations-582
U.S. sanctions-764
Death of the Ayatollah Khomeini-669
Defense Department
Management review-158
Secretary-designate Richard B. Cheney-220


Statements Other Than Presidential-Continued
El Salvador
Murder of Minister of the Presidency Rodriguez Porth-705
President-elect Cristiani
Meeting-388
Telephone conversation-298
European Communities Commission, meeting
with President Delors-728
Export Enhancement program-509
Flag desecration, constitutional amendment
proposal-821
Health and Human Services Department, Secretary-designate Louis W. Sullivan-55
Hungary, political reforms-752
Indonesia, meeting with President Soeharto705
Intermediate-range nuclear forces treaty, anniversary-660
International Committee of the Red Cross,
meeting with president Cornelio Sommaruga-565
Israel
Meeting with Defense Minister Rabin-600
Meeting with Foreign Minister Arens-227
Japan, meeting with Foreign Minister Mitsuzuka-800
Landsat satellite program-660
Lebanon, situation-441, 463
Monsanto Electronic Materials Co., acquisition-65
Nicaragua, meeting with Violeta Chamorro519
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Resumption of arms control negotiations522
Visit to allied nations by Secretary of State
James A. Baker III-111
Outer Continental Shelf Leasing and Development Task Force, establishment-278
Pan American Flight 103, meeting with representatives of the bombing victims' families347
Philippines, assassination of Lt. Col. James N.
Rowe-458
Polish roundtable accords-372
Portugal, meeting with President Soares-802
President and Mrs. Bush's 1988 Income Tax
return-397
Presidential Emergency Board No. 218 to investigate a railroad labor dispute, report231
President's physical examination-535
Saudi Arabia
Arms sales certification, justification-414
Meeting with Foreign Minister Sa'ud alFaysal Al Sa'ud-726
Savings and loan financing legislation-582
Semiautomatic weapons, suspension of imports-373
Soviet Union
Central American policy-372


C-9




Administration of George Bush, 1989


Statements Other Than Presidential-Continued  Statements Other Than Presidential-Continued
Soviet Union-Continued                     Venezuela, meeting with President Perez-347
Nuclear testing negotiations with U.S.-801  Zaire, meeting with President Mobutu-824


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