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THE LIFE
OF
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
SE PRINCE CONSO'
BY
THEODORE MARTIN
WITH PORTRAITS A1ND VIEWS
VOLUME THE FIRST
NEW YORK
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY
549 AND 551 BROADWAY
1875








TO
THE QUEEN'S
MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
MADAM,
I have now the satisfaction of placing in Your Majesty's hands the first portion of the narrative of the Life
of the Prince Consort, which I have had the honour to prepare in compliance with Your Majesty's desire. In doing
so, may I be permitted to say a few words in explanation
of the principles by which I have been guided in its composition?
Your Majesty is aware of the extreme diffidence-I might
even say reluctance-with which I accepted the honourable
task, most unexpectedly pressed upon me, of continuing the
Life of the Prince which had been begun by General Grey.
To me, biography, while one of the most fascinating, has always appeared one of the most difficult branches of literature. How difficult, the few masterpieces in that kind, of
either ancient or modern time, are enough to show. To present a faithful picture of even the simplest life and character,
moving in scenes with which we are ourselves familiar, working in channels in which we have ourselves worked, demands
rare qualities of imaginative sympathy and perception. A
life of action, which has swayed great movements or stamped




4
its impress upon great events, may be presented in strong
outlines, and under such forcible contrasts of light and shade,
as will stimulate the imagination, and make the hero or the
statesman a vivid reality for the reader. But where the inner
life has to be portrayed, a subtler touch is demanded. We
are a mystery to ourselves; how much more, then, must we
be a mystery to a stranger? There is infinite sacredness in
all noble lives, such as alone merit the consecration of biography. Before it those will bow with the greatest reverence
to whom these lives are most intimately known; for to such
the fact is sure to have been brought most closely home,
which Keble has beautifully expressed, thatNot even the tenderest heart, and next our own,
Knows half the reason why we smile or sigh.
HIow grave, then, must be his responsibility who ventures
to draw for the world a portrait of any of its heroes, which
shall be at once warmly sympathetic and austerely just!
Such, and no less, I felt the portrait of the Prince Consort
ought to be. But who might paint it? I had not the happiness or the honour to know him personally; but it was apparent at a glance that there must be unusual difficulty in dealing
with a life consecrated to duty as his had been, and marked
by that' silent, collected posture' to which he was restricted
by the peculiar circumstances of his position. Of much that
the Prince had done for England no further record was needed.
It lived in the institutions he had encouraged, in the impulses
he had given to social improvement, the force of which continues to be daily felt. Of his influence both on domestic and
European politics much was surmised.  It was difficult to
compute how much could be fully told, while events were
yet recent, and many of the actors in them still alive. Of
the man, as he was known in his home and among his friends,
the charming glimpses, which had been vouchsafed in The
-Leaves front a Journal, and in General Grey's volume,
seemed to leave little that could be added to the picture.




It was natural, therefore, that I should shrink from a task
which, it seemed, might have more fitly devolved on some
one who could have brought to it the advantages of intimate
personal knowledge of the Prince, and familiarity with the
social and political history of the time. I could not have
anticipated how many of the difficulties of my task would be
smoothed away by the generous frankness with which Your
Majesty placed at my disposal the amplest materials for its
accomplishment. Nothing, however confidential, has been
withheld which could reflect a light upon the Prince's character, or enable me to present him in his true colours before
the world. The time has not yet come when the fullest use
of these materials can be made; but, when it does come,
this much is certain,Whatever record leaps to light,
He never shall be shamed.
I have had no panegyric to write. This would have been
distasteful to Your Majesty; as it would be unworthy of the
Prince. My aim  has been to let his words and his deeds
speak to others as they have spoken to myself. In doing this
I have had to speak much and often of Your Majesty; with
whom his life was so inseparably interwoven that, without the
reflected light thus cast upon the Prince, the picture would
lose many of its tenderest and most penetrating touches.
Merely to have continued the sketch embodied in General
Grey's volume was soon found to be impossible. That volume, originally prepared with no eye to publication, had a
distinctive character of its own. The life of the Prince, after
the date to which General Grey had brought it down, entered
so deeply into the social and political history of the time, that
it required to be treated on a wholly different scale.  It
seemed better, therefore, that the present work should be
complete within itself. Accordingly, it resumes the narrative
of the Prince's early years. But this has been enriched by




6
several most interesting documents entrusted to me by Your
Majesty, which place some important points of the Prince's
character in a fuller and, as I venture to think, a truer light.
In dealing with political events, I have done my best to
maintain an attitude of strict neutrality. If, unfortunately,
I have failed in doing so, and in profiting in this respect by
the example of Your Majesty and the Prince, it cannot be too
clearly understood, that the responsibility for such opinions
on public events as may be expressed in this work rests
entirely with myself.
You, Madam, can alone truly know how far I may have
succeeded in placing before the world a faithful portraiture
of the Prince, whose irreparable loss is daily present to your
heart. Much yet remains to be done to complete the picture.
It is, however, in all its lineaments, vividly present to my
mind. If only I can do justice to the materials before me,
there will be no question in the days to come, that not without reason has England assigned to the'father of her kings
to be' a foremost place among those whom she delights to
hold in reverent remembrance,
I have the honour to be,
MADArM,
Your Majesty's most devoted
Subject and Servant,
THEODORE MARTIN.
BRYrNTYIIIO: 20th October, 1874.




CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
CHAPTER I.
1819-36.
Early Years of Prince's Life.                                          Page 13
CHAPTER II.
1820-39.
Birth and Education of the Princess Victoria-Baron Stockmar-First Visit of Prince to
England-Plans for completing his Education-Course of his Studies at Brussels and
Bonn-Accession of Princess Victoria-Prince's Tour in Switzerland-Project of Marriage between Prince and Queen Victoria-Prince and his Brother-Prince visits Italy
-Returns to Coburg.22
CHAPTER III.
1839.
Estimate by Baron Stockmar of the Prince's Character-State of Parties in EnglandPrince's Second Visit to England-Betrothal of Queen and Prince-Return of Prince
to Germany-Letter by Prince Ernest of Saxe-Coburg to the Queen-Leave-takings
at Coburg and Gotha.39
CHAPTER IV.
1840.
Announcement of Royal Marriage in England-Appointment of Prince's Household-How
the Announcement of Royal Marriage was received in England-Discussions as to the
Prince's Annuity-And as to his Status and Right of Precedence-Arrival of the Prince
in England-His Reception there-Marriage..                               55
CHAPTER V.
1 840 —contiuged.
The Position of the Prince in his Household-His Position with Regard to Public AffairstHis Rules of Conduct-Sketch of Baron Stockmar, his Character and Influence-State
of Public Affairs in England —Awkward Relations with France on the Eastern Question-State of Political Parties in England.                              67
CHAPTER VI.
1840-continued.
Impression produced in England by the Prince-The Prince as Musician and Artist-His
First Public Speech-Oxford shoots at the Queen —Prince appointed Regent-Question as to Prince's Right of Precedence at Opening Parliament —Prince's First Birthday
Fete at Windsor Castle —The Eastern Question-Birth of Crown Princess-Her Baptism-Accident to the Prince.79




8                                CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
1841.
Difficulties and Approaching Downfall of Melbourne Administration-Arrangements in Anticipation of Change of Ministry-Baron Stockmar on the State of Parties and Aspect
of Affairs in England-Royal Visits to Nuneham, Oxford, Woburn Abbey, Panshanger,
Brocket Hall, and Hatfield-Lalmch of the Trafalgar-Elections for City of LondonFall of Melbourne Administration-Lord Melbourne's Opinion of the Prince-The Peel
Ministry-Sir R. Peel's and Lord Kingsdown's Estimate of the Prince-Fine Arts Commission-Prince appointed President-Report by Mr. Charles Eastlake of Interview
with Prince-Birth of Prince of Wales —Christmas at Windsor Castle..    93
CHAPTER VIII.
1842.
The King of Prussia's Arrival in England —Acts as Sponsor to Prince of Wales-Attends
Opening of Parliament by Queen —Betrothal and Marriage of Prince's Brother-Uneasy
State of Public Affairs-Sir Robert Peel's Financial Measures-Income Tax —Disasters
in India-Queen shot at by Francis-Francis's Sentence of Death commuted to Transportation for Life-Next Day Queen fired at by Bean-Death of Duke of Orleans-Disturbed State of the Country-The Queen's First Visit to Scotland-Impressions of
Scotland-Indian Victories-Prince applies himself to Study of Politics-Continues to
rise in Public Estimation —His Rules of Conduct as described by General Grey-Necessity for Reorganisation of Royal Household.113
CHAPTER IX.
1843,
Reorganisation of Royal Household undertaken by Prince —Opening of Parliament —Assassination of Mr. Drummond —Sir Robert Peel-Development of Prince's Character —
Birth of Princess Alice-Exhibition of Cartoons for Frescoes in Westminster HallQueen and Prince encourage Fresco Painting by Commissions for Decoration of Pavilion at Buckingham Palace —Efforts by Prince to suppress Duelling.   e.   135
CHAPTER X.
1843.
Royal Visit to the King of the French at the Chateau d'Eu —Royal Visit to Belgium and to
Cambridge-Alarming State of Ireland-Arrest and Trial of O'Connell-Prince visits
Birmingiham-Royal Visits to Drayton Manor, Chatsworth, and Belvoir Castle-Good
Effects of Visit to- France.149
CHAPTER XI.
1844.
Death of Prince's Father-Prince goes to Coburg —Letters to the Queen-Return to Windsor Castle-Arrival of King of Saxony and Emperor of Russia on Visit to the Queen
-Opinions of Emperor on. Political Questions —Account of Empelor's Visit by the
Queen.                                                                    170
CHAPTER XII.
1844 —continued.
Ministerial Crisis-Birth of Prince Alfred-Threatened Disturbance of Relations with
France —Visit of Prince of Prussia-Second Visit to Scotland-Visit of the King of the
French......                                                            191




CONTENTS.                                   9
CHAPTER XIII.
1844-5.
Osborne purchased and laid out by Prince-Royal Visit to Stowe and StrathfieldsayeOpening of Parliament-Changes in Ministry —Peel's Financial Measures-Civil ListDiscussions as to Title of King Consort-Sir Robert Peel-Maynooth Bill-Sir Robert
Peel declines Offer of the Garter-IIis Anticipations of a Ministerial Crisis-Queen's intended Visit to Ireland postponed.                                     207
CHAPTER XIV.
1845-continued.
Queen's Visit to Germany-Second Visit to the Chateau d'Eu.            22
CHAPTER XV.
1845-6.
Troubled State of Affairs in England —Lord John Russell's Edinburgh Letter-Sir R. Peel
resigns-Lord John Russell fails in forming an Administration —Sir R. Peel's Return to
Office —His Adoption of a Free Trade Policy-Prince attends Debate in House of Commons-Holiday Gardening —Landscape Gardenin, —Carriage of Corn Bill —Defeat of
Ministry on Irish Coercion Bill-Their Resignation.                   254
CHAPTER XVI.
1846 —continued,
Settlement of Oregon Question —The New Ministry —Birth of Princess Helena-Prince's
Visit to Liverpool-Distress in Ireland —Remedial Measures-New House at Osborne.                                                                 272
CHAPTER XVII.
184G —continued.
Tee Spanish Marriages.                                                      281
CHAPTER XVIII.
1846-7.
Consequences of the Spanish Marriages-Annexation of Cracow-Alarming Political Symptoms in Europe-Ripening of the Character of the Prince —His Election as Chancellor
of University of Cambridge-Letter of the Poet Wordsworth-His Installation Ode
— Royal Visit to Cambridge-Installation of Prince as Chancellor... 306
CHAPTER XIX.
1847.
Revolutionary Symptoms throughout Europe-Commercial Distress in England-Great
Distress in Ireland-Opening of Parliament and Queen's Speech-Lord George Bentinck's Scheme in Aid of Irish Railways-Reforms in Germany —Character of King of
Prussia by the Prince-Death of O'Connell-English Intervention in Affairs of Portugal-Discussions in Parliament-Dissolution-Royal Voyage to Scotland described by
Prince.                                                                326




10                               CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XX.
1847-contii ed.
Stay at Ardverikie-Prince's Birthday-Active Political Studies —Unsettled Aspect of European Affairs-State of Italy-Proposal to send Lord Minto to Rome and the Italian
States-Memorandum by Prince on the Subject —Letter by him to Lord John RussellLetter by Baron Stockmar-Life at Ardverikie.                           345
CHAPTER XXI.
184T-continued.
Memorandum by Prince on the State of Affairs in Germany-Views of Lord Palmerston
on same Subject-Correspondence between Baron Stockmar and the Prince in regard
to the Movement for Reform and Unity in Germany                           356
CHAPTER XXII.
1847-8.
Great Commercial and Financial Distress in England and Scotland-Alarming Increase of
Crime in Ireland-Measures of Repression-Disturbed State of Affairs in Switzerland,
Italy, and France —Critical Condition of France —Correspondence between Prince and
Baron Stockmar-The Hampden Controversy —Insurrection in Sicily-Progress of
Liberal Movement in Italy-Death of Dowager Duchess of Gotha —Revolution in
Paris-Flight of King Louis Philippe and his Family to England-Bhirth of Princess
Louise                                                                    373
APPE NDICES.
APPENDI)IX A.
Memorandum as to the Influence of 1.R.1.. the Prince Consort upon Musical Taste in
England.....    395
List of the Printed Musical Works of H.R.H. the Prince Consort....   400
List of Music selected by the Prince for Performance at the Antient Concerts, at which he
presided as Director..                                                   402
List of Music selected by the Prince for Performance at the Concerts of the Philharmonic
Society..406
APPEND1)IX B.
Royal Correspondence on the Subject of the Spanish Marriages....          409




ILLU STRAT ION S.
POR1TRAIT OF H.R.II. THE PRINCE CONSORT AT THE AGE
OF TWENTY-FOUR, bAFTER THrORBURN            Toface Title.
Page
PORTRAIT OF H.R.HI. PRINCE ALBERT AT THE AGE OF FOUR "   16
VIEW OF THE IROSENAU: BIRTHPLACE OF THE PRInTE."  23
VIEW OF REINHARDTSBRIUNN..                          244
PORTRAIT OF BARON STOCOI.MAR    a6 333








THE LIF E
OF HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE PRINCE CONSORT.
CHAPTER T.
Early Years of Prince's Life.
FiRANCIS CHARLES AUGUSTUS ALBERT EMMIANUEL-the future
Albert, Prince Consort of England —was the second son of
Ernest, Duke  of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld,  and  of his wife,
Louise, daughter of Augustus, Duke of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg.  He was born at the Rosenau, a summer residence of
his father's, about four miles from Coburg, on the 26th of
August, 1819.   His elder and  only brother, Ernest, now
Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, was born on the 21st of June in
the previous year.  The names of the young Princes, who
were the only children of the marriage, were of traditional interest in the family, being those of the two sons of Frederick,
Elector of Saxony, surnamed the Gentle, who were the founders of the Albertine and Ernestine branches into which the
Saxon family has since their time been divided.a
a Fredelick's sons were, on the night of the 8th July, 1455, carried off
from the Castle of Altenburg by their father's chamberlain, Kunz of Kaufungen, in revenge for having been compelled by Frederick to make restitution of
some lands, with which he had been invested for a time, on condition that he
should restore them when reinstated, as he had been, in possession of his own
estates, of which he had some years previously been despoiled. Kunz was
pursued and overtaken with three of his accomplices on his way to Bohemia
with Albert. The rest of his party, six in number, who had carried off Ernest
by a different route, hearing of his capture surrendered some days afterwards, on
condition that their lives should be sparel. Kunz himself and those wNho were
taken with him were executed. On 16th March, 1823, the Duchess Dowager




14                      EARLY YEARS.                      1819-36
Three months previous to the birth of Prince Albert, an
event had occurred which was destined to exercise a supreme
influence on his future career.  At Kensington Palace on the
24th of May, 1819, the Duchess of Kent, sister of the Princess
father, gave birth to the Princess, now Queen, Victoria. It
has been noted as a remarkable coincidence, that the same
accoucheuse, Madame Siebold, assisted on both occasions, and
that the Prince was baptized by the clergyman, Professor Genzler, who had the year before officiated at the marriage of the
Duke and Duchess of Kent.  Thus it happens, that the mother
of the Duchess, in announcing to her the birth of the Prince,
who already (27th August, 1819)'looks about like a little
squirrel, with a pair of large blue eyes,' was able to speak
with fond anticipation of what the' May-Flower' of Kensington-' a dear little love' whom' Siebold cannot sufficiently
describe' —will be in a year's time, when the happy grandmother hopes to see it (-Early Years, pp. 10, 11).
Both the young Princes were distinguished by their precocity. The beauty, gentleness, and vivacity of Albert seem,
however, to have made him the greater favourite, especially
with his mother.   As a child his beauty was remarkable.
While yet only eight months old his mother writes,'Albert
est superbe, d'une beaute extraordinaire.' Two vears later
(11th July, 1821) the Dowager Duchess of Coburg, in writing
to the Duchess of Kent, says of him,' Little Alberinchen, with
his large blue eyes and dimpled cheeks, is bewitching, forward
and quick as a weasel.  He can already say  everything.
Ernest is not nearly as pretty, only his intelligent brown eyes
are very fine; but he is tall, active, and very clever for his
age.' And again (11th August, 1821):' The little fellow is the
pendant to the pretty cousin' (the Princess Victoria),'very
handsome, but too slight for a boy; lively, very funny, all
good nature, and full of mischief.'
It was at this time that the young Princess became known
of Coburg writes:'Ernest's boys have got a picture-book. One of the pictures represents the carrying-off of the Saxon princes. This interests them
greatly, and Albert makes wonderful eyes in telling that one was called Albert,
like himself.' —early Years, p. 22. His namesake Albeit had nearly escaped.
Wilhelm von Mosen, one of Kunz's band, had been told off to secure him, but
mistook for him a young Graf von Barby, who was sleeping in the same room
with the princes.: Kumz discovered the mistake when the boy was brought out
of the castle, rushed back to the room, and dragged off the young Albeit, who
had crept under the bed for safety. The story of this' Prinzenraub,' conceived
and executed as it was with a skill and daring remarkable even for those unlscrupulous times, was well calculated to impress the boyish imagination.




1819-36             EARLY YEARS.                    15
to their uncle, Prince Leopold, who had left England after
the coronation of George IV. in 1820, for the first time
since the death of the Princess Charlotte.     Albert,' his
mother writes,'adore son oncle Leopold, ne le quitte pas un
instant, lui fait des yeux doux, l'embrasse a chaque moment,
et ne se sent pas d'aise que lorsqu'il peut etre aupres de lui.'
The attraction was reciprocal, and deepened witf advancing
years.
Prince Leopold's object in visiting Coburg was to arrange
a residence for his mother, the Dowager Duchess, for the
ensuing winter in Italy. Beloved by all her children, she
was especially beloved by Leopold, who, on the other hand,
was her chief favourite.'She was a woman,' writes King
Leopold,'in every respect distinguished; warm-hearted, possessing a most powerful understanding, and she loved her
grandchildren most tenderly.'  Her husband, a man of' the
most amiable and humane character-benevolence itself, had
been remarkable for his great love and knowledge of the fine
arts.' While Prince Albert was considered by King Leopold
to have inherited these qualities-' no one else in the family
possessing them to the same degree'-some of the Prince's
leading physical peculiarities appear to have been derived
from'the Duchess, who'had fine and most expressive blue
eyes, with the marked features and long nose inherited by
most of her children and grandchildren' (Mem. by the Queen,
Early Years, p. 18).
The young Princes were objects of scarcely less interest
and affection to their maternal step-grandmother, the Duchess
of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg, second wife of Duke Augustus,
father by his first wife of the Duchess of Coburg-a woman in
whom a naturally kind heart was combined with strong sense
and thorough goodness and amiability.'Indeed their two
grandmothers seemed to vie with each other, which should
show them the most love and kindness' (Early Years, p. 20).
They were always eager to have the boys with them, when
they might.  Accordingly, in the spring of 1822, the parents
of the young Princes having left Coburg for a time, while
the Dowager Duchess of Coburg was absent in Italy, the
Duchess of Saxe-Coburg Gotha begged that they might be
entrusted to her care. The wish was granted, and when
they returned home, after a few weeks' stay with her, it cost
her no small regret to part with them.  On their return to
Coburg, the Dowager Duchess, jealous of her favourites, wel



16                   EARLY YEARS.                 1819-36
corned them with delight.'Yesterday morning,' she writes
(27th June, 1822),'my dear little boys came back from
Gotha, and I was overjoyed. Ernest is very much grown.
Albert is very much smaller than his brother, and lovely as a
little angel with his fair curls.' The contemporary portrait by
Dohl 2 is sufficient proof that this was not the ordinary exaggeration of a grandmother's fondness. A few months later
the Duchess reports of her young favourites:' They are very
good boys on the whole, very obedient, and easy to manage.
Albert used to rebel a little sometimes, but a grave face brings
the little fellow to submit.  Now he obeys me with a look.'
The riotous spirits of two children of so much character appear, however, to have become somewhat oppressive to the
kind old lady.'The boys are very wild,' she writes a few
months afterwards,'and Ernest flies about like a swallow.'
They are to be placed under the care of a tutor, of which she
is glad. Not so, however, the maternal grandmother at Gotha.
She heard with alarm of the transfer of such young children,
the one under five and the other under four, and both in some
respects delicate, from the care of their nurse to that of a man,
who could scarcely be expected to know so well how to look
after their childish ailments.
Young as he was, so young that he was very willing to let
his tutor carry him up and down stairs, the Prince was delighted with the change; having even as a child shown a great
dislike to be in the charge of women. The tutor was a M.
Florschutz of Coburg, and he superintended the education of
both the Princes up to manhood through all its stages. The
admirable qualities of his pupils made his duties a pleasure.
To the younger Prince he was especially attracted from the
first.'Every grace,' he writes,'had been showered by nature
on this charming boy. Every eye rested on him with delight,
and his look won the hearts of all.' Like his mother in person, and resembling her also in quickness, vivacity, and playfulness, he was her favourite child; and she made no secret of
a preference, which might in ordinary circumstances have been
mischievous to the boy, and disturbed the affection between
his brother and himself. But this distracting influence was
not to be long at work. In 1824 a separation was arranged
between the Duke and Duchess (followed by a divorce in
1826), but not before she had established a hold upon the
2 Engraved originally in the Early Years, and now reproduced as an illustration to this volume.




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1819-36                  EARLY YEARS.                            17
affections of her children which, although they never saw  her
again, remained with them  to the last.3  All that could be
done to compensate the loss of a mother's presence and care
was done by the grandmothers of the Princes, who continued
to watch over them  with a twofold tenderness, and had the
happiness of seeing  them  grcw  up in the bonds of closest
attachment, brightening from year to year in intelligence and
knowledge, and, while they grew in strength and comeliness,
retaining that freshness of heart and warmth of feeling, which
a simple and happy home life, such as theirs, is best calculated
to develope.
From  a very early age the Prince's thoughtfulness and love
for knowledge were remarkable. He learned quickly, and he
was always learning.'To  do  something was with him  a
necessity' (cEarly Years, p. 28).  The energy with which he
pursued his studies was carried into his childish sports; and
although inll childhood he was rather a delicate boy, the force
of his character even then made itself felt with his brother and
their childish companions, who yielded to a sway, which he
was not indisposed to claim, and upon occasion to enforce by
the vigour of his arm.  This strength of will, which rested on
superior earnestness and depth, naturally showed itself more
decidedly as he advanced into boyhood; but it was not inconsistent with a prevailing gentleness and benevolence of disposition.'It was only what he thought unjust or dishonest,' writes
Count Arthur Mendsdorff (Ectrly Years p. 57),'that could
make him  angry.  Thus I recollect one day when we children, Albert, Ernest, Ferdinand, Augustus, Alexander, myself, and a few other boys, were playing at the Rosenau, and
some of us were to storm  the old ruined tower on the side
3 She died at St. Wendel, in Switzerland, in 1831, at the age of thirty-two
after a long and painful illness. She was not only beautiful, but exercised a
great charm through her intelligence and kindness of heart. Full of espiig7erie,
and with a habit of viewing men and things in a droll and humorous waycharacteristics in which the Prince strongly resembled her-shec was a general
favourite. But her marriage, which commenced under the fairest auspices,
proved unhappy.'The Prince,' says the Queen (Eargy Years, p. 8),' never
forgot her, and spoke with much tenderness and sorrow of his poor mother, and
was deeply affected in reading, after his marriage, the accounts of her sad and
painful illness. One of the first gifts he made to the Queen was a little pin
he had received from her when a little child. Princess Louise (the Prince's
fourth daughter, and named after her grandmother) is said to be like her in
face.' This likeness is strikingly apparent in a portrait prefixed to an interesting description of the ceremonies upon the occasion of her marriage, published at Coburg in 1817.




18                  EARLY YEARS.                 1819-36
of the castle, which the others were to defend, one of us suggested that there was a place at the back by which we could
get in without being seen, and thus capture it without difficulty. Albert declared that " this would be most unbecoming
in a Saxon knight who should always attack the enemy in
front," and so we fought for the tower so honestly and vigorously that Albert, by mistake, for I was on his side, gave
me a blow upon the nose, of which I still bear the mark.
I need not say how sorry he was for the wound he had given
me.'
Two other qualities, in which the child was falher of the
man, are mentioned by his tutor: his eager desire to do good
and to assist others, and the grateful feeling, which never
allowed him to forget an act of kindness, however trifling, to
himself. The sweetness of his nature showed itself conspicuously during the attacks of illness to which he was subject up
to the age of ten.'His heart seemed then to open to the
whole world. He would form the most noble projects for
execution after his recovery-and, though apparently not
satisfied with himself, he displayed a temper and disposition,
in thought and deed, perfectly angelic' (Early Years, p. 106).
Another characteristic of the boy, as it was of the man, is
also recorded by his cousin, Count Arthur Mensdorff: a'perfect moral purity, both in word and deed,' to which his admirable sweetness of disposition was mainly owing. Like all
healthy, purely-minded boys, he was cheerful and joyous in
his turn of thought, and in the way he looked at life and men.
Combined with a keen sense of the ludicrous, he possessed a
great talent for humorous imitation, which, however, he exercised in the kindliest way, never using the power to excite
ridicule or contempt for its objects.
The education of the Princes was of the broad, general
character best suited to their position. It included history,
geography, mathematics, philosophy, religion, Latin, and the
modern European languages, relieved by the study of music
and drawing, for both of which the Prince early sh.owed a
marked inclination. He was also from childhood fond of natural history. In the researches to which this led he developed
the habit of exact observation for which, in later life, he was
pre-eminently distinguished. His tastes, in this respect, were
fully shared by his brother; and their boyish collections
formed the nucleus of the excellent' Ernest-Albert Museum'
of natural objects, now deposited in the Festung at Coburg.




1819-36                EARLY YEARS.                       19
Long years afterwards the sight of his old collections in their
new home brought back a flood of remembrances to the
Prince with a force and freshness which can only be known
by the student, to whom every object in his collection has an
interest, not merely from local or personal association, but because it marks a step in the'pleasant path that winds by
stealth' to knowledge.'I went to-day,' he writes to the
Queen (30th May, 1858),'to the Museum, where i once more
paid my respects to all the birds, butterflies, stones, and
shells, and called to mind every circumstance connected with
their acquisition.'
The free, open-air life led by the boys at the various country residences of their father-the Rosenau, Kalenberg, and
Ketsdhendorf, near Coburg, and  Reinhardtsbrunnen, near
Gotha 4 —was peculiarly favourable to such studies.  Situated
as these are, especially the first and last, amid scenery wild,
yet not too wild, and rich in the charm which steals into the
heart from the combination of wood, water, and mountain,
with all their variety of life and colour and sound, they could
scarcely fail to awaken in a nature so finely organised that
deep delight in whatever was beautiful and grand in scenery,
and to cultivate that quick eye for all its subtlety of detail,
which were a source of infinite solace and enjoyment to the
Prince amid the fatigues of his after life.'Nothing could
exceed the intense enjoyment with which a fine or commanding view inspired the young Prince' (Early Yecars, p. 108).
For such a mind every spot teems with the associations that
make the haunts of youth doubly dear. To him they were'the home,' to which the heart could not do otherwise than
cling with all the tender reminiscences of a happy boyhood.
In a country where game abounds, and the sports of the
field and forest are the prescriptive pastime of his class, it
was natural that the Prince should be early taught to take his
part in sporting expeditions. His father and brother followed
them with the ardour of enthusiastic sportsmen. The Prince,
though by no means indifferent to them, and an excellent shot,
enjoyed them then, as he did in later life, chiefly for the sake
4 Duke Augustus of Saalfeld-Gotha, the Prince's maternal grandfather, died
in 1822. He was succeeded by his brother Duke Frederick, on whose death,
in 1836, without issue, his possessions were divided under a fhmily arrangement, by which Gotha was assigned to the Duke of Coburg, who thenceforth
took the name of Coburg-Gotha. Reinhardtsbrunnen, beautifully placed
about eight miles from Gotha on the outskirts of the Thurinrian forest, formed
part of the Duchy.




20                    EARLY YEARS.                  1819-36
of exercise,5 for the pleasures of the scenery into which they
carried him, and for the multitude of natural objects which
they brought under his eye. They were, unquestionably, an
excellent tonic, along withl his other exercises, for the habits
of close and systematic study, which even in boyhood he prescribed for himself, and conscientiously carried out, with the
definite object, as he expressed it in a letter to his father so
early as July 1830, of making himself' a good and useful man.'
Under this wholesome and well-regulated mixture of bodily
with mental training, the delicacy of his childhood seems to
have passed away, and he grew up into an active, cheerful,
healthy boy.
In 1834 the time had arrived for the Confirmation of the
Prince's brother, now in his seventeenth year. Unlike in person and in mind, the Princes were one in heart-and their
affection was cemented by the profound esteem with which
Ernest regarded the purity and'incomparable superiority and
firmness' of his brother's character. In this first solemn act
of his life, it was thought desirable that the elder Prince should
not be separated from him with whom he had hitherto gone
hand in hand from childhood. Neither could the younger
Prince's union with him in the public profession of their faith
be regarded as premature, Albert's nature being, as expressed
by his tutor,'singularly earnest and thoughtful,' and indeed
instinctively devout. Accordingly, on Palm Sunday, 1835, the
young Princes were confirmed in the Chapel of the Palace at
Coburg. During the preliminary public examination of the
Princes, one of the answers of the Hereditary Prince created
a marked impression. When asked by the examiner, whether
he intended stedfastly to hold to the Evangelical Church, he
did not confine himself to a simple' Yes!' but added,'I and
my brother are firmly resolved ever to remain faithful to the
acknowledged truth.' The unity of heart and mind between
the brothers which prompted this reply could not be more
strikingly shown.
Up to this time, with the exception of a short visit to their
uncle, King Leopold, at Brussels in 1832, the Princes had not
left home. They now went to Mecklenburg, to congratulate
the Grand-Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, their great-grandfather by the mother's side, on the fiftieth anniversary of his'I don't understand, he would often say,'people making a business of
shooting, and going out for the whole day. I like it as an amusement for a few
hours. D)ie Ieute hier (in England) wollen ein Geschift daraucs machen.'




1819-36               EARLY YEARS.
accession, and after a few days spent there, they travelled on
to Berlin. At both places they were well received, and produced a most favourable impression.'It requires, however,'
writes the Prince from Berlin (9th May, 1835), to his stepmother the Duchess of Coburg,6'a giant's strength to bear all
the fatigue we have had to undergo. Visits, parades, rides,
d6jeuners, dinners, suppers, balls and concerts, follow each
other in rapid succession, and we have not been allowed to
miss any one of the festivities.' From Berlin the Princes made
a tour to Dresden, Prague, Vienna, Pesth, and Ofen, returning
towards the end of May to Coburg, where they once more settled down to their studies. At this period, the Prince appears
to have taken up seriously the study of German literature and
philosophy, as we find him, in February 1836, submitting for
criticism to Dr. Seebode, Director of the Coburg Gymnasium,
an essay On the _Modle of Thought of the Germans, which had
for its object to trace historically the progress of German civilisation, a subject not a little ambitious for a youth of sixteen.
But we may be very sure from what we know of the conscientious habits of the Prince's mind, that he would not have approached it without having first gone through a series of careful preliminary studies.
A period had now arrived, which was to form a critical
turning point in the Prince's life, and which it will be necessary to consider in some detail.
0 The Prince's mother as already mentioned, died in 1831. In the autumn
of the following year, the buke of Coburg married the Princess Mary of Wiirteinberg.




