THE AMERICAN PATRIOT,
AN EULOGY,
DELIVERED ON
OCCASION OF THE FUNERAL OBSEQUIES
HON. HENRY CLAY
IN
THE CITY OF DETROIT,
JULY 1 185 1.
BY GEORGE DUFFIELD,
PASTOR OF THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH.
DETROIT:
BARNS, BRODHEAD  CO., PRINTERS-FREE PRESS OFFICE.
1852.








REV. GEORGE DUFFIELD,
SI —In accordance with the generally expressed wishes of those who listened to
the eloquent Address, delivered by you in this city, upon the 13th inst., on the occasion of the solemnities commemorative of the Death of HENRY CLAY, and also to
gratify the desire of hundreds who were unable to obtain places in the Church, and
were therefore deprived of the privilege of hearing your beautiful Eulogy upon the
life of the departed Statesman, and furthermore feeling, themselves, that such a production should be perpetuated and circulated, the Committee of Arrangements request
that you will furnish them a copy, at your earliest convenience, for publication.
Respectfully, &c.,
Z. PITCHER,            JAMES A. HICKS,
J. B. CLARK,           JOHN McREYNOLDS,
J. M. HOWARD,           W. F. CHITTENDEN,
JOHN OWEN,              S.B.  MORSE,
DETROIT, July 15, 1852.                                         Committee,
To Z. PITCHER, J. B. CLARK, J. M. HOWARD, JOHN OWEN, JAS. A. HICKs,
JOHN McREYNOLDS, W. F. CHITTENDEN, S. B. MoRSE, Committees:
GENTLEMEN-I forward herewith, the only copy I have, of the Eulogy you request, having no time to make a transcript. It is at your disposal.
Although of necessity prepared in much haste, if it will contribute to commend
to my fellow citizens the patriotism so conspicuous in the life of that illustrious
Statesman, and to yourselves' and others' estimation and assured profession, the humble faith and hope, in the merits and mediation of JEsus CHRIST, which he experienced and professed in his late years and dying exercises, I shall be abundantly
rewarded.
With sentiments of personal respect and friendship,
I remain, yours &c.,.
DETROIT, JUDO 15, 1852.                                 fEO. B S UFFIELI)








THE AMERICAN PATRIOT.
TIDINGS of woe, on the lightning's wings, have spread
over our land! Pangs of grief are felt from the heart
to the extremities of this great Confederacy! And
here, WE throng this temple, fellow citizens, to mingle
in the general lamentation. An idol of the people has
fallen from the shrine of Liberty. The living embodiment of that pure patriotic spirit, whose clarion voice,
like bugle sounds, for half a century ever heard in times
of peril and distress, has ceased to breathe! HENRY
CLAY HAS BEEN NUMBERED WITH THE DEAD! What a
heavy wave of sorrow has this event rolled over the
breast of this American people! A mighty nation
groans, and, assuming the habiliments of woe, befitting
the obsequies of a loved and honored leader, enters the
house of GOD to indulge the gushing sorrows of its
bleeding heart.  What crowds of solemn reflections
meet us here! How painful do we feel their pressure!
Yet is it well for us, fellow citizens, to tarry for a season in this Sanctuary and ponder on the mournful event.
Few men, if ever any one, occupied the same place
in the affections of his countrymen. WASHINGTON is,
indeed, beloved and honored by all, as the Father of
his Country, and the founder of this great Republic.
His noble and disinterested patriotism, his untiring de



votion to freedom, and his peculiar talents, both as a
General and a Statesman, have gained for him the admiration of the world. But we feel, when contemplating his history and character, a sort of reverential
awe, resembling that experienced when gazing on what
is grand and sublime. The sentiments of veneration
give predominant character to our emotions. We look
and wonder, lost in silent thought, as though there was
that in his excellence which elevated him beyond our
sympathy and communion.
Other noble and lofty men, also, yet spared in the
good providence of GOD, impress us deeply by the
greatness of their talents, and the ability they display
as Statesmen and Civilians.  But there was somewhat
about the illustrious deceased that commanded esteem
and overcame the heart. Easy of access to all-prepossessing in personal appearance-combining dignified
grace and ease in his demeanor-devoid of all haughtiness and stiff reserve-cordial and kind in his mannersfrank, open, and above the meanness of deception-inviting, rather than repelling approach —of bland, benignant aspect-instinct with natural benevolence, and
condescending and courteous even to the lowest, he was
seldom visited or addressed without making and leaving
indelibly the impression of a familiarity more like that
between mutual friends, than in the intercourse of business. He never failed to implant the memorials of
himself deeply in the affections of those whom his position and influence attracted, or who were impelled
towa rds him by their interest or necessity.:He was
emphatically the People's man: made such, not by designingi  demagogueisrm rand disgusting flattery; butf by




7
the amenities and kindness of his generous soul~-by
the irradiations of his pure and beaming patriotism-=
by his burning zeal for the public good, and by his unwavering devotion to his Country's glory:. In private
life he was kind and liberal to a fault. " His door and
his purse were alike open to the friendless stranger and
the unfortunate neighbor."  The curse of aristocracy
never chilled the warm flow of his natural feelings.
His feelings changed not with his fortunes; but at the
decline of life his heart was as warm, his hand as free,
and his smile as familiar, as at its commencement.
It is not surprising, therefore, that never did one possess more firmly the affection of sincere and warmest
friends. His very name, when uttered, sent a thrill to
the heart.  The loud, spontaneous cheers and welcomes
with which he often was greeted, proved the intensity
of popular affection to be that rendered to the idol of
the soul. When covered with the frosts of age, and
far, far advanced in years, beyond the average maximum of human life, popular attachment abated not in
the least its fervor. It continued to be just as fresh
and glowing, as is wont to be extended to them who,
added to other excellence, possess the bloom, the
beauty and fascinating charms of youtho Though
gathered in a good old age, like a shock of corn fully
ripe, his name lives in richest verdure, in the memory
of a loving and grateful people.  And there, like laurel
wreaths and chaplets of evergreen, will it remain, unchanged by the lapse of time.
Long had he been spared to guide his Country's councils and foster her greatness.  For half a century the
eloquence of his deep-toned, silvery and exquistely




modulated voice-which was itself the melody of music's sweet strains-soothed and calmed the troubled, or
excited, and inspirited the fainting, hearts of his countrymen.: And, if a Nation weeps that that voice will
no more be heard, or his tall, muscular or manly form
no more be seen in its Legislative Halls, our saddened
hearts should not prove ungrateful to the Author of all
our mercies, the giver of every good and perfect gift,
that, in His wise and bounteous providence, so much
political worth and ennobling patriotism have been so
long preserved to us. While, therefore, we give vent
to the flowings of our grief, let us suppress its sobbings,
and, in sober, chastened submission to the will of that
great Being, whose decree adjudges all alike to death,
endeavor rapidly to trace some of the more instructing
events of his history, and profit from the lessons taught
us by his decease.
The leading facts and events of his career are public
property.  They are for general profit.  Nor can they
fail, like the impressions of light upon the plated mirror, to leave upon our minds, as we look upon them,
some traces of the excellence that adorned his character, as the Man, the Statesman and the Republican, the
Orator, the Patriot and the Philanthropist.
Neither birth, nor fortune, nor noble patronage, lent
their adventitious aid to advance his greatness.  He
was the favored child of a guardian providence, which
watched and led him  forward, restrained and placed
him in positions which made him the architect of his
own fame, and threw around him greater lustre than
could have been inherited or reflected from a titled ancestry. He was the fifth son of a Baptist Clergyman,




9
whose labor and fidelity in his sacred vocation, were
well known and greatly esteemed throughout a district
of country in Hanover county, Virginia, vulgarly called
"the Slashes."  He was born on the 12th of April,
1777, about nine months after the glorious declaration
of American Independence, and during the first eventful campaign of that memorable revolutionary struggle, which, under GOD, accomplished the liberty of these
United States. He may be said to have dated his existence almost from the very hour when our patriotic
fathers rose in their moral might and grandeur to proclaim Freedom on the earth. Though not himself an
hero of'76, yet burning with the same patriotic fires
that kindled the glory of this land, and breathing the
same spirit of ardent devotion to his Country's honor,
he lived till both he and his Country were counting together the same magic number in their years. Let the
plated tablet, therefore, on his coffin's lid, as it receives
the record of his birth and death, and tells to coming generations in those glorious golden numerals, that he died
in the SEVENTY-SIXTH year of his age, become hallowed
with our patriotic reminiscences. Over his ashes, even
in the darkness of the tomb, let it rest, and, like the
vestal lamp, prove another and sacred memorial of that
pure flame with which our fathers lighted their sacrifices
on the altar of our Country's freedom.
When but five years of age, his father died. Deprived of that paternal counsel and instruction so much
needed in youth, and subjected to the pains and privations so incident to the widowhood of a christian
Pastor's wife, (who seldom shares even in the limited
bounty previously extended to him,) HENRY CLAY, at




that early age, was consigned entirely to a mother's
care. She was " a woman of an uncommonly vigorous
mind, richly adorned with feminine graces, and every
way competent to superintend his incipient education."
Straitened as to means, embarrassed greatly in the little left her at her husband's death, and surrounded with
a family of small children, she was prevented from
giving her beloved HENRY the thorough course of study
she designed he should pursue. Nevertheless, she infused into him her own spirit, and enstamped upon him
much that was of value in her own character. The
means of education she could obtain for him were exceedingly meagre, and those but interruptedly enjoyed.
The humble country school of the neighborhood was
all the opportunity afforded: and that was deficient in
almost every essential respect. Yet was it sufficient to
beget in him earnest desires for knowledge, which pecuniary privations prevented from being realized. All
that maternal love could do, was done; but that was
only to lead him to the trickling rills of science, and
induce him to drink the sweet waters, which refreshed
his young spirit, and rendered his desires intense to
seek their gratification by laving in the pure fountains
whence they flowed. This he accomplished in after
life, through indomitable energy.
In common with his brothers, large portions of his
time were devoted to manual labor, rendered necessary
by his mother's embarrassed condition. He learned
to handle the hoe, the spade, the plow, and the axe,
and by the sweat of his brow to earn his daily bread.
While yet a tender lad, seated on a bag of grain thrown
across the horse's back, which he rode without a sad



die, or any other bridle but a rope, his frequent visits
with his little grists to a neighboring mill on the Pamunkey river, gained for him  the rustic and familiar
title of "The Mill-boy of the Slashes."  He shrunk
from no employment, nor felt himself degraded by any
service, however lowly, when directed to it by the
mother he so dearly loved.  His attachment for her
was most ardent; and it was often the subject of his
deep regret that he was permitted to enjoy her society
for so short a period.
When in his fifteenth year, his mother again married, and removed to Woodford county, in Kentucky.
HENRY WaS found in a small drug store in Richmond,
Virginia. His stay there was short, having exchanged
the apothecary's counter for the office of Mr. P. TINSLEY, then Clerk of the High Court of Chancery, where
he found pursuits more congenial to his taste, and
means more ample for the cultivation of his mind.
His industrious habits, his amiable appearance, and his
gentle and courteous manner, gained for him the favor
of the venerable Chancellor WYTHE, who gave him the
benefit of his library and instructions, and made him
his amanuensis.  Here he rapidly advanced in knowledge, especially of his vernacular language, by the perusal of books recommended and furnished by his
friend; and laid the foundation of those habits of order,
regularity, system, and assiduous application, which, in
after life, were of such great practical advantage to
him. He found it, as it is ever, well for aspiring youth
to be under the guidance of well stored, well disciplined,
methodical old age.
In his nineteenth year, he became a member of the




12
family of ROBERT BROOKE, Esq., Attorney General of
Virginia, where his advantages were much increased
and diligently and successfully improved.  Toward the
close of 1797, not having yet attained to legal manhood, he was admitted to the practice of law, by the
Judges of the Virginia Court of Appeals. He soon
after followed his mother to the West, and commenced
the duties of his profession in Lexington, Kentucky,
which he selected as the theatre of his future life.
Here he encountered more than the ordinary embarrassments which meet young men in the commencement of their professional career. But ten years since,
in referring to this period of his life, he said, " I was
without patrons, without friends, and destitute of the
means of paying my weekly board.  I remember how
comfortable I thought I should be if I could make ~100
Virginia money per annum, and with what delight I
received the first five shilling fee. My hopes were
more than realized. I rushed into a lucrative practice."
In his rapidly rising success, he relaxed not his efforts, by severe study, to qualify himself more thoroughly for his profession. Instead of spending his evenings
in juvenile recreations, as many do, he conned assiduously over his own self-directed and unaided studies,
to enrich his mind with learning, and to polish his
mental powers.  There was nothing, at that time, in
his modest, unassuming behavior, feeble constitution,
and languid, even seemingly listless movements, that
indicated the lofty powers of eloquence, and the commanding talents, whose latent energies then lay dormant in his soul. Although frequently solicited, he
had declined to take an active part in the debates of a