CHAPTER II.
Birth and Education of the Princess Victoria-Baron Stockmar-First Visit of Prince to
England-Plans for completing his Education-Course of his Studies at Brussels and
Bonn-Accession of Princess Victoria-Prince's Tour in Switzerland-Project of Marriage between Prince and Queen Victoria-Prince and his Brother-Prince Visits Italy
-Returns to Coburg.
THE house of Coburg was intimately allied by marriage with
the Royal family of England. In 1816 Prince Leopold, the
youngest brother of Prince Albert's father, the Duke of
Coburg, had married the Princess Charlotte, then presumptive
heiress to the English throne. Soon after the death (5th November, 1817) of that Princess, in whom and in her admirable
husband the country's hopes of a wise and exemplary reign
had been centred, the Duke of Kent, then in his fifty-first
year, married Victoire Maria Louise, Princess Leiningen,
the youngest sister of the Duke of Coburg.  Born on the
17th of August, 1786, she had married the Prince Emich
Charles of Leiningen in 1803. His death in 1813 left her a
widow with a son, Charles Emich, Prince Leiningen, and one
daughter, Anna Feodora, afterwards by marriage Princess of
Hohenlohe-Langenburg.'  Still in the freshness of youth and
beauty, she presented the Duke of Kent, on the 24th of May,
1819, with a daughter; and although the marriage of his
elder brother, the Duke of Clarence, on the same day with
himself, interposed the possibility of a very different event,
and for many years, indeed, left the succession doubtful, the
Duke of Kent was in the habit of showing the infant Princess
to his friends and intimates with the words, 6 Look at her-well,
for she will be Queen of England.' Two daughters, both of
whom died in infancy, were born to the Duke of Clarence, and
it was therefore for many years uncertain whether he might
not have issue to succeed him.  Under these circumstances,
1 The Prince died in 1859. His son Ernest, Prince Leiningen, is in the
British Navy, and commands the Royal yacht. The Princess Iohenlohe died
on the 23rcl of September, 1872.




1820-36             THE PRINCESS VICTORIA.                          23
it was wisely resolved to bring up the Princess Victoria in
ignorance of the brilliant, though anxious, future which in all
probability awaited her, and not until she was twelve years
old was she permitted  to know that no one stood between
herself and the succession to the throne.2
The untimely death of the Duke of Kent (23rd January,
1820) within eight months after the birth of the Princess
Victoria, naturally  threw  upon  his  brother-in-law, Prince
Leopold, the care of his widow and child. The Prince, who
was then in Scotland, hurried back to Sidmouth, where the
Duke had died. Tortured by the associations connected with
his own still recent affliction, he had never before had the
courage to look upon the blooming face of his infant niece, but
from  this moment he assumed her father's place, and discharged its duties with conscientious devotion.   The  little' May-Flower' was therefore an object of the deepest interest
to her relatives in Coburg; and long before she could have
2 In Lockhart's Life of Scott (vol. ix., p. 242) the following entry from
Scott's' Diary' is given:-' May 19, 1828: Dined with the Duchess of Kent.
I was very kindly received by Prince Leopold, and presented to the little
Princess Victoria-the heir-apparent to the Crown, as things now stand...
This little lady is educating with much care, and watched so closely that no
busy maid has a moment to whisper, "  You are heir of England."'  I suspect if
we could dissect the little heart, we should find some pigeon or other bird of the
air had carried the matter.' The suspicion was natural, but wrong. This is
conclusively shown in the following passage in a letter from the Baroness
Lehzen (the Princess's governess) to her Majesty (2nd December, 1867):-'I ask your Majesty's leave to cite some remarkable words of your Majesty's
when only twelve years old, while the [Regency Bill was in progress. I then
said to the Duchess of Kent, that how, for the first time, your Majesty ought
to know your place in the succession. Her Royal Highness agreed with me,
and I put the genealogical table into the historical book. When Mr. Davys
(the Queen's instructor, afterwards Bishop of Peterborough) was gone, the
Princess Victoria opened as usual the book again, and seeing the additional
paper said, "I never saw that before."  "It was not thought necessary you
should, Princess," I answered. "' I see, I am nearer the throne than I thought."
" So it is, Madam," I said. After some moments the Princess resumed, I' Now,
many a child would boast, but they don't know the difficulty. There is much
splendour, but there is more responsibility."  The Princess having lifted up
the forefinger of her right hand while she spoke, gave me that little hand,
saying, "I will be good. I understand now, why you urged me so mluch to
learn, even Latin. My cousins Augusta and Mary never did- but you told
me Latin is the foundation of English grammar, and of all the elegent expressions, and I learned it as you wished it, but I understand all better now,"
and the Princess gave me hier hand, repeating "I will be good!" I then
said, "But your aunt Adelaide is still young and may have children, and of
course they would ascend the throne after their father William IV., and not
you, Princess."  The Princess answered, "And if it was so, I should never
feel disappointed, for I know by the love aunt Adelaide bears me, how fond
she is of children." When Queen Adelaide lost her second princess, she wrote
to the Duchess of Kent, "' My children are dead, but yours lives, and she is
mine, too!  "'




24                 BARON STOCKMAR.              1820-36
been regarded as the future Queen, the idea of her marriage
with one of her Coburg cousins had obviously taken such root
in the family, that Prince Albert's nurse was in the habit of
prattling to her charge, when he was only three years old, of
his destined bride in England (Early Years, p. 213). As the
years advanced, and it became more probable that what the
Dowager Duchess of Coburg had truly called'the dangerous
grandeur of Royalty' might devolve upon the young head
which was so dear to her, this idea grew into an abiding wish,
strengthened by what she saw of the qualities mental and
moral of the youngest of the Coburg Princes. The Duchess
died in November, 1831, but her views appear to have had the
full concurrence of her son, now King Leopold, who had had
repeated opportunities of forming an estimate from personal
observation of the character of his nephew.
In 1836 there was no longer any doubt as to the succession
of the Princess Victoria to the throne, and in all probability
at no very distant date. Already several aspirants for her
hand were in the field. The time had therefore arrived for
making some progress towards the fulfilment of what could
not have been otherwise than an object of the greatest natural
anxiety to King Leopold. His own opinion was that no other
Prince was so qualified to make his niece happy, or to fulfil
worthily the difficult duties of the Consort of an English
Queen.  But he loved the Princess too well, and was too
deeply conscious of the immense responsibility of such a
choice, to act with precipitation, or upon his own judgment
merely, which the bias of natural affection, no less than of
family feeling, might insensibly have warped.  He therefore
took counsel with one who was not liable to be misled from
any such cause, and on whose penetrating judgment of men
and things, no less than his fearless independence, the King
had learned by long experience to place implicit reliance. This
was his friend and private adviser, Baron Christian Friedrich
von Stockmar; and as this remarkable man was destined to
play no unimportant part in the subsequent story of the
Prince, it may not be out of place here to give some particulars
of his past career.
He was a native of Coburg, born in 1787, and had entered
the service of Prince Leopold, as private physician, in 1816,
at the time of the Prince's marriage with the Princess Charlotte. She had died with her hand clasped in his, and it was
he who had to announce to the Prince the blow which struck




1820-36            BARON STOCKEMAR.                   25
him to the heart, both in his affections and his ambition.
By his sympathy and skilful t-eatment the Prince had been
enabled to sustain a shock under which he might otherwise
have sunk. From this time down to 1831 Stockmar acted as
the Prince's private secretary and the controller of his household, residing almnost exclusively in England, where he acquired a thorough knowledge of the country, its people. and
Constitution, and bringing to the study of these the svmpathy
of strong liberal opinions, together with powers of observation, and philosophical deduction of a very high order. He
took part, as the private adviser and representative of King
Leopold, in the protracted and complex diplomatic negotiations with the plenipotentiaries of the great European Powers,
which took place in London after the King's acceptance
of the Belgian Crown, and which resulted in the Treaty of
1831, for securing the independence and security of the new
kingdom.  The arrangement as to the English allowance
settled upon Prince Leopold on his marriage with the Princess Charlotte, which became necessary on his ascending
the Belgian throne, was also carried through by him, under
circumstances of no slight difficulty, with signal tact and success. These transactions had brought him into intimate contact with the leading diplomatists of Europe, as well as with
tho chiefs of the two great political parties in England, and
by these his unusual abilities, and his great single-mindedness,
and sturdy integrity were held in high estimation.'C'est un
original,' said Count Felix de Merode of him;'mnais quel
honnete homme!' And Lord Palmerston, no friendly critic,
paid him this remarkable testimony,'I have come in my life
across only one absolutely disinterested man-Stockmar.'
He would accept no official appointment in Belgium, and
in 1834 retired to Coburg, where his wife and family resided.
Here he continued in active confidential correspondence with
his former master, and had opportunities of seeing the young
Princes, but only in the most casual way, from time to time.
He had no relations with the Ducal House; and, indeed,
there is reason to believe he was no favourite there. Weak in
health, and void of personal ambition, the quiet studies of
his tranquil life in Coburg, and the care of his own family,
would have sufficed for his happiness. But an appeal from
his old master for counsel or assistance at all times overcame
every other consideration. A great issue, moreover, was now
at stake.  No one knew better than Stockinar how much
2




26                 BARON STCCKMAR.                1820-36
must depend upon the Prince, who should be chosen to occupy
the post nearest to the throne of England; and his attachment
to the young Princess, no less than his genuine love for the
country over which she was destined to reign, were of themselves enough to make him forego his private inclinations, if
by so doing he could advance the object which King Leopold
had so deeply at heart.
That the King should place the greatest reliance on his
judgment was most natural. Stockmar had been his chosen
friend when he had himself looked forward to occupying the
position and fulfilling the duties, to which, as husband of
the future Queen of England, he had for a time cherished
the proud hope of being called. He had in times of trial
found in him a counsellor at once far-sighted and fearless,
looking only to what was best, and, rarest virtue of all,
unwarped by any bias of selfish personal considerations.
Moreover, his position in Prince Leopold's English household
had brought the Princess Victoria much under his observation.
He was thus peculiarly qualified both by what he knew of
her character, and by deep personal interest in her welfare,
no less than by his knowledge of what would be looked for
from her husband by the English nation, to give the best
advice on the difficult problem submitted to his judgment.
The short-lived union of his former master with the Princess
Charlotte had, to use his own words in 1817, presented'a
rare picture of love and fidelity.' Her husband, in heart and
head, in accomplishment and in will, had been a model
Prince; and Stockmar was not a man to rest contented with
less than the hope of seeing this state of things reproduced
under still happier auspices. This at least is certain, that the
austere sincerity with which he answered to the appeal for
his advice was the happiest omen for the welfare of the objects of his solicitude, and especially for the future relations
between the Prince and himself.
His opinion of the Prince, as he knew him in 1836, is
expressed in the following letter, in the beginning of that
year, to the King- of the Belgians:-'Albert,' he writes,'is a fine young fellow, well grown for
his age, with agreeable and valuable qualities; and who, if
things go well, may in a few years turn out a strong, handsome man, of a kindly, simple, yet dignified demeanour. Externally; therefore, he possesses all that pleases the sex, and
at all times and in all countries must please. It may prove,




1820-36               BARON STOCKMAR.
too, a lucky circumstance, that even now he has something of
an English look.'But now the question is, How as to his mind. On this
point, too, one hears much to his credit.  But these judgments are all more or less partial; and until I have observed
him  longer, I can form  no judgment as to his capacity and
the probable development of his character. He is said to be
circumspect, discreet, and even now cautious. But all this
is not enough. He ought to have not merely great ability,
but a rig/ht ambition, and a great force of will as well. To
pursue for a lifetime a political career so arduous demands
more than energy and inclinaticn —it demands also that
earnest frame of mind which is ready of its own accord to
sacrifice mere pleasure to real usefulness. If lie is not satisfied
hereafter with the consciousness of having achieved one of
the most influential positions in Europe, how often will he
feel tempted to repent what he has undertaken?  If he does
not from the very outset accept it as a vocation of grave
responsibility, on the efficient fulfilment of which his honour
and happiness depend, there is small likelihood of his succeeding.' 3
These words have a peculiar significance, as indicating the
principle which regulated the formation of the Prince's character and the practice of his life.
Stockmar declined to commit himself to an opinion until he
had seen more of the Prince.  He had frequent opportunities
of doing so within the next few months, and closer observation satisfied him  the mind and character of the Prince were
such that by time and training he might be expected to
qualify himself for the high vocation for which he was designed. But one thing above all he urged as indispensable,
that no claim on the Prince's behalf for the hand of his cousin
should be preferred, unless an impression in his favour from
personal acquaintance should first have been produced ()Denkwivurdigkeiten, p. 311).  An invitation from  the Duchess of
Ienlt to the Duke of Coburg and his sons to visit her at Kensington Palace presented  a favourable opportunity for an
3 This letter is extracted from a valuable volume of Memorabilia from
Baron Stoclkmar's Papers, to which we shall have frequent occasion to refer,
published by Baron Stockluar's son, the Baron Ernst von Stockmar, entitled
Delzwuiirdigkeiten aus den PeCpieren des Faceileerrn C'(histian Jidiedrice V. Stockrmar. _Brcealunscoeic, 1872. Our references are to the original volume, and
not to the English translation published under the editorship of Max M:filler
(2 vols. Longmanrs & Co., 1872).




28              PRINCE VISITS ENGLAND.                1836
introduction.'But,' Stockmar wrote,'it must be made a
sine quac nton that the object of the visit be kept strictly
secret from the Princess as well as from the Prince, so as to
leave them completely at their ease.'
Accordingly the Duke came to England with his sons in
May, 1836, and remained there for about four weeks. The
secret was kept. It could, in a sense, have scarcely been a
secret to the Prince, as the Dowager Duchess of Gotha had
often spoken to him years before of her earnest wishes on the
subject. But he had no reason to think this was more than a
family wish; and the Princess at least was left freely to the
impulse of her own inclination. That this was favourable and
let itself be unconsciously seen in her letters to her uncle is
most probable. At all events, almost simultaneously with the
Prince's leaving England, King Leopold made her aware of
his wishes on the subject. The answer made it impossible to
doubt how entirely those of the Princess were in accordance
with his own.'I have only now to beg you, my dearest
uncle,' it concludes,'to take care of the health of one now so
dear to me, and to take him under your special protection. I
hope and trust that all will go on prosperously and well on
this subject now of so much importance to me' (Letter of'
Prinzcess Victoria to IK-ing leopolc, 7th June, 1836).
The Prince, how ever, was still kept in the dark; but the
plan for his education, with a view to the possibility of his
being called to fulfil the duties of Prince Consort, was carried
into effect. Baron Stockmar had previously disposed of this
question with his accustomed foresight and strong practical
sense, in a letter to King Leopold.  Coburg, he urged (1Denicwiardigceiten, p. 311), was no place for the studies now'required. Able tutors might no doubt be found there; but frank
intercourse with other men was essential to teach the Prince
what men are and how to cope with them; and how was this
possible at a small Court with all its exclusiveness and conventional restrictions? Berlin, again, was most undesirable.
The thing of primary importance, a just view of the present
state of Europe, could scarcely be acquired there. The politics of Prussia, which at that time owed its position amono
the European Powers more 4o the favour of circumstances
than to its internal strength, were too  much those of a parvenu, who is constantly either over or under-rating himself
and others.  The attitude which it had taken up toward Germlany was neither politic nor honourable.  It could not there



1836          PRINCE'S STAY AT BRUSSELS.            29
fore form a good political school, and the Prince would hear
there everything about politics, except the truth. Socially,
too, Berlin was, in Stockmar's opinion, a bad school for
Princes, the tone of that capital being formal and priggish.
All that could be learned there would be the arts of administration and of war, but whatever was essential of these might
be equally well learned elsewhere along with other things of
no less moment. In Berlin, moreover, profligacy was epidemic, and nowhere would it be so difficult to keep young
men free from the prevailing taint. Vienna, again, in the
peculiar relations which it occupied towards Germany, was in
Stockmar's opinion no school for a German Prince. The Universities? Their training was too one-sided and theoretical
for one whose vocation would be to deal practically with men
and things on a great scale. Brussels, on the other hand,
seemed to combine the most favourable conditions. There the
Prince would be under the eye and influence of his uncle, who
was living in the full stream of European politics, and was
working out the problem of Constitutional Government, where
it had been hitherto unknown; and, whether the English marriage was brought to bear or not, the Prince would be far more
likely to profit by the study of politics in the free and stirring
arena of a Constitutional Kingdom, than in one where the
whole machinery of Government was propelled from a monarchical centre.
Following this advice, the Prince and ]Iis brother went to
Brussels on leaving England, taking Paris on their way,
where they made the acquaintance of the Orleans family.
They were placed under the care of Baron Wiechmann, a
retired officer of the English German Legion, and remained
for a period of ten months closely occupied with the study
of history and modern languages. Under the guidance of
Al. Quetelet, the eminent statist and mathematician, the
Prince also devoted himself to the study of the higher mathematics, and the application of the law of probabilities to
social and natural phenomena. The line of inquiry and of
thought thus opened was ever afterwards a favourite one with
the Prince, who from time to time, in the correspondence
which he continued until the last year of his life to keep up
with MI. Quetelet, regrets that he is prevented from prosecuting it as he could have wished by the multiplicity of the
claims made upon his time by art, science, and invention, and
which continued to grow in almost overwhelming number as




30           GOES FROM BRUSSELS TO BONN,              1837
the years advanced.  In this correspondence he frequently
recurs with evident pleasure to the time spent in Brussels;
and he took an opportunity in his Address at the Opening of
the International Statistical Congress (16th July, 1860) publicly to express his- acknowledgments to M. Quetelet, and to
pay a warm tribute to the merits of that very distinguished
man. It was characteristic of the Prince's candour that he
should have done so. The influence of M. Quetelet in the
formation of his conclusions upon many important subjects
had unquestionably been considerable.  Of none of M. Quetelet's works, perhaps, was this more true than of his original
and most suggestive volume, Dut Syste~me social, et des -Lois
qui le regissecot, Pcaris, 1848. This work was dedicated to
the Prince, and its influence is apparent in many of the views
which were subsequently developed in his Speeches and
Addresses.
From Brussels the young Princes went, in April 1837, to
Bonn; where they remained, with the exception of the usual
vacations, for the next eighteen months. Under the eminent
men who then maintained the reputation of that University,
Bethman Hollweg, A. W. v. Schlegel the younger, Fichte,
Lobell, Kaufmann, Perthes, d'Alten and others, Prince Albert
pursued his studies with the same eagerness by which his
earlier years had been marked, and distinguished himself by
the rapid progress which he made, especially in the natural
sciences, in political economy, and in philosophy.'Amongst
all the young men at the University,' writes Prince William
of LSwenstein, with whom he there formed a close and intimate friendship,'he was distinguished by his knowledge, his
diligence; and his amiable bearing in society. He liked above
all things to discuss questions of public law and metaphysics,
and constantly, during our many walks, juridical principles or
philosophical doctrines were thoroughly discussed.' Amid all
his absorption in those severer studies, to which the prospects
of a great possible future with its responsibilities can scarcely
have failed to give concentration and purpose, the Prince was
careful to keep up his training in the manly exercises appropriate to his youth. For his excellence in these generally,
and, like the young Laertes,'for his rapier most especial,' he
was no less distinguished, and in a fencing match carried off
the prize from about thirty competitors. Nor was music forgotten, of which the Prince w'as always passionately fond,
and in which he had already shown considerable gifts as a




1837             UNIVERSITY OF BONN.                31
composer. Among his companions, says Prince von Loiwenstein, he was looked upon as a master of the art. In short,
he adds,'the Prince entered with the greatest eagerness into
every study in which he engaged, whether belonging to science
or art. He spared no exertion either of mind or body; on the
contrary, he rather sought difficulties in order to overcome
them. The result was such an harmonious development of
his powers and faculties as is very seldom arrived at.'
The Prince's talent for mimicry and the grotesque was
often exercised for the amusement of his companions. A
University, especially a German University, with the oddly accentuated ways of its professors, can never fail to supply abundant materials for this kind of gift, and as the Prince's excellent memory, and mastery of the various subjects dealt with,
enabled him either to reproduce whole passages from their
lectures, or to improvise excellent imitations of them, his skill
was sure never to be in want either of a theme or of a sympathetic audience. His powers in this direction, which appear
to have been very freely exercised at the University, were
never lost; neither were the keen perception of the ludicrous,
and the genial play of humour deadened, out of which they
sprang. IHappily for a rman of earnest habits of mind, these
qualities survive sorrows, disappointments, suffering in all its
forms, and often help to make things endurable, under which
mind and body would otherwise succumb.
Soon after the Prince had settled in Bonn, the death of
William IV. (20th June, 1837) devolved somewhat unexpectedly upon the Princess Victoria, then only eighteen, the grave
responsibilities of Queen of England. These were made more
serious by the state of parties at the time, each arrayed in envenomed hostility against the other, and maintaining the
struggle for power with a zeal, which the accession of a young
and popular Sovereign to the throne could scarcely fail to
quicken into warmer life. Against the dangers of her difficult
position the young Queen had been secured, so far as this
could be done, by careful training in sound constitutional principles, and by the paternal counsels of King Leopold, whose
great knowledge and experience were constantly at her service. In anticipation of the Princess's legal majority, on the
previous 24th of May, he had arranged for the presence of
Baron Stockmar in England to aid her by his counsel and
assistance; and the arrival of the Baron, about a month before the King's death, happened most opportunely, when the




32         ACCESSION OF PRINCESS VICTORIA.         1837
immediate prospect of the Accession had brought closely
home to the Princess the magnitude and delicacy of the
duties she was likely so soon to be called upon to perform.
He was a man on whose judgment, forethought, and, purity
of motive, no less than on his thorough knowledge of the
English Constitution and of the English people, entire reliance might be placed; and possessing as he did the complete confidence of the Princess, his advice at such a crisis
could not fail to be of the highest value. As such it was
viewed by her, and it strengthened her steps amid the mazes
of the numerous perplexities which surrounded her new
position.
The Prince was not likely to be an indifferent observer of
what was taking place in England. He lost no time in congratulating his'dearest cousin' on the great change which
had taken place in her life.'Now,' he adds, writing on the
26th of June (Early Years, p. 147),'you are Queen of the
mightiest land of Europe, in your hand lies the happiness
of millions.  3May Heaven assist you and strengthen you
with its strength in that high but difficult task i I hope
that your reign may be long, happy, and glorious, and that
your efforts may be rewarded by the thankfulness and love
of your subjects.' His correspondence also records the satisfaction with which he hears of the'astonishing self-possession' of the young Queen, and of the high praise from
all parties, which seemed to promise so auspiciously for her
reign.
The accession of the Queen revived the rumours, which had
been for some time current, of a contemplated marriage with
her cousin; and it was thought expedient by their uncle, with
the view of withdrawing public attention for the time from
the young Princes, that they should spend the autumn vacation of 1837 in making a tour through Switzerland and the
north of Italy.  September and October were accordingly
spent in a thorough exploration of Switzerland and the Italian
lakes on foot. This mode of travelling, rigidly adhered to by
the Prince under every difficulty, enabled him to enjoy the
beauties of the country to the fullest degree.  Milan and
Venice, with their treasures of art, completed the delights of
his tour. Nor was the young Queen absent from his thoughts,
for wherever he went he collected views and other memorials
-such as a' Rose des Alpes' from the Righi, an autograph
of Voltaire's procured at Ferney-which lie forwarded to her




1838            PROJECT OF MARRIAGE.                33
in a small volume upon his return. The pleasures of this tour
were somewhat overshadowed for the Princes by the thought
that their lives, which had hitherto run on in a mingled current, were soon to be divided, and that next year each must
start upon a separate course in the fulfilment of their respective careers.'That moment,' the Prince writes to the
Duchess of Saxe-Gotha (19th November, 1837),' is, in its saddest form, ever before me.'
On his return to Bonn, invigorated by his holiday, the
Prince plunged with increased energy into the studies appropriate to his future position: Roman law, political economy,
history, anthropology, and philosophy, with the modern languages. At these, especially the first, he worked with the
closest application to the end of the year, when he sought
some relaxation in those long pedestrian rambles for which
the Rhine country near Bonn presents so many opportunities.
But the time had now arrived when the project of the
English marriage had to be brought explicitly before him.
The Queen had been consulted by her uncle, who considered
it expedient that some'decisive arrangement' should be made
for the year 1839. To this Her Majesty demurred, for reasons
which her uncle considered conclusive, and which those who
know the world best will agree were dictated by sound practical sense. She was herself, she urged, too young. So also
was the Prince; and, being still under age, a marriage with
him would be regarded by her subjects as premature. Moreover, his mastery of the English language was still very imperfect, and, if he was to take up a proper position in England, it was important that this defect should be remedied;
and that he should also have a wider experience, more practised habits of observation, and more self-reliance, than it was
possible he could up to that time have acquired.
During a visit which he made to Brussels with his brother,
in the beginning of 1838, the Prince was made aware of what
was proposed, and of these necessary conditions.'I have had a long conversation with Albert,' King Leopold writes to Baron Stockmar, who was then in England,
in the March of that year,.'and have put the whole case
honestly and kindly before him. He looks at the question
from its most elevated and honourable point of view. IHe
considers that troubles are inseparable from all human positions, and that, therefore, if one must be subject to plagues
and annoyances, it is better to be so for some great and




34              PROJECT OF MIARRIAGE,               1838
worthy object than for trivial and paltry ends. I told him
it would be necessary to postpone the marriage for a few
years.... I find him very sensible on all these points. But
he made one just remark. "I am ready," he said, " to submit
to this delay, if I have only some certain assurance to go upon.
But if, after waiting, perhaps, for three years, I should find
that the Queen no longer desired the marriage, it would place
me in a ridiculous position, and would, to a certain extent,
ruin all my prospects for the future."' In the same letter
the King remarks of the Prince:'If I am not very much
mistaken, he possesses all the qualities required to fit him for
the position which he will occupy in England. His understanding is sound, his apprehension clear and rapid, and his
heart in the right place. He has great powers of observation,
and possesses singular prudence, without anything about him
that can be called cold or morose' (Early Years, p. 217).
Already the Prince was remarkable for a power of self-control
unusual in so young a man. The King's attention, he mentions, had been called to this by the Prince's governor, Colonel Wiechmann, with the remark that' he will find this quality
most useful to him in after life.' It was certainly often and
severely tested.
In the course of this visit it was arranged that, after leaving the University, the Prince should make a tour in Italy to
complete his education. The Queen had made Baron Stockmar, who was in constant personal communication with her at
this time, fully aware of her feelings and wishes upon this
subject, and requested him to accompany the Prince upon his
tour. What had passed between them was well known to
King Leopold. Neither he nor Baron Stockmar was therefore
likely to entertain misgivings with respect to Her Majesty's
ultimate intentions, although these appear to have been, perlaps not unnaturally, present to the mind of the Prince's
father (Eactrly Years, p. 331).  In April the young Prince
again visited King Leopold at Brussels, and the King was
able to report to Baron Stockmar on the 12th of that month,
that, the objection to the Prince Albert's too youthful appearance was rapidly disappearing.'Albert,' he writes,'is
much improved. He looks so much more manly, and from
his " tournure" one might easily take him to be twenty-one
or twenty-two.'
W~itht the Italian journey was to come the dreaded separation of the brothers. Prince Ernest was to go to Dresden,




1838                 VISIT TO ITALY.                    3"
and there enter upon active military life, starting first, so as
not to be left at home alone.'The separation,' writes Prince
Albert to Prince von Liwenstein, 26th October, 1838,'will
be frightfully painful to us. Until now we have never, as
long as we can recollect, been a single day away from each
other.  I cannot buar to think of that moment.' So completely,'with tiwo seeming bodies but one heart,' had the
brothers up to this moment shared all their sports, their
studies, their joys and troubles, the life of each had been so
merged in that of the other, that it is with an obvious shock
and sense of strangeness the Prince finds himself, in announcing his brother's departure to their grandmother at Gotha,
forced'to give up the custom of saying we, and to use the
I, which sounds so cold and egotistical' (Early Years, p.
184).'
The wrench was severe to both. But the younger Prince
was not permitted to brood over it in the solitude of home.
A few days afterwards he set out for Italy, in fulfilment of a
long-cherished desire, accompanied by Baron Stockmar,  He
knew the Baron only slightly, and indeed was rather at a loss
to understand why he was sought out by one to whom he was
almost a stranger.  But the services of his uncle's friend were
not to be slighted, especially as Baron Stockmar was already
familiar with the ground from having visited it more than
once, along with Prince Leopold.  On the 24th of December,
1838, they reached Florence, where they remained in the
Casa Cerini till the following March.  To one who, like the
Prince, loved and had studied both Nature and Art, Florence
was, as might be expected, full of charm.'I am often quite
intoxicated with delight,' he writes to his old University
friend, Prince von Ltiwenstein,'when I come out of one of
the galleries. The country round Florence, too, possesses extraordinary attractions.' And Sir Francis Seymour, then a
Lieutenant in the 19th Regiment, who had, at the request of
King Leopold, joined the Prince at Florence in February, and
remained with him for the remainder of his tour, mentions
that his great delight'was to take long walks in the beautiful
country round Florence. This he appeared heartily to enjoy.
He became at once gay and animated.  " Now I can breathe!
Now I am happy! "  Such were his constant exclamations I'
4 The old feeling comes out charmingly in a letter by the Prince to MI.
Quetelet, of 12th August, 1857: —' De me trouver avec mon friere a Bruxelles,
et de vous revoir a 1PObservatoire, cela a bien rencuvele les souvenirs d'un
temps tres-heureux pour nous.'




36                     IN ITALY.                    1839
In Florence the Prince continued his active arid studious
habits, rising at six and working till noon, dining simply at
two o'clock, when his drink was water, and going to bed as a
rule at nine. Music occupied mnuch of his attention. Ite
played well on both the piano and the organ, and be would
often resort to the Church of the Badia, when it was closed to
the public, to play on its fine organ. As the music penetrated
the solemn stillness of the church and cloisters (Sir Francis
Seymour writes), the monks on their way to the Refectory
would stop and listen, whispering to each other,' Quel principe forestiere suona bene quasi quanto il nostro Papi'-Papi
being the organist of the Badia, and also the Prince's instructor.
Little as the Prince was disposed for such things, the
amusements of society necessarily claimed many of his evenings.'I have thrown myself,' he says, in his letter already
quoted,' into the vortex of society. I have danced, dined,
supped, paid compliments, been introduced to people and had
people introduced to me, chattered French and English, exhausted every conceivable phrase about the weather, played
the amiable-in short, have made "bonne mine A mauvais
jeu."  You know my passion for this sort of thing, and must
therefore admire my strength of character, in that I have
never excused myself, never returned home till 5 in the morning, in a word, that I have fairly drained the Carnival cup to
the dregs.' This playful exaggeration of his sacrifices to the
claims of fashionable life is well balanced by the ball-room incident recorded by Sir Francis Seymour (Early Years, p. 196).
Seeing the Prince engaged in a warm discussion with the
blind Marquis di Capponi, a man of distinguished attainments,
the Grand Duke Leopold remarked to Lady Augusta Fox,'Here is a Prince of whom we may be proud. Lovely partners wait for him, while he is occupied with the learned.'
Even his elderly and sage friend Stockmar rallied him
on his disinclination to general society and backwardness in
paying attention to the ladies; ascribing these peculiarities to
the circumstance, that the Prince had unfortunately too little
of the society and tending of a mother or other cultivated
woman during his early years. They were probably quite as
much the result of temperament. In these matters, at any
rate, it is idle to fight against nature or confirmed habit. The
Prince was too sincere to affect an interest or admiration
which lhe did not feel, and was at no pains at any time of his




1839                   IN ITALY.                      37
life to dispense the small current coin of compliment or
pleasantry, the ring of which, if agreeable, is too frequently
false.
From Florence the Prince went in March to Rome, where
he spent three weeks, working hard from daybreak to sunset
in seeing all that it offered of interest in Art ancient and modern, and in antiquities. He did not spare himself the tourist's
accustomed penance of an interview with the Pope (Gregory
XVI.).' We conversed,' he writes,'in Italian on the influence the Egyptians had had on Greek Art, and that again on
Roman Art. The Pope asserted that the Greeks had taken
their models from the Etruscans. In spite of his infallibility,
I ventured to assert that they had derived their lessons in art
from the Egyptians' (Eacrly Yecars, p. 200). Naples was next
visited, with all the surrounding places of interest; of which
none struck him so much as Pompeii, the place which above
all others stirs the imagination of the student of ancient life
and manners.
From this point the Prince turned back to Milan, taking
Rome, Tivoli, Viterbo, Sienna, Leghorn, Lucca and Genoa on
the way. At Milan, where the Prince was met by his father,
Baron Stockmar left him, and the Prince returned to Coburg,
by way of Geneva. Here Sir Francis Seymour, with whom
the Prince had become very intimate, took his leave, the last
of the pleasant group, whose complete harmony had made their
short sojourn together most agreeable.
The Italian tour was acknowledged  by the Prince to have
been of great advantage to him, and'the society of a man so
highly distinguished as Baron Stockmar to have been most
precious and valuable.'   My range of observation has been
doubled, and my power of forming a right judgment will be
much increased by having seen for myself' That he had already learned not only to think for himself, but to speak his
t houghts, throwing off the cant of universal admiration which
infects most young travellers, is very apparent from what follows.' Italy is truly a most interesting country, and an inexhaustible source of knowledge. One contrives, however, t>
taste extraordinarily little of the enjoyment one promises oneself there. In many, many respects the country is far behind
what one had expected. Climate, scenery, artistic feeling and
skill, in all these one feels most disagreeably disappointed.'
Soon after the Prince's return to Coburg, his brother's
coming of age was celebrated (21st June, 1839) with the




38                1iRETURN TO CO-BURG.              1839
usual festivities; and by a special act of the legislature Prince
Albert was at the same time declared to be of age. It was a
source of deep gratification to him, that in this important step
of their lives his brother and himself had still been allowed to
go hand in hand.'Now,' he writes,' I am my own master,
as I hope always to be, and under all circumstances.
The return home had been looked forward to eagerly by
the Prince, as enabling him to resume the studies interrupted
by his Italian tour. Much to his chagrin, he had to accompany his father to Carlsbad-' a place that I hate mortally,'at the very time, as he remarks in a letter to Baron Stockmar
(28th May, 1839), when he had'formed the finest plans for
the study of English language and history, for which the quiet
of the Rosenau would have been particularly well suited.'
These regrets were intensified, when a few months afterwards
he found himself suddenly called to a positidn, in which it was
of the highest moment to him that he should be thoroughly
master of both. All he was able to secure was a short interval'of quiet and regular occupation' at the Rosenanu in September,-soon, however, to be interrupted by the visit to
England, which decided the future course of his life.