13
Society of which he was a member.  This was generally attributed to the causes just stated, until at the
close of some animated discussions in one of the society's
meetings, just as the question was about to be put,
from the chair, he privately remarked to one seated
near him that the subject did not seem to have been
exhausted. Unexpectedly, his friend announced that
Mr. CLAY had something to say, when, the courteous
smile and nod of the chairman having introduced him,
he arose, amid great appearances of trepidation and
embarrassment, to make his first speech. His first
words were, "Gentlemen of the jury," which falling
on his own ear, greatly increased his embarrassment,
so that blushing, and hesitating, and stammering, he
repeated the same words, and seemed ready to fail.
But the politeness and good breeding of his audience
having suppressed any indications that their sense of
the ludricous had been affected, or his embarrassment
noticed, suddenly obtaining self-possession, he spoke
with so much force and eloquence as to carry conviction and astonishment at once to the hearts of all.
Having thus commenced his efforts and eloquence
as a popular speaker, he soon became a formidable
competitor of the old, and, at that time, very distinguished, members of the Bar in Lexington. The
mild, gentle, affable and courteous companion in social
life, in civic strife reared his towering head, as unbending and invulnerable as the gnarled oak. General respect for his talents, the confidence of the community,
his insinuating and winning ways, and his captivating
appearance, secured for him ample patronage and influential, devoted friends. His acute sensibilities and




14
great philanthropy, his benevolent, sympathising disposition, allied with his deep knowledge of human nature and great powers of oratory, qualified him preeminently for a practitioner in criminal cases. It is
said, that of the large number committed to his care,
he never in one single instance was defeated.  Nor was
he less successful and conspicuous as a civil lawyer. His
genius and talent, in this respect, had so filled the eyes
and won the hearts of his fellow citizens, that in 1806,
at the early age of thirty, (the earliest possible,) he was
placed in the Senate of the United States, by the side
of the old men and giants of those days.
At the age of twenty-six, he entered the arena of
politics, having been elected by acclamation to the Legislature of the State.  From that time to the close of
his eventful life, he enjoyed but little repose from Legislative labors.  His arduous conflicts, his unabating
philanthrophy, his enduring toils, and his patriotic triumphs, on this field of his glory, have bound the hearts
of the American people to him in intense affection and
enthusiastic admiration. The secret of his popularity
lies in his disinterested devotion to the public good,
and the unappreciable value of his public services.
His earliest effort in the field of politics proved, indeed, a sad failure.  But that very failure has thrown
a halo of glory around his name. There are few who
would not now award to him the praise of having then
discerned, with foresight and accurate eye, the policy
that would have proved as important to the prosperity
of his State as to the interests of humanity. It was
while the Constitution of the State was undergoing a
careful review and scrutiny for its better adaptation to




the interests of the people, that Mr. CLAY became a
citizen of Kentucky. His instinctive love of liberty,
strong and continuous as the throbbing pulsations of
his very life, and the deep flowings of his pure philanthropy, like the warm gushings of the vital blood from
the heart, prompted him to advocate the gradual abolition of slavery. Never did that institution meet his
deliberate favor, however his conservatism and attachment to the Union imposed mountain barriers against
his co-operating with the reckless Vandalism of fanatical reformers, who blaspheme and curse the federal
Constitution, and would destroy this great Confederacy
and blight the glory of our Union, regardless of every
other social interest, in their raging zeal for the immediate emancipation of the slave. He regarded slavery,
although existing in Kentucky in its mildest form,
"unsightly and revolting-an evil, and one of great
magnitude. Nor did he hesitate to pronounce it such,"
as " he saw it diffusing its baneful influences through
the halls of legislation, and twining its sable folds
around the very pillars of government, contaminating
and withering."  The Convention frowned upon his
policy; and the clouds of popular disfavor for a season
settled upon the prospects of the young politician, then
so far ii advance of his seniors and of the day in his
philanthropic views.
The opinions so early entertained, he never altered.
Under their influence he became the constant and ardent friend of the American Colonization Society, of
which in 1836 he was elected the President; and at the
meeting of one of whose auxiliaries he declared, " If I
could be instrumental in eradicating the deepest stain




IG
upon the character of our country, and removing all
cause of reproach on account of it, by foreign nations;
if I could only be instrumental in ridding of this foul
blot that revered State that gave me birth, or that not
less beloved State which kindly adopted me as her son,
I would not exchange the proud satisfaction which I
should enjoy, for the honor of all the triumphs decreed
to the most successful conqueror."  He continued to
his latest day zealously to espouse the cause of that
Society, in the belief and hope that it might contribute
somewhat toward the result he so ardently desired, viz:
the earliest practicable abolition of slavery, or, at least,
to the means of founding along the coast of Africa free
States like our own, to throw the radiant light of liberty far into the interior of that dark and unknown
Continent.
Yet, during the sessions of Congress of 1819,'20 and'21, when he saw the integrity of these United States
seriously endangered by the discussions to which the
application of Missouri for admission into the Union
gave rise; and it became obvious that the land, from
one end to another, rocked as in an earthquake, causing
sensations of horror to come over the stout-hearted
patriots and good men of all classes, and threatening
to ingulf in utter ruin the liberties of his country-he
threw himself, with all his zeal and energies, into the
maddening conflict, and, amid cries of separation, disunion and civil war, labored intensely and untiringly
for the amicable adjustment of this distracting question.
While, all around him, raged the fierce flames of angry
debate, he alone remained collected and calm; and has
been well compared, at that crisis, to one basking in




17
sunshine on the summit of a lofty mountain, unmoved
by the storms that were bursting and dashing around
its base.  " Every darker passion," it was said, " appeared to have died within him, and he looked down
upon the maddening and terrific scene with that calm
and sublime regret, and gave utterance to his thoughts,
in that high, majestic, and pathetic eloquence, which
seemed almost to designate him, as a superior being,
commissioned by Heaven to warn our country against
the vice of anarchy and blood."  Though failing in various efforts, yet was it mainly through his influence,
that finally, after Congress and the Country had, for
three sessions been convulsed, and scenes almost of riot
had been enacted in the capitol, in the bland spirit of compromise, he was enabled to seize the brand of discord, and
taking it from the hand of enraged millions, and supplying its place with the olive branch of peace, to quench
its lurid flame in the pure fountain of patriotism. Mr.
CLAY was heard himself to say, that " so intense had become his excitement, and so exhausting his efforts, that
his life in all probability would have been sacrificed to
them, if the admission of Missouri had been delayed a
fortnight longer." We cannot fully estimate the obligations of gratitude due to him who thus strained the
bow of life almost to breaking, for having allayed the
most terrible tempest of passion, prejudice, and sectional animosity, which has ever swept over our beloved
Country.
Yet has that gratitude not only been withheld, but
his reputation and integrity most cruelly assailed, by
enemies who sought, in various ways, to pluck from his
hands the fair laurels he had won. It was no love for
2




18
slavery or desire to protect it, but the overpowering
love of Country, that actuated him. Speaking of his
property, when vindicating himself from malignant attacks, he said in 1828, "whatever my estate may be
worth, it is a gratification to me to know, that it is the
produce of my own honest labor-no part of it being
hereditary, except one slave, who would oblige me very
much if he would accept his freedom."
The clouds of popular disfavor, which, for a season,
in the very commencement of his political life, seemed
to darken his prospects, were soon dispersed. The rising sun of his fame shone forth in the splendor of the
popularity that pertained to the name of THOMAS JEFFERSON. As the zealous champion of the Democratic
party in his neighborhood, opposed to the stringent
measures of the administration of the elder ADAMS, Mr.
CLAY effectually reinstated himself in the confidence
and affection of his State. In 1806 he was chosen to
fill a vacancy in the Senate of the United States, occasioned by the resignation of Gen. JOHN ADAIR, in the
last year of his term,, where he soon displayed himself
to be the zealous friend of internal improvement, and
made the indellible impression of his great ability,
which age did but burnish and brighten in gold that
never rusts.
He was severely censured shortly afterwards for the
course he pursued in successfully protecting Col. AARON
BURR, from  the charges of treasonable conspiracy
against Kentucky and the Federal Union. In accordance with the popular sentiment around him, Mr. CLAY
believed him an innocent and persecuted man, and prevailed with the grand jury to return the indictment, as




19
devoid of any testimony to criminate. It is an honorable
evidence of his incorruptible patriotism, that, on learning his mistake, from documentary proofs of the most
unquestionable nature, exhibited to him while at Washington soon after the trial, he utterly refused all friendship with him. So deep became his abhorrence of the
guilt of that wretched man, that on Mr. CLAY'S return
from Europe in 1815, when in flattering terms addressed by Mr. BURR, who, at the same time, extended to
him his hand with customary friendly salutation, and
endeavored to engage in conversation, he met him with
marked coldness and resolute refusal to reciprocate the
civility; and thus terminated all the intercourse he
ever had with him.
During his first session in the Senate of the United
States, notwithstanding his youth, he engaged actively
in the business of that august body. The subject of
public improvements, and the power of Congress in relation to them, was under discussion when he entered
it. His investigations convinced him of the constitutionality and expediency of a judicious system  of
measures, as well for internal improvement as for external defense. The first specimen of his eloquence
in the public councils of this country, was given on this
subject. But a youth from the wilds of Kentucky, he
arose amid grave Senators and hoary headed age and
experience-yet did he, while advocating a local improvement within the district, there fearlessly assert and
vindicate the grand and fundamental principles which
lie at the foundation of national prosperity. His eloquence and success kindled the bright flame which has
since shed its benign illumination over our vast republic,




20
and justly entitled him to be styled the Father of a system to which, throughout his whole life, he adhered with
unfaltering attachment and fidelity.
Returning to the Legislature of his own State, he
thwarted effectually the reckless effort then in agitation, prompted mainly by prejudice and hostility against
Great Britain, virtually to get rid of the common law,
by prohibiting the reading of any British elementary
work on law, and reference to any precedent of a British court. Hle regarded this mad attempt of a bigotted patriotism, as legislative Vandalism: yet, fearing
lest the reckless assault might be consummated, he succeeded in effecting a compromise-in advocating which,
he is said to have given one of the most splendid specimens of elocution ever witnessed.  "Every muscle
of the orator's face," says an observer, "was at workhis whole body seemed agitated, as if each part was
instinct with a separate life. The appearance of the
speaker seemed that of a pure intellect wrought up to
its mightiest energies, and brightly glowing through
the thin and transparent veil of flesh that enrobed it."
lie appeared the second time in the Senate of the United States during the session of 1809-10. It was a
period of intense political excitement and agitation.
A crisis was arriving in what has been well termed " the
transition state " of our Union, when the great constitutional elements of our federal government were chrystalizing.  The shocks of the American Revolution had
shaken down the whole system of colonial government
and dependence.  The federal constitution, as the general solvent, was operating, by the action of State and
National Legislation, and by the wisdom, power, patri



21
riotism and justice of the Supreme Court of the United States in their decisions, to secure the healthful and
efficient play of those chemical affinities which should
arrange the dissolving elements, and deposit them in
stable, organic and permanent structures and relations.
The powerful contests of the two great political parties of the day, whose principles and policy of government differed so widely, and -were tending to dangerous
extremes in both directions, had disturbed the whole
mass of the population, and thrown public sentiment
into one general and mighty effervescence.  The embarrassed  state of the country's foreign relations
quickened greatly those tendencies and the general
heaving. The Union formed by the Constitution, had
not yet been strengthened by the cohesions of interest.
There had not yet been accomplished the interlacings
of those sentiments and habits since developed by domestic and foreign commerce and necessary government, which, like the ever-growing tendrils of the noble
vine, instinctively seek support, and sustain its spreading branches in their upward growth. Nor had the
spirit of fervent patriotism yet controlled and stimulated the circulation of the country's vital blood, and
proved its sanative virtue superior to the irritations of
prejudice, strife, and the antagonism of warring parties.
The war of 1812 proved the occasion of fiercer contests in the very bosom of our own confederacy, than
with our old and mighty foe, threatening even the destruction of the Union, and a return to anarchy and confusion. It was during this season that Mr. CLAY'S lofty
patriotism beamed forth and shed around the bright lustre of its glory, like the bright star of hope from behind