CHAPTER lIT.
Estimate by Baron Stockmar of the Prince's Character —State of Parties in EnglandPrince's Second Visit to England-Betrothal of Queen and Prince —Return of Prince
to Germany-L-etter by Prince Ernrest of Saxe-Coburg to the Queen —Leave-takings
at Coburg and Gotha,
THiE impressions of the Prince's character produced upon
Baron Stockmar during the Italian tour have been preserved
in a memorandum  by the Baroii, of which some portions are
quoted in his Memoirs.'The Prince,' he says (DDenkwairdigkeiten, p. 331),  hbears
a striking resemblance to his mother, and at the same time,
though differing in muchll, takes after her in many respects,
both physical and mental.  He has the same mobility and
readiness of mind, the same intelligence, the  same overruling desire and talent for appearing kind and amiable to
others, the same tendency to espiezlerie, and to the treatment of men and things in a droll and consequently often
pleasant fashion, the same habit of not dwelling long upon a
subject.' His constitution cannot be called strong; still I incline
to think, that with proper dietetic management of himself, it
may easily gain strength and stability.  After any exertion
he is apt to look pale and exhausted.  Great exertion is rep)ugnant to him, and his tendency is to spare himself both
morally and physically.'Full of the best intentions and the noblest resolutions,
he often falls short in giving them effect. His judgment is in
many things beyond his years; but hitherto at least he shows
not the slightest interest in politics.  Even while the most
important occurrences are in progress, and their issues undecided, he does not care to look into a newspaper.  He holds,
moreover, all foreign journals in abhorrence; and while declaring that the Augsburg Allgemneine Zeitung is the only paper
one wants, or that is worth reading, he does not even read
that.




40                  BARON STOCKMAR'S                    1839'As respects les belles manieres, there is still room for improvement. This defect must be in a great measure ascribed
to the fact, that his earliest years were passed without the
advantage of the society or care of a mother or other cultivated woman.''On the whole, lie will always have more success with men
than with women, in whose society he shows too little empressemenzt, and is too indifferent and retiring.'
Such was the searching accuracy of Stockmar's powers of
observation, that it is impossible to doubt the general truth
of this sketch. The eye of the old physician was not more
quick to detect the latent constitutional weakness, which was
afterwards fatally developed, than to see the disinclination to
sustained effort, which was probably in a great measure, if not
wholly, the result of that weakness.  At the same time it
must not be forgotten that the standard by which Stockmar
judged the Prince was no ordinary one. How few  young
men, even among the greatly gifted, could have borne so well
a scrutiny so relentlessly severe?  Such it was, and could not
fail to be, for no one could estimate more soundly how much
would be required and expected of the future husband of the
Queen of England.  Without exceptional strength and elevation of character, exceptional clearness of aim and powers of
work, disappointment could not fail to ensue. The Prince's
indifference to politics, moreover, must have been a source of
the greatest anxiety to Stockmar, knowing, as he did, how
soon and how urgently the Prince might be called upon to
deal with the most intricate problems, both political and social, which were then springing up on all sides.  yrith such
a prospect in view, the highest general accomplishments were
not likely to satisfy this stern yet kindly critic.
It has been already shown, however, that even in the
Prince's boyhood and early youth the earnest tone of his
mind, and the firmness and energy of his character, had impressed his brother and fellow-students with a sense of superiority to which they felt themselves compelled to bow.  Whatever, therefore, Stockmar may have seen in him of a tendency
1 Stoclkmar was too subtle ani observer not to have felt the truth of the opinion expressed by Goethe in the erqunto.TaRsso:
Willst du genau erfahren was sich ziemt,
So frage nur bei edeln Franen an.
Wouldst thou be eminent for courteous grace,
Seek noble women out, and learn of them.




1839           OPINION AS TO THE PRINCE.              41
to spare llimself morally and physically' must have been
due to temporary causes, and foreign to his inner nature.
Tihe latent energy of will, combined with the high moral
sense, which enabled the Prince, the moment the call of duty
came, to overcome the natural tendencies which might other-,wise have been so injurious to his career, had either been
under-estimated by Stockmar, or had escaped his notice.
Neither is this to be wondered at, for nothing had occurred,
or was likely to occur, during the tour in Italy, to bring this
aspect of his character into relief. Stockmar's apprehension
manifestly was, that, apart from his distaste for politics, there
was a want of thoroughness and of practical aim in the
Prince's character which, in a man so fond of art, and of such.
varied accomplishments, might very readily degenerate into
dilettantism. The result proved that he was mistaken; but,
such being his fear, it was natural that he should press upon
the Prince, as he did, both then and subsequently, the necessity for such a discipline of his tastes and habits as might
have the effect of overcoming every defect of natural inclination. To his suggestions on this point the Prince listened
with his usual candour; and their effect is visible in the disappointment which we have seen that he felt at being prevented from devoting the months after his return from Italy
to unbroken stu(ly of those branches of knowledge, in which
it was essential for his future career that he should be thoroughly grounded.
Meanwhile the current of events in England made it desirable that the question of the marriage of the Queen should
be again pressed. So long as Her Majesty's choice was not
avowedly fixed, the disposal of her hand could not fail to be
an object of family or dynastic ambition, and of diplomatic
intrigue. Nor were busy schemers wanting, whose views as
to the fitting husband for the Queen were influenced by considerations very different from those which, as we have seen,
governed IKing Leopold in his selection of Prince Albert.
Their intrigues, intrigues from within as well as from without,
were not unobserved; and although, from their very nature,
such projects could not be otherwise than futile, still their
mere existence was a cause of annoyance, and they might, if
persevered in, have become a source of serious disquietude.
To put an end to them at once and for ever was, therefore, an
object of importance.
Moreover, many diflfcult public questions were being agi



42           STATE OF PARTIES IN ENGLAND.             1839
tated, and others were looming in the distance. The strife
of parties, already sufficiently fierce, had recently been embittered by the circumstances attending the attempt of Sir Robert Peel to form an administration in May, 1839, which had
broken down on a question as to the retirement of the Ladies
of the Queen's Bedchamber. It is well understood now, that
there was misunderstanding at the time on both sides; but
the immediate effect was to exasperate the Tory party by the
feeling that a tottering Ministry owed its continuance in office
to the personal predilections of the Sovereign. This was not
so; but at the same time it cannot be denied that the young
Queen's warm personal regard for Lord Melbourne, and for
the adherents of his administration who had surrounded Her
Majesty since her Accession, had not unnaturally caused her
to drift insensibly into political partisanship, and to forget for
a time the obvious, but up to that time much neglected, doctrine, inculcated upon her by her uncle, and practised by himself in Belgium with marked success, that it is the paramount
duty of a constitutional Monarch to maintain a position of
neutrality towards the leaders of party on both sides. The
continuance of the state of things to which this led must
have been productive of consequences the most mischievous;
and to avert such a result, as well probably as to close the
life of dazzling and continuous excitement, which the Queen
has herself pronounced to be'detrimental to all natural feelings and affections' (Early Years, p. 200), those who had her
welfare most at heart were anxious to secure for her without
longer delay a husband's guidance and support.
To effect this, however, was no simple matter. All that
the Queen had heard of the Prince was most favourable.
Her inclination also towards him remained unchanged; and,
to use her own words,'she never had an idea, if she married
at all, of any one else.' Still Her Majesty desired delay, and
she had expressed this wish so strongly in writing to King
Leopold (15th July, 1839), that he apparently deemed it
prudent to place the prospects of a union before the Prince
under a more unpromising aspect than was altogether justified by Her Majesty's language.  The Prince could not
otherwise have come to England, as he did, under the
mistaken impression that the Queen'wished the affair to be
considered as broken off, and that for four years she'could
think of no marriage.' 2
2 See his letter to Prince von Lowenstein, Early Years, p 246.




183)           SE 0OND VISIT TO ENGLAND.                43
Her Majesty's reasons for desiring delay need not be
dwelt upon, as they were destined very soon to give way
be-fore the irresistible feeling inspired by the Prince, when
they a(ain met. On the 10th of October, 1839, he arrived
with his brother at Windsor Castle.'The three years,'
says General Grey (Eactrly Years, p. 223),' which had passed
since the Princes were last in England had greatly improved
their personal appearance.  Tall and manly as they both
were, Prince Albert was eminently handsome.  But there
was also in his countenance a gentleness of expression, and
peculiar sweetness in his smile, with a look of deep thought
and high intelligence in his clear blue eye and expansive
forehead, that added a charm to the impression he produced
in those who saw him, far beyond that derived from mere
beauty or regularity of features.' On the second day after
their arrival,' the most friendly demonstrations,' as the Prince
informs his friend Prince von Ldwenstein (Early Years, p.
246),'were directed towards him,' and on the samle day the
impression produced on the Queen is thus conveyed by Her
Majesty in a letter to her uncle:'Albert's beauty is most
striking, and he is most amiable and unaffected-in short,
very jfscinating.'' The young men are very amiable delightful companions, and I am very happy to have them here.'
These words of the young Princess recall, as we read them,
by their artless frankness, Miranda's burst of admiration,
when she sees Ferdinand for the first time,
I might call him
A thing divine, for nothing natural
I ever saw so noble. —T'empcst, act i. sc. 2.
Like Prospero, too, the King, well able to appreciate their
full significance, must have felt disposed to exclaim,
It goes on, I see,
As my soul prompts it.
And indeed it is obvious that this feeling was present to
his mind in acknowledging the Queen's letter (15th October,
1839).'I am sure,' he says,'you will like the cousins the
more, the longer you see them.  They are young men of
merit, and without that puppylike affectation, which is so
often found with young gentlemen of rank; and, though remarkably well inforinel, they are very free from pedantry.'Albert is a very agreeable companion. His manners are
so gentle and harmonious, that one likes to have him  near




44                   BETROTHIAL.                   1839
oneself. I always found him so when I had him with me,
and I think his travels have still further improved him. He
is full of talent and fun, and draws cleverly. I am glad to
hear that they please the people who see them. They deserve
it, and were rather nerveus about it. I trust they will enliven your sojourn in the old castle, and may Albert be able
to strew roses without thorns on the pathway of life of our
good Victoria! He is well qualified to do so' (Ecrly  ecars,
p. 229).
While the King was writing thus from Brussels, all had
been made clear between the parties themselves. The previous day (14th October), the Queen had informed Lord MIelbourne of her intention. He showed the greatest satisfaction
at the announcement, adding the expression of his conviction,
that it would not only make the Queen's position more comfortable, but would be well received by the country, who were
anxious for her marriage. The Queen lost no time in communicating to King Leopold what had passed between the Prince
and herself.. Great was his delight at the accomplishment of
the cherished wish of years.' I had,' he writes (24th October, 1839),'when I learned
your decision, almost the feeling of old Simeon: "Now lettest Thou thy servant depart in peace." Your choice has been
for these last years my conviction of what might and would be
best for your happiness..... In your position, which may
and will perhaps become in future even more difficult in a political point of view, you could not exist without having a
happy and agreeable "interieur."  And I am much deceived
(which I think I am not), or you will find in Albert just the
very qualities and disposition which are indispensable for
your happiness, and which will suit your own character, ternper, and mode of life.'
There was another, who was not forgotten by either the
Queen or Prince in the first tumult of their happiness, for
they knew well how he had set his heart upon the result,
which had now so happily come about. This was Baron Stockmar. To him the Queen had so recently and so strongly expressed her resolution not to marry for some time, that she
approached the subject with a naive embarrassment, which
must have touched the heart of this devoted friend.' Windsor Castle, 15th October, 1839.'I do feel so guilty, I know not how to begin my letterbut I think the news it will contain will be sufficient to ensure




1839                   BETROTHAL.                       45
your forgiveness. Albert has completely won my heart, and
all was settled between us this morning.... I feel certain
he will make me very happy. I wish I could say I felt as certain of my making him happy, but I shall do my best. Uncle
Leopold must tell you all about the details, which I have not
time to do..... Albert is very much attached to you.'
The next day (16th October, 1839), Prince Albert writes
to give Baron Stockmar what he knew would be'the most
welcome news possible.''Victoria,' he adds (Jcarly Years,
p. 226),'is so good and kind to me, that I am often puzzled
to believe that I should be the object of so much affection.
I know the interest you take in my happiness, and therefore
pour out my heart to you.... More or more seriously I
cannot write; 1 am at this moment too much bewildered to
do so.
Das Auge sieht den Himmel often,
Es schwelgt das Herz in Selingkeit.' 3
Stockmar would not have been Stockmar, if, while offering
to the Prince his hearty congratulations in return, he had
not coupled them with earnest counsels as to the course
which must be pursued in laying the foundation of his future
happiness, and in fulfilling worthily the duties of his great
position. One hope had been fulfilled; it had yet to be
crowned by the fulfilment of the other-that the Prince
should in every sense prove himself true to the high ideal
Stockmar had designed for him. The Prince's reply was well
calculated to assure him he would not be disappointed.' Dear Baron Stockrmar,- A thousand, thousand thanks for
your dear, kind letter. I felt sure you would take much
interest in an event of such moment to myself, and for which
you have yourself paved the way.' Your prophecy is fulfilled. The climax has come upon
us by surprise, before we could have expected it; and I now
doubly regret that the last summer, which I might have employed in many useful preparations, has been thrown away,
in deference to the wishes of relations and the views of those
who influenced the disposal of my life.'I have laid to heart your friendly and kind-hearted
counsels as to the true foundation on which my future happi3 Heaven opens on the ravish'd eye,
The heart is all entranced in bliss.
These lines are from Schiller's Song oj' the Bell, always a favourite poem with
the Prince.




46                     BETROTHAL.                      1839
ness must rest, and thev accord entirely with the principles
which I had already thought out upon that subject for myself.
An individuality, a character, which shall win the respect,
the love, and the confidence of the Queen and of the nation,
must be the keystone of my position. Such an individuality
gives a guarantee for the disposition, which prompts the
actions; and, where this exists, even should mistakes be
committed, they are more likely to have allowance made for
them, than are the best and grandest designs to secure
support, where confidence in their author is wanting.'If, therefore, I prove a "noble " Prince in the true sense
of the word, as you call upon me to be, it will cost me less
trouble to act wisely and prudently, and thence a richer harvest
of blessings will follow on my acts.'I will not let my courage fail. -With firm resolution and
true zeal on my part, I cannot fail to continue "' noble, manly,
and princely " in all things.  In regulating my actions, good
advice is the one thing needful; and that you can give me
better than any one, if you will only make up your mind to
sacrifice your timne to me, at least for the first year of my being
here.'I have still much to say to you, but must conclude, as
the courier cannot wait longer.  I hope, however, to discuss
the subject more fully with you at Wiesbaden in person.
Hoping I shall there find you well and hearty, I remain,'Yours truly,' ALBERT.'' Windsor, 6th November, 1839.'
Neither the happiness of what Schiller has called -Die
schinze Zeit cler ersten Liebe,4 a happiness in the Prince's case
made more intense by the singular purity and unselfishness of
his nature, on which the devotion shown him seems to have
come with a bewildering strangeness, nor the brilliancy of
the position into which this love had raised him, blinded
him  for a moment to its sterner features.  Indeed, for a
nature such as his these must have possessed a positive
charm, in thle necessity which they imposed upon it of
bracing itself to grapple with difficulties and to subdue oppo4 Ach, class sie ewig grtinen bliebe
Die schune Zeit clde ersten Liebe!
Ah me! That Love's delicious time
M5ight keep the freshness of its prime!




1839             RETURN TO GERMANY.                 47
sition. Treut utrd Best, True and Firm, was the motto of his
House, and if the ways of life were to be all pleasantness and
peace, the blazon would have been a continual rebuke to so
chivalrous a spirit.'With the exception of my relations to
the Queen,' he writes to his step-mother (Early Years, p.
238),' my future position will have its dark sides, and the sky
will not always be blue and unclouded. But life has its thorns
in every position, and the consciousness of having used one's
powers and endeavours for an object so great as that of promoting the welfare of so many will surely be sufficient to
support me.'
One immediate pang came with his triumph-the thought
of bidding adieu to the dear Thuringian land, and to all who
loved him there, and whom he loved so deeply. This troubled
him in his brightest moments.'Oh, the future!' he writes
to the Duchess of Gotha, well knowing what an echo -the
words would awaken in her heart,'does it not bring with it
the moment when I shall have to take leave of my dear, dear
home, and of you? I cannot think of this without being overcome by a feeling of profound melancholy.' He comforts the
kind guardian of his youth, of whose life his formed no small
part, by protesting that it will be easy for him-though he
must even then have doubted his own words —' to make a run
over occasionally' to see his kindred, and concludes by asking
her blessing, with the assurance,'It will be a talisman to me
against all the storms the future may have in store for me.'
Leaving London on the 14th of November the Princes proceeded by way of Bonn to Wiesbaden, where they found the
King of the Belgians, who'had summoned Baron Stockmar
to his side to take part in the deliberations as to the arrangenents for the Prince's establishment in England.'I find
them,' the King writes to Her Majesty,'looking well, particularly Albert. It proves that happiness is an excellent
remedy, and keeps people in better health than any other.
He is much attached to you, and modest when speaking of
you. He is besides in great spirits, full of gaiety and fun.'
The intimate communications which passed on this occasion between the Prince and Baron Stockmar seem to have
convinced the latter that a most favourable development of
the Prince's character had taken place within the short interval
which had elapsed since they had separated at Milan. It was
important, as he well knew, that the members of the Royal
Household should be prepared to expect in the Prince a man




48      LETTER BY PRINCE TO DUCHESS OF KENT.    1839
entitled by his personal qualities to command their admiration, and able, in case of necessity, to compel their respect.
He was therefore at pains to communicate the result of his
observations to the Baroness Lehzen, than whom no one was
more likely, from her position at Court, to be of service in
preparing the way for the Prince being duly appreciated there.
These were conveyed in a letter of the 15th of December,
1839, which is of peculiar interest, when read in the light of
the Prince's subsequent career.'With sincere pleasure I assure you, the more I see of the
Prince the better I esteem  and love him. His intellect is so
sound and clear, his nature so unspoiled, so childlike, so predisposed to goodness as well as truth, that only two external
elements will be required, to make of him a truly distinguished
Prince. The first of these will be opportunity to acquire a
proper knowledge of men and of the world; the second will
be intercourse with Englishmen of experience, culture and
integrity, by whom he may be made thoroughly conversant
with their nation and Constitution.... As regards his future
relation to the Queen, I have a confident hope, that they will
make each other happy by mutual love, confidence, and esteem.
As I have known the Queen, she was always quick and acute
in her perceptions, straightforward moreover, of singular
purity of heart, without a trace of vanity or pretension.  She
will consequently do full justice to the Prince's head and
heart; and, if this be so, and the Prince be really loved by the
Queen, and recognised for what he is, then his position will
le right in the main, especially if he manage at the same
time to secure the good-will of the nation. Of course, he will
have storms to encounter, and disagreeables, like other people,
especially those of exalted rank. But if he really possess the
love of the Queen and the respect of the nation, I will answer
for it, that after every storm he will come safely into port.
You will therefore have my entire approval, if you think the
best course is, to leave hitn to his clear head, his sound feeling, and excellent disposition' (Denkwtirdigkeiten, p. 240).
The Duchess of Kent had from the first taken the Prince
to her heart as a son; and, in answer to her letters, which
had followed him from England, he wrote to her from Wiesbaden as follows:'Wiesbaden, 21st November, 1839.'D)earest Aunt,-A  thousand thanks for your two dear
letters, just received! I see from them, that you are in close




1839                  AT COBURG.                    49
sympathy with your nephew-your son-in-law soon to bewhich gratifies me very, very much. All you say strikes
me as very true, and as emanating from a heart as wise
as it is kind. I regret, as you do, that I have not still some
months at command, to prepare myself for my new position —
a position new to me in so many ways; yet what little time
I have shall not fail to be turned to account, if they will allow
me a moment's leisure in Coburg from other matters.'What you say about my poor little Bride sitting all alone
in her room, silent and sad, has touched me to the heart. Oh,
that I might fly to her side to cheer her!'You wish me to give you something I have worn. I send
you the ring which you gave me at Kensington on Victoria's
birthday in 1836. From that time it has never left my finger.
Its very shape proclaims, that it has been squeezed in the
grasp of many a manly hand. It has your name upon it; hut
the name is Victoria's too, and I beg you to wear it in remembrance of her and of myself.'Our stay in Wiesbaden will be brief, for we expect to
start for home the day after to-morrow. We stayed for a couple of hours in Bonn, visited our little old home there, and
then gave a dejeuner to our old masters, who received us with
great cordiality.'Now farewell, dearest Aunt, and continue your love for'Your devoted Nephew,' ALBER:T.'
For'the poor little Bride' there was no lack of those
sweet words, touched-with the grateful humility of a manly
love, to receive which was a precious foretaste to her of the
happiness of the years to come. 6 That I am the object of so
much love and devotion,' the Prince writes to the Queen, from
Wiesbaden the same day (21st November, 1839)'often comes
over me as something I can hardly realise. My prevailing
feeling is, What am I, that such happiness should be mine?
For excess of happiness it is for me to know, that I am so
dear to you.'
Vague rumours of the brilliant destiny which awaited the
Prince had preceded him to Coburg; but to all, except his
own family, his lips were of course sealed as to this' open secret' until the public announcement of the approaching marriage had been made in England. It must have been hard
for the good people of Coburg to suppress their exultation
3




50                   AT COBURG.                    1839
during the interval, in which it appears by the following letter
from the Prince to the Queen, they were kept in a state of
tantalising suspense.' Coburg, 30th November, 1839.'You receive these lines from dear old Coburg, where I
have been received with all possible cordiality. All are on
the tiptoe of curiosity, anxious to know, and yet not daring
to ask, and I am cruel enough to say nothing. This state of
uncertainty, however, will not continue long. The next newspaper will probably bring the news of your declaration to the
Privy Council, and then there will be a general outburst of
joy among the people here.'My poor dear grandmama is greatly touched by your letter. She is sadly depressed at the thought of parting from
me. She says that since my mother's death she has not wept
so much as in these last days; still she hopes, what I am
convinced will be the case, that I may find in you, my dear
Victoria, all the happiness I could possibly desire. And so I
shall, I can truly tell her for her comfort..'Hitherto I have been teased and taken up with all sorts
of preparations for leaving. But when Stockmar, who is to
be here about three, arrives, I shall at once set to work to
make a thorough study of the -Blcckstone, you have so kindly
sent me.'
A few days later the Prince again writes to the Queen,
and with characteristic misgiving as to his own merits.' Coburg, 7th December, 1839.... eSo the secret is out, the affair made public, and to
all appearance generally received with great satisfaction.
This is a good omen for us.. Here it has been no easy matter
for some days back to keep the secret, and it is well we need
do so no longer. That people entertain everywhere so good
an opinion of me is not pleasant, for it fills me with uneasiness and apprehension, that when I make my appearance.
they will be bitterly undeceived not to find me what they
expected.
How often are my thoughts with you! The hours I was
privileged to pass with you in your dear little room are the
radiant points of my life; and I cannot even yet clearly picture to myself, that I am to be indeed so happy as to be
always near you, always your protector.




1839         PRINCE ERNEST TO THE QUEEN.             51
Another letter to the Duchess of Kent, from Coburg, presents a vivid picture of the Prince's mind at this moment.' Coburg, 6th December, 1839.'Dearest Aunt,-Accept my most hearty thanks for your
dear note, which convinces me I am still often in your
thoughts. What a multitude of emotions of the most diverse
kind sweeps over and overwhelms me-hope, love for dear
Victoria, the pain of leaving home, the parting from very
dear kindred, the entrance into a new circle of relations, all
meeting me with the utmost kindness, prospects the most
brilliant, the dread of being unequal to my position, the
demonstrations of so much attachment on the part of the
loyal Coburgers, English enthusiasm on the tiptoe of expectation, the multiplicity of duties to be fulfilled, and, to crown
all, so much laudation on every side, that I could sink to the
earth with very shame! I am lost in bewilderment. I pack,
arrange, give directions about pieces of property, settle contracts, engage servants, write an infinitude of letters, study
the English Constitution, and occupy myself about my coming
future.'Ernest has left me, and gone to Dresden. I am not to
see him in Coburg again.' Everything is deep in snow, and I am tormented with a
heavy cold. Forgive me, dearest Aunt, if what I write be
rather confused. Just at present I am in that state myself.
Not to weary you more, I take my leave, and remain,'Your devoted Nephew,'ALBERT.'
From Dresden, to which Prince Ernest, as mentioned in
this letter, had gone, he wrote to the Queen in terms, which
form at once the finest commentary on the past life of his
brother, and the best indication of its promise for the future.'Dresden, 19th December, 1839.' My dear Cousin,-Let me thank you very sincerely for
your kind answer to my letter. You are always so good and
so kind to me that I really fear I have not thanked you sufficiently.'Oh! if you could only know the place you and Albert
occupy in my heart! Albert is my second self, and my heart
is one with his! Independently of his being my brother, I
love and esteem him more than any one on earth. You will




52                  LEAVE-TAKINGS.                 1839
smile, perhaps, at my speaking of him to you in such glowing
terms; but I do so that you may feel still more how much
you have gained in him!'As yet you are chiefly taken with his manner, so youthfully innocent-his tranquillity-his clear and open mind. It
is thus that he appears on first acquaintance. One reads less
in his face of knowledge of men and experience, and why?
It is because he is pure before the world, and before his own
conscience. Not as though he did not know what sin wasthe earthly temptations-the weakness of man.  No; but
because he knew, and still knows, how to struggle against
them, supported by the incomparable superiority and firmness
of his character.'From our earliest years we have been surrounded by difficult circumstances, of which we were perfectly conscious, and,
perhaps more than most people, we have been accustomed
to see men in the most opposite positions that human life can
offer. Albert never knew what it was to hesitate; guided by
his own clear sense, he always walked calmly and steadily in
the right path. In the greatest difficulties that may meet you
in your eventful life, you may repose the most entire confidence in him. And then only will you feel how great a treasure you possess in him!'He has, besides, all other qualities necessary to make a
good husband. Your life cannot fail to be a happy one!'I shall be very glad when the excitement of the first
days is over, and all is again quiet, and when Papa shall have
left England to be a distant and unintruding spectator of
your new life. But how I shall then feel how much I have
lost! Time will. I trust, help me also! Now-I feel very
lonely.'ERNEST.'
If the brother, with all the interest of opening manhood
before him, felt thus'lonely,' what was the state of the fond
grandmother at Gotha, for whom nothing could replace the
void thus created in her life?' I am very much upset,' she
writes to the Prince's father (12th December, 1839).'The
brilliant destiny awaiting our Albert cannot reconcile me
to the thought that his country will lose him for ever! And
for myself, I lose my greatest happiness. But I think not of
myself. The few years I may yet have to live will soon have
passed away. May God protect dear Albert, and keep him in




1839                LEAVE-TAKINGS.                    53
the same heavenly frame of mind! I hope the Queen will
appreciate him.  I have been much pleased that she has
shown herself so kind towards me, especially as I am sure I
owe it all to the affection of my Albert. And yet I cannot
rejoice.'
A few days previous to this letter, the official declaration
of the intended marriage had been made with unusual solemnity at the Palace in Coburg.'The day,' the Prince wrote to
the Queen,' affected me very much, as so many emotions filled
my heart. Your health was drunk at dinner, where some 300
persons were present, with a tempest of huzzas. The joy of
the people was so great that they went on firing in the streets
with guns and pistols during the whole night, so that one
might have imagined a battle was going on.'
The joy thus expressed was coupled nevertheless with a
wide-spread regret, that the country was to lose the presence
of a Prince, who had made himself no less beloved than respected throughout the Duchies.'These last days,' the Prince writes to the Queen, from
Gotha, on the 28th December, 1839,'have been very trying
and painful for me. The day before yesterday I bade adieu
to dear old Coburg; now it lies behind me, and we have
arrived at Gotha.  The extraordinary kindness everywhere
shown me on my leaving increased the emotion I could not
but feel at taking leave. There was quite a stream of people
from all quarters to the palace, the last days I was there, to
get another look at me; not a village but must send its delegate to town to express to myself the interest taken by the
community in the coming event. I am usually (alas!) of a
rather cold nature, and it needs a pretty strong appeal to
move me, but to see so many eyes filled with tears was too
much for me. Here I have been received with a grand illumination, and a torchlight procession of the civic body.'
And when the time came, as it did on the 28th of the
following month, for the departure of the Prince to England,
the prevailing feeling was most strikingly shown. It cannot
be better described than in the words of General Grey, who
had gone over with Lord Torrington with the Patent for investing the Prince with the Order of the Garter, and to accompany him to England.5
5 I The winter months of this year,' wlites Frederick Perth6s, under whom
the Prince had studied at Bonn, in a letter published in his Memoirs,'have
been made interesting and exciting by the chapter of history which has been




54                DEPARTURE FROM  GOTHA.                     1840'The departure from Gotha was an affecting scene, and
everything showed the genuine love of all classes for their
young Prince. The streets were densely crowded; every
window was crammed with heads, every housetop covered
with  people, waving  handkerchiefs, and vying with  each
other in demonstrations of affection that could not be mistaken. The carriages stopped in passing the Dowager Duchess's, and Prince Albert got out with his father and brother
to bid her a last adieu.  It was a terrible trial to the poor
Duchess, who was inconsolable for the loss of her beloved
grandson.  She came to the window as the carriages drove
off, and threw her arms out, calling out "Albert, Albert!"' in
tones that went to every one's heart, when she was carried
away, almost in a fainting state, by her attendants' (Early
Years, p. 297).
enacted here. For the Grancl-Ducal Papa bound the Garter round his boy's
knee amidst the roar of a 101 cannons. The earnestness and gravity with
which the Prince has obeyed this early call to take an European position, give
him dignity and standing, in spite of his youth, and increase the charm of his
whole aspect. Queen Victoria will find him the right sort of man; and unless
some unlucky fatality interpose, he is sure to become the idol of the English
nation-silently to influence the English aristocracy-and deeply to affect the
destinies of Europe.'