22
the stormy cloud, to cheer the tempest-tost mariner,
who trembles for the foundering of his bark. Passing
from the Senate to the popular branch of the National
Legislature, as Speaker of the House of Representatives, from his very entrance into it, he possessed peculiar opportunities for the exercise of his powers and the
display of his zeal for his country's welfare and honor.
His strong arm curbed the fiery spirits of Congress, and
his firmness and decision restrained so effectually all
attempts at gross violation of order and decorum, during a period of intensest excitement, that never before or since was the honor of that body so signally
maintained, and the slightest disrespect toward it so
promptly rebuked.  "Not one of his decisions was
ever reversed on an appeal from the chair."
A small and badly equipped army, a very limited
navy, an empty treasury, deep indebtedness both on
the part of the government and people, and the apparent want of necessary means, seemed to many certain
to render that war impracticable and ruinous.  The
very Ishmael of the fierce opposition waged against it
on the floor of Congress, while magnifying the might
of England, boldJy predicted disgrace and ruin in the
war, and threatened those who sustained the administration in it, with the total loss of their political
power.  The patriotism of Mr. CLAY blazed forth with
intensely indignant flame. " In other countries, France
or England, for example," said he, "the fall of Paris
or London is the fall of the nation.   Here are no
such dangerous aggregations of the people.  New
York, Philadelphia, Boston, and every city on the
Atlantic, may be subdued by a usurper, and he will




23
have made but a small advance in the accomplishment of his purpose. Even let the whole country
east of the Alleghany submit to the ambition of
some daring chief, and the liberty of the Union
will be still unconquered. It will find successful support at the West."  His words were prophetic.  In
lending his strong support to the government, and in
eloquently vindicating its measures, he did more, perhaps, than any other man, to apply the kindling torch
to the spirit of American patriotism, that smouldered
and struggled in the breasts of millions, and to light
that flame whose brilliant glare, as it suddenly flashed
forth, dazzled England in all her glory, and has sent its
illumination throughout the world.
When the country's energies had been waked by the
electric fire of his eloquence into vigorous actionwhen its loud, majestic,lpatriotic shouts, like those of
a young giant, had began to respond to his spirit-stirring appeals-when his own pure and towering patriotism had diffused among all parties enthusiasm for the
country's defense —and while the beacon fires burned
free and bright from hill to hill and town to town, and
all things indicated that the indomitable spirit of American freedom was up, no longer for defence but for gloryfrom the floor of Congress Mr. CLAY passed with other
Commissioners to Europe to negotiate for peace.. War
was not his delight. He chose it rather than dishonor
and disgrace. He was not a man of blood. He prep
ferred the arts and bliss of peace to the thunder of the
battle-field and the wreaths of glory encircling the conqueror's brow. Promptly and efficiently, therefore,
when the time arrived to do it safely and honorably,




24
he did what he could to allay and soothe the fierce
spirit that had roared responsive to his impassioned and
thrilling appeals.
The Convention at Ghent formed the proudest era
in his public life. In common with his colleagues, he
gathered immortal honors in that negotiation. But it
was to his immovable firmness, at a certain stage in
its progress, that the waters of the great Father of
Rivers, the pride of the West and the wonder of our
country, rolls to the Ocean his rapid swelling tide in its
vast magnificence, unburdened by vessels of foreign
lands, and unfettered by stipulations of royal authority.
Resuming, upon his return, his place in the councils
of the nation, he found that a total and radical change
had occurred in the circumstances and condition of the
country.  These led him  to correct and change the
views he had previously heldoon some subjects of public policy. Particularly he relinquished his scruples
as to the constitutionality of a National Bank, and became as zealous for the incorporation of the second as
he had been in refusing to renew the charter of the
first. His judgment in this respect did but reflect the
spirit of the man, which never was for pressing matters of mere questionable policy to extremes, but for
compromising politically wherever and whenever the
interests of his country and the exigencies of the Union
required.  In this matter neither versatility of mind
nor fickleness of character can be justly attributed to
him. Nor can his motives be justly impeached, having,
for such a change of views, the sanction of the highest
authority in the Nation —the decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States.




25
Previously to the war of 1812, while zealously contending for the measures of the Administration, and
against a powerful opposition, he had vindicated alike
the Embargo and the Non-importation law; which latter had been enacted in retaliation, or as a counteractive of the orders of the British Council excluding
American products from Great Britain, and destroying
our export trade.  " Without an export trade, which
these orders prevent," said he, "inevitable ruin will
ensue, if we import as freely as we did prior to the embargo. A  Nation that carries on an import trade,
without an export trade to support it, must in the end
be as certainly bankrupt, as the individual would be
who incurred an annual expenditure without an income."
It was his uniform plan, in investigating any matter
of a public nature, to inqcire, FIRST, what might be its
bearing on the whole community, and how the public
good, the happiness and prosperity of the country,
would be promoted by it. No selfish or party line of
policy could ever make him deviate from this just rule
of procedure. In the keen and far-sighted perceptions
of his strong mind, trained so early and uniformly to
look for the greatest good of the whole, he became
convinced that duties upon imports, both as a protection against excesses of trade, and for fostering into
self-support the manufactures of a country yet young
and inexperienced in the arts for rendering its own
staple products more valuable, was the policy greatly
preferable to a reckless, unrestrained commerce, whose
excessive importations may serve to enrich the few,
but ultimately impoverish the many. Such views ren4.




26
dered him  alike the friend of internal improvements,
for facilitating domestic trade, and of a tariff, for the
promotion and protection of domestic manufactures.
The value and necessity of public improvements for
advancing a people's prosperity, are now universally
felt and acknowledged; although, in contending for
this policy, Mr. CLAY had to meet the displeasure of
the administration he had so zealously supported and
defended, and encounter the obloquy and opposition,
as well of former political friends as of invidious foes.
His zeal for domestic interests and industry roused all
his energy to counteract what he believed to be the
reckless policy previously pursued, of free trade with
other nations, to their enrichment and our impoverishmnent.'His views of political economy were purely
patriotic, and made him the firm advocate of the tariff
bills of 1816, 1820 and 1824.,  The first proved utterly
inadequate.  The distress of the Country during the
four years subsequent to its passage, had greatly increased, and seemed to him to have originated, particularly in the manufacturing districts, in a great degree,
from inadequate protection.  To the second bill he
therefore gave his ardent support. He confessed, when
advocating it, that he felt great solicitude for its success.  "The entire indendeenence of my Country of all
foreign States, as it respects a supply of our essential
wants" said he, "has ever been with me a favorite object. The war of our revolution effected our political
emancipation.  The last war contributed greatly towatrds accomplishing our commercial freedom.  But
our complete independence will only be consummated
after the policy of this bill shall be recognized and




27
adopted."  The bill was defeated in the Senate, after
having passed the H-ouse.
The distress of the country enormously increased
through the four following years, so that many began
to fear lest the productive interests of the land would
be utterly annihilated. Every department felt the
blighting influence. Commerce; navigation, agriculture,
the mechanic arts and trades, all fell under the gloom
that had paralyzed manufacturing industry. "Numerous vessels lay idle at their moorings," or went to
sea in ballast.  Enterprize fainted.  Produce was
plenty-purchasers were few.  The contents of granaries and storehouses, filled to bursting, were beginning
to decay.  Money could be obtained but at ruinous
rates.  Labor was but little sought, and still less rewarded.  Specie, the very life-blood of the currency,
was drained out of the country. Property of all kinds
was excessively depreciated. Embarrassment and derangement prevailed in every department of industry.
And the whole country seemed to be seated in sackcloth
and ashes, with its hands shackled by a policy unwise
and ruinous.
It was under these circumstances, that the Committee of Manufactures in the House reported, in 1824, a
bill for the revision of the tariff. Mr. CLAY came forward with the deepest solemnity, intimating that he
should anxiously and fervently implore Divine assistance for the performance of what he deemed to be his
momentous duty on the occasion, in rising to advocate
that bill. In supporting it, he had to encounter the
eloquent intellectual giant of our Country.  A gentleman present has described the grandeur of their colli



28
sion.  "The eloquence of Mr. WEBSTER," says he,
" was the majestic roar of a strong and steady blast,
pealing through the forest; but that of Mr. CLAY was
the tone of a god-like instrument, sometimes visited by
an angel touch, and swept anon by all the fury of the
elements.'  The bill became a law; and his zeal and
labor and his success in its advocacy, obtained for him
the proud title of "The Father of the American System."
The seven years which followed the passage of that
law, were like the seven years of luxuriant growth and
fatted kine in Egypt, seen by PHARAOH in his dream.
If any seven years in our national history should be selected as marked pre-eminently by general prosperity
enjoyed under the Constitution, they stand forth in bold
relief as that period. For that system Mr. CLAY remained the firm friend through life.  Yet, in the spirit
of compromise, so characteristic of his peace-loving
disposition, he found it necessary to adopt, in 1832-3,
the sliding scale by which the relations of commerce
and manufacture have been since much disturbed-and
the question is still left for the decision of the people
of the United States: whether, like the health and
excitement quickly produced by stimulus and spirits,
to prefer a rapid and ephemeral prosperity, secured
through free trade, unrestrained by impost protection
against the injury which heavy foreign capitalists may
inflict, erewhiles, upon commerce, agriculture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, and laborious industry in
general; or whether, by the action of a protective
tariff, the excesses of a licentious commerce shall be
checked, and, by fostering domestic  manufactures,




29
opening new branches of industry at home, facilitating
intercourse and cheapening transportation by public
improvements, and developing our mineral, agricultural and other productive resources, promote and secure
the prosperity to be attained and preserved by the more
natural and temperate course of the functional proceses
of assimilation, growth and healthful developement.
The amount of time, care and labor devoted to this
subject, through a long period of Mr. CLAY'S life, rendered it improper and impossible for us to pass it unnoticed.
The limits of this address prevent us from remarking upon the ardor of his attachment for liberty, which
displayed itself in the part he acted and speeches he
delivered-at one time in favor of the struggle of the
Greeks for freedom, at another for the recognition of
the independence of the Spanish provinces of South
America, and then again of Texas. It may suffice to
say that his influence contributed greatly to the measures adopted by Congress on those subjects. It is
enough, too, to state that his philanthropy ever rendered him prompt to sympathize with suffering, and
redress the wrongs inflicted, by merciless vengeance and
cupidity, upon the red men of our own forests. But
we cannot thus dismiss the period of his life, of all
others the most perilous and perplexing to himself.
Seldom has a man been placed in such painfully trying circumstances as was Mr. CLAY shortly after his
own name had been first before the Country as a candidate for election to the Presidency of the United
States. Upon the failure of the Electoral College to
choose a President, the names of his three rival candi



30
dates were returned for selection to the House of Representatives, of which he was at the time the Speakerhis own having not received the constitutional number
of votes.  The charge of " bargain and corruption 
was malignantly made against him, because his choice
made between those rivals determined the election, in
1824-5, in favor of the candidate of whose Administration he afterwards became the highest subordinate
officer.  His conduct and motives in this transaction,
were blazoned before the country and the world. The
severest criminator of them, however, cannot refuse to
admit, so far as the simple facts are concerned, that, as
it was well known he had no political or personal
fellowship with one of the candidates, some of whose
public acts he had condemned for reasons stated, and
that as another of the candidates was deemed in truth
to be physically disabled by disease for the duties of
the office, so he gave his choice for the third, who met
in every respect his personal and political preference.
In reference to this slander, it is sufficient to remark, that
its originally responsible fabricator, on his death, confessed the wrong he had done by falsehood to the innocent and lofty minded patriot.
During the period of Mr. CLAY's  Secretaryship, he
had ample opportunity for the exercise and exhibition
of his talents for diplomacy.  It is said that more treaties with foreign powers were made and signed during
that time, (and that too one of more than ordinary intricacy in our foreign relations,) than during any equal
period before or since.
On all great occasions, when his country's interest
demanded it, even till he had passed his three scores