CHAPTER IV.
Announcement of Royal Marriage in England-Appointment of Prince's Household-How
the Announcement of Royal Marriage was received in England-Discussions as to the
Prince's Annuity-And as to his Status and Right of Precedence-Al;rival of the Prince
in England-H-is Reception there-Marriage.
MEANWHILE some incidents had occurred in England which
were calculated to give the Prince an impression that a somewhat rough experience awaited him in his future home.
Lord Melbourne's anticipation that the announcement of
the marriage would be well received was fully realised. The
nation hailed with pleasure the union of their Sovereign with
a Prince whom universal report proclaimed worthy of her
choice. Nor was it less welcome because it promised to sever
finally the connection between England and Hanover, and the
very unpopular Hanoverian Monarch, who, failing the Queen,
would have ascended the English throne.
No time had been lost after the Coburg Princes left England in summoning the Privy Council to receive the formal
announcement of the betrothal. They met on the 23rd of
November at Buckingham  Palace, eighty in number.  Wearing a bracelet with the Prince's portrait,'which seemed to
give her courage,' as the Queen's JTournal records, Her Majesty read to the Council the declaration of her intention to
contract a union, which, she expressed her strong conviction,'will at once secure my domestic felicity, and serve the interests of my country.' Some tidings of the purpose for which
the Council had met had reached the public, and on leaving
the Palace Her Majesty was greeted by the crowds outside
with even more than usual cordiality.
A still more interesting and trying ordeal had to be passed
through by the Queen, in making the formal announcement
of the approaching marriage from the throne. This was done
at the opening of Parliament on the 16th of January following. Enthusiastic crowds lined the streets along the route
from Buckingham  Palace to Westminster; and the brilliant




56         MARRIAGE ANNOUNCED BY QUEEN.             1840
throng which filled every corner of the HTouse of Lords thrilled
with an emotion as intense as it was unwonted, while the
youthful Sovereign with clear and unfaltering voice announced
the intention to form that alliance on which the future happiness of her life was to rest. On every side the announcement
was received with the warmest congratulations and demonstrations of sympathy; and Sir Robert Peel spoke the prevailing
sentiment when, in supporting as leader of the Opposition the
Address of Congratulation which followed, he said,'Her Majesty has the singular good fortune to be able to gratify her
private feelings while she performs her public duty, and to
obtain the best guarantee for happiness by contracting an
alliance founded on affection. I cordially hope that the union
now contemplated will contribute to Her Majesty's happiness,
and enable her to furnish to her people an exalted example of
wedded happiness.'
Baron Stockmar had arrived in England on the 9th of
January, to settle, as the representative of the Prince, the
terms of the treaty of marriage, and the arrangements for the
Prince's future household. On the latter point the Prince
had, in a letter to the Queen on the 10th of December preceding, declared his wishes in terms which show how completely,
even at this early period, he had adopted the important principle, from which he never afterwards swerved, of having always the best men about him, and of belonging to no party.' I should wish particularly,' he says,'that the selection should
be made without regard to politics, for if I am really to keep
myself free from all parties, my people must not belong exclusively to one side. Above all, these appointments should not
be mere " party rewards," but they should possess sontne other
recommendation besides that of political connection. Let the
men be either of very high rank, or very accomplished, or very
clever, or persons who have performed important services for
England. It is very necessary they should be chosen from
both sides-the same number of Whigs as of Tories; and
above all it is my wish that they should be men well educated
and of high character, who, as I have said, shall have already
distinguished themselves in their several positions, whether it
be in the army or navy, or the scientific world. I am satisfied
you will look upon this matter precisely as I do, and I shall
be much pleased if you will communicate what I have said to
Lord Melbourne, so that he may be fully aware of my views.'
It was a great disappointment to the Prince to learn that




1840      HOW IT WAS RECEIVED IN ENGLAND.           5'7
he was to have as his Private Secretary Mr. Anson, who had
been nominated for the office by Lord Melbourne, whose private secretary he had long been. This seemed to the Prince
to place him at the very outset of his new career in a false
position towards the Tories and the public. But the appointment caused him much pain on private grounds, forcing as it
did an entire stranger upon him in a relation necessarily of
the closest intimacy, when he had every right to expect he
would be permitted to choose for himself.'Think of my
position,' he wrote to the Queen (18th December, 1839),'I
am leaving my home with all its old associations, all my
bosom friends, and going to a country in which everything is
new and strange to me-men, language, customs, mlodes of
life, position. Except yourself, I have no one to confide in.
And is it not even to be conceded to me, that the two or
three persons, who are to have the charge of my private affairs, shall be persons who already command my confidence?'
On every ground, therefore, the Prince expressed his decided
disapproval of the appointment; but matters had already
gone so far that he had no alternative but to give way-a
decision which, thanks to the admirable conduct of Mr. Anson,
he had no occasion to regret. This gentleman's independence
of all party bias was clearly shown not long afterwards, upon
the fall of Lord Melbourne's administration, and his entire
devotion to the service and interests of the Prince and Crown
— notwithstanding a certain narrowness in his views on many
important subjects, in marked contrast to the wider grasp
and more liberal character of the Prince's mind-soon won,
as it retained for him till his death, in October, 1849, not only
the entire confidence, but the warm friendship of his master.
With regard to the other appointments of the Prince's household, the same rule was observed as in that of the Queen,
those only being permanent which were held by men wholly
unconnected with politics, while the others, only two in number-those of Groom of the Stole and one lord in waitingchanged with each change of Ministry.
Lord Palmerston had told Baron Stockmar on his arrival
that of all the possible alliances he chiefly approved the
marriage with the Prince.  This opinion, which was that
generally entertained, was only qualified by a doubt not unnaturally felt by some, whether he was not too young. Gossip
and malice were, of course, not silent; and while some were
spreading a report that the Prince was a Roman Catholic




58               THE PRINCE A  PROTESTANT.                      1840
others were not less active with insinuations that hle was a
radical and an infidel. Unfortunately, as the event proved,
the declaration of the marriage to the Privy Council had been
silent as to the fact of his being a Protestant Prince. Her
Mlajesty's advisers might well have been excused for the omission, in the face of the notorious fact, that he belonged to
that branch of the Saxon family which at and ever since the
Reformation had not only been conspicuous for its antagonism
to Rome, but had lost the greater part of its possessions
through its attachment to the Protestant cause. Neither was
it to be thought, that Her Majesty could be regardless of the
equally well-known penalty which, as Lord Brougham  had
afterwards to remind the House of Lords, made the Sovereign's marriage with a Roman Catholic an ipso facto forfeiture of the Crown.' But in all great transactions it is a sound
rule, to take nothing for granted, to leave no room for misunderstanding; and in the prevailing heated temper of men's
minds it would have been unquestionably wiser to have made
cavil impossible.'
King Leopold, more shrewd than Her Majesty's Ministers
in his estimate of popular prejudices, expressed the opinion
strongly in a letter to the Queen (6th December, 1839), that
the mention of the Prince's being a Protestant could do no
harm, while its omission would'give rise to interminable
growling.  On religious matters,' he added,'one cannot be
too prudent, because one can never see what passionate use
people will make of such a thing.'  The Melbourne Cabinet,
however, adhered to its opinion, and the same omission in the
Declaration to the Houses of Parliament led to discussion in' The same rule applies to every member of the Royal Family.
2 The following extract from a letter by the Prince to the Queen (Tth Deceinber, 1839) will be read with interest, as bearing on this subject:-'In accordance with your wish, we have set about the preparation of an
historical sketch of the progenitors of our House, so as to show at once their
position towards the Reformation and Protestantism. It is not yet complete,
but it shall be sent with my next letter; and demonstrate, that to the House
of Saxony Protestantism, in a measure, owes its existence, for this House and
that of the Lanclgrave of Hesse stood quite alone against Europe, and upheld
Luther and his cause triumphantly. This shows the folly of constantly assailing our House as Papistical. So little is this the case, that there has not been
a single Catholic Princess introduced into the Coburg family since the appearance of Luther in 1521. Moreover, the Elector, Freclerick the Wise of Saxony,
was the very first Protestant that ever lived. That you may know and judge
for yourself, dear Victoria, what my creed and religious principles are I send
you a confession of faith which I worked out for myself in 1835, anA which
I then publicly avowed and swore to in our High Church. I enclose an English
copy, and the original as I then wrote it. You will see my hand is somewhat
changed since then,'




1840      DISCUSSIONS AS TO PRINCE'S ANNUITY.         59
both Houses, and in the House of Lords to a motion, which
was successfully made by the Duke of Wellington, for the insertion of the word'Protestant' in the Congratulatory Address to the Queen. It was significant of the excited state.
of both public and party feeling, that the Duke charged the
Ministry with having made the omission through fear of
alienating their Irish supporters, and urged the adoption of
his amendment on the ground that' it would give Her Majesty's subjects the satisfaction of knowing that Prince Albert
was a Protestant —thus showing the public that this is still a
Protestant State.'
The disposition to raise exceptions was not likely to be
quieted by this or any other assurance. Whether prompted
by ignorance or malice, an uneasy feeling on the subject of
the Prince's creed had got abroad; and a few days later
Baron Stockmar received a letter from Lord Palrnerston, written'in great haste,' to ask' whether Prince Albert belonged
to any sect of Protestants whose rules might prevent his taking the Sacrament according to the ritual of the English
Church' (Denkwircligbkeitee, p. 341). But for Stockmar's
prompt assurance, given in the most unqualified terms, that
not only did the Prince not belong to any sect, but that there
was no essential difference between the Communion Services
of the German Protestant and the English Churches,'God
knows,' he says,'with the prevailing fanaticism, what horrible absurdity might not have resulted.'
Still more unpleasant were the discussions which arose on
the subject of the Annuity to be settled on the Prince upon
his marriage.
In the cases of Queen Caroline, wife of George II., Queen
Charlotte, wife of George III., Queen Adelaide, wife of William IV., and in the more closely analogous case of Price Leopold on his marriage with the Princess Charlotte, 50,0001. a
year had been the sum granted for their privy purse. Following these precedents, this sum was adopted without misgiving by Lord Melbourne's Cabinet, in entire forgetfulness
of the fact, that the days had gone by when such votes might
be expected to pass as matters of course. Moreover, the great
commercial.distress, which happened then to exist throughout
the country, made it far from unlikely that the proposal should
pass unchallenged on the present occasion. It was obviously
on all accounts desirable to avoid opposition on a matter of
so much delicacy. And avoided it might probably have been,




60       DISCUSSIONS AS TO PRINCE'S ANNUITY.        1840
had the leaders of the Opposition been judiciously approached
from the other side-a step which might well have been taken
in a matter that in no way bore upon their political differences.
Unfortunately this course was not pursued, and the vote was
submitted.to the House of Commons (27th January, 1840)
without previous concert, although with the full knowledge
that it would certainly be opposed.
In the temper in which the debate was conducted on both
sides, the interests of the Prince and the natural feelings of
the Queen were in some measure forgotten. Insinuations on
the Ministerial side of want of loyalty and respect to the
Crown were ill calulated to induce the opposite party to forego their opposition; neither was that opposition likely to be
modified by the suspicion, that the party in power would not
be sorry at an adverse vote, which might have the effect of
creating a feeling of distrust on the part of the Prince, and of
soreness on that of the Queen, towards their political rivals.
The result was, that after a motion by Mr. }Hume to reduce
the annuity to 21,0001. had been negatived, an amendment
was carried, by 262 to 1t58, on the motion of Colonel Sibthorp,
supported by Sir Robert Peel and several leaders of the Opposition, reducing it to 30,0001. Lord _Melbourne, always candid, if not cautious, did not himself attribute his defeat to his
political adversaries merely.'The Prince,' he said to Stockmar, a few days afterwards ( enkzwiarcii/ keiten, p. 346),'will
be very angry at the Tories. But it is not the Tories only
whom the Prince has to thank for cutting down his allowance. It is rather the Tories, the Radicals, and a great proportion of our own people.'
The Prince, however, was not angry with the Tories, and
did not for a moment allow what had passed to influence his
future conduct. He was at Aix-la-Chapelle, on his way to
England, when he learned the result of the debate. A misgiving crossed his mind, and caused him no little distress, that
the English people were not pleased with the marriage. But,
fortunately, he found awaiting him at Brussels a letter, prompted by the sympathetic thoughtfulness of Stockmar, with full
details of what had taken place, and, what was of more importance, with an impartial statement of the causes, in no way
personal to himself, which had led to the miscarriage of the
vote. The Prince, with his wonted clear perception and cool
judgment, at once appreciated the position; and replied to
Stockmar, that his only regret was to find that his ability to




1840   DISCUSSIONS AS TO STATUS OF THE PRINCE.    61
help artists and men of learning and science, to which he had
been looking forward with delight, would be necessarily more
restricted than he had hoped.
On the same day (27th January) on which this mortification was prepared for the Prince by the House of Commons,
the Ministry sustained a defeat in the other House, which
was calculated to affect much more deeply the feelings of his
expectant Bride, as well as of himself, concerning as it did the
question of rank and precedence which he was to enjoy as her
husband.
The miscarriage of the measure proposed for this purpose
was also probably due in a great degree to want of management and reasonable foresight on the part of the Government.  It involved a question of much nicety and of general
importance, quite beyond the special case with which it proposed to deal, and therefore no ordinary care was demanded
for its preparation.  No provision had been made by the
English Constitution for the title and precedence of the husband of a Queen Regnant, while the wife of a King has the
highest rank and dignity after her husband assigned to her by
law.  Whether this arises from oversight, or whether the
question has been deliberately left to be regulated by the law
and usage, which in England gives to the wife the status of
her husband, with all its incidents, but does not give the
husband the rank or status of his wife, it is unnecessary to
inquire. Clearly the exceptional circumstances of the marriage
of a Queen Regnant demanded an exceptional treatment. It
can neither be consistent with her happiness nor her dignity,
that the status or precedence of her husband should be so undefined, as to expose herself, on the one hand, to the possible
inconvenience and pain of having it disputed by her own
children, or by other members of the Royal Family; or to
subject her Consort, on the other, to the embarrassment of
holding his position in this country solely by her grace and
favour, while out of the country he may find it altogether
ignored, and himself separated from her, by whose side it
should be his right, as it is his duty, to stand. It is no doubt
always in the power of a Queen Regnant to give to her Consort precedence, at home, over all her subjects by placing him
next her person, but here her power stops. The status is due
to her personal favour, and, if acknowledged by other Royal
personages, it is so by courtesy merely.
It is obvious that such a state of things must give rise, as




62                DISCUSSIONS AS TO STATUS                     1840
in the case of Prince Albert it did give rise, to serious inconvenience; X  and that it would have been well, once and for all,
to have fairly met the question, and settled it by statute. This
course, however, was not pursued.  No pains were even taken
by the Ministry to ascertain the views of the House, and to
remove whatever objections might be felt to the measure, imperfect as that was, on which they had resolved.  Nay, they
committed the grave mistakd of not meeting the question
frankly and openly, but dealt with it incidentally in what professed to be simply a Bill for the Naturalisation of the Prince.
To such a bill, had it enacted no more than was expressed in
its title, no objection could possibly have been raised. But it
also contained a clause giving to the Prince precedence for
life next after Her Majesty in Parliament or elsewhere as Her
Majesty might think proper.  The omission in the title of the
Act was, no doubt, merely an oversight, but it was sufficient
to justify the Duke of Wellington in moving the adjournment
of the discussion on the Bill because of the very large powers
which it proposed to confer on the Queen, of which the House
had no previous notice.  The Duke was supported by Lord
Brougham, who went further and opposed the principle of
this part of the measure, on the ground that the power to fix
the Prince's rank, according to constitutional precedent, rested
not with the Crown, but with Parliament. Here, moreover,
he contended, if the measure passed, this anomaly might arise,
that the Prince, supposing him  to survive the Queen without
issue, might take precedence of a Prince of Wales.  These
objections were felt to be so serious, that the postponement of
the discussion was agreed to by the Ministry..' When I first married we had much difficulty on this subject much bad
feeling was shown, several members of the Roytal Family showel bad grace
in giving precedence to the Prince, and the late King of Hanover positively
resisted doing so.... When the Queen was abroad, the Prince's position was
always a subject of negotiation and vexation: the position accorded to him the
Queen had always to acknowledge as a grace and favour bestowed on her by
the Sovereigns whom she visited. While, in 1856, the Emperor of the French
treated the Prince as a Royal personage, his uncle declined to come to Paris,
because he would not give precedence to the Prince; and on the Rhine, in
1845, the King of Prussia would not give the place to the Queen's husband
which common civility required, because of the presence of an Archduke, the
third son of an uncle of the reigning Emperor of Austria, who would not give
the peas, and whom the King would not offend. The only legal position in
Europe, according to international law, which the husband of the Queen of
England enjoyed, was that of a younger brother of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg,
and this merely because the English law did not know of him. This is derogatory to the dignity of the Crown of Englandl'-MmEoP.ANDUMx BY THE QUEEN,
May, 1856.




1840                OF THE PRINCE.                  63
When the discussion was resumed four days afterwards,
the second of Lord Brougham's objections was met, by the
intimation that the precedence to be given to the Prince was
intended to be'next after the Heir Apparent.' This, however, Lord Brougham wished to be still further limited by its
being confined to the lifetime of Her Majesty; and although
the Bill passed the second reading with little further discussion, it was thought expedient, when it went into Committee
on the 3rd of February, to confine it to the object expressed
in the title-the simple naturalisation of the Prince —leaving
the question of precedence to be dealt with by the exercise
of the Royal Prerogative. It was so dealt with a few days
afterwards (5th March), with the concurrence of the leaders
of both parties, by Letters Patent, which provided that the
Prince should thenceforth' upon all occasions, and in all meetings, except when otherwise provided by Act of Parliament,
have, hold, and enjoy place, preeminence, and precedence next
to Her Majesty.' No distinctive title was, however, assigned
to the Prince; and it was not till 1857 (2nd July) that the
title and dignity of Prince Consort were granted to him by
the spontaneous voice of the nation.
These incidents were no pleasant prelude to the Prince's
appearance in England. They could not fail to cause considerable pain and vexation to the Queen at the time. But so
far as the Prince was concerned, as has been truly said,'lihe
soon understood the nature of our political parties, and that
the proceedings in Parliament were only the result of high
party feeling, and were by no means to be taken as marks of
personal disrespect, or of want of kind feeling, towards himself' (Ecarly Years, p. 289). His anxiety to assure the Queen,
that what would occur would cause him no permanent chagrin, is apparent by what he wrote to Her Majesty from Brussels (1st February, 1840) while still smarting under the first
painful impression:'You can easily imagine the very unpleasant effect produced upon me by the news of the truly
most unseemly vote of the House of Commons about my annuity. We came upon it in a newspaper at Aix, where we
dined. In the House of Lords, too, people have made themselves needlessly disagreeable. All I have time to say is,
that, while I possess your love, they cannot make me unhappy.'
If any trace of disquietude as to the popularity of the marriage had remained in his mind, it must have been thoroughly




64               HIS RECEPTION IN ENGLAND.                   1840
dispelled by the enthusiastic welcome which awaited him from
the moment he set foot upon English ground.  It met him at
Dover, where he landed on the 6th;  it followed him  along
the route to Canterbury, ivhere he passed the evening of the
7th, and continued with ever-increasing ardour until he alighted at Buckingham Palace on the afternoon of the 8th. The
greetings of the English people are never given in a halfhearted way; and if the cheers of the crowds, who streamed
out from every town, village, and hamlet along the route, and
who thronged the avenues of the Palace all that day and the
next, had a more cordial ring than usual, what wonder, when
all saw in the well-graced and distinguished presence of the
Prince the fairest promise for the home happiness of their
Queen and for the prosperity of her reign?' Un beau visage
est le plus beau de tous les spectacles,' says La Bruyere; and
this is never more strongly felt than by a multitude, especially
if predisposed to yield to the charm, as in the present case it
was sure to be, by the knowledge that this marriage was not
one of political convenience, but of pure affection.'It is
this,' as Lord Mtelbourne afterwards said to the Queen,' which
makes your Majesty's marriage so popular;' and it was this
which, kindling a response in every heart, gave the warmth
of a direct personal interest to the feeling with which the
Prince was everywhere regarded.
The favourable impression spread still more widely, as
what was seen of him, both in public and in private, within
the next few days, became generally known; and Stockmar
was able to record a few days afterwards, as the result of his
anxious observation:' The Prince is liked.'' Those who are
not carried away by party feelings like him  greatly.'  All
hearts, in particular, were won by the calm grace and thoughtful dignity of his deportment during the trying ordeal of the
ceremony on the 10th at the Chapel of St. James's Palace.5
4 It is thus the Prince writes to the Queen from Dover (Tth February, 1840):
-' Now am I once more in the same country with you. What a delightful
thought for me!.... It will be hard for me to have to wait till to-morrow
evening. Still our long parting has flown by so quickly, and to-morrow's
dawn will soon be here..... Our reception has been most satisfactory.
There were thousands of people on the quays, and they saluted us with loud
and uninterrupted cheers. Torrington thought he had not for many a day
seen a heartier reception..... To-day we proceed as far as Canterbury.'
5 How it was with the Queen we are told by an observer of no common
penetration, the Dowager Lady Lyttelton, who in her capacity of one of Her
Majesty's Ladies in Waiting, had peculiar facilities for observation:'The
Queen's look and manner,' she writes, a few days after the ceremony,'were
very pleasing; her eyes much swollen with tears, but great happiness in her




1840                      MARRIAGE.                         65
On the morning of that eventful day-rich in what it brought
in successful: love and in the promise of a noble future-the
Prince's thoughts reverted for a time to her, to whose affection his youth had owed so much; and, as though he were
once more a child at her knee, his heart found relief in imploring her blessing on the most solemn act of his life, in
these few and pregnant words:'Dear Grandmama,-In less than three hours I shall stand
before the altar with my dear Bride. In these solemn moments I must once more ask vour blessing, which I am well
assured I shall receive, and which will be my safeguard and
my future joy! I must end.  God help me!' Ever your faithful' GRANDSON.''London, 10th February, 1840.'
The Prince wrote a similar letter to his stepmother.
There is surely something peculiarly touching in the'God
help me!' of this letter.  How completely it speaks of that
habit of living consciously'in the great Taskmaster's eye,'
by which the Prince was distinguished.  Not many weeks
before (22nd December, 1839), in writing to the Queen, that
in an hour he was to take the Sacrament in the church at
Coburg, he had written,' God will not take it amiss, if in
that serious act, even at the altar, I think of you, for I will
pray to Him  for you, and for your soul's health, and He will
not refuse us his blessing.'
The morning of the marriage had been wet, foggy, and
dismal, but the day was not to want the happy omen of that
sunshine which came afterwards to be proverbially known as' Queen's weather.' Soon after the return of the bridal party
from the Chapel, the clouds passed off, the sun shone out with
unusual brilliancy, and the thousands who lined the roads
from Buckingham Palace to Windsor Castle, to see the Sovereign and her husband as they passed, were more fortunate
than those who had crowded the avenues of St. James's Palace
countenance; and her look of confidence and comfort at the Prince, when they
walked away as man and wife, was very pleasing to see. I understand she is
in extremely high spirits since. Such a new thing for her to daere to be
ungzuarded in conversing with anybody; and with her frank and fearless
nature the restraints she has hitherto been under, from one reason or another,
with everybody, must have been most painful.' For this and othervaluable
extracts from Lady Lyttelton's letters, to be hereafter cited, we are indebted
to the kindness of her family to whom they were addressed.




66                    MARRIAGE.                    1840
in the morning, heedless of rain and cold, to witness the bridal
procession on its way to and from the Chapel.
After a three days' stay at Windsor Castle, the Queen and
Prince returned to London, for the discharge of the necessary
public duties. On the 28th the Duke of Coburg, who along
with the Hereditarv Prince had accompanied Prince Albert
to England, left London to return to Germany. The parting
was greatly felt by the Prince. It brought vividly home the
rupture which had now inevitably taken place with the affections and associations of his past life.'Ernest,' he said to
the Queen,'was now the only one remaining here of all his
earliest ties and recollections,' 6and from him also he must
soon be separated. His childhood and youth had been most
happy; he loved his father deeply; he had all a good man's
attachment to the country of his birth, and he had left behind
him there many a spot and many a face to which he could
henceforth only look back with a fond regret.'But,' says
the same frank record,'if I continue to love him as I did now,
I could make up for all.... Oh, how did I feel for my
dearest precious husband at this moment! Father, brother,
friends, country-all has he left, and all for me. God grant
that I may be the happy person, the most happy person, to
make this dearest, blessed being happy and contented!
What is in my power to make him happy I will do.'
Whatever the burden life may lay upon a man, however
the strength may sometimes fail, and the spirit wax weary,
he cannot be accounted otherwise than most happy who can
turn for light and solace and encourgement to a love which
finds its utterance in words like these.'There cannot exist
a dearer, purer, nobler being in the world than the Prince,'
were the Queen's words in writing to Baron Stockmar the
day after her marriage.  This faith, this devotion, never
failed the Prince from that moment, in sunshine or in storm,
and never did their worth become less precious to him than
in these first hours of wedded confidence.
6 The Queen's Jouzrnal, quoted in Early Years, p. 312.




CHAPTER V.
The Position of the Prince in his Household-His Position with regard to Public AffairsHis Rules of Conduct-Sketch of Baron Stockmar, his Character and Influence-State
of Public Affairs in England-Awkward Relations with France on the Eastern Question-State of Political Parties in England.'A  PnIcrE,' says Jean Paul Richter,'can never contemplate
soon enough the Tabor of the throne, so that in after years he
may be gloriously transfigured upon it, and not hang as a cloud
upon the mountain.' That it was in this spirit the Prince had
from the first regarded the duties of the position in which he
was now placed, has been already seen. But even he, with
all his sagacity and forethought, could scarcely have fully
pictured to himself the difficulties with which that position
was beset, the strain which it would impose upon his prudence
and self-denial, the sacrifice of the ties of his past life, which
it could not fail to involve.
Amid the general enthusiasm with which he was welcomed
in England, murmurs of jealousy and distrust were certain to
be heard.  There were some who, on purely selfish grounds,
deprecated the marriage of the Queen with any but an English Prince; others who then, and for many years afterwards,
were eager to surmise danger in the influence of a foreign
Prince upon the counsels of the Crown; and not a few who,
from the mere antagonism which purity and nobleness of life
are sure to create, lost no opportunity of giving a false colour
to his actions, and a false gloss to his intentions.
These, however, were but the necessary incidents of his
exalted position, which he must have foreseen and made up
his mind to endure, until malice should be silenced and misunderstanding cleared away by the indisputable facts of his
life.  But the real difficulty of his task, being what he was
by nature, and by the deliberate purpose which he had set
before himself, lay elsewhere.  A man of so much originality
and force of character could never be satisfied to be less than
the master of his position-a force felt and recognised in the




68      POSITION OF PRINCE IN HIS HOUSEHOLD.       1840
private and public life of the Court. But to be this, and at
the same time to conciliate, or, if need were, to subdue all the
influences, both within and without the Palace, which could
scarcely fail to be actively arrayed against him, was the problem of his life, and at no time did it press more heavily upon
him than at the outset of his career.
Although the husband of the Queen, the law-to use Her
Majesty's words quoted above (p. 62)-took cognisance of him
as'merely the younger son of the Duke of Coburg.' Thus,
while ostensibly occupying the most brilliant position in the
kingdom, his right of precedence was open to be disputed,
and was disputed by a few members of the Royal Family, who
made no secret of their disappointment that Her Majesty's
choice had not fallen upon some scion of the reigning House
in whom they had a nearer interest. A more pressing source
of disquietude, however, existed in the fact that the Prince
possessed no independent authority by right of his position,
and could exercise none, even within his own household, without
trenching upon the privileges of others, who were not always
disposed to admit of interference. This could scarcely fail to
embarrass his position in the midst of a vast royal establishment, which had inherited many of the abuses of former reigns,
and where he found much of which he could not approve, but
yet was without the power to rectify. And as behind every
abuse there is always some one interested in maintaining it,
he could not but be aware that he was regarded with no
friendly eyes by those who were in that position, and who
naturally dreaded the presence among them of one so visibly
intolerant of worthlessness and incapacity.
A mistake, it was soon found, had also been committed in
not establishing the Prince from the first as Private Secretary
of the Queen, and placing the internal arrangements of the
Royal Household under his immediate control. These functions had, since the Queen's Accession, been to a great extent
discharged by the Baroness Lehzen, Her Majesty's former
governess, and thev invested her with powers which, however
discreetly used, were calculated to bring her into collision
with the natural head of the household. It is due to this lady
to say, that genuine affection for Her Majesty, who for so
many years had been the object of her care, and who was attached to her by ties of gratitude and regard for kindness and
counsel in her girlhood when they were most needed, very
probably blinded her to the obvious truths, that her former




1840    POSITION OF PRINCE IN HIS HOUSEHOLD.        69
influence must, in the natural course of things, give way before that of a husband, especially of a husband so able and so
deeply loved, and that, in the true interests of her Royal
pupil, she should herself have been the first to desire that
the offices she had hitherto filled should be transferred to the
Prince.
The painful situation, in which he found himself, through
this not having been done, is indicated by a passage, quoted
in The Early Yeacrs, from one of his letters to Prince von
Lowenstein so early as May, 1840:'In my home life I am
very happy and contented; but the difficulty in filling my
place with the proper dignity is, that I am only the husband,
and not the master in the house.' This was a state of things
which manifestly could not long continue; and it was brought
all the more quickly to an end by the very unwise efforts
made to- abridge the natural authority and influence of the
Prince as'master in the house.' These, it has already been
made known,1 were not confined to attempts to exclude him
from participation in public affairs, but were aimed so far as
to deny him'even in the domestic circle that authority which
in private families belongs to the husband, and without which
there cannot be true comfort or happiness in domestic life.'
There could be but one conclusion to such impolitic attempts to disturb the natural relations of husband and wife,
and to keep up a separation of interests and duties between
the Queen and the Prince, bound together as they were by
ties of the most intimate and daily increasing confidence and
affection. The instinct of the woman, through which love
runs into and triumphs in obedience, was sure to assert its
supremacy over that desire of power, which we are too apt to
assume must grow from the very exercise of it into a paramount passion. The marriage vow'to obey,' as well as'to
love and honour,' could have but one meaning for the Queen.
It was a'sacred obligation which she could consent neither
to limit nor refine away.' It had made them one, and she
lost no opportunity of making. it felt, that as one they must
be regarded,-one in heart and purpose, and, except in her
purely regal functions, one in authority. Still, enough has
been said to show that the position of the Prince was one
that demanded from him the utmost discretion and forbearance. In these qualities, however, he was never wanting;
1 carly Years, p. 319.




70   POSITION OF PRINCE TOWARDS PUBLIC AFFAIRS.  1840
and the natural force of circumstances effected in due time
the removal of every obstacle to-his legitimate authority.
Not less delicate was the Prince's task in fixing the line
to be taken by him with regard to public affairs. If he cared
nothing for politics in 1838, as Baron Stockmar tells us was
the case, the indifference might well be excused. For one
still so young, and with so wide a range of tastes, the world
of science, physical and mental, of natural history, and of art,
was surely enough to engross all his faculties of observation
and of thought. His mind, moreover, was of the class which
declines instinctively to deal with practical questions, except
on the secure basis of well-ascertained facts. Of the world
of diplomacy and politics he knew enough to be aware, that
such a basis was not ivithin the reach of the younger son
of the House of Coburg.' En fait d'histoire contemporaine,'
it has been said by M. Van de Weyer (Pensees diverses),
whose experience gives peculiar value to the remark,'il n'y
a de vrai que ce qu'on n'ecrit point.' The Prince was more
likely, therefore, to think his time better spent in mastering
those broad universal principles, which have been developed
in the history of former governments and peoples, than in
entering upon the study or discussion of contemporary politics,
where he was without the knowledge either of the actors in
the political arena, or of the controlling circumstances, which
was essential for arriving at satisfactory conclusions.
But from the moment he was called to occupy the place
nearest to the throne of England, he passed into a sphere
where indifference to politics would have been inexcusable,
as, indeed, for such a man it would have been impossible.
Endowed, as his subsequent career proved, with all the qualities for governing, he could not be an idle spectator of the
stirring events, and great political controversies and changes,
in the midst of which he all at once found himself. Opinions,
and very decided opinions, upon all matters of policy, both
foreign and domestic, he could not fail to have; and, instead
of resting in indifference, the eager interest which he must
inevitably feel, where questions of such enormous magnitude
were at issue, was more likely to hurry him into that open
expression of opinion, that anxiety to mould the current of
events in accordance with their convictions, which is to be
looked for in all vigorous thinkers. From the first, however,
the Prince appreciated the extreme delicacy of his position,
and laid down for himself the rule, that no act of his should




1840           PRINCE'S RULE OF CONDUCT.              71
by possibility expose him to the imputation of interference
with the machinery of the State, or of encroachment on the
functions and privileges of the Sovereign. At the same time
he formed an equally clear view of his duty to quality himself
thoroughly for supporting the Sovereign by his advice, and
this, it is scarcely necessary to remark, involved the most
assiduous attention to every subject, whether at home or
abroad, in which the welfare of her kingdom was involved.
While renouncing, therefore, every impulse of personal ambition, he resolved to consecrate himself with the most absolute
devotion to deepening, by the influences of his life, and the
example of his home, the hold of the Monarchy upon the affections of the People, and to malting it a power, which, amid
the conflicting and often selfish passions of political strife, and
the tortuous subtleties of diplomacy, should have for its unswerving object to increase that people's welfare and to
uphold the power and dignity of the Empire.
The principle upon which he acted in carrying out this
resolution, as expressed by himself ten years later, in his letter
to the Duke of Wellington, declining to entertain the offer of
the command of the Army, cannot be too clearly kept in view
in reading the story of his life. It was'to sink his own
individual existence in that of his wife-to aim at no power
by himself, or for himself —to shun all ostentation-to assume
no separate responsibility before the public-to make his
position entirely a part of hers to fill up every gap which, as
a woman, she would naturally leave in the exercise of her
regal functions-continually and anxiously to watch every
part of the public business,in order to be able to advise and
assist her at any moment in any of the multifarious and difficult questions brought before her, political, or social, or personal'-to place all his time and powers at her command  as
the natural head of her family, superintendent of her household, manager of her private affairs, her sole confidential adviser in politics, and only assistant in her communications
with the officers of the Government, her private secretary,
and permanent minister.'
It is not, of course, to be supposed that these views could
be carried into effect all at once, although they very early
assumed a definite shape. The Prince had to feel his way
along a path where every step was beset with difficulty, and
open to the shot of adverse criticism. In the affection and
clear practical judgment of the Queen he found his best ally;




72                 BARON STOCKMAR.                  1840
but he was also supremely fortunate in having by his side, in
Baron Stockmar, a man specially fitted by nature and by experience to direct his course, and to assist and encourage him
amid the difficulties by which it was surrounded.
Nowhere in the records of history has Royalty been served
with a devotion so purely noble and unselfish as that of this
remarkable man to the Queen and the Prince. Something of
this has already been indicated in previous chapters. It was
a devotion founded on genuine respect for the fine qualities of
heart and head which he had proved in both, and he sacrificed
to it for many years, without a murmur, the personal ease and
love of retirement, which his weak health and studious habits
made almost a necessity of his life. Rank, patronage, fortune,
fame, all the usual motives for intellectual toil, had no attraction for him. In his relations to the English Court, he had no
object of his own to serve, save only that first object of all
noble natures, to do the utmost good within his power. Circumstances had thrown him strangely for the second time
across the path of the heiress to the throne of England, and
seemed thus to indicate the sphere where the gathered experiences of his life and the mature fruits of his thought might
be applied with the most advantage. He could not, therefore,
resist the appeal made to him by the Prince in the letter
already quoted (suzpra, p. 45),'to sacrifice his time to him for
the first year of his life in England;' and, if he was drawn on
to extend the sacrifice into future years, it was because on his
side the interest in the task he had set before himself grew
deeper and deeper as the noble qualities of his pupil developed and expanded, whilst on the other every day's experience proved to the Prince and the Queen the inestimable
value of his counsels in their family no less than in their public life.
Speaking of Stockmar to Sir Robert Peel in 1841, Lord
Liverpool said, that in all he did for the Queen and the Prince,' his only object was their welfare, his only ambition was to be
of service to them' (_Dentkwarc1ig7keiten, p. 361); but it might
truly have been added, that these motives would never have
acted so strongly as they did, had he not considered that their
welfare could not be advanced, nor their interests served,
without at the same time furthering the welfare and advancing the glory of England. Had he been an Englishman,
indeed, he could not have had the country's interests more
nearly at heart. In England he had spent the best years of




1840          HIS ChIARACTER AND INFLUENCE.                  73
his life, where his position in Prince Leopold's household had
been most favourable for the study of the social and political
life of the country.  He knew its people well in their strength
and in their weakness. lNo man better understood the spirit
of the Constitution, or foresaw with a more prophetic eye the
modifications of it which were sure to be demanded by the
advance of popular opinion, and the rapidly altering conditions
of society. The country, moreover, was dear to him as the
stronghold of political freedom, and he would have regarded
as a disaster to mankind anything which might have lowered
its prestige, or weakened it as an example to the other nations
of the world.2  His experience as a diplomatist and politician
was already considerable, for, as the confidential friend of King
Leopold, he had taken an active part in some of the most important political movements of his time. He was thoroughly
initiated in the relations of all the great European Cabinets
and States. Of his capacity for dealing with great public questions, it is enough to say, that Lord Palmerston spoke of him
to Bunsen,'as one of the best political heads he had ever met
with,' and that by Bunsen himself he was'honoured as one
of the first statesmen of Europe.' In the ordinary affairs of
life his knowledge of men and shrewd practical sense might
always be relied on; while at the same time a high moral
standard, and strong religious convictions, in which there was
no leaven of sectarianism, gave a commanding weight and
elevation to his character and counsels.
Being what we have described him to be, the fact that he
was a foreigner was of positive advantage to his position as a
confidential adviser of the Prince.  He was more likely to
survey the whole world of English life, and English politics,
without the bias of passion or prejudice which it must always
be hard for an Englishman to escape, and he could also preserve an attitude of absolute independence, which is scarcely
possible for a subject, however fearless and sincere, and however frankly and cordially his views may be solicited and
welcomed.  Whatever ought to be told, whatever advice,
2  I love and honour the English Constitution from conviction,' Stockmar
writes to the Prince, 25th January, 1854,'for I think that, under judicious
handling, it is capable of realising a degree of legal civil liberty which leaves
a man free scope to think and act as a man. Out of its bosom singly and
solely has sprung America's free Constitution, in all its present power and
importance, in its incalculable influence upon the social condition of the whole
human race; and in Ilmy eyes the English Constitution is the foundation-,
corner- and cope-stone of the entire political civilisation of the human race,
present and to come.'
4




74                 BARON STOCKMAR.                  1840
however ungracious, ought to be urged, no consideration
would induce him to withhold. That he should speak freely,
was the condition of his friendship. Right was right-truth,
truth-before King or Prince, no less than before the meanest
of their people.  Indeed, for them right and truth were of
dearer import, and sincerity of more priceless worth, than
for other men.'If you are consulted by Princes to whom  you are
attached,' he said to a man of distinguished eminence in
political life, from whose Memoranda we are permitted to
quote,''give your opinion truthfully, boldly, without reserve or reticence.  Should your opinion not be palatable,
do not, to please or conciliate him, deviate for a moment
from what you think the truth. You may in consequence be
some time out of favour, treated with neglect or coldness;
and when they come back (for back they will come, if you
remain honest and firm), never complain of the treatment you
have received, never try to make them own how right you
were, and how wrong they have been. It must be enough for
you that you should, for their good and the good of the country,
act upon the principles, the soundness of which is thus
acknowledged.'
While this noble sincerity only served to endear him the
more to the Queen and the Prince, the other qualities by
which it was accompanied placed him on the securest footing
with all the great leaders of English party life.' I-ow is it,'
says the same authority,'that Stockmar had such a permanent
influence upon men so different in so many respects as Lord
Aberdeen, Lord Melbourne, the Duke of Wellington, Lord
Palmerston, Sir Robert Peel, &c.? It was not only because
they recoonised his great political ability and his perfect disinterestedness, but because they all felt that they were in scfe
hanclds; that he would never betray them, show up their foibles,
their errors, their faults, play off one political man against another, join in any backstair intrigue, and avail himself of his
position to undermine them in the opinion of the Sovereign
or the public, and diminish their political usefulness! How
many instances I could quote of the support given by him to
men whom he disliked the most!'
It was in every way important to the Prince, that, during
the first years of his presence in England, he should have at
his command the counsels of a friend so wise, and so wholly
3 His Excellency the late M. Silvain Van de Weyer.