31
and ten, he was not unwilling to buckle on the harness,
and to work with energy inspiring to those who witnessed it.  He had passed, as he had hoped and believed, once and again to the retirement of private
life, when the agitation of the subject of slavery, which,
in different forms, had distracted Congress and the
Country, was reaching an alarming crisis.  The perplexities and apparent peril of the Union, brought him,
in 1848, for the last time, from his retirement in the
bosom of his family, on to the arena of public life.
The fires of youth seemed again to be kindled in his
breast; and the spirit of pure, disinterested patriotism
that dwelt there, roused him to make his last and greatest effort to save his Country, as he believed, from impending ruin.  Twice before had he saved that Country
from the horrors of civil war; and as he saw the hydraheaded demon again lift his head, and heard him utter
his hideous howl, aged and infirm as he was, he could
not remain at ease.
Whatever views may be entertained in reference to
his attempts the second time, to secure a compromise
on this exciting subject, and to arrest the approach of
civil war, the purity of his patriotism, and his devotion
to the prosperity of the people of the United States, cannot be questioned. His great soul could not endure the
thought of their dismemberment.  To prevent it, he
was willing even to sacrifice the life which had ever
been devoted to his country's welfare. And that life,
although protracted beyond the full term, at last became a sacrifice. It is said, that, notwithstanding the
infirmities attendant on great age, during the pendency
of the existing discussions and debates in the United




32
States Senate in 1850-51, when our sagest statesmen
thought our political barque was driving on the breakers,
he displayed all the fire and energy of middle life. The
labor he endured was perfectly astonishing.  By his
personal conversation, his incessant attention, and his
unwearying efforts, as well as his public speeches, he
contributed, as it is affirmed by those who witnessed
them, more than the influence of ten ordinary men to
bring about the ultimate adjustment ofjarring interests,
and the conciliation of angry passions,!which, though
not exactly in the form and manner he proposed, he nevertheless regarded sufficient for thepreservation of the
Union. The powers of nature gave way after that season of excitement; and although he returned to Washington last fall, to defend, if necessary, the measures of
adjustment, to the adoption of which he had so largely
contributed, his vigor had failed him, and the state of
his health never allowed him to participate in the discussions of the Senate.  He was led up, in the providence of GoD, to the Capitol of the Nation, as was
AARON to Mount Hor, to die in presence of all the
people.
It is matter for our grateful praise to GoD, that he
felt himself prepared for that event.  For months he
watched the slow and steady approach of death.  But
the Destroyer had no terrors for him.  His sky was
serene.  No cloud obscured his prospect into the unseen
world.  He died not as the skeptic or philosopher, devoid of all the cheering hopes of immortality; but as
the Christian dies.' I am not afraid to die, sir," said
he to a friend, "I have hope, faith, and some confidence.  I do not think any man can be entirely certain




33
in regard to his future state; but I have an abiding
trust in the merits and mediation of our Saviour."
Twenty years before he wrote, " I am a member of no
religious sect, and I am not a professor of religion. I
regret that I am not. I wish that I was, and trust that
I shall be. I have, and always have had, a profound
regard for christianity-the religion of my fathersand for its rights, its usages and its observances."  He
lived to realize his wishes.
A few years before his death, he was admitted, by
the initiatory rite of baptism, to the christian church,
and became a member of the Episcopal denomination.
When in Washington he communed with  Trinity
Church, and during his protracted illness enjoyed the
visits and converse of its truly liberal-minded, evangelical and estimable Pastor, who relates that he
averred to him " his full faith in the great leading doctrines of the Gospel, the fall and sinfulness of man, the
divinity of CHRIST, the reality and necessity of the
atonement, the need of being born again by the Spirit,
and salvation through faith in the crucified Redeemer."
" It was my privilege," said the Hon. Mr. VENABLE,
of North Carolina, a ruling elder of the Presbyterian
Church, after an eloquent tribute to his memory, "a
short time since to converse with this distinguished
Statesman on the subject of his hopes in a future state.
Feeling a deep interest, I asked him frankly what were
his hopes in the world to which he was evidently hastening.  "I am  pleased," said he, "my friend, that
you have introduced the subject. Conscious that I
must die very soon, I love to meditate upon the most




34
important of all interests.     love to converse and hear
conversations about them. The vanity of the world,
and its insufficiency to satisfy the soul of man, has long
been a settled conviction of my mind. Man's inability to secure by his own merits the approbation of God,
I FEEL TO BE TRUE. Itrust in the atonement of the Saviour of men as the ground of my acceptance, and my
hope of salvation.  My hope is feeble-but I hope in His
mercy and trust in His promises.'
He acknowledged that it was through the pious example of one very near and dear to him, that he was
led deeply to feel, and earnestly to seek for himself, the
reality and blessedness of religion. To his Pastor he
spoke at large " on the mercy of that provision by
which our Saviour became partaker of our humanity,
that our hearts and hopes might fix themselves on
Him," averring that it was " too late for him to look
at Christianity in the light of speculation.  He had
never doubted its birth, and he now wished to throw
himself upon it as a practical and blessed remedy."
Among his last words, in moments when his mind
wandered slightly from surrounding scenes to other
objects, his lips were heard to murmur the endearing
appellations, " Mother! Mother! Mother!" and " My
dear Wife!"  In one of his final intelligent acts on
earth, parental affection gleamed forth in its mild, calm,
and sweet tones, he said to his son, "I am going soon,
sit near me." An hour longer, and his spirit, without
a groan, a struggle, or a sigh, took its leave of earth.
"How sleep the brave who sink to rest,
By all their country's wishes blest?
When Spring, with dewy fingers cold,
Returns to deck their hallowed mould,
She there shall dress a sweeter sod
Than Fancy's feet have ever trod.




35
By fairy hands their knell is rung,
By forms unseen their dirge is sung;
There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray,
To bless the turf that wraps their clay —
And Freedom shall awhile repair,
To dwell a weeping hermit there."
The contrast between the early and late years of
Mr. CLAY, is in some respects of the most striking
character. The living and dying testimonies just cited, rank him with those who have " died in the Lord."
The errors and vices of former periods of his life, it
may be thought by some, demand the protest, if not
the rebuke, of the Minister of CHRIST.  But neither is
necessary from us. He lived long enough to see their
evil, and penitently and cordially to condemn them
and himself on their account.
Full thirty years ago, when solicited by company to
engage in a game of cards, he replied,  Excuse me, gentlemen-I have not played a game of any kind of hazard for more than twelve years; and I take this occasion to warn you all to avoid a practice so destructive
of a good name, and drawing after it evil consequences of incalulable magnitude.  In earlier days it was
my misfortune, owing to a lively and ardent temperament, to fall into this vice, and to a considerable extent, and no one can lament more sincerely the evil,
and the consequences of it, than I do.  These have
followed me into nearly all the walks of life; and, although I have long since abandoned the pernicious
practices which led to them, it seems that they will
never abandon me."  In reference to the practice
of single combat, once deemed so essential to the vindication of injured honor, although unhappily involved
in several, he never was stained with the blood of an
enemy slain. "I owe it," says he, " to the community