1840           STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.               i5
free from  all party bias.  Baron Stockmnar supplied the
knowledge of men and things, of Enolish habits and feelings,
of the position of political parties, of the character of their
leaders, of the questions-social, political, and religiouswhich were coming up for discussion, and of the various
forces by which public opinion was modified and controlled, as
to all which it was of the utmost consequence that the Prince
should be promptly as well as accurately informed.
The time was one of great political agitation at home,
while our relations abroad were full of complexity and trouble.
A succession of bad harvests since 1836 had sent up the price
of provisions to an alarming extent, while languishing manufactures and a general stagnation of trade had so greatly
lowered the scale of wages as to make the pressure of high
prices all but intolerable. Pauperism prevailed throughout
the kingdom to an extent hitherto unprecedented. Profiting
by the discontent among the labouring classes which under
such a state of things was inevitable, Chartist agitators had
roused the passions of their ignorant followers to the highest
point of irritation, and the fruits of their teaching were
shown in insurrectionary risings throughout the country.
The attempted rising at Newport in South Wales in 1839
revealed the existence of a widespread organisation for the
establishment by fire and sword of their visionary Charter
upon the ruins of the Constitution. That the apprehensions
on this score were well founded was only too clearly shown
by the occurrences at Birmingham in July of the same year,
which provoked from the Duke of Wellington in his place in
Parliament the remark, that  he had seen as much of war as
most men; but he had never seen a town carried by assault
subjected to such violence as Birmingham had been during
an hour by its own inhabitants.' The vigour with which
these outbreaks were put down prevented similar efforts elsewhere; but the feelings of discontent in which they originated still smouldered, and from time to time showed themselves in strikes and combination riots of a very violent
character both in England and Scotland.
In Ireland, again, the condition of things was complicated
by circumstances peculiar to the country. What was called
agrarian outrage, but was, in plain language, a deliberate
system of cold-blooded and cowardly assassination, prevailed
to such an extent, that among the miserable facts as to the
state of the country brought forward by Mr. Stanley (after



76              THE EASTERN QUESTION.              1840
wards the late Lord Derby) in Parliament in 1839, was this
appalling one, that in the year 1838, in eleven counties, exclusive of Tipperary, there were 277 committals for murder, and
only three convictions. Amid all this violence and bloodshed
the cry for Repeal of the Union was persistently kept up by
O'Connell, who, under the profession of claiming no more than
equality for Ireland, did not hesitate to support demands,
which no one knew better than himself meant dismemberment of the Empire, by menaces of a kind which feeble followers in his footsteps have since made familiar:'Refuse us
this,' he had said,'and then, in the day of your weakness,
dare to go to war with the most insignificant of the Powers
of Europe.'
Such a menace had a peculiar significance at the time it
was made. Our armaments by sea and land were then notoriously inadequate.  Canada had recently been in revolt.
Our West India Colonies were a source of pressing anxiety.
We had on our hands a formidable war in Affghanistan, and
were involved in hostilities with China. A nearer cause of
anxiety, however, existed in the uneasy state of our relations
with France, with which country a rupture soon afterwards
became imminent upon what was called the Eastern Question.
Early in 1840 this question had entered upon a phase,
that threatened to result in the break-up of the entente corcdiale
between the two countries, which the government of Louis
Philippe had for so many years shown an ostentatious anxiety,
and had, no doubt, a real desire, to cultivate and maintain.
The point at issue was indeed of the most serious character.
On the one hand France, originally under the guidance of
Marshal Soult, and subsequently of M. Thiers, aimed at
securing, through its support of Mehemet Ali in his revolt
against the Sultan, a quasi control and patronage of Egypt.
Its purpose was very clear; and, indeed, it was avowed at a
late stage of the proceedings by M. de Remusat in the French
Chambers, as being'to establish a second-rate maritime
power in the Mediterranean, whose fleet might unite with
that of France, for the purpose of serving as a counterpoise to
that of England.' Such a purpose was not likely to escape
the penetrating eye of Lord Palmerston, then at the head of
Foreign Affairs, and he set himself to defeat it on the broad
ground, that' the Mistress of India could not permit France to
be mistress, directly of indirectly, of the road to her Indian
dominions.' The policy of England, with a view to securing




1840            THE EASTERN QUESTION.               77
not only her own position, but also the peace of Europe, was
directed to placing Turkey under the protectorate of tile five
great European Powers. In this France had all along been
invited to join. Instead, however, of doing so, M. Thiers set
on foot negotiations having for their object a separate treaty
between France and the Ottoman Porte, which would have
vested in the former the sole protectorate of Turkey. While
still pushing his approaches in this direction, he suddenly
found to his discomfiture that he had been countermined.
A Treaty signed on the 15th of July, 1840, between the
four great powers of Russia, Prussia, Austria, and England
on the one side, and Turkey on the other, for a joint protectorate of the latter country, was the first intimationi to the
French Minister that the question had passed beyond the
regiori of diplomatic finesse. But, instead of accepting with a
good grace a defeat which it was very obvious could not be
repaired, M. Thiers afforded a fresh illustration of the familiar
truth embodied in Dryden's line,'They never pardon, who
have done the wrong.' Outwitted in a manoeuvre at once
selfish and dangerous to the peace of the world, he adopted atone of indig'nation for a fancied injury.'France had been
insulted, a great European question had been settled without
her and in spite of her. The position of MIehemet Ali was
now a secondary affair, French honour was a primary one, and
France would demand, and, if necessary, insist in arms on
some satisfaction.'
It was in vain to answer, Wherein lay the insult? France
had herself to blame, if the Eastern Question had been settled
without her. There was no wish to exclude her from the
arrangement. It was still open to her to become a party to
the Treaty, to the principle of which in the earlier stages of
the question she had herself given her adhesion. The mingled
tone of grievance and menance continued to be kept up and
echoed in the French press; and the countries seemed to be
on the very brink of war, when the good sense of Louis
Philippe, acted upon by the vigorous representations of his
son-in-law King Leopold, averted the catastrophe.
M. Thiers retired from office on the 20th of October, 1840.
He was succeeded by M. Guizot, and the apprehensions came
to an end which had for many months agitated all who were
responsible for the protection of English interests. How
great these were, may be gathered from a few playful words
of the Queen in a letter, on the 16th of October, 1840, to




78                STATE OF PARTIES.                1840
King Leopold:'I think our child ought to have, besides its
other names, those of Turko-Egypto, as we think of nothing
else.'
The anxiety consequent upon this state of things at home
and abroad was aggravated by the fact, that since 1836 the
revenue had shown an annual deficit, which in 1840 had
risen to over 1,500,0001. When the account of 1841 showed
a still larger balance against revenue, the growing dissatisfaction of the country with a Ministry which had for some time
been unable to command the hearty support even of its own
party, became manifest in dwindling majorities, and other
unmistakeable symptoms, that the reins of government must
soon pass into other hands. However willing Lord Melbourne
might be to do the best for his party, and to go all reasonable
lengths for the purpose of maintaining it in power, he was too
clear-sighted not to be fully aware, that the days of his Administration were numbered, and too candid and loyal not to
feel it to be his duty to prepare the way for the event by
diminishing as far as possible the long-standing estrangement
between the Court and the leaders of the Tory party, still
further embittered as it was by the incidents attending Sir
Robert Peel's failure to form a government in 1839. He
knew from what had passed on the occasion of Mr. Anson's
appointment, how determined the Prince was to maintain
an attitude of absolute neutrality between Whig and Tory.
Here was precisely the. spirit, which Lord Melbourne must
have seen had not been hitherto sufficiently cultivated, and
he sought an early opportunity of intimating that it had his
cordial concurrence. On the 20th of February, 1840, Stockmar writes,' Melbourne told me that he had already expressed
to the Prince his opinion, that the Court ought to take advantage of the present moment to treat all parties, especially the
Tories, in the spirit of a general amnesty' (Denkwvairdcigkeiten,
p. 351). To the Queen his language was the same-'You
should now hold out the olive branch a little.'




CHAPTER VT.
Impression produced in England by the Prince-The Prince as Musician and Artist —His
First Public Speech-Oxford shoots at the Queen —Prince appointed Regent-Question as to Prince's Right of Precedence at Opening' Parliament —Prince's First Birthday
Fete at Windsor Castle —The Eastern Question —Birth of Crown Princess-Her Baptism-Accident to the Prince.
IT will thus be seen that amid the festivities, the levees,
drawing-rooms, presentations, addresses, and other public
ceremonials which followed closely upon the Royal Marriage,
and were the means of introducing the Prince to the public
life of the Court, there was a multitude of subjects of the
gravest national importance, which called urgently for his
attention, and were likely to engage his most anxious study.
The strain upon him in all ways during these first months
was necessarily great, coming' as he did from  a life of comparative quiet and seclusion to one where every moment was
crowded with an ever-shifting variety of novel objects, and
where the early hours and simple habits of his past life were
an impossibility.'I find it very difficult,' he writes (27th
February, 1840),'to aecclimatise myself completely.  The late
hours are what I find it most difficult to bear.'  Again, writing
a few days afterwards (9th March), he says,'It is not to be
told what a quantity of presentations I have' (he had received
and personally answered no fewer than twenty-seven two days
before),'and how many people I must become acquainted
with. I cannot yet remember the faces, but this will come
right.' The impression produced by his appearances in public
was most favourable.'The Prince is liked,' writes Stockmar
on the 14th of February, and again on the 26th,'Those who
are not carried away by party feelings like him  greatly.  He
behaves in his difficult position extremely well' (Denwilrcligkceiten, p. 351).
During this early period, and for some years afterwards,
the Prince kept up assiduously, what the pressure of duties, as
the years went on, compelled him in a great measure to fore



80            PRINCE AS MUSICIAN AND ARTIST.                    1840
go, the active practice of the arts of design, as well as of music. Both in painting and in musical composition he had acquired considerable technical skill; and in the etcher's art, the
Queen and himself found a delightful occupation for their
scanty leisure. To sing and play together was also one of
their constant recreations.  To the Prince music was at all
times. a source of supreme delight, ain element in which the
hindrances and disappointments and shlortcomings of life were
forgotten.  In it he found a vent for all that world of deeper
emotion, for which it is given to few to find an adequate expression in words.  His favourite instrument was the organ.
His hands were full of power, and he had acquired sufficient
mastery in execution to enable him to make this noblest of
instruments the eloquent exponent of his thoughts and fancies.  To it he could speak out his heart, with no fear of being
misunderstood, and with how much power he did so we see
by the effect he produced, when he must have been unconscious that he was heard.
Thus, on the 9th of October, 1840, Lady Lyttelton writes
from  Windsor Castle:-'Yesterday evening, as I was sitting here comfortably after the drive, by
candlelight, reading M. Guizot, suddenly there arose from the room beneath,
oh, such sounds!..  It was Prince Albert, dear Prince Albert, playing
on the organ; and with such master-skill, as it appeared to me, modulating so learnedly, winding through every kind of bass and chord, till he
wound up into the most perfect cadence; and then off again, louder and
then softer. No tune, and I am too distant to perceive the execution or
small touches, so I only heard the harmony, but I never listened with much
more pleasure to any music. I ventured at dinner to ask him what I had
heard: "' Oh, my organ! a new possession of mine. I am so fond of the organ! It is the first of instruments; the only instrument for expressing one's
feelings."  (I thought, are they not good feelings that the orcan expresses?)
"And it teaches to play; for on the organ a mistake! Oh, such misery! "
and he quite shuddered at the thought of the sostenuto discord.'
Ten years later, at Osborne (22nd July, 1850) the same
eloquent listener records the effect produced upon her, on
happening again to  hear the Prince speaking out his soul
through his favourite instrument.  It had then much more to
tell, and the effect was proportionately deeper:-'Last evening such a sunset! I was sitting gazing at it, and thinking of
Lady Charlotte Proby's verses, when from an open window below this floor
began suddenly to sound the Prince's organ, expressly played by his mas.
terly hand. Such a modulation! Minor, and solemn, and.ever-changing,
and never-ceasing. From a piano, like Jenny Lind's holding note, up to the




1840              IIS FIRST PUBLIC SPEECH.                   81
fullest swell, and still the same fine vein of melancholy! And it came on so
exactly as.an accompaniment to the sunset. How strange he is! XHe must
have been playing just while the Queen was finishing her toilette, and then he
went to cut jokes, and eat dinner, and nobody but the organ knows what is
in him, except, indeed, by the look of his eyes sometimes.'
As the Prince's devotion to Art soon became known, he
was called upon to take a prominent part in its encouragement before the public.  So early as March lie was appointed
one of the directors of the Antient Concerts, and directed his
first concert in this capacity on the 29th of April.  His selection of the music for the occasion was made with great care,
and he attended an elaborate rehearsal of it with the Queen
two days before. This concert has peculiar interest as the
first of a very remarkable series directed by the Prince,
which, with what was done by him elsewhere, gave a stimulus
to the cultivation of classical music, and of musical art generally in England, that has been of the highest value in raising the public taste.'  He also made it his study to acquaint
himself with whatever was being done in the sister arts of
painting and sculpture, and laid the foundation for that active
part which he subsequently took in spreading throughout the
kingdom the love and appreciation of these arts, in which it
was then conspicuously deficient.
At the same time he early let it be seen that he shared the
public interest in the questions of the day, by presiding on
the 1st of June at a public meeting to promote the Abolition
of the Slave Trade, where by a few concise and weighty sentences he gave a foretaste of that power of saying much in a
few words, for which his Speeches and Addresses soon became
remarkable.  It was his creed, that representing as he would
be held to do the personal opinions of the Sovereign, no word
to be spoken by him on public occasions should be left to the
chance of the moment, but that all should be well considered
and presented in the best possible form. This speech, therefore, brief as it was, was, like its successors, carefully written
and committed to memory.'He was very nervous,' says the
Queen,'and had repeated his speech in the morning to her
by heart' (Eacrly Years, p. 341).   Cicero himself, as we
know, in the height of his fame, shuddered visibly over his
whole body, when he began to speak.  In the Prince's case,
1 The best evidence of this will be found in the List, printed in the
Appendix (A), of the pieces selected by the Prince for the performnance at The
Antient Concerts mad those of the Philharmonic Society.




82            OXFORD SHOOTS AT QUEEN.              1840
a nervousness, which is inherent in all great speakers, was
very naturally heightened by the circumstance that he had to
speak in a foreign language, before many thousands of eager
listeners, whose good opinion he was specially desirous to
conciliate.'My speech,' he informs his father with obvious
satisfaction a few days afterwards,'was received with great
applause, and seems to have produced a good effect in the
country.'
A few days later a rude shock was given to the prevailing
happiness and serenity of the Royal life. As the Queen and
the Prince were driving up Constitution Hill in a low droschky,
Her Majesty was twice fired at by a young man of the name
of Oxford. Though happily neither shot took effect, there
was no doubt that the wretched creature knew perfectly well
what he was about, and acted, so far as intentions can be
judged by acts, with a murderous intent. It would have been
well, as events proved, if he had been dealt with upon this
footing. The plea of insanity, however, was set up, and effect
having been given to it by the jury, he was committed to a
lunatic asylum for life. The best commentary on the lenity
thus shown was pronounced by Oxford himself, on being told
of the similar attempts of Francis and Bean in 1842, when he
declared'that, if he had been hanged, there would have been
no more shooting at the Queen.''IMy chief anxiety,' writes
the Prince,'was lest the fright should have been injurious to
the Queen in her present state.' It might well have been so;
and the knowledge of this gave special fervour to the enthusiasm with which the Queen and the Prince were greeted
wherever they appeared for some time afterwards.
The hope of an heir indicated by the Prince made it necessary that a Regency Bill should now be prepared, to provide
for the possible event of the Queen's death, leaving issue. In
the case of the Princess Charlotte, Prince Leopold had been
named Regent, and it was Her Majesty's wish that this precedent should be followed in her own case. But after what had
taken place in Parliament in the discussions on the Prince's
allowance and the Naturalisation Bill, there was some reason
to fear a miscarriage of the measure, unless a preliminary understanding were come to with the political leaders of the
Opposition, more especially as it was known that the Duke of
Sussex was hostile to the appointment of the Prince as Regent, and desired a Council of Regency, of which the Duke
himself should be a prominent member. To avert, if possible,




1840          PRINCE APPOINTED REGENT.              83
any such result, Baron Stockmar took the matter in hand.
Communications were opened with Sir Robert Peel and the
Duke of Wellington, and every difficulty was smoothed away;
all parties agreeing that, as the father was the natural guardian, the Regent'could and ought to be nobody but the
Prince.' A Bill to this effect was accordingly introduced by
the Lord Chancellor (13th July), and passed both Houses,
with only the dissentient voice of the Duke of Sussex, who
declared it to be a matter of conscience with him to register
his protest against it.
To the Prince this result was of the greatest importance.
It affirmed the status which so recently there had seemed
a great inclination to deny him, and it thus afforded the
strongest proof, how well he had come to stand with both
parties in politics.' The Tories are very friendly to me, as I
to them,' he writes to his father on the 4th of July; and on
the 2d of August, when announcing the safe carriage of the
Bill, he expresses a well-earned gratification,'That not a
single voice was raised in opposition in either House, or in
any one of the newspapers' (Early Years, p. 352). This was
entirely due, Lord Melbourne told the Queen, to the Prince's
own character:' Three months ago they would not have done
it for himn.'
When he had seen this important object happily accomplished, Baron Stockmar's thoughts were turned to his quiet
home in Coburg.'This Act once passed,' he wrote,'my
business here is at an end for the present, perhaps for ever.'
It was very far from being so; but it was with this feeling
that he left England in the beginning of August, addressing,
as he did so, the following letter to the Prince:-'August 4, 1840.'Dear and Honoured Prince, —I cannot leave England
without bidding you once more the warmest, heartiest farewell. I have had much talk with Anson; he seems an excellent fellow, aild sincerely devoted to you. God grant it may
be so, for no man-lnot even the highest-can go through
this life without the love and loyalty of those about him.
Be you, too, however, on your part a true friend to those
who are attached to your household. Keep watch over the
moral.and physical health of the Queen. Never lose selfpossession or patience; but, above all, at no time, and in no
way, fail in princely worth and nobleness.'STOCKAISR.'




84            RELATION BETWEEN PRINCE              1840
The tie of mutual affection and respect, which had by
this time been established between Baron Stockmar and the
Prince was of the closest kind.  The Prince, too diffident,
as Stockmar had constantly to remind him, of his own powers,
naturally turned for guidance to the Mentor whose sagacity
had never failed him-; while Stockmar on his part, to use his
own language, had come to love the Prince as a son. The
relation was kept up during the next few months by an active
correspondence, in the course of which Stockmar lost no
opportunity of pressing upon the Prince the high ideal of
duty and conduct which lie had chalked out for him. That
his admonitions were welcomed is the best evidence of the
response they found in the Prince's own nature; as his after
life was the proof, how well he turned them to account. On
the 2d of September tile Baron writes:'Dear Prince,-.. I am satisfied with the news you
have sent me.  Ijistakes, misunderstandings, obstructions,
which come in vexatious opposition to one's views, are always
to be taken just for what they are, —namely, natural phenomena of life, which represent one of its sides, and that the
shady one. In overcoming them with dignity, your mind has
to exercise, to train, to enlighten itself; it has to acquire, in
dealing with them, practical intelligence and insight, and your
character to gain force, endurance, and the necessary hardness.
That for the present I have but little new to add to what,
since I have known you more intimately, my heart has felt for
you, but have merely to reiterate what I have already said, is
a proof that the estimate I had formed of you was correct.
Never to relax in putting your magnanimity to the proof;
never to relax in logical separation of what is great and essential from what is trivial and of no moment; never to relax in
keeping yourself up to a high standard,-in the determination
daily renewed to be consistent, patient, courageous, and worthy.'One day on my way up the Rhine I was made very sad,
but only for a short time, by reading in a newspaper that you
had had a bad fall from your horse. At that moment I felt
how sincerely I love you.'
Again writing on the 13th of September following, Stockmar, in reference to the part to be taken by the Prince at the
Board of the Duchy of Lancaster, on which he had for some
time sat as representing the Queen, warns himl against that




1840             AND BARON STOCKMAR.                  85
dissipation of the mind in details, which would have been fatal
to one on whose higher faculties there were so many claims.'In reference to the Duchy of Cornwall, in what you do I
advise you to avoid going too deep into details, which will
only bewilder you. It is for you, to give the impulse merely,
to establish sound principles, and this once done, to hold fast
in everybody's despite to those principles with steel-like sternness.'
Some general remarks in other parts of the same letter are
interesting from the light which they throw upon the Prince's
character. The proposition that true love and true loyalty
are the acutest as well as the most unsparing critics will commend itself for a truth, which in general is too little appreciated.'The stars which are needful for you just now, and perhaps
for some time to come, are Love, oronesty, Truth. All those
whose minds are warped, or who are destitute of feeling, will
be apt to nistake you, and to persuade themselves and the
world that you are not the man you are or at least may become, and that people are not only entitled to rate you low,
but even to treat you slightingly. It is only love and loyalty
that are keen-sighted, because they seek the truth; they find
excuses only where excuse should be made; they only wait
in patient hope for what can be developed by loving fosterage
alone, and not even by that until the time is ripe. Do you
therefore be on the alert betimes, with your eyes open in every
direction, and strive calmly but surely to form a just estimate
of the minds of those around you. This done, to the pure in
soul lay your heart open and establish between them and
yourself a relation truly reciprocal-love for love, warmth for
warmth, truth for truth. Those, on the other hand, who are
impure, keep at arm's length, and do this with proper firmness
and resolution.'My cordial good wishes for your twenty-first birthday. I
wish for my good Prince a great, noble, warm, and true heart,
such as shall serve as the richest and surest basis for the noblest views of human nature, and the firmest resolve to give
them development.' The letter which I received from the Queen since I came
here has given me extreme pleasure. It was written in i
happy mood, and there was consequently more cheerfulness




86               QUEJESTIONS OF PRECEDENCE.                  1840
in it, more contentment, more heart, than I have ever seen
her show before. God bless you, God keep you in health,
God surround you with good, pious men, from whom you may
learn practically and by deeds that human happiness is only
to be found on the path of love and goodness. 
This letter reached the Prince at Windsor Castle, to which
the Court had removed, when Parliament rose on the 11th of
August. Some difficulty had been apprehended as likely to
take place at the Prorogation, which was made by the Queen
in person, as to the place to be occupied by the Prince on that
occasion. None, however, arose. The Prince occupied, as he
did on all future occasions, the seat next the throne. It seems
the Duke of Sussex and others were disposed to question the
right of the Prince to occupy his natural place beside the
Queen both in the House of Lords, and on the way there.
Had any interference been attempted, the common sense and
good feeling of the country would very speedily have settled
the question.'I told you it was quite right,' said the Duke
of Wellington, speaking to the Queen a few days afterwards.'Let the Queen put the Prince where she likes, and settle it
herself-that is the best way.' 2
At Windsor the Prince was in his element.  He hailed
with delight the change to its fine air and magnificent woodland scenery, from the heavy smoke-polluted atmosphere of
London, doubly oppressive to him who had -been nurtured in
the pure crisp air of Thuringia.'I feel,' were his own words,'as if in Paradise in this fine fresh air.' Ile could there enjoy
comparative retirement,-a great relief after having been followed,'as he was in London, by crowds of people wherever he
showed himself.  It was also possible to give fuller play to
his love of natural history,3 and to his genius, inherited from
his father, for landscape gardening, which soon made itself
felt in the improved beauty of the pleasure-grounds around
2 The Great Duke had not much toleration for the traditions of Court
etiquette when they conflicted with the dictates of common sense. The late
Lord Albemarle, when Master of the Horse, was very sensitive about his
right in that capacity to sit in the Sovereign's carriage on state occasions.' The Queen,' said the Duke, when appealed to for his opinion,' can make
Lord Albemarle sit at the top of the coach, under the coach, behind the coach,
or wherever Her MIajesty pleases.'
3 One of his first efforts in this direction was the improvement of the
beautiful park-like gardens of Buckingham Palace.' I have enlivened it,' he
writes (4th June, 1840),'with all sorts of animals and rare aquatic birds.' —
Early YBea's, p. 342.




1840             THE EASTERN QUESTION.                 87
the Castle.' I am now,' he writes to his father on the 14th
of August,' forming a pretty little stud of all the Arab horses
which Victoria has received as presents.... That long green
space below the terrace where the old trees stand, not under,
but on the top of the hill, is to be laid out in pleasure-grounds,
with plants, &c., and I shall occupy myself much with it. It
gave me much trouble to get this settled, as it did before to
prevent the destruction of the fishing temple and George
IV.'s Cottage, which were to have been taken away. These
are now safe.'
On the 26th of August his birthday was celebrated at
Windsor by a family f6te, the first of the series of happy anniversaries, which were always made by the Queen and himself the means of drawing still closer the ties of family affection. tIe missed the greetings, however, of the old familiar
voices which had hitherto been associated with the day.
l'This is the first time,' he writes to his father on the 27th,'that I have not heard these good wishes from your own
lips... My thoughts yesterday were naturally much at the
Rosenau.'
The Prince availed himself of the comparative repose of
Windsor to commence a series of readings on the Laws and
Constitution of England with Mr. Selwyn, the very distinguished author of the standard work on N2i'si trius.  His'quick intelligence, and diligent attention,' as well as his
c readiness in seizing the points of resemblance between English and German jurisprudence,' were always spoken of by
Mr. Selwyn in the highest terms. While engaged in this
study he read along with the Queen IHallam's Constitutional
History of Englanzc.  On the 11th of September he was
made a Member of the Privy Council.
At this period, also, the Prince, who had been lately appointed to the Colonelcy of the 11th Hussars, went out occasionally with a squadron of the 1st Life Guards in Windsor
Park, in order to tnake himself acquainted with English drill
and the words of command.
By this time the Eastern Question had passed into its
most critical phase. The anxiety of the Queen and the Prince
was aggravated by the divided views which prevailed in the
Cabinet,4 feeling as they did, how mischievous would be the
effect, if it were to break up in presence of the attitude of
4 As this fact has been very fully stated in Lord Dalling's Life of Lord
Palm.nee:ston, reserve on the subject is no longer necessary.




88                 STOCKMAR'S COUNSELS.                   1840
menace which had been assumed by France. From  the first
the Queen, acting on Lord Melbourne's advice, had communicated all foreign despatches to. the Prince.5  This question
had therefore long occupied his closest attention; and certainly there was no subject, which from the magnitude and
complication of the interests involved, was better fitted to initiate him into the practical science of European diplomacy.
In this point of view it was an experience of the utmost value
to the Prince. Such, at least, was the view taken of it by
Baron Stockmar, and it found expression in a letter to the
Prince on the 8th of September..... *Continue,' writes the Baron,'to take upon yourself and to discharge cheerfully the friendly offices which
good feeling and courtliness of heart prescribe, even although
fhey cause you some trouble and discomfort. The reputation
of cordial courteousness is in your position not merely a
~great material advantage, it is also proof of a fine disposition..'Lord Russell is, as you remark, a genuine kernel in an
unpromising shell. I would fain hope, that on closer acquaintance, he will learn to love and prize you.'Whatever Mr. Selwyn may be,' if you only listen attentively, and apply yourself to the study regularly and continuously, I anticipate good results for you.' Eastern affairs will keep Europe in a state of ferment for
some time to come, lead to manifold diplomatic vagaries,
and consequently change their aspect oftener than the moon.
You, my dear Prince, will acquire much true insight by following their course with attention; and a close study of the
despatches communicated to you by the Premier, besides the
exact knowledge thus conveyed, will beget in you a taste for
general politics, which is quite indispensable for the duties
of your vocation.' Continue, dear Prince, to insist upon honour, integrity,
and order in your household. This inspires respect, and
gives a good example and warning to others.  Believe me, a
character and disposition like yours must be surrounded by
Victoria,' he writes to his father (August, 1840),'allows me to take an
active part in foreign affairs, and I think I have done some good. I always
commit my views to paper, and then communicate them to Lord Melbourne.
lIe seldom answers me, but I have the satisfaction of seeing him act entirely
in accordance with what I have said.'
6 This refers to a remark in a letter from the Prince to Stockmar,' that lie
had no fault to find with Mr. Selwyn, but a want of method.'




1840             BIRTH OF CRO-WN PRINCESS.                    89
none but the good, the loyal, and the well-disposed. At your
present time of life you must have nothing to say to churlish,
commonplace, repellent, or unconscientious  people.  Such
characters, as indeed you say yourself, will only dwarf and
drag you down.  You  must be fostered, developed, and
strengthened, for a time at least, by love and attachment, by
unselfish and warm sympathy....'With true respect and devotion,'Your Royal Highness's'Most obedient Servant,'STOCKMAir.'l
In November, Stockmar came back to  London on the
urgent solicitation of the Prince, who was naturally anxious
to have him at hand on the first accouchement of the Queen.'
His skill as a physician was of the first order, and he had,
even before his return from  Coburg, been kept informed of
the preliminary arrangements. On the question of the selection of a nurse, he writes to the Prince on the Ist of October:'Impress upon Anson the necessity for conducting this affair
with the greatest conscientiousness and circumspection; for
a mzan's educations begins theyfirst clay of his life, and a lucky
choice I regard as the greatest and finest gift we can bestow
on the expected stranger.'
On the 13th of November, the Court returned to Buckingham Palace, where, on the 21st, the Princess Royal was born.'For a moment only,' the Queen says,'was the Prince disappointed at its being a daughter and not a son.'
All had gone as well as possible; but Stockmar, mindful
probably of the sad catastrophe which he had witnessed at
Claremont twenty-three years before,8 sent the following note
to the Prince in the course of the day:
7 In one of Lady Lyttelton's letters of this period, the following record
occurs of a conversation, in which the Prince's familiarity wvith the English
Liturgy, and his sound feeling, are alike conspicuous.  Lord W. asked if a
prayer for the Queen's peculiar circumstances should be added.-Prince: No,
no; you have one already in the ILitanly -" all women labouring of child."
You pray already five times for the Queen. It is too much.-Lord W.: Can
we pray, Sir, too much for HIer Majosty — Prince: Not too leartily, but too
often.'
8The death of the Princess Charlotte in childbecl, 6th November, 1816. Till
within an hour or two of her death, the Princess had made such progress
that the Ministers and others who had been summoned to Claremont, left it
believing that all danger was past, but they could scarcoly have reached
London before she was dlea<d1




90            BIRTH OF CROWN PRINCESS.              1840
I'November 21, 1840.'ily dear, dear Prince,-Once more I thank God for the
gracious protection vouchsafed to us; I pray that it may be
continued, and again wish you, from the bottom of my heart,
all happiness in having become a father. Suffer me, moreover,
again to remind you, that sleep, stillness, rest, and the exclusion of many people from her room, are just now the all in all
for the Queen. You cannot be too guarded on these points.
Be, therefore, a very Cerberus. You ought not yourself to be
too much about the Queen just now, for your being near or
talking with her may be too exciting. Although the Queen
is now apparently so well, this ought not to lull us into careless seculity, for any agitation, but especially any excitement,
too much speaking, &c., may bring on fever and dangerous
consequences. Therefore, once again, the greatest prudence!!'Ever with respect and devotion,'Your Royal Highness's faithful
4 STOCKMAITR.
During the time the Queen was laid up, Her Majesty
records in a Memorandum, which has already been made
public (cEarly Years, p. 365), the Prince's care and devotion
were quite beyond expression. He refused to go to the play
or anywhere else, generally dining alone with the Duchess of
Kent, till the Queen was able to join them, and was always
at hand to do anything in his power for her comfort. Hle was
content to sit by her in a darkened room, to read to her, or
write for her.'No one but himself ever lifted her from her
bed to her sofa, and he always helped to wheel her on her bed
or sofa into the next room. For this purpose he would come
instantly when sent for from any part of the house. As years
went on and he became overwhelmed with work (for his
attentions were the same in all the Queen's subsequent confinements), this was often done at much inconvenience to
himself; but he ever came with a sweet smile on his face. In
short,' the Queen adds,'his care of her was like that of a
mother, nor could there be a kinder, wiser, or more judicious
nurse.'
His care on this occasion was requited by the rapid and
uninterrupted recovery of the Queen, and the Court was able
to return for the Christmas holidays to Windsor Castle. All
was happiness there. The war cloud had passed away, which
for many months had loured on the political horizon, and the




1840         RETURN TO BUCKINGHAMB PALACE.                91
dear delights of home had been made more precious by the
young life, which now gave it a new and tenderer charm.
Christmas was the favourite festival of the Prince, who clung
to the kindly custom of his native country, which makes it
a day for the interchange of gifts, as marks of affection and
good-will. The Queen fully shared his feelings in this respect,
and the same usage was then introduced into their home, and
was ever afterwards continued.  Christmas-trees were set up
in the Queen and the Prince's rooms, beside which were
placed the gifts with which each took pleasure in surprising
the other, while similar trees were set up in another room
with the gifts for the household.
On the 23rd of January, 1841, the Court returned to
Buckingham  Palace for the meeting of Parliament, which
was opened by the Queen in person on the 26th.  An entry
from Her Majesty's Jozttrn'cd on the 22nd is eloquent, in the
fulness of happiness which it expresses, of regret at returning
to the crowded and more artificial life of town:-'I told Albert that formerly I was too happy to go to
London and wretched to leave it, and how, since the blessed
hour of my marriage, and still more since the summer, I dislike and am unhappy to leave the country, and could be content and happy never to go to town. This pleased him. The
solid pleasures of a peaceful, quiets yet merry life in the
country, with my inestimable husband and friend, my all in
all, are far more durable than the amusements of London,
though we don't despise or dislike these sometimes.'
On the 10th of February, the anniversary of the Queen's
marriage, the Princess Royal was baptized at Buckingham
Palace, by the names Victoria Adelaide Mary Louisa.  The
Sponsors were the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, represented in his absence by the Duke of Wellington,g the King
of the Beloians, the Queen Dowager, the Duchess of Gloucester, the Duchess of Kent, and the Duke of Sussex.  Lord
Melbourne created some amusement by remarking of the
Princess to the Queen next day,' How she looked about her,
9 Speaking of the Christening, the Queen told Lord ALelbourne, that if the
Duke of Cob[{rg could not come, the Priuca andl herself intencled the Duke of
Wellington to represent him. This pleased Lord Melbourne very much, as he
knew it would flatter the Duke, and he added,'Indeed the Duke is the best
friend we have.'-The Queen's Joeanseal. Only a few nights before, the Duke
had warmly supported the Ministerial policy on the Eastern Question, in the
House of Lords, where it had been sharply attacked by Lord Brougham, as
endang-rin.g tlhe French alliance.




92             ACCIDENT TO THE PRINCE.              1840
quite conscious thlat the stir was all about herself. This is
the time the character is formed!' a quaint gloss upon
Stockmar's view, alreadv quoted,'That a man's education
begins with the first day of his life.'
The day previous the Prince had met with an accident
while skating (a favourite amusement with him) on the
sheet of water behind Buckingham Palace.' My fright,' the
Queen says,'was indescribable,' but it will be seen from
the following letter by the Prince (12th February, 1841) to
the Dowager Duchess of Gotha, that this did not prevent
Her Majesty from showing her wonted.helpfulness in the
emergency:-'Buckingham Palace.'The cold has been intense... Nevertheless, I managed,
in skating, three days ago, to break through the ice in
Buckingham  Palace Gardens.  I was making my way to
Victoria, who was standing on the bank with one of her
ladies, and when within some few yards of the bank I fell
plump into the water, and had to swim for two or three
minutes in order to get out. Victoria was the only person
who had presence of mind to lend me assistance, her lady
being more occupied in screaming for help. The shock from
the cold was extremely painful, and I cannot thank Heaven
enough, that I escaped with nothing more than a severe cold.
They had, it seems, broken the ice recently at that particular
spot, and it had frozen over again, so that it was impossible
to distinguish the place.'The Christening went off very well. Your little greatgrandchild behaved with great propriety, and like a Christian.
She was awake, but did not cry at all, and seemed to crow
with immense satisfaction at the lights and brilliant uniforms,
for she is very intelligent and observing. The ceremony took
place at half-past six P.M., and after it there was a dinner, and
then we had some instrumental music. The health of the
little one was drunk with great enthusiasm.'I can scarcely realise the fact, that I have already been
married a year and two days; and it brings the sad truth
afresh to my mind, that we have been so long separated from
each other. I hope, however, to see you either here or at
Ostend. Uncle Leopold, who is very well, will, alas! not remain with us long. To me his being here is a great pleasure.' The little girl bears the Saxon Arms in the middle of the
English, which looks very pretty.'




CHAPTER VII.
Difficulties and Approaching Downfall of Melbourne Administration-Arrangements in Anticipation of Change of Ministry-Baron Stockmar on the State of Parties and Aspect
of Affairs in England —Royal Visits to Nuneham, Oxford, Woburn Abbey, Panshanger,
Brocket Hall, and Hatfield-Launch of the Trafalgar-Elections for City of LondonFall of Melbourne Administration-Lord Melbourne's Opinion of the Prince-The Peel
Ministry-Sir R. Peel's and Lord Kingsdown's Estimate of the Prince —Fine Arts Commission-Prince appointed President-Report by Mr. Charles Eastlake of Interview
with Prince-Birth of Prince of Wales —Christmas at Windsor Castle.
IT will be seen from the following letters that Baron Stockmar
left England early in 1841, well satisfied with the development
of the Prince's character, and with the progress made in establishing his position both within the Palace and before the
country.  But Stockmar was not of the easy disposition that
feels assured of results, while they are yet only half achieved.
He had set his mind updn a very high ideal for the Prince;
and while encouraging him by his sympathy and approval,
last successes only stimulated him to call upon the Prince, to
exert, more strenuously than ever, his powers of self-discipline
and of perseverance:-'Coburg, 7tlh May. 1841.'I went, agreeably to  my promise, on the  first of this
month, to Gotha.  During two days I had the honour of seeing your Grandmama three times. I found her cheerful and
well, eager for information, and so our chief topic of conversation was Your Royal Highness, and your position in England.
I had in this way frequent occasion to observe this lady's
sound judgment, her upright and honourable nature, and her
truly motherly love for yourself. To keep up a lively and
affectionate intercourse with this exemplary Princess is sure
to have a beneficial influence on your own mind....'What I have seen during the time I have recently passed
with you, strengthens me in the hope of achieving more or
less the ideal for your future, which I set up for myself twenty
months since.  Let us but cleave devoutly but unceasingly to
high thoughts and noble purposes, and Heaven's blessing will
not fail to attend us!.ATot outward Slow-tlt Truth and




94          LETTER FROM BARON STOCKMAR.               1841
Reality be the ainm. Only through self-knowledge can way be
made. It is, however, a laborious and arduous business, and
one that will have its share of troubles. It requires a mall
not to spare his own flesh, but to cut into his own faults as
well as other men's.  And yet it is only in this way that
moral excellence and a character to be revered can be reached,
and without these Your Royal Highness may say good-by for
ever to any real success.'When I recall to mind the manifold and serious difficulties, as they stood before us a year and a half ago, and the
insignificant means at our command for overcoming them, I
am bound to confess that we have cause to be thankful and
contented. We have walked warily, and therefore slowly,
but at the same time sturely. Still the result hitherto ought
not to make us presumpttbuous or careless, but only more intent
on further successes both within and without. I look upgon it
as a signal favoter of Provicence, to have it in my power in
m-ty nmaiture years to in,litence a Prince of Y-our Royal htighness's natural gifts and high position.'  That I am  thus
favoured imposes duties upon me, which at all times I must
have wished conscientiously to fulfil. Hence the earnestness
of my efforts to labour without ceasing at the cultivation of
your mind, at the ennobling of your sentiments; hence the
impossibility for me of flattering you, as well as the duty of
stimulating you to deal with yourself sternly, and with an iron
hand.'Your early education, my dear Prince,-as well as your
youth, has hitherto tended to generate in you a certain tendency, which from this hour forth I am bent on overcoming.
It is the tendency to close the ear of the understanding to the
most convincing propositions, whenever you are possessed by
impulses and predilections for men and things which spring
from mistaken or perverted feeling. This tendency, which on
a close self-scrutiny you will find to be the result either of
weakness or vanity, should, because of its very origin, be
most strenuously subdued. The same defect too often leads
Your Royal Highness even in matters of moment to rest satisfied with mere talk, where action is alone appropriate, and
can alone be cf any value. It is, therefore, not merely unworthy of you, but extremely mischievous~ A judgment so
sound as yours should always be able to keep down whatever
1 Stoclkmar was fond of the emphasis of italics. The italics, wherever they
occur in the text, are his.




1841          MELBOURNE ADMINISTRATION.                95
is false or mistaken in sentiment; and Your Royal Highness's
conduct should always be regulated by conviction based upon
a clear perception of what is true. Well do I know that the
solution of this task can only be the fruit of resolute selfcontrol, and is therefore neither soon nor easily attainable;
but I also know just as surely, that it is worthy of you, that
it is within the power of your mind to achieve, and that, unless
achieved, it is idle to hope for any genuine triumph for you as
a man or as a Prince.'
By the time this letter reached the Prince, it had become
apparent that the doom of the Melbourne Administration,
which had long hung in the balance, was virtually sealed.
They had the misfortune to face Parliament with an avowed
deficit of nearly two millions. Trade was in a deplorable
state-the manufacturing districts overrun with pauperism
and distress. There was a general feeling throughout the
country that the Ministry, at no time eminent in finance, was
not equal to the difficulties both at home and abroad, which
now stared them in the face; and this feeling became still
more widely spread when they presented a Budget, which
alarmed the agricultural interest by the proposal of a fixed
Ss. duty on corn, and provoked the hostility of a large section
of the commercial world by lowering the duties on foreign
sugar and timber, without affording any assurance that the
contemplated tariff would produce the desired results. Even
before he left England, Stockmar had been told by Lord Melbourne, that'his Ministry was exposed to all sorts of casualties, and that he saw no guarantee anywhere for its stability'
(Denkwirdcigckeiten, p. 359). In such a state of things it was
obvious that the catastrophe might arrive at any hour.
The position of affairs was, of course, -no secret to the
Prince.  Lord Melbourne had all along been most anxious'that the Qusen should tell him and show him everything connected with public affairs' (Early Years, p. 319); and his
Lordship had himself been most unreserved in his communications with him on these subjects.'I study the politics of the
day,' the Prince writes to his Father in April, 1841,'with
great industry. I speak quite openly with the Ministers on
all subjects, so as to gain information,.. and I endeavour
quietly to be of as much u;se to Victoria in her position as I
can.' Acting upon this principle, he was desirous to prevent,
if possible, upon the arrival of the Ministerial crisis, now so




96         ARRANGEMENTS IN ANTICIPATION.           184i
imminent, the recurrence of those difficulties which had frustrated the entrance of Sir Robert Peel to office in 1839. The
Queen, he felt, must not again be open to any imputation of
being governed by political partisanship in the choice of the
Ladies of the Bedchamber. WVith this view he brought the
subject under Lord Melbourne's notice, and reported the result
to Baron Stockmar (May, 1841) as follows:-'My communication with Melbourne went off extremely
well. I explained to him that I was naturally under some uneasiness at the present state of things; that my chief object
was the Queen-my sole anxiety, that nothing unconstitutional should be done, and that the Queen should come out of
the crisis this time with more eclat than she had done on a
previous occasion; that it was my duty and his also, not only
to prepare the Queen for the possible eventuality, but also to
come with her to an agreement as to what she and I and he
would have to do. I showed him the points which I had already.communicated to you, and he agreed with me in all of
them.'
These points in effect were, that, if a change of Ministry
took place, the Queen would arrange that those of her ladies
should retire of their own accord, whose removal the Tories
considered essential on account of their close relationship to
leading Whig Ministers-an arrangement which, while it satisfied every fair requirement of the Tory Cabinet, involved
no compromise of the principle for which Her Majesty had
contended in 1839, that it was no part of the province of
Ministers to say who should or should not be the Ladies of
Her Household. It was the Prince's view, and in this Lord
Melbourne concurred, that a previous understanding on the
subject should be come to with Sir Robert Peel. Negotiations
with this view were accordingly opened by the Prince, through
the medium of his secretary, Mr. Anson; and the arrangenment then come to was satisfactorily carried out, when Sir
Robert came into office a few months afterwards, by the retirement of the Duchesses of Bedford and Sutherland, and of
Lady Normanby.
The anxiety of the Queen was great at the critical position
of the Ministry, to whom from long association and feelings
of personal regard she was naturally much attached. At the
same time she felt strongly how much more independent was
her position now, with the Prince at her side to advise with,
than it had been in 1839, when she stood alone.' Albert,' she




1841           OF CHANGE OF MINISTRY.              97
writes to King Leopold,'is indeed a great comfort to me. He
takes the greatest possible interest in what goes on, feeling
with me and for me, and yet abstaining as he ought from
biassing me either way, though we talk much on the subject,
and his judgment is, as you say, good and calm.'
The division (18th May) on that part of the Budget which
proposed a reduction of the duties on foreign sugar left the
Ministry in a minority of 36. It was generally assumed that
this would be followed by their immediate resignation; but
the majority of the Cabinet took a different view, and resolved
on an appeal to the country.' Under these circumstances,' as
Lord Melbourne told the Queen on the 19th,'of course I felt
I could but go with them; so we shall go on, bring on the
Sugar Duties, and then, if things are in a pretty good state,
dissolve.'
The same evening, accordingly, Lord John Russell announced to the House of Commons, that on the Monday following he should move the annual Sugar Duties, and on the
4th of June bring forward the question of the Corn Laws.
But the Ministers were not allowed to carry out this programme undisturbed; for when the question of the Sugar
Duties came on, Sir Robert Peel seconded the Chancellor of
the Exchequer's motion, that the existing duties should be
continued for a year, and then gave notice that he should on
the 31st of Mav move a vote of no confidence in the Ministry.
This was done; and after a four nights' debate, he succeeded in carrying his motion by a majority of one. After this
nothing remained but to hurry through the necessary formal
business of the Session, and to ascertain with all speed the
opinion of the country. On the 23rd of June Parliament was
prorogued by the Queen in person, and dissolved on the 29th
by Royal proclamation, the writs for the New Parliament being made returnable on the 29th of August.
In the course of the debate on the Sugar Duties, the question between the Ministry and their opponents had been made
entirely one of Free Trade as against Protective Duties.
Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston supported with the
whole weight of their eloquence the principles upon which
Mr. Cobden and his friends had long been urging the total
abolition of the Corn Laws. Their Budget, they contended,
had been framed upon the basis of doing away with the system of protective duties, which had excluded our commerce
from other countries, sent skill and capital abroad to engage
5




98                FREE TRADE MEASURES.                   1841
in competition with ourselves, and dried up the sources of our
own productive industry.'I will venture to predict,' said
Lord Palmerston, at the close of his very powerful speech, in
words which were soon to become memorable,'that although
our opponents may resist those measures to-night for the sake
of obtaining a majority in the division, yet if they should come
into office these are the measures which a just regard for the
finances and commerce of the country will compel them themselves to propose.'
The very decided views thus announced were received with
considerable surprise, conflicting as they did with the strong
opinions of an opposite character, which had been expressed
by Lord Melbourne and others of his Administration at a period comparatively recent. Only so lately as in 1839 Lord
M/ielbourne had in his place in Parliament declared that' the
repeal of the Corn Laws would be the most insane proposition that ever entered the human head.' This circumstance
was no doubt strongly present to Stockmar's mind, when he
learned from  the Prince the issue upon which Lord Melbourne's party had decided to go to the country.  He was
himself a warm supporter of Free Trade, and believed in its
ultimate and not distant triumph.2 But he believed just as
strongly that the success of great political changes is and
always has been due to their being brought forward at the
right time, and by the right people; and judging by what he
says in the following letter to the Prince, neither of these
conditions seemed to him to be satisfied by the attitude now
taken up by Lord Melbourne and his party.
At all events, in the fierce political struggle which was
now imminent, Stockmar was anxious that the Prince should
not be carried away by any of its passions.  The nation should
see that between the contending parties a position of absolute
neutrality was maintained by the Crown; and the Prince's
first concern should be to make it more easy for the Queen
to reconcile herself to the altered circumstances which were
now for the first time to bring her into immediate contact
with the leaders of a party, with which she had hitherto been
somewhat in antagonism.
2' For the world of commerce and industry,' he writes (Denlkwiirdigkeiteno,
p. 368)' I expect great things from the time we live in, which is sure to bring
very shortly certain principles to maturity. The truth, that all commerce
should be free, will come to be generally recognised, and the altered views of
their people will make it possible for governments to give reality and substance
to such coramercial treaties as they shall conclude.'




1841     STOCKMAR ON THE STATE OF PARTIES.             99' Coburg, 18th May, 1841.' Iy dear Prince,-It is scarcely a month since I left England, and yet in that short time many material alterations
have taken place in its internal policy. Melbourne's rapid
change in his professions on the subject of the Corn Laws,
into which he has no doubt been persuaded by his colleagues
out of Inere good nature and easiness of disposition, has an
ugly look. To stimulate hungry wolves, in order to have
them as allies on the Governmlent side, is what in his place I
would under no circumstances have resorted to. To me, I
confess, the business swears upon the whole a very serious
aspect, and the crisis seems to me one which will demand
genuine statesmanship to get over. What strikes me, however, as its most serious feature is this, that the country may
be hurried into decided measures, and that it may be unable
to command that clearness, insight, and practical sagacity,
which are necessary to pilot the vessel of the state through
the storm.'Although, however, mere intelligence and good will are
inadequate to emergencies like the present, and these can
only be grappled with by positive knowledge combined with
actual experience, and the tact which comes of experience,
yet, my dear Prince, you will not fail to see the obligation
laid upon you, to turn the events of the hour to account as
an instructive practical lesson. For it is ycur duty and your
privilege to give counsel and active support to the Crown,
hard pressed as it is, and weakened by so many circumstances
and influences at work to its disadvantage.'In seasons of fermentation like the present Ministerial
crisis, out of which a new order of things is likely to arise,
he is most secure, who, lookin.g well alchead, sees his wacy to
whctt he can make out of the present for the fJeture, and while
regulating the present, does this in such a way, that out of it
must grow what he has desired for the future, as surely as the
plant developes from the germ. With all my heart, then, will
I wish that in my dear Prince this far-seeing faculty may be
found in abundant measure.'All men, still more all women, yield to the omnipotence
of events much more readily than to mere verbal demonstration, or advice, or to persuasion. To turn the teaching of
facts to true account is consequently of vital moment, for their
arguments and theirs alone will_.be understood when everything else fails.




100                 ROYAL VISITS.                  1841'If things come to a change of Ministry, then the great
axiom, irrefragably one and the same for all Ministries, is this,
viz.: The Crown supports frankly, honourably, and with all
its might, the Ministry of the time, whatever it be, so long as
it commands a majority, and governs with integrity for the
welfare and advancement of the country. A king, who as a
Constitutional king either cannot or will not carry this maxim
into practice, deliberately descends from the lofty pedestal on
which the Constitution has placed him to the lower one of a
mere party chief. Be you, therefore, the Constitutional genius
of the Queen; do not content yourself with merely whispering this maxim in her ear when circumstances serve, but
strive also to carry it out into practice at the right time and
by the worthiest means. A man can almost always accomplish what is right, if lie set himself resolutely to do so. It is
essential, that we all help, according to our means, to build
up a solid and well-merited reputation for you. Up to the
present time things, it is true, have not been propitious for
this; still both in France and Germany much more favourable
impressions would have been produced, if external and most
unfavourable influences had not exercised so sovereign a predominance in certain quarters.'
While the kingdom was convulsed by the excitement of
the political crisis, the Queen and the Prince were able to
make short excursions to various parts of the country. Nuneham, Oxford, Woburn Abbey, Panshanger, Brocket HEIall, and
Hatfield, were successively visited, and everywhere along
their route they were met by the warmest demonstrations of
loyalty and personal interest. The supplementary escorts
improvised by the enthusiasm of her people seem at some
places to have occasioned Her Majesty no little discomfort.
Thus at Dunstable, although the 11th Hussars (the Prince's
own Regiment) supplied the regular escort,'numbers of
farmers,' it is recorded in the Queen's Journal,'rode with
us, and they nearly smothered us with dust.' Again, when
driving out from Woburn Abbey,'a crowd of good loyal people,' the same record states,'rode with us part of the way.
They so pressed and pushed, that it was as if we were hunting.' Allusions to these visits will be found in the following
extracts from the Prince's correspondence with the Duchess
of Kent.
The Duchess had gone at the end of May to visit her




1841            THE DUCHESS OF KENT.                101
native country, for the first time since 1819. On the 7th of
June she wrote to the Queen from Amorbach, an estate in
Bavaria belonging to the Prince Leiningen, where she had
resided after her marriage with the Duke of Kent until her coming to England, just before the birth of the Princess Victoria.'.... It is like a dream that I am writing to you from
this place. My heart is so full. I am so occupied with you
and Albert, and the precious little creature.'I am quite upset by the kind reception the poor people
here gave me. I wish I could give you a description of it.
Everywhere I have found proofs of affection and gratitude.
The whole little place was in a bustle.... I occupy the
rooms where your dear Father lived; but Charles [her son,
the Prince Leiningen] had one room arranged for me, which
is most elegant and pretty. He has made many alterations
in the house. Your Father began them just when we left in
Mtarch, 1819.'
To this letter the Prince replies:' Buckingham Palace, 18th June, 1841.'Dear Mama,-I owe you many thanks for your long dear
letter from Amorbach.... I can quite imagine that you
have been everywhere very cordially received, and that you
will continue to be so. That amidst all that has been going
on, and while under such varied emotions, we are constantly
in your thoughts, is doubly kind and dear of you....'Our life here of late has been very unsettled. We paid
a very interesting and agreeable three days' visit to the Archbishop of York at Nuneham, and from there I went to Oxford,
where I was very well received. The Commemoration was
postponed for my presence.'The impending dissolution is now the engrossing topic
of interest. It empties purses, sets families by the ears, demoralises the lower classes, and perverts many of the upper,
whose character wants strength to keep them straight. But
this, like other things, comes to an end, and so does not bring
the body politic to ruin, as it might otherwise do.
c To-nmorrow we visit the Duke of Devonshire at Chiswick.
On Monday we go to see the " Trafalgar " launched at Woolwich,3 and on Tuesday prorogue Parliament.  Wednesday,
3  This,' the Prince writes to his Father, 22nd June, 1841,' was the most imposing sight which I can remember. There were about 500,000 people present,




102            VISIT TO WOBURN ABBEY.                 1841
Uncle Leopold and Aunt Louise arrive. Thursday, we have
a Council for the dissolution of Parliament, and on Friday I
lay the foundation-stone of the London Porters' Association.
To-day we had a Chapter of the Bath: Sir Charles Napier was
decorated.  Yesterday was the last drawing-room  of the
season. All the world is rushing out of town to agitate the
country for and against.'Adieu! ever your affectionate Son,
ALBERT.'
Ten days later (28th of June) the Prince writes:'To-morrow the elections begin. The City's will be over
at four. All the world are on the tiptoe of expectation as to
the result.'You are by this time in Coburg. How gladly I would be
transported thither for a moment I cannot tell you! Your
news from Amorbach and Langenburg interested us greatly.
How much more eager am I for what you will send me from
my dear home!'
The result of the City election was significant of the issue
of the elections throughout England. Two of the four seats,
which had hitherto been held by the Whigs, were wrested
from them by the Conservatives, Mr. Masterman, a Conservative, being at the head, Lord John Russell at the bottom of
the poll. On the 15th of July Lord Melbourne reported to
the Queen that the Conservatives would have a majority of
seventy.'I knew,' he said,'at least I thought that it would
be so.' Others had calculated the probable majority at not
more than fifty.
On the 26th of July the Queen and the Prince visited the
Duke of Bedford at Woburn Abbey, from which they went to
Panshanger, visiting while there Lord Melbourne at Brocket
Hall, and returning to town by way of Hatfield.' Woburn Abbey is really very beautiful,' the Prince writes
to the Duchess of Kent,  and as complete and comfortable as
possible. Yesterday we arrived here; and to-day we make an
excursion to Brocket to Lord Melbourne, who is rather nervous
and the Thames was covered for miles with ships, steamers, barges and boats,'
The wine used had been taken from the' Victory' after the battle of Trafalgar.
By the Queen's request, the vessel was christened by Lady Bridport, a niece of
Lord Nelson's.




1841           THE QUEEN OF THE BELGIANS.                    103
about it.  We have here, besides the family, Lord and Lady
de Grey, Lord and Ladv Palmerston, Lord and Lady Ashley,
Lord and Lady Leveson Gower, Lord Duncannon, Lord and
Lady Verulam, Lord Salisbury, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Vyner,
Mr. Henry Greville.   With us are, Lady Lyttelton, Miss
Cavendish, Lords Headfort, Anson, Colonels Bouverie an-d
Buckley.  H —   has already lost hlis hat from the carriage,
sat down upon a basket of strawberries, mistaken ice at dinner
for bread, and thrust his fingers into it, &c. &c.'The country round here is very pretty and very like that
near the Rosenau, particularly in the direction of the Fischbacher-Thal.
6Ever your devoted Son,'ALBERT.
i Panshanger, July 29, 1841.1
The pleasure of the Queen during this otherwise delightful
tour had been somewhat clouded by having to leave behind
her at Wi-tindsor Castle the Queen of the Belgians, who had
been detained in England for some weeks by the illness of her
son, the present King, and was to take her departure within
a few hours after Her Majesty's return to WTindsor.'To lose
four days of her stay,' the Queen writes to King Leopold,'of
which I repeat every hour is precious, is dreadful.''The
Queen of the Belgians,' says the Queen's Journcal,'had been
an inmate of the Palace for nearly six weeks, and during this
stay, which had been such a happiness for me, we had become
most intimate. Louise is perfect, so excellent, so full of every
kind and high feeling —Eine herrliche Seele!  Albert is the
only equal to her in unselfishness.  She never thinks of herself.' 
Such was the vehemence of party excitement at this period,
and so widely spread the spirit of discontent, engendered by
the prevailing distress and privation throughout the manufacturing districts, that the Queen and the Prince seem to have
been deeply impressed by the manifestations of loyalty by
4 It was thus that Baron Stockmar spoke of this noble woman, on hearing of
her death in September, 1850: 1 From the moment the Queen entered that circle, in which for so many years I had a place, I have revered her as a pattern
of er sex. We say anl believe that men can be noble and good; of her we
know with certainty that she was so. In her were daily shown a truthftlness
of character, a faithful living up to a sense, of duty, which inspire conviction of
the possible, although only too exceptional, nobleness of the human heart. In
characters such as hers, a guarantee is given us of the perfection of the Being
who created human nature.'-Den,kcwi rdigkeiten,, p. 622.