to say, that whatever heretofore -I may have done, or
by inevitable circumstances yet may be forced to do,
no man in it holds in deeper abhorrence than I do the
practice of duelling. Condemned as it must be by the
judgment and philosophy, to say nothing of the religion of every thinking man, it is an affair of feeling
about which we cannot, although we should, reason.
The true corrective will be found, when all shall unite,
as all ought to unite, in its unqualified proscription."
His views were more chastened and corrected by a still
higher standard in later life. GOD, through the mercy
of JESUS CHRIST, and the cleansing of his atoning
blood, blots out the iniquities of the guilty as a cloud,
and their trangressions as a thick cloud, however great
they may be, when, in penitence and faith, they cast
themselves submissively at His feet. And, if He "' who
delights in mercy" does this, well may it be our delight
to "remember them  no more for ever."  The last
years and dying exercises of HENRY CLAY rebuke alike
those that would make the iniquities of his youth encouragement for theirs, or matters of reproach against
the grace in which He trusted.
His life and death also furnish a beautiful illustration of the blessed preserving and redeeming influence
which the faith of pious parents may have upon the
character, history and destiny of their children. A
widowed mother, imbued with the piety of the father,
whom he lost when but five years old, ere he had
reached his fifteenth year and had left the parental
mansion, had deeply and indelibly impressed upon him
her own image, and elicited, nourished and strengthened
that natural benevolence, which, ere it was sanctified




37
and perfected in the love of GOD, formed the secret of
his attractive amiableness, and of his subduing eloquence, developed itself in the brightest specimen of
patriotism that ever adorned the history of a free
people.
The seeds sown in infancy and youth, like those hidden deep in the soil beyond the fructifying rays of solar heat, often lie dormant, while buried beneath the
accumulations of passion and strife, and the cares and
conflicts of riper years. But they do not perish. GOD'S
faithfulness never fails; and, although the mother's religious views may have led her to think the visible
token of that covenant needed not to be applied to her
infant son, yet He that "keepeth covenant and mercy
unto thousands of them that love Him," forgot not His
gracious promise, " I will be a GOD to thee, and to thy
seed after thee."  His providence remarkably honored
that son of his handmaid, by making him in various
ways a blessing to his country, and, in the end, rewarding that mother, by making her son a son of GOD.
Who will say how much or how little influence that
mother's faith and prayers may have had upon the
character and destiny of her son, and, through him,
upon the weal and glory of this great Republic.
The life and history of HENRY CLAY admirably illustrate the equality of our social and political system.
It is our glory that our institutions place no barrier in
the way of talent and worth; nor are the rightful advantages restricted to men of titled families or name;
but are open and free to all, who justly and deservedly
aspire to the trusts and offices, the power and influence,
originated for the public good. The poorest child, ed



38
ucated in the humblest district school, unknown beyond the circle of its family and associates, and even
the hapless victim of privations attendant on early orphanage, may, by the development of social, moral and
intellectual worth, find his way, in due season, to our
Legislative Halls, to the floor of Congress, to the Cabinet, and even to the seat of the Chief Magistrate of
this great Constellation of Republics. HENRY CLAY,
the fatherless " Mill-Boy of the Slashes," the affectionate and obedient son of a widowed mother, rose, not
indeed to the Presidential Chair, but close beside it, as
the highest functionary, the right arm  of the Chief
Magistrate; nay, in the affections and honor of his
countrymen, far, far above it, as the bright
Sun of the Free! where Summer smiles
Eternal o'er the clustered islesWhere Greece unsheathed her olden blade
For glory in the haunted shade:
Where Chimborazo stands sublime,
A land-mark by the sea of Time;
(His) name shall as a blessing given
For man, oh! never to depart,
Peal from our gladdened earth to Heaven,
The warm, wild music of the heart.
Finally the Life and History of HENRY CLAY afford
a signal demonstration of the value and reward of political integrity.  He never courted popularity, nor did
it, when lavished on him, cause him to sacrifice moral
principle.   If any one feature, in his character and
career, stands out, with more distinct prominence than
another, it was his indomitable adherence to principle.
He cared not where party went, nor what it promised
or threatened.  No selfish motives could induce him to
swerve. This fixedness of determination was mistaken
by many for a despotic will or obstinacy of purpose.
But it was devotion to right.    I have interrogated
my conscience as to what I ought to do," said he, on a




39
trying   occasion,  "and  I  shall fulfil its  injunctions."
On another, to a friend, who suggested danger, lest his
own and the prospects of his party might be injured
by a particular work proposed, his answer was, " I did
not send for you to ask what might be the effects of
the proposed movement on my prospects, but WHETHER
IT IS RIGHT; I would rather be right than be President!"
Lightnings may play upon the rock
Whose star-kissed forehead woos the gale,
While THEY escape the thunder-shock
Who dwell within the lonely vale,
Living unnoted — Not so thou,
Chief, of the fearless soul and brow!
Yet (did) the lightning and the storm
Beat on thy long devoted form!
The silvery day-dream burst! and lo!
Around thee curled the promised Bow.
Seldom has a brighter fame fallen to the lot of frail
mortal man!
Far in the mountains of the NorthFar in the sunny South away,
A winged lustre boundeth forth
The deathless name of HENRY CLAY.
A Nation is in tears for the loss of such patriotism,
principle and purity, withdrawn from  the political
world. Its griefs are the tribute paid to the integrity
that adorned his political character.
Wail for the glorious Pleiad fledWail for the ne'er returning star,
Whose mighty music ever led
The spheres in their high home afar!
What! lift the funeral song of woe,
Such as should o'er the loved ones tomb
In sorrow's tenderest accents flow?
Ah! Freedom's kindling minstrel, no!
Strike! strike, with a triumphant hand
Thy harp, and at its swelling roll
Speak through the borders of our land
The might, the beauty of that soul,
Whose genius is our guardian light,
Through sunny ray or darkling nightA worshipped Pharos in the sea,
Lifting on high its fearless form
To guide the vessel of the free
Safe through the fury of the storm.