104           CHANGE OF ADMINISTRATION.             1841
which they were everywhere met.'Nothing,' the Queen
writes to King Leopold, 3d of August,'could be more enthusiastic or affectionate than our reception everywhere, and
I am happy to hear that our presence has left a favourable
impression. The loyalty in this. country is certainly very
striking.'
A letter from the Prince to his Father is couched in the
same strain:-' August 2, 1841.'We returned the day before yesterday from our excursion into the country, and were indeed exceedingly gratified
by all the beautiful things we saw, and by the affectionate
and enthusiastic reception we everywhere met with. There is
beyond all question a great depth of devotion towards the
Throne, the Constitution, and the Church in the English rural
population which is most touching to witness.'Hatfield, a mansion which formerly belonged to Queen
Elizabeth, and which has been in Lord Salisbury's family since
the time of James I., would be sure to interest you greatly
by its architecture and wonderful wood carving.'
On the 19th of August Parliament met, and battle was
joined by the contending forces upon Mr. Stuart Wortley's
amendment on the Address, in which he proposed, among
other things, that the House should'respectfully represent
to Her Majesty the necessity that her Ministers should enjoy
the confidence of the country, which the present Administration does not possess.' After a fortnight's debate the House
divided about five in the morning of the 28th, when the
Ministers found themselves in a minority of 91 in a House of
629 Memlbers.
The same evening Lord Melbourne came to Windsor at
Her Majesty's request.'He praised,' says the Queen's JourCal,'the speeches of Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel.'
Lord Melbourne himself was in very good spirits, saying the
only person he was very sorry for was the Queen, and that it
was very painful for him to leave her.'For four years I have
seen you every day; but it is so different now to what it
would have been in 1839. The Prince,' Lord Melbourne
added,'understands everything so well, and has a clever able
head.' The Queen saw Lord Melbourne next morning before
he left the Castle, and was much affected in taking leave of
him.' You will find,' he said,'a great support in the Prince;




1841               LORD MELBOURNE.                 105
he is so able. You said when you were going to be married,
that he was perfection, which I thought a little exaggerated
then, but really I think now that it is in some degree realised.''Nothing,' the same record continues,'could exceed the
Prince's kindness to the Queen at this for her trying time of
separation from her old friend. "It is not alone," he said,
"the minister you lose, but a faithful and attached friend,'
adding that he would do everything he could only to be of use
to me, but that he feared I should miss Lord Melbourne very
much.'
In writing a few days afterward to King Leopold, Her
Majesty says:-'I cannot say what a comfort and support my beloved
Albert is to me-how well and how kindly and properly he
behaves.  I cannot resist copying for you what Lord Melbourne wrote to me about him, the evening after we parted.
He had already praised him greatly to me before he took
leave of me. It is as follows:"' Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy hilnself without again
stating to Your Majesty in writing what he had the honour
of saying to Your Majesty respecting His Royal Highness the
Prince. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest opinion of
His Royal Highness's judgment, temper, and discretion, and
he cannot but feel a great consideration and security in the
reflection that he leaves Your Majesty in a situation in which
Your Majesty has the inestimable advantage of such advice
and assistance.  Lord Melbourne feels certain that Your
Majesty cannot do better than have recourse to it whenever
it is needed, and rely upon it with confidence."'This naturally gave me great pleasure, and made me
very proud, as it comes from a person who is no flatterer, and
would not have said it, if he did not think so or feel so.'
Sir Robert Peel completed his arrangements for the formation of the new Ministry so quickly that on the 3rd of
September, at a Council held at Claremont, the new Cabinet
kissed hands upon their appointment. No difficulty of any
kind had arisen on either side. Lord Melbourne told Baron
Stockmar, who had just returned from Coburg, that Sir Robert Peel had behaved most handsomely, and that the conduct
of the Prince had throughout been most moderate and judicious. Peel used afterwards to say that he had felt no slight
embarrassment on first coming into official contact with the




106                    PEEL MINISTRY.                       1841
Prince,5 for the fact was painfully present to his mind that
the serious curtailment of the Prince's income was mainly
due to the prominent support which he had given to Colonel
Sibthorp's motion the previous year.  He was, therefore, not
a little touched to find that not a shade of personal soreness
could be traced in the Prince's demeanour. On the contrary,
his communications were of that franlk and cordial character
which at once placed the Minister at his ease, and made him
feel assured that not only was no grudge entertained, but
that he might count thenceforward on being treated as a
friend.  He quickly formed a very high idea of the Prince's
capacity, and, following the system which had been initiated
by Lord Melbourne, he continued to keep him thoroughly informed as to the course of public affairs.
How deep was the impression made upon Sir Robert Peel
by the Prince, even in those early days of their acquaintance,
may be gathered from what he said of him to Mr. Pemberton,
afterwards Lord Kingsdown, who was at this time AttorneyGeneral of the Duchy of Cornwall.'Sir Robert Peel,' says
Lord Kingsdown in his unpublished Becollections of his Life
ca  the Bar cand in Parliament, p. 130,' when he introduced
me to him in 1841, said that I should find him one of the
most extraordinary young men I had ever met with.' So, he
adds, it proved.'His aptitude for business was wonderful;
the dullest and most intricate matters did not escape or weary
his attention; his judgment was very good; his readiness to
listen to any suggestions, though against his own opinions,
was constant; and though I saw his temper very often tried,
yet in the course of twenty years I never once saw it disturbed, nor witnessed any signs of impatience.' G
One of the first acts of Sir Robert Peel after the instalment
of his Ministry, was to suggest thtat the Prince, whose wide
range of knowledge in art and science was by this time generally known, should be placed at the head of a Royal Com5 Iie had been presented to him by Lord Melbourne, at the Trinity House
dinner, on the 27th February preceding.
6 This extraordinary commandc of temper was one of the not least remarkable characteristics of the Prince:' Not a complaint, not a murmur, ever escapecl his li]is; not a single hasty expression woulld he ever indulge in, even
towards those who were most unjust to him.' So writes General Grey (Earsly
Years, p. 317), andl we have often been told by him that it was impossible to
overstate this admirable quality of forbearance and self-control in the Prince.
Like Chaucer's KnightHe never yet no villanye ne sayde,
In al his lyf, unto no nmaner wight;
He was a verray perfight gentil knight.




1841             FINE ARTS COMMISSION.                107
mission to inquire whether advantage might not be taken of
the rebuilding of the Houses of Parliament to promote and
encourage the Fine Arts in the -United Kingdom. The inquiry
had been carried on for some time by a. Committee of the
House of Commons; but it had been found from its nature,
and the protracted investigations to which it led, to be more
properly the subject of a Royal Commission. The cordiality
of the relations which had already been established between
the Prince and Sir Robert Peel is evident from the following
correspondence:'October 3, 1841.' My dear Sir Robrt,-WThen you were last here our conversation turned upon the 2Nibelhuzgenlied, and you seemed
to take some interest in this celebrated poem of the prehistoric times of Germany. I thought it would amuse you to
see a very fine edition of the work, which has lately appeared,
and therefore send it to you to look at. The illustrations are
by Bendemann and Hilbner, and fine specimens of the school
of Duisseldorf. I am sure you will be pleased with the correctness of drawing and composition.'I was glad to see that your announcement of the intention
to form a Royal Commission was so well received in the House
of Commons. I have thought much of the proposed plan, and
have arrived at the conviction that there had better be no artist
by profession on the Committee. The benefit of an artist's
opinion would be as well or even better obtained by taking it
upon examination, as this would enable the Commission to
procure the different opinions of a greater number of artists.
I am afraid, moreover, that the discussion upon the various
points would not be so free amongst the laymen if distinguished professors were present, as these would scarcely venture to maintain an opinion in opposition to those of the latter
class.' I only give you my crude views, and have no wish whatever to press them against the experience of others.7'Believe me, dear Sir Robert, &c. &c.
ALBERT.'
To this Sir Robert Peel replied:
7 This is the first of the Prince's letters written in English, which we have
had occasion to quote. His correspondence and political Memoranda throughout this work, except where otherwise mentioned, as well as those of Baron
Stockmar, are translated from the German.




108         THE PRINCE BECOMES PRESIDENT           1841'Whitehall, October 4, 1841.' Sir, —-I am very much gratified by Your Royal Highness's
kind condescension in allowing me to see the volume which
accompanied the letter which I had the honour of receiving
from Your Royal Highness last night, and was so much interested by the engravings contained in that volume that I will
take the liberty of detaining it for a day or two.'Your Royal Highness has probably heard that M. Cornelius has arrived in London. I had the pleasure of making
his personal acquaintance yesterday, as he had expressed a
wish to see my pictures.'Your Royal Highness's suggestions with regard to the
constitution of the Commission are entitled to and shall receive the fullest consideration.  I am strongly inclined to
think that the views of Your Royal Highness with regard to
the including of professional men in the Commission are perfectly just.' It was equally gratifying to me to be the medium of announcing to the House of Commons that Your Royal Highness
had been graciously pleased to give the immediate sanction
of your name and authority to this Commission, and to witness
the cordial satisfaction with which the intimation was received
in every quarter of the House.' I have the honour to be, &c.' ROBERT PEEL.'
Eight days later, Sir Robert Peel writes to the Prince,
with the list of persons proposed for the Commission, adding,'Your Royal Highness will perceive that the selection is made
without the slightest reference to party distinction.' This
had, indeed, been made by the Prince a condition of his acting
upon the Commission; and in his reply, after stating that the
selection appeared to him to be an admirable one, he continues:-' I can only rejoice that party distinctions should
have been excluded from this national undertaking.'
No better introduction into English public life than the
Chairmanship of this Commission could have been desired for
the Prince. The subject of inquiry, besides being particularly
congenial to his tastes, was one in which he was thoroughly
at home. The Commission, constituted wholly without reference to party, included, men of the first distinction in politics,
art, and literature; and while in the collision of such minds
the Prince could not fail to acquire that knowledge of the




1841               FINE ARTS COMMISSION.                   109
character of the most influential men in England, and that
insight into English ways of thinking and transacting business, which it was all-important for him to obtain, he was
able at the same time to let his own high qualities be seen,
where they were most sure to be appreciated, and to establish a reputation which, radiating from such a centre, was
certain to be heard of throughout society, both widely and
Soon.
The original Commission included the following remarkable
array of names:-Lord Lyndhurst, the Duke of Sutherland,
the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl
of Aberdeen, Viscount Melbourne, Lord Ashburton, Lord Colborne, the Speaker (now Lord Eversley), the Earl of Lincoln,
Lord John Russell, Lord Francis Egerton, Lord Palmerston,
Sir Robert Peel, Sir James Graham, Sir Robert Inglis, Mr.
Gally Knight, Mr. Benjamin Hawes, Mr. Henry Hallam, Mr.
Samuel Rogers, Mr. George Vivian, and Mr. Thomas Vyse.
In May, 1844, the names of Lord Mahon and Mr. (afterwards
Lord) Macaulay were added by a supplementary Commission.'To me personally,' the Prince writes to Sir Robert Peel (4th
April, 1844), in answer to his letter suggesting this addition
to the strength of the Commission,'their addition would be
very gratifying, as these sittings (besides the interest of the
subject itself) give me an agreeable opportunity, which otherwise I should not have, to get more intimately acquainted
with some of the most distinguished men of the day without
reference to politics.' To preside over such a body was indeed
a distinction; but it was not less obviously an ordeal, out of
which only very high attainments and unusual vigour of mind
could hope to come with honour.8
The Prince entered with enthusiasm upon the labours of
the Commission.  One of his first duties was to meet the
Secretary, Mr. (afterwards Sir) Charles Eastlake, to arrange
the business of the Commission. The following sketch of
this first interview, by the pen of that amiable and most
8 The Prince told the Queen that he felt he owed to Sir R. Peel his first
initiation into public life, for that this Commission was the commencement
of his connection with the leading public and literary men of this country.
It taught him more, he said, than anything else had done, and he always
talked of it with pleasure. One by one, those who had been associated with
him dropped off; and only in the spring of 1861 he said to the Queen,'All
my Commissioners are dead almlost.' Of all those who sat in that Commission,
there are now living only Lord John Russell, Lord Stanhope, and Lord Eversley.-lNOTE BY THE QUEEN.




110        MEETING WITH  SIR  CHARLES EASTLAKE.                  1841
accomplished man, in a letter written at thie time (2nd of
December, 184:1), has fortunately been preserved:-'After waiting five mihutes, the Prince entered alone.... He made at
once for the window-recess, in which I had been standing, though on his
entering I advanced to the middle of the room and bowed. He stood, kneeling with one knee on the chair, while he talked, so that we were at close
quarters and in a strong light, which showed his beautiful face to great
advantage.... There was nothing in his exterior so striking as his face.
He is exactly like the' engraving from Ross's miniature, but now a little
stouter.2... He soon put me at ease by his pleasing manner. After speaking of Sir Robert Peel and the immediate cause of my waiting on himself,
we proceeded to discuss the question, which is hereafter to engage our attention more. I listened to his plans, and made objections where I thought
it necessary. Two or three times I quite forgot who he was, he talked so
naturally and argued so fairly....'It would be impossible to give all the conversation, and perhaps, as relating to the subjects to be discussed by the Commission, not quite right. I
thought, however, that the moment was come when I must make a stand
against the introduction of foreign artists; for if His Royal Highness had
insisted on this I had made up my mind to resign my secretaryship. I
almost said as much by observing that I was irrevocably committed on that
point by my letter to the chairman of the late committee. Prince Albert
said he knew I was, for he had read that letter. He added, however, that
he quite agreed with me. I then said I saw no objection to English artists,
who might be entrusted with the management of considerable works, employing Germans under them. To my agreeable surprise Prince Albert
would not even admit that this was necessary, for he said he was convinced
that in all that related to practical dexterity, which was the department in
which it was assumed that some instruction (for fresco) would be necessary,
the English were particularly skilful. He observed that in all mere mechanism the English generally surpassed all other nations. He gave several
instances and among others said, "Even'to the varnish on coaches it is surprising how much more perfect the English practice is than that one sees on
the Continent." 10'I have given the first words as he meant to say them; but this was the
only instance in which I could detect a foreign idiom. He said, "All such
mechanical arts and preparations, till coach varnish," &c.  Till is the English of jusqu'd-in Italian fin' a —in German bis zue; but of course our idiom
9 An admirable engraving of this miniature of the Prince at the age of 20 is
given in The early Years.
10 The Prince, it is well known, was particularly observant of the materials
used in manufacture, and of their special qualities, and often surprised people
by his intimate knowledge of the technicalities of their own craft. We are able
on the authority of Lord Portman, to cite the following striking instance of the
accuracy of his knowledge in a matter purely technical. When at Salisbury, ill
1857, on the occasion of the Royal Agricultural Society's Show, the Prince
visited the Cathedral Chapter House, the restoration of Twhich was then nearly
completed. The Prince admired the work, but observed to Lord Portman who
attended him, that the paint used was of the wrong kind,' and that in a short
time it would fall off in flakes.' A friend of Lord Portman's, visiting the
Chapter House in July, 1870, found the walls in great disorder, a part of the
paint falling away precisely as the Prince had foretold.




1841             BIRTH  OF PRINCE OF WALES.                     111
is even to —msque ac. I mention this single slip in nearly an hour's conversation to show how perfectly the Prince speaks English as to idiom, and the
accent is scarcely ever perceptibly foreign. His features are tranquil in
talking. The absence of pride and even of the ceremonious reserve which
"hedges" Royalty is very engaging.'In alluding to the means by which a school of rising fresco painters
might be encouraged, he said, " There are two great auxiliaries in this country which seldom fail to promote the success of any scheme-fashion, and a
high example. Fashion, we know, is all in all in England, and if the CourtI mean the Queen and myself-set the example hereafter by having works
of this kind done, the same taste will extend itself to wealthy individuals.
The English country seats, which are the most beautiful in the world,
would acquire additional effect from the introduction of such a style of decoration, and with such occupation the school would never languish, and
would at least have time to develope itself fully."'This is perhaps a word-for-word specimen of His Royal Highness's accurate and graceful conversation. I could not come up to it; but on one
occasion, speaking of the limited character and means of frescoes, I said
that it might in some sort be compared to sculpture, which could conceal
nothing, and in which necessity of defining involved the necessity of beauty.
The Prince paid me the gracious compliment of saying, "You have expressed
in a few words what I would have said in many."'
Shortly before the interview thus recorded, the hopes of
the Queen and the Prince had been crowned by the birth of
the Prince of Wales at Buckingham  Palace on the 9th of November. The recovery of the Queen was rapid, and nothing
occurred to mar the happiness this event was calculated to
create.  On thle 21st, the birthday of the Princess Royal, the
following entry occurs in Her Majesty's Jourzcal: —'Albert brought in dearest little  Pussy' (the Princess
Royal)'in such a smart white merino dress trimmed with blue,
which Mama had given her, and a pretty cap, and placed her
on my bed, seating himself next to her, and she was very
dear and good. And as my precious, invaluable Albert sat
there, and our little Love between us, I felt quite moved with
happiness and gratitude to God.'
From  Windsor Castle, to which the Court removed on the
6th of December, the Queen wrote to King Leopold:-'-We arrived here sctinst et sca'fs with our awfully large
nursery establishment yesterday  morning.   To-day is very
bright, clear, and dry, and we walked out early, and felt like
prisoners freed from some dungeon...'I wonder very much, whom  our little boy will be like.
You will understand how  fervent are my prayers, and I am
sure everybody's must be, to see him resemble his Father in
every, every respect, both in body and mind!  Oh, my dearest




112                   CHRISTMAS.                   1841
Uncle, I am sure if you knew how happy, how blessed I feel,
and how proud in possessing such a perfect being as my husband, and if you think that you have been instrumental in
bringing about this union, it must gladden your heart!'
In another letter a few days afterwards (14th December)
Her Majesty recurs to the same theme:-'We must all have trials and vexations; but if one's home
is hc]appy, then the rest is comparatively nothing. I assure
you, dear Uncle, that no one feels this more than I do. I had
this autumn one of the severest trials I could have, in parting
with my government, and particularly from our kind and valued friend, and I feel even now this last very much: but my
happiness at home, the love of my husband, his kindness, his
advice, his support, and his company make up for all, and
make me forget it.'
When Christmas came round with its pleasant festivities
and its shining Christmas-trees, it had within it a new source
of delight for the Royal parents.'To think,' says the Queen's
Journcal,'that we have two children now, and one who enjoys
the sight already, is like a dream!' And in writing to his
Father the Prince expresses the same feeling.'This,' he
says,'is the dear Christmas Eve, on which I have so often
listened with impatience for your step, which was to usher us
into the present-room. To-day I have two children of my
own to give presents to, who, they know not why, are full of
happy wonder at the German Christmas-tree and its radiant
candles.'
The coming year was danced into in good old English
fashion."  In the middle of the dance, as the clock finished
striking twelve, a flourish of trumpets was blown, in accordance with a German custom.  This, the Queen's You~rnal
records,'had a fine solemn effect, and quite affected dear
Albert, who turned pale, and had tears in his eyes, and
pressed my hand very warmly. It touched me too, for I felt
that he must think of his dear native country, which he has
left for me.'
11 The custom is German also.




CHAPTER VIII.
The King of Prussia's Arrival in England —Acts as Sponsor to Prince of Wales-Attends
Opening of Parliament by Queen —Betrothal and Marriage of Prince's Brother-Uneasy
State of Public Affairs —Sir Robert Peerls Financial Measures-Income Tax-Disasters
in India —Queen shot at by Francis-Francis's Sentence of Death commuted to Transportation for Life-Next Day Queen fired at by Bean-Death of Duke of Orleans —Disturbed State of the Country-The Queen's First Visit to Scotland-Impressions of
Scotland-Indian Victories-Prince applies himself to Study of Politics —Continues to
rise in Public Estimation —His Rules of Conduct as described by General Grey-Necessity for Reorganisation of Royal Household.
THE conflicting claims of relatives, at once numerous and in
high position, made the choice of Sponsors for the Prince of
Wales a matter of considerable anxiety to the Queen and the
Prince. The knot of the difficulty was cut by their resolving
to invite the King of Prussia to undertake the office.  He was
not connected by the ties of blood; but his position as Sovereign of the most important Protestant kingdom  on the Continent justified the selection, and secured for it the general
approval of the country.
King Frederick William, who, it was known, had been for
some time anxious again to visit England, did not hesitate
long in accepting the invitation.'Politicians, as their habit
is,' says Baron  Stockmar (Den7ckwrdigkeiten, p. 377),'attached an exaggerated political importance to the affair. The
King, who foresaw this, wrote to Metternich, and in a manner
asked for his advice. The answer was evasive; and on this
the King determined not to give himself any concern about
the political intrigues which were set on foot against the journey.  Certain it is, that the Russians, Austrians, and even the
French, in the person of Bresson (their ambassador at Berlin)
manoeuvred against it. They were backed up by a Court
party, who were persuaded that the King would avail himself
of the opportunity to promote, along with Bunsen and the
Archbishop of Canterbury, his pet idea of Anglicanizing the
Prussian Church.  When the King's decision to go became
known, Bresson begged that he would at least go through
France, and give the Royal Family a meeting; but this was
declined.'




114            BAPTISM  OF PRINCE OF WALES.                    1842
On the 22nd of January the King  arrived  at Greenwich,
where he was met by Prince Albert.   On reaching Windsor
Castle, he was received at the door of Entrance by the Queen
with  all the formalities of state.'The King,' says I-Ier
Majesty's Jobrnal of the day,'is not taller than Albert, and
very fat.  His features are small, but he has a pleasing countenance, not much hair, and very little whisker.  He was in
common morning costume, and complained much of appearing
so before me.' His kindly and attractive manners are spoken
of in warm terms.' He is entertaining, agreeable, and witty,
tells a thing so pleasantly, and is full of amusing anecdotes.' 
Royal baptisms had hitherto been, as a rule, celebrated
within the Palace.  But it was felt to be more in harmony
with the religious sentiment of the country that its future
King should be christened within a consecrated building.  St.
George's Chapel, Windsor, was selected for the purpose; and
there, under circumstances of peculiar state and splendour, the
rite was performed at 10 A. A~. on the 25th of January, the
baby Prince behaving, according to the Tines' reporter,'with
truly princely decorum.'  Besides the King of Prussia, the
other Sponsors were the Duchess of Saxe-Coburg represented
by the Duchess of Kent, the Duke of Cambridge, the Duchess
of Saxe-Gotha represented by the Duchess of Cambridge, the
Princess Sophia represented by the Princess Augusta of Cambridge, and Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg.'It is impossible,' says the Queen's Journal,'to describe how beautiful
and imposing the effect of the whole scene was in the fine old
Chapel, with the banners, the music, and the light shining on
the altar.' 2
The King, who profited by every opportunity of seeing all
that was most worthy to be seen during the fortnight of his
1 On these qualities a pleasant commentary is afforded by a letter of the
Baroness Bunsen's (Bunsen's Life, ii. 7), describing a ball at Windsor Castle on
February 28.' As soon as the Kting, with Prince Albert, came, the ball began,
the Queen making the King dance in a quadrille with herself, which he did
with suitable grace and dignity, though he had long given up dancing, and
though his figure is not good..... IMy impression of the Queen's deportment is, that it is perfect in grace and dignity: she conversed eagerly with the
King, laughing heartily (no comlpany laugh), at things he said to entertain her.'
2 There was a full choral service at the Christening. A special anthem had
been composed by Mr. (now Sir) George Elvey for the occasion. On the Prince
being told of this, and asked when it should be sung, he answerecld,' Not at all.
No anthem. If the service ends by an anthem, we shall all go out criticising
the music. We will have something  we all know-something in which we can
all join —something devotional. The Hallelujah Chorus; we shall all join iu
that, with our hearts.' The Hallelujah Chorus ended the ceremony accordilgly.




1842               OPENING  OF PARLIAMENT.                     115
stay, was present at a scene of almost equal splendour and
interest the day before he left England, in the opening of
Parliament by the Queen in person.   A contemporary letter
of the Baroness Bunsen, quoted in her husband's  Xfemoirs
(vol. ii. p. 9), furnishes a graphic sketch of a ceremony, the
interest of which, always great, was heightened both by the
presence of a guest so distinguished, and by the circumstances
under which the new Parliament met:-'On Thursday, February 3, was the opening of Parliament-the great
scene from which I had expected most, and was not disappointed. The
throngs in the streets, in the windows, on every spot where foot could stand
-— all looking so pleased —the splendid Horse Guards, the Grenadier Guards —
of whom it might be said, as the King did on another occasion, " An appearance so fine you know not how to believe it true," —the Yeomen of the Body
Guard; then, in the House of Lords, the Peers in their robes, the beautifully
dressed ladies, with many, many beautiful faces; last, the procession of the
Queen's entry, and herself, looking worthy and fit to be the converging point
of so many rays of grandeur.... The composure with which she filled
the throne, while awaiting the Commons, was a test of character-no fidget
and no apathy. Then her voice and enunciation could not be more perfect.
In short, it could not be said that she did well, but she was the Queen; she
was, and felt herself to be, the acknowledged chief among grand national
realities. Placed in a narrow space behind Her Majesty's mace-bearers, and
peeping over their shoulders, I was enabled to hide and subdue the emotion
I felt, in consciousness of the mighty pages in the world's history condensed
in the words, so impressively uttered in the silver tones of that feminine
voice-Peace and War, the fate of millions, relations of countries, exertions
of power felt to the extremities of the globe, alterations of corn laws, the
birth of a future Sovereign, mentioned in solemn thankfulness to Him in
whose hands are nations and rulers! With what should one respond, but
with the heart-felt aspiration, " God bless and guide her! for her sake, and
the sake of all!"'
The next day the King left Engfland.  His warm  and imaginative nature had been deeply moved by the incidents of
his brief stay. He was much affected at going, and left behind
him in the hearts of his hosts a feeling of the greatest affection
and respect for his thoroughly amiable disposition and great
attainments. The feeling was reciprocal, and was expressed
by his Minister, Count Anton Stolberg, who had accompanied
him  on his visit, in writing to Baron Stockmar, some weeks
afterwards (6th March).'The King, my master,' he says,'thinks with pleasure of that never-to-be-forgotten time.'  In
it was laid the foundation of a friendship with the Queen and
the Prince, which  was cemented  by the confidential correspondence of future years.
In  the midst of the excitement of this Royal visit the




116         MARRIAGE OF PRINCE'S BROTHER.           1842
tidings reached the Prince of the approaching marriage of his
brother to the Princess Alexandrine of Baden. The marriage
was to take place at Carlsruhe on the 3rd of May, and the
Prince was urgently pressed to be present. Had he consulted
his own wishes, there could have been but one answer; but
other considerations prevailed.'There is no actual impediment,' he writes to his stepmother,'but there are divers political and moral considerations, which give the preponderance
to reason over inclination, and therefore I must banish it from
my mind.' The Queen, in common with the Prince, looked
forward to this marriage with the utmost pleasure.'My
heart,' Her Majesty writes to King Leopold, in terms that are
touching as well from their simple force as from the happiness
of heart out of which they spring,'my heart is full, very full
of this marriage; it brings back so many recollections of our
dear Verlobung,-as Ernest was with us all the time, and
longed so for similar happiness.' And again, in another letter,
on the 8th of February,'I have entreated Ernest to pass his
honeymoon with us, and I beg you to urge him to do it; for
he witnessed our first happiness, and we nmust therefore witness ihis.'
The state of affairs at home and abroad at this time were
such, that it is easy to understand why the Prince should have
felt himself bound not to leave Her Majesty's side even for a
few days. Public questions of the most vital moment were
pressing hourly on her consideration. Scarcity of work, low
wages, food at high prices, and consequent wide-spread suffering in the manufacturing districts, had. brought about a state
of things which caused the Government the deepest anxiety.
Though their privations were borne by the people with admirable patience, it was impossible to say at what point this
might give way; while the paralysis, which seemed to have
fallen upon trade and manufactures, made it hard to divine
from what quarter an efficient remedy for the distress might
be looked for. In the course of this year serious insurrections,
which required to be put down by military force, broke out
in the iron and coal districts of Staffordshire and South
Wales, in the Potteries, in Manchester and elsewhere in Lancashire, while matters assumed an aspect no less serious
among the stalwart and more highly paid workers in the coal
and iron mines of Lanark and Renfrew. The military force in
the United Kingdom, small at best, and reduced to half its
strength by the numbers required for the maintenance of peace




1842           STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.             117
in Ireland, was taxed to the uttermost. At any hour, the incendiary promptings of Chartist agitators, who had established
a thorough system of organization in many districts of the
country, might have led to a general rising, with which the military might have found it hard to cope; and yet, such was the
state of affairs abroad, that they could not be reinforced by the
withdrawal of troops from our colonial and other possessions.
In China, again, we were involved in a serious war. In the
West Indies and at the Cape the presence of a strong military
force was indispensable. In Affghanistan, the greatest disaster
which ever befel the British arms was impending. The presence of our fleet in the Tagus alone prevented a Portuguese
insurrection. Spain was distracted by a ruthless civil war;
and even then France had taken up a position with respect to
the future marriage of the Spanish Queen which it was impossible for England to acknowledge, and which still further
endangered our friendly relations with that country, already
rudely shaken by what had taken place with regard to the
Eastern Question. America, always sensitive, had recently
been in a state of unusual exasperation against England on
account of the right claimed by British cruisers of searching
American vessels to ascertain whether they were British,
carrying on the Slave Trade under the American flag; and a
question as to the Maine frontier, of a no less perilous character, was now being urgently pressed on for settlement. In
these circumstances, incessant demands were made on the
Government for an increase of our forces, both military and
naval; demands which had to be met in the face of a falling
revenue, with a deficit for the year of 2,500,0001., swollen to
nearly 5,000,0001. by the expenses of the Affghanistan expedition.
Such was the posture of public affairs on the opening of
Parliament; and it is to mistake the position and functions of
a British monarch, to suppose that the anxieties of the Minister who was called to grapple with these difficulties, and to
find a remedy for the sufferings of her people, were not fully
shared by the Queen and by the Prince. They therefore went
heartily along with Sir Robert Peel in the bold measure of
finance by which he met, and, as the event proved, averted the
danger of a threatened national bankruptcy, into which the
country had for some time been drifting, by his proposal of an
Income Tax, not exceeding 7dc. in the pound, on all incomes
above 1501.




118              DISASTERS IN INDIA.               1842
The measure was an extreme one. It had never previously
been resorted to except under the pressure of a war expenditure; and from its inquisitorial nature, as well as the inequality
with which it bears upon individuals, it was of necessity unpopular. But the case was one that demanded an exceptional
remedy; and the country responded with admirable spirit to
the appeal to its patriotism which Sir Robert Peel made in
introducing his measure to the House of Commons on the
11th of March. The Queen had authorised him to announce
that it was her wish not to be exempted from the operation
of the tax; and the announcement was not without its effect
in reconciling her subjects to an impost which that generation
had never known.'In this case,' said Lord John Russell, in
his speech against the measure,' it is indispensable that there
should be no exemptions, not even of the highest and most
exalted in the realm, of a due sense of which the Sovereign
has afforded a shining example, in voluntacrily ofFering to
share the burden with the meanest of her subjects.'
The'sacrifice made by the nation in accepting the measure
was amply requited by the rapid restoration of public credit,
the Funds rising at once from 89 to 93. Confidence in the
national resources was restored, when the tax was found to
produce two millions more than had been anticipated by its
author. The splendid harvest of 1842, after a series of five
disastrous years, contributed towards the same result; and
although it took some time to revive the drooping energies of
trade, and to turn the tide of suffering and want, which had
borne so long and heavily upon the poorer classes, still, from
this point may be traced the beginning of that current of
industrial development and material prosperity which has
since flowed almost uninterruptedly and with ever.increasing
volume.
It is now well known, that while Sir Robert Peel was urging his measure on the House of Commons with a buoyancy
of spirit and a noble confidence in the character and resources
of the country and its people, which commanded the admiration of all, his heart was heavy with the tidings which had
reached him only the day before, and of which the country
then knew nothing, of the massacre of Sir William McNaghten,
and the virtual annihilation of the British forces at Cabul. On
the 10th he had communicated the news to the Queen.'It
was the first calamity,' the Duke of Wellington at the same
time told Her Majesty,'that had befallen us since 1780. He




1842               QUEEN'S BAL COSTUMe.                     119
feared the troops were too much separated. It was a terrible
country to defend.' It was not till the 5th of April, that the
full extent of the disaster was known to the Government in
all its ghastly details; but the same despatches contained the
satisfactory assurance, that no further losses had been sustained.  How deeply this calamity was felt by the Queen and
the Prince, how fully they shared the dauntless spirit with
which it was confronted by the nation, need not be told, any
more than the interest with which they watched the masterly
operations that rapidly restored to the British name in India
all the prestige which it had lost, and established its power
upon a basis even firmer than before.
Every effort was made by the Court to give a stimulus to
trade in London by the festivities which are supposed to have
this effect. Dinners, concerts, balls followed fast upon each
other.  On the 26th of May, the Queen and the Prince went
in state to a Ball given at Covent Garden Theatre for the relief
of the Spitalfields weavers.  With the same object, a magnificent Bcal Costume had been given at Buckingham Palace a
fortnight before.  This, the Prince, in writing (Tth May) to
the Duchess of Saxe-Gotla, says,'we have organized with
the view of helping trade in London, which is greatly depressed.   We  are to represent Edward  III. and Queen
Philippa, and the whole Court is to appear in the Court dress
of that period.  The Duchess of Cambridge is to head a procession of 120 persons, intended to represent France, Italy,
and Spain.'
It is curiously illustrative of the soreness of feeling towards England, which was prevalent in France at the time, as
well as of the readiness of people, who ought to know better,
to believe the most absurd fictions, if they happen to concur
with their prejudices, that letters were actually received from
the King of the Belgians, stating that great excitement had
been created at the Court of Paris by the report, that in this
procession'King John of France was to be represented as a
prisoner and in chains!' 
3 It was probably some rumour of this which suggested to IMr. Monclkton
M.ilnes and Mir. Charles Buller the idea of an admirable Jedu d'Esprit, which
appeared in the lforning Chronicle the day before the Ball, in the shape of a
Iebate in the French Chamber of Deputies, said to be reported' by express.'
It began with an interpellation of M. Berryer to the efect-' Whether the
French Ambassador in England had been invited to the Batl Jfasque which is
to be given by the haughty descendant of the Plantagenets, for the purpose of
awlakening the long-buried griefs of France in the disasters of Cressy and




120                    QUEEN SHOT AT                         1842
While these proofs were still recent of Her Majesty's sympathy with the distress of that class of the community, who, in
the language of the Prince,'has most of the toil, and least of
the enjoyments of the world,' public feeling was revolted by
another attempt upon her life, close to the spot where Oxford had made a similar attempt in 1.840. The day after
the occurrence, the Prince wrote to his father with all the
details: —'I hasten to give you a true report of the dreadful occurrence of yesterday, that you may be possessed of the actual
facts; and I beg you to communicate the contents of this letter to all our relations, and to send copies of it to dear Grandmama and those who are at a distance, as I have no time today to write more.'On Sunday the 29th as we were returning from the
Chapel Royal, St. James's Palace, at two o'clock, as we drove
along the Mall, there was as usual a crowd of spectators
under the trees on our left, who bowed and cheered.  When
we were nearly opposite Stafford House, I saw  a man step
out from the crowd and present a pistol full at me.  He was
some two paces from us. I heard the trigger snap, but it
must have missed fire.  I turned to Victoria, who was seated
on my right, and asked her, " Did you hear that?"  She had
been bowing to the people on the right, and had observed
nothing. I said, ". I may be mistaken, but I am sure I saw
some one take aim  at us."  When we reached the Palace I
asked the footmen who had been at the back of the carriage
if they had not noticed a man step forward and stretch his
hand towards the carriage, as if he wanted to thro'w a petition
into it.  They had noticed nothing.  Wre were immediately
impressed with the importance of keeping what bad occurred
Poitiers and the loss of Calais.' M. Berrver was represented as following up
his question by a passionate appeal, in which he urged that,'it was on the
banks of the Rhine that the cannon of France ought to accompany the dancers
of St. James's. Lamartine and De Tocqueville followed in much the same
strain, and M. Guizot concluded the debate by a grave asseveration that Lord
Aberdeen had given the most satisfactory assurances,-that the Queen of
England desired to educate her people by a series of Archeological entertainments; but that in deference to the susceptibilities of France, M. de St. Aulaire
would represent at the Ball the Virgin of Domremy-he would go as' Joan of
Arc.' This last stroke, it might be thought, woould have led dulness itself to
suspect a joke. But no. The subject was gravely discussed at the Clubs, and
even Sir J. Graham rushed into Sir Robert Peel's rooms in Whitehall Gardens,
with the paper in his hand, exclaiming,' There is the devil to pay in France
about this foolish ball i' See Lord Houghton's M'onogra2tpks, Lond., 183, p. 250.




1842           QUEEN SHOT AT BY FRANCIS.                121
a profound secret. I did not breathe a syllable about it to
any one except Colonel Arbuthnot, to whom I told what had
happened, and directed him to make it known forthwith to
the Inspector of Police, to Sir Robert Peel, and Sir James
Grahanm,'I then ran out upon the balcony to see whether the man
had not been seized, which would have led to a commotion
and to hundreds crowding round him. But all was quiet;
and the people dispersed, satisfied with having seen the
Queen..... In the afternoon Sir Robert Peel came with the
Head of the Police, and took down my statements in writing,
together with a description of the man's appearance.  I
began almost to distrust myself and what I had seen, as no
one else had noticed anything, and we were driving rapidly
at the time..'Yesterday morning (30th), at 9 A.m., a boy of 14 (named
Pearse), who stutters greatly, came to Mr. Murray and said
he had seen a man present a pistol at us, as we were returning from church, but not fire, exclaiming afterwards, "Fool
that I was, not to fire! " Besides himself (Pearse) the thing
had been seen by an elderly gentleman, who had turned round
to him and said, "This is something too strange."  He followed the gentleman, fancying he would go and report the
matter to the police, and thinking he might be wanted as a
witness; but the gentleman walked on up St. James's Street.
Here he turned round, having' observed that the boy continued
to follow him, repeated his former exclamation, asked the boy's
name, age, address, &c., and wrote them down. Pearse, thinking this was with a view to citing him as a witness, considered
the affair was in good hands, and went home. But as he
heard no more of the gentleman, he came to the Palace. There
was now no longer any doubt, so we sent the boy to the Home
Office, where his evidence was taken down. The Police
showed the greatest activity.  We were naturally much agitated, Victoria very nervous and unwell. As the doctor
wished that she should go out, we determined to do so, for we
should have had to shut ourselves up for months, had we settled not to g~o out, so long as the miscreant was at large.4
4 In Mr. Anson's Memoranda of May 30, and June 1, he says,' Went in the
evening to the Palace, and saw the Queen and Prince. Her Majesty seemed
none the worse. She told me she had fully expected it, and it was a relief to
her to have it over. She had for some time been under the impression that
one of these mad attempts would be made.... Her Majesty said she never
could have existed under the uncertainty of a concealed attack. She would
6




122                    SECOND ATTEMPT.                       1842
Besides, as he could have no suspicion he was watched, and
although so careless the first time, had yet made such a lucky
escape, we felt sure he would again come skulking about the
Palace, and that the numerous policemen in plain clothes, who
were on the lookout for him, would seize him on the least imprudence or carelessness on his part. We drove out at 4,
gave orders to drive faster than usual, and for the two equerries, Colonel W7ylde and Colonel Arbuthnot, to ride close to
the carriage.  You may imagine that our minds were not very
easy. We looked behind every tree, and I cast my eyes
round in search of the rascal's face.  We, however, got safely
through  the Parks, and drove towards Hampstead.  The
weather was superb, and hosts of people on foot. On our
way home, as we were approaching the Palace, between the
Green Park and the Garden Wall, a shot was fired at us about
five paces off. It was the fellow with the same pistol-a little
swarthy, ill-looking rascal. The shot must have passed under
the carriage, for he lowered his hand.5  We felt as if a load
had been taken off our hearts, and we thanked the Almighty
for having preserved us a second time from so great a danger.'John Francis (that is the man's name) was standing near
a policeman, who immediately seized him, but could not prevent the shot.  It was at the same spot where Oxford had
fired at us two years ago, with this difference only, that Oxford was standing on our left with his back to the Garden
Wall.  Uncle Mensdorff and Mama were driving close behind
us.  The Duchess Bernhard of Weimar was on horseback not
sixty paces from us. The culprit was instantly taken off to
the police office. The populace are in a state of extreme indignation. He is not out of his mind,; but a thorough scamp.
His answers are coarse and witty.  He tries to make fun of
his judges.  Little Pearse identified him this morning as the
same person he had seen on Sunday. He is twenty-two years
much rather run the immediate risk at any time, than have the presentiment
of danger constantly hovering over her. She had been much gratified by the
kind feeling people had show1n. It was perhaps not so boisterous as on the
occasion of Oxford's attempt, but the feeling now was of a deeper cast.'
5 Count Mensdorff told the Queen,' That one is sure not to have been hit
when one hears the report, as one never hears it when one is hit.' Writing to
King Leopold the day after the occurrence, the Queen says:'I was really not
at all frightened, and feel very proud at dear Uncle Mensdorff calling me sear
mutfli7, which I shall ever remember with peculiar pride, coming from so
distinguished an officer as he is. Thank God, my angel is also well; but he
says that had the man fired on Sunday, he mlust have been hit in the head.
God is merciful; that indeed we must feel daily more and more... The
feeling of horror is very great in the public, and great affection is shown us.'




1842               TRIAL OF FRANCIS.                 123
old, and a joiner;,the son of a machinist at one of the theatres; a wretched creature. I hope his trial will be conducted
with the greatest strictness....' Your devoted Son,' ALBERT.''Buckingham Palace, May 31, 1842.'
Francis was tried on the I 7th of June, and found guilty
of high treason. After the sentence of death was pronounced
on him, the wretched vanity which, more than any murderous
intent, had prompted his dastardly outrage, could no longer
maintain the semblance of indifference which he had hitherto
affected, and he fell swooning into a turnkey's arms, and was
carried insensible from the court.
There was great doubt whether his pistol had been loaded.
The Queen hersel-f was most anxious that the sentence of
death should not be carried into effect, altlhough fully conscious of the encouragement to similar attempts which might
follow from such leniency. The Royal prerogative of mercy
is not, however, exercised, except under the direction of the
Government; and they, after lengthened deliberation and
consultation with the Judges, determined to commute the
sentence into transportation for life.
The very day after this resolution became known, the
Prince had occasion to communicate to his father the particulars of a fresh outrage of the same kind:-' Buckingham Palace, July 4, 1842.'I have again to tell you of an attempt on Victoria's life.
As we drove to the Chapel of St. James's Palace yesterday,
a hunchbacked wretch tried to shoot at the carriage in which
Victoria, myself, and Uncle Leopold were sitting. The pistol
missed fire, and a boy of sixteen (called Dassett) tore the
weapon out of his hand and collared him, calling at the same
time to the crowd to secure the assassin. Everybodylaughed,
and the people cried, " Give him back his pistol; it is only a
joke." Little Dassett and his brother, however, dragged the
fellow to some policemen, who only laughed and pushed him
away as making fun of them. The crowd pressed upon poor
Dassett in such a way that he had to let the hunchback go.
Not satisfied, however, Dassett, followed by the mob, went
up to a policeman and showed him the pistol. The policeman
seized him, thinking he was the culprit, and wanted to get
off by shamming that he had taken the pistol from somebody




124               OUTRAGE BY BEAN.                 1842
else. By this time others came up who had seen the attempt, including the boy's uncle who had been present, and
there was no longer any doubt of the fact. The pistol was
examined by the police inspector, and was found to contain
powder, paper tightly rammed down, and some pieces of a
clay pipe. Last night, about 10 o'clock, the hunchback (whose
name is Bean) was arrested. His father is a worker in gold,
and he is himself a chemist's assistant. He left his father a
week ago, and wrote to him he would "never see him
again, as he intended doing something which was not dishonest but desperate, and begged to be remembered to his aunt,
and also to his brothers, although they had never treated him
like a brother."  He signed himself, " Your unhappy, but disobedient son."'I can quite imagine that the circumstance of this attempt being made the day after Francis received his pardon
will excite much surprise in Germany. But this letter was
written six days before Francis's pardon. As the law now
stands, his execution, notwithstanding the verdict of the jury,
would have been nothing less than a judicial murder, as it is
essential that the act should be committed with intent to kill
or wound, and in Francis's case this, to all appearance, was
not the fact, at least it was open to grave doubt. The vindictive feeling of the common people would be a thousand times
more dangerous than the madness of individuals.'Your devoted Son,'ALBERT.
The Queen did not know of Bean's attempt until after she
had returned to the Palace. On being told of it, she betrayed
no alarm, but said she had expected a repetition of the attempts on her life, so long as the law remained unaltered by
which they could be dealt with only as acts of high treason.
Sir Robert Peel hurried up from Cambridge on hearing what
had occurred, to consult with the Prince as to the steps to be
taken. During their interview Her Majesty entered the room,
when the Minister, in public so cold and self-commanding, in
reality so full of genuine feeling, out of his very manliness
was unable to control his emotion, and burst into tears.
No time was lost in carrying through Parliament such a
measure as was thought likely to put a stop to these attempts
for the future. A Bill was introduced on the 12th of June
making them punishable as high misdemeanors by transporta



1812           DEATH OF DUKE OF ORLEANS.                125
tion for seven years, or imprisonment, with or without hard
labour, for a term not exceeding three years, —the culprit'to
be publicly or privately whipped, as often, and in such manner and form, as the Court shall direct, not exceeding thrice.'
This Bill became law on the 12th of July, and under it Bean
was tried on the 25th of August, and sentenced to 18 months'
imprisonment.
Early in July the Prince's brother, who, with his bride,
had arrived on a visit, accompanied the Queen and the Prince
on the 14th to Claremont, where they were in the habit of
seeking such short intervals of quiet and refreshment as they
could snatch from the fatigue and excitement of their London
life.s While there, a letter from Sir Robert Peel on the 14th,
announcing the death of the Duke of Orleans, who had been
run away with by his horses, and killed in jumping from his
carriage at Neuilly the previous day, filled them with dismay.
They both knew the Duke, who was intimately connected by
ties of marriage with the Coburg Family', and admired him;
and their deepest sympathies were awakened for the Orleans
family, knowing as they did how their hopes, no less than
their affections, had been centred upon him. The full extent
of the disaster, in a political point of view, was at once apparent; but the thought of this was merged in that of the
sufferings of a family in whom they felt the warmest personal
interest.'Your kind and melancholy letter of the 16th,' the Queen
writes, in answer to King Leopold, who had gone at once to
Paris with the Queen of the Belgians,'was a great comfort
to us, though it only renewed our grief. I can easily imagine
your horror and astonishment. My poor dearest Louise, how
my heart bleeds for her! I know how she loved poor Chartres
-and deservedly,-for he was so noble and good! All our
anxiety now is to hear how dear frail Helene (the Duchess of
Orleans) has borne this too dreadful loss. She loved him so,
and he was so devoted to her.... We can hardly think of
anything but this terrible misfortune, and of all of you.' The
Duke, as the Queen well knew, was the favourite brother of
6'This place,' the Queen writes from Claremont to her uncle (10th January,
1843),'has a particular charm for us both, and to me it brings back recollections of the happiest days of my otherwise dull childhood, when I experienced
such kindness from you, dearest uncle, kindness which has ever since continued.... Victoria plays with my old bricks, &c., and I see her running and
jumping in the flower garden, as old, tho' I fear still little, Victoria of former
days used to do.'




126       DISTURBED STATE OF THE COUNTRY.          1842
the Queen of the Belgians, and her grief, the King had written, when she knew that it was him she had lost,'was astounding.' It was not only that a beloved brother had been
suddenly struck down in the fulness of his strength, but with
him, she felt, the star of the family had set.'Poor Louise,'
the King adds,'that one so good and amiable should have so
much to bear!'
A few days later the Queen of the Belgians herself wrote,
describing her parents as heart-broken-' both grown old in
looks, and their hair turned quite white.''Chartres,' she
adds,'was more than a brother to us all, he was the head,
and the heart and soul of the whole family-we all looked up
to him. I little expected to outlive him, as I have done my
beloved Marie; but once more, God's will be done!' A dim
forecast of the terrible reverse, which, a few years afterwards,
altered the destiny of the whole family, seems to have passed
across the mind of our own Queen, when, in one of her letters
to her uncle at the time, she exclaims,'Perhaps poor Chartres
is saved great sorrow and grief. Him we must not pity.'
A visit to Belgium in the autumn, and a meeting there
with some of the French Royal Family, had been projected by
the Queen and Prince. This, of course, was now impossible,
and in its stead a plan was formed for a short tour in Scotland, after Parliament should have broken up. It was prorogued on the 11th of August by the Queen in person. Disturbances of so alarming a character had for some time prevailed in the manufacturing districts that, in dismissing her
faithful Lords and Commons to their counties, Her Majesty's
Speech had expressed her confidence that 6they would do
their utmost to encourage, by example and exertion, that
spirit of order and submission to the law, without which there
could be no enjoyment of the fruits of peaceful industry, and
no advance in the course of social improvement.' The very
next day the aspect of affairs in Manchester and elsewhere
had become so serious that a Cabinet Council was held to decide what measures should be taken to meet the emergency.
Disorderly mobs traversed the country, forcing their way into
mills and manufactories, destroying their machinery, and compelling by threats and intimidation, those who were willing
to work to cease working, and join in their riotous demonstrations. A Proclamation against such proceedings was issued
on the 14th, and the whole troops that could be spared from
London, including a regiment of the Guards, were despatched




1842       QUEEN'S FIRST VISIT TO SCOTLAND.         127
to Manchester by railway on two hours' notice. There, and
also in Burslem, and Preston, lives were lost and many
wounded in the collisions between the military and the rioters.
The railway communications were threatened.  Stockport,
Macclesfield, Bolton, and Dudley, were kept in terror by bands
of excited operatives.'The evil spirit,' Sir Robert Peel wrote
to the Queen,' has spread into the West Riding of Yorkshire;
Huddersfield has been attacked by the mob, and other towns
are threatened.' The agitation for increase of wages, in which
the movement began, had been taken advantage of by the
Chartists for their own purposes. Themselves few in number,
their organization was made available to secure combined
action. In this there was great danger. But the Government
was able to strike at its root by arresting several of their most
active leaders; and after some days of the gravest anxiety Sir
Robert Peel was able to assure the Queen, that tranquillity
had been restored.
The same violent spirit.had shown itself in the west of
Scotland, and continued to do so for many months afterwards.
But if there had been any doubt whether it was without political significance, and not merely an attempt to force up wages
to a level which the state of trade did not justify, it would
have been removed by the outburst of loyal enthusiasm with
which the Queen and the Prince were received in Scotland.
The heart of the nation was stirred to its depths, and those
who were accustomed to think of its people as cold and undemonstrative must have seen with some surprise the passionate ardour with which their devotion to their young Queen was
expressed. The Prince, while in Edinburgh, tried to snatch a
few hours from the pressure of public ceremonies to visit its
literary and scientific Institutions. The people there, Mr.
Anson records,'like those in London, look upon him as the
great patron of all arts and sciences, and consequently expect
a certain attention from him to their pursuits.' The ornithological collection in the University Museum attracted his particular attention; and he surprised the Professor, in whose
charge it was, by his extensive knowledge of the subject it
was meant to'illustrate. With Edinburgh itself he was
charmed. He speaks of it in writing to his Father as'unique
in its kind, very curious and interesting.'
The general impression produced on the Royal visitors by
what they then saw of Scotland and its people, is shortly
summed up in the following passage of one of the Prince's




128           IMPRESSIONS OF SCOTLAND.             1842
letters to the Duchess of Saxe-Gotha (18th September), immediately after his return to Windsor Castle:-'Scotland has made a most favourable impression upon us
both. The country is full of beauty, of a severe and grand
character; perfect for sport of all kinds, and the air remarkably pure and light in comparison with what we have here.
The people are more natural, and marked by that honesty and
sympathy which always distinguish the inhabitants of mountainous countries, who live far away from towns. There is,
moreover, no country where historical traditions are preserved
with such fidelity, or to the same extent. Every spot is connected with some interesting historical fact, and with most of
these Sir Walter Scott's accurate descriptions have made us
familiar.  The finest points we visited were Perth, Loch
Leven, Scone, Dunkeld, Taymouth, Killin, Loch Tay, Loch
Earn, Glen Ogle, Drummond Castle, Stirling, Linlithgow.'
The visit to Scotland had been attended with the happiest
results. While cementing the attachment of a large section
of the people to the Sovereign, it had shown the truly insignificant proportions of the party, who, under the name of
Chartism, were clamouring for revolutionary change.  The
bracing air of its mountains had not been more invigorating
to the health of the Queen and the Prince than the devotion
of its people had been refreshing to their spirits, agitated and
exhausted as these had been by the anxietie~ of the preceding
months. It seemed also to be the opening of a brighter epoch.
Already (September, 1842) Ghuznee and Cabul were once more
in our hands; Akbar Khan had been defeated, and his captives set at liberty; while a peace had been concluded in
China on terms most advantageous to our commercial interests.
The tidings of these great events reached the Queen and
the Prince on the 23rd of November at Walmer Castle, which
had been placed at their disposal by the Duke of Wellington.
The same messenger brought despatches from the India
House with letters from Lord Ellenborough, announcing the
complete reconquest of Affghanistan, and from Lord Aberdeen
with the news of the Peace which had been concluded with
China, on terms which included indemnification for the expenses of the war, a favourable tariff, and an open trade with
five of the principal Chinese ports. No such important intel



1842               INDIAN VICTORIES.               129
ligence had been received in England for many years. It
relieved the country from the pressure of an overwhelming
anxiety, as well as of a formidable war expenditure, while it
opened a field for commercial enterprise which could hardly
fail to give the stimulus to trade and manufacture which was
needed to restore comfort and tranquillity to our suffering
population.
The first thought of the Queen and the Prince was, how to
reward the courage, enterprise, and skill of those by whom
these splendid results had been achieved. It was their wish
that both a Chinese and Affghanistan medal should be at once
struck, and distributed. In this the Cabinet concurred. But
it subsequently appeared that Lord Ellenborough, in violation
of the understood rule, that such rewards emanate only from
the Sovereign, had, upon his own responsibility, issued medals
to the Indian Army; and it was therefore only possible to
carry out the other part of the plan. The following letter
from Baron Stockmar, who had returned to Coburg in October,
is in answer to one from the Prince, written under the first excitement of the tidings from the East:' 7th December, 1842.'I have this moment had the pleasure of receiving Your
Royal Highness's communication of the 28th of November.
Right from my heart do I wish the Queen and yourself joy
of the political successes....  Specially delighted am I with
the passage, which tells me that you have it in view to secure
the merited reward to those whose toil and valour have brought
about such results.  Bravo! That is equity; it betokens
soundjuzdgment and right feeling, it must win for you recognition and gratitude, and, whacct is of even more importance,
that attachment which is the most precious possessions of persons of high position, and the one really solid basis, on which,
amid the storms which threaten all in power, they can rest
with security. This is at the same time my real. reward for
my loving and loyal superintending care for you and for your
Queen, as by your acts it gives me the conviction, that I have
not merely shown you the right way, but that you are actually
walkignqg in, it. Continue to do so, and the esteem and attachment of all who know and are connected with you will be for
you the shield and bulwark on which you may rest with assurance in all the struggles of life.'
Since the change of Ministry, the Prince had devoted him



130     PRINCE DEVOTES HIMSELF TO POLITICS.       1842
self more closely than before to the politics of the day. In
this he was encouraged both by Sir Robert Peel and Lord
Aberdeen, who were soon convinced, as Lord Melbourne had
been, that Her Majesty had in him an adviser whose capacity
and strong practical judgment could not fail to be of infinite
value in assisting her decisions. Before Baron Stockmar left
England, he had the satisfaction of being told by Lord Aberdeen, how greatly both Ministers were gratified to perceive
that the Queen leant upon the Prince's judgment, and showed
an obvious desire that he should share her duties. It gave
the Prince, Lord Aberdeen added, the moral status and influence to which he was entitled; and they had also remarked
with pleasure in their dealings with him, how gently he exercised his authority, never giving a decided opinion on any
point without previously consulting the Queen. They thought
it most desirable that the Prince should occupy this position,
and, as it was with the full concurrence of the Queen, it could
be open to no possible objection.
It was perhaps both natural and politic that some hesitation should have been felt, as it certainly was felt by the
previous Government, while the Prince was yet comparatively
a stranger, in recognising so fully his right to stand in this
relation to the Sovereign and her Ministers. But now that
the true qualities of his mind and character were known, any
jealousy on this subject would have been as unjust, as it
would of necessity have been ineffectual. And that they
were known and appreciated by those best qualified to judge,
is apparent from the fact, that even at this early period the
appointment of the Prince to the office of Commander-in-Chief,
in the event of the demise of the Duke of Wellington, had
been privately contemplated by the Ministry, and was even
discussed at the same interview between Lord Aberdeen and
Baron Stockmar. From  him, however, it received no encouragement. On the contrary, he at once expressed his
decided disapproval of the project, and on nearly the same
grounds which led the Prince to decline the office, when its
acceptance was pressed upon him by the Duke himself, in
1850.
Nor was the nation generally more backward in appreciating the Prince's obvious anxiety to identify himself with their
interests. Thev had indeed been careful to show no distrust
towards him on the narrow ground that he was not of their
own race, which would certainly not have been the case had




1842     CONTINUES TO RISE IN PUBLIC ESTIMATION.    131
he been other than he was.  Of this the Prince himself appears
to have been fully conscious. In a memorandum of a conversation with him  on the 25th of November of this year, Mr.
Anson records:'The Prince, reading in Hallam's History the other day, encountered the
following passage, which he copied out and sent me. Speaking of William
III., lallam says: " The demeanour of William, always cold, and sometimes
harsh, his foreign origin (a sort of crime in English eyes), &c., conspired to
keep alive this disaffection." In talking this over with the Prince, I admitted it was quite true that a very laudable and natural jealousy and dislike
prevailed in the minds, of Englishmen against foreigners, though perhaps they
would not be willing to allow it; but with regard to him personally I did not
think this feeling was at all prevalent. The Prince replied that he did not
think Englishmen in general would pretend to any concealment of this
national prejudice; but he must say with regard to himself; that he did not
feel he was regarded in this spirit. On the contrary, every effort had been
used to show him the kindest feeling, and to prove to him that, as the Queen's
husband, he was looked upon as a thoroughbred Englishman.'
The conduct of the Prince since his arrival in Ellgland
had  been  subject to the severest scrutiny.  But he'had
borne his faculties so meekly,' he had been'so clear in his
great office,' that neither malice nor idle gossip had been able
to detract from the favourable impression which all his public
appearances had created.'It was remarked to me to-day,'
says Mr. Anson in another memorandum of this period,'as is
frequently done, by a keen observer of character, and by no
means a good-natured one, that it was most remarkable the
Prince should have been now nearly two years in his most difficult position, and had never given cause for one word to be
said against him in any respect.'  This result was not to be
gained without an amount of circumspection that demanded
the sacrifice of much of that freedom of action and intercourse
in which a man of his wide range of sympathies would naturally have delighted. At the same time it reacted upon himself in producing a certain reserve of manner, which was apt
to be mistaken for coldness and hauteur by those who had
not more intimate opportunities of judging of his genuine
modesty and kindliness of nature.' From the moment of his establishment in the English palace as the husband of the Queen,' General Grey has well said (Early Years, p. 353),'his
first object was to maintain, and, if possible, even raise the character of the
Court. With this view he knew that it was not enough that his own conduct should be in truth free from reproach; no shadow of a shade of suspicion should, by possibility, attach to it. He knew that, in his position,
every action would be scanned-not always possibly in a friendly spirit;




132              PRINCE'S RULES OF CONDUCT.                     1842
that his goings out and his comings in would be watched, and that in every
society, however little disposed to be censorious, there would always be
found some, prone, were an opening afforded, to exaggerate, and even to invent stories against him, and to put an uncharitable construction on the
most innocent acts.' He, therefore, from the first, laid down strict, not to say severe rules,
for his own guidance. He imposed a degree of restraint and self-denial upon
his own movements, which could not but have been irksome, had he not been
sustained by a sense of the advantage which the Throne would derive from it.
He denied himself the pleasure-which, to one so fond as he was of personally watching and inspecting every improvement that was in progress, would
have been very great-of walking at will about the town. Wherever he
went, whether in a carriage or on horseback, he was accompanied by his
equerry. He paid no visits in general society. His visits were to the studio
of the artist, to museums of art or science, to institutions for good and
benevolent purposes. Wherever a visit from him, or his presence, could tend
to advance the real good of the people, there his horses might be seen waiting; never at the door of mere fashion. Scandal itself could take no liberty
with his name. He loved to ride through all the districts of London where
building and improvements were in progress, more especially when they were
such as would conduce to the health or recreation of the working classes;
and few, if any, knew so well, or took such interest as he did, in all that was
being done, at any distance east, west, north, or south of the great city-from
Victoria Park to Battersea-from the Regent's Park to the Crystal Palace,
and far beyond. "' He would frequently return," the Queen says, " to luncheon at a great pace, and would always come through the Queen's dressingroom, where she generally was at that time, with that bright loving smile
with which he ever greeted her; telling where he had been-what new
buildings he had seen-what studios, &c. he had visited. Riding for mere
riding's sake he disliked, and said:'Es ennuyirt nich so.' (It bores me
so.)"'
Already the claims upon the Prince's attention were so
numerous and varied, that his strength was taxed to the uttermost.  It was even difficult for him  to obtain those hasty
rides to which the Queen alludes, and in one of her letters to
Baron Stockmar in Decelmber of this year, Her Majesty expresses much anxiety, that measures should be taken'to prevent his being besieged when in London by so many unnecessary people. His health is so invaluable, not only to me (to
whom he is more than all in all), but to this whole country,
that we must do our duty, and manage that he is not so overwhelmed with people.' His fatigues had recently been greatly
augmented, by having to  undertake  the superintendence of
the Royal Establishment and of many details connected with
the office of Privy Purse, which up to September of this year
had been in the hands of Baroness Lehzen. The organization
of the Household  was thoroughly defective, and the consequent confusion, discomfort, and extravagance were a source




1842  PROPOSED REORGANIZATION OF ROYAL HOUSEHOLD. 133
of incessant annoyance and distraction. The demands thus
imposed upon the Prince's time and energies were the more
intolerable, coming as they did at a period when he felt
called upon to give redoubled attention to public affairs.
This was his first and most pressing duty, but its discharge
was manifestly impossible, without such a thorough reform
as would establish order and regularity in the conduct of
the complicated arrangements of the Royal Household, and
thereby set free his mind for'nobler thoughts and nobler
cares.'
In this dilemma his thoughts naturally turned to Baron
Stockmar, who had a year before gone with him fully into the
question, and with his wonted thoroughness and foresight had
drawn up a Memorandum or scheme of reform'to unite the
greater security and comfort of the Sovereign, with greater
regularity and better discipline of the Royal Establishment.' 
Already the Queen and the Prince had found the immense advantage of his practical skill and tact in placing upon a
thoroughly sound footing that part of their establishment
which had to deal with the care and training of the Royal
children. Now that a wider, if not more delicate problem had
to be solved, they felt that no one was more qualified to grapple with its difficulties, or more likely to work out judiciously
the necessary reforms. To him, therefore, the Prince wrote
as follows:'MIy dear Stockmar,-... I cannot let the year close
without praising the foresight which during its course has arranged so much for my advantage, and without again seeing
in the results a sacred duty, zealously to use the position I
have been placed in for the good of all around me, and to lay
out like a treasure at interest the experience I have gained.
Let me once more thank you for much loyal concern for the
welfare of us all, for much trouble and fatherly counsel in
many moments of difficulty. When I look back I see nothing which I could wish otherwise; but when I look forward,
I feel that much remains to be done to bring matters to a satisfactory point...'We have reached a critical transition-period, in which
every day the germs of a noble bias may be planted.  Still I
feel the necessity for the wise counsel and support of a man
7 Passages from this document have been quoted in Baron Stockmar's Memoirs, where its date is incorrectly assigned to the end of 1844. Its actual date
is 9th January, 1841.




134         PROPOSED REORGANIZATION, ETC.          1842
of experience. When you left us, you said to me, "When
you really want me, write, and I will come." I am well
aware of what you are to your family, and your own concerns,
and I have therefore been unwilling till now to importune you
to return so soon. But now the moment is come, when I
think I may venture to remind you of your promise; therefore do not delay. My attention hitherto has been directed to
a host of trifles. It always seems to me as if an infinitude of
small trivialities hung about me like an ever present weight;
I mean by these the domestic and Court arrangements, and
to these I have chiefly applied myself, feeling that we never
shall be in a position to occupy ourselves with higher and
graver things, so long as we have to do with these mere
nothings....
ALBDERT.'Windsor Castle, December 27, 1842.'




CHAPTER IX.
Reorganization of Royal Household undertaken by Prince-Opening of Parliament —Assassination of Mr. Drummond —Sir Robert Peel-Development of Prince's Character —
Birth of Princess Alice-Exhibition of Cartoons for Frescoes in Westminster Hall —
Queen and Prince enconrage Fresco Painting by Commissions for Decoration of Pavilion at Buckingham Palace —Efforts by Prince to suppress Duelling.
To one who only knows the Royal Household of a more
recent day, so complete in its details, so smooth in its working, so thoroughly under control,-a vast machine moving
with an almost ideal precision and regularity,-it is not easy
to picture the state of things to which the Prince refers in
the letter just quoted, and with which the Queen and himself
had to contend for many years. It is indeed surprising, that it
could have gone on at all, without the whole internal economy
of the Palace falling into intolerable confusion, for the arrangements there were absolutely without control and subject to
no definite system.  This was due to the circumstance that
ostensibly they were under the control of too many masters,
each acting independently, and without concert. The three
great officers of State, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Master of the Horse, all of them officials who
varied with every change of the Ministry, and were appointed
without regard to any special qualifications for their office,
had each a governing voice in the regulation of the Household.  Their rules of administration were as various as their
individual capacity.  No  uniformity of system  prevailed;
there was no general understanding to secure the harmonious working of their various departments, no responsible
resident officer to represent them and to see that discipline
was maintained, and the comfort of the Sovereign secured.
While things continued in this state, order, comfort, and
economy were manifestly impossible. Thus, one section of
the Palace was supposed to be under the Lord Chamberlain's
charge, another under that of the Lord Steward, while, as to
a third, it was uncertain whose business it was to look after
it. These officials were responsible for all that concerned the




136                REORGANIZATION                  1843
interior of the building, but the outside had to be looked
after by the Office of Woods and Forests. The consequence
was, that'as the inside cleaning of the windows belonged to
the Lord Chamberlain's department, the degree of light to
be admitted into the Palace depended proportionably on
the well-timed and good understanding between the Lord
Chamberlain's office and that of Woods and Forests.' One
portion of the personnel of the establishment, again, was
under the authority of the Lord Chamberlain, another under
that of the Master of the Horse, and a third was within the
jurisdiction of the Lord Steward.'The Lord Steward,'
writes Baron Stockmar in the Memorandum already referred
to (p. 154),'finds the fuel and lays the fire, and the Lord
Chamberlain lights it.... In the same manner the Lord
Chamberlain provides all the lamps, and the Lord Steward
must clean, trim, and light them.' Before a pane of glass
or a cupboard-door could be mended, the sanction of so many
officials had to be obtained that often months elapsed before
the repairs were made.'As neither the Lord Chamberlain,
nor the Master of the Horse, have a regular deputy residing
in the Palace, more than two-thirds of all the male and
female servants are left without a master in the house. They
can come on and go off duty as they choose, they can remain
absent hours and hours on their days of waiting, or they may
commit any excess or irregularity; there is nobody to observe, to correct, or to reprimand them. The various details
of internal arrangement, whereon depend the well-being and
comfort of the whole establishment, no one is cognisant of or
responsible for. There is no officer responsible for the cleanliness, order, and security of the rooms and offices throughout
the Palace.'
The public heard with astonishment a few days after the
birth of the Princess Royal in November, 1840, that a boy
had been discovered, at one o'clock in the morning, under a
sofa in an apartment adjoining Her Majesty's bedroom. How,
it was said, could such an occurrence, which might have
endangered the Queen's life, be possible, if proper regulations
existed for the protection of the royal person? But to those
who were aware of what Baron Stockmar calls'the absence of
system, which leaves the Queen's Palace without any responsible authority,' the incident admitted of only too easy explanation.
A state of things such as we have indicated could not long




1843             OF ROYAL HOUSEHOLD                137
have been endured by any private person. But the remedy,
so easy in ordinary circumstances, was by no means simple,
where so many interests were bound up with the existing
system, and so many persons were affected by the necessary
reforms. Sir Robert Peel, when consulted by the Prince in
the end of 1841, deprecated any change, which should seem
to impair the authority of the great officers of the State, or
make them subordinate to any new control, and thereby render their offices'less an object of ambition than they at
present are to very distinguished Members of the House of
Peers.' In this the Prince entirely concurred.'I also agree,'
he adds in his reply (2nd November, 1841),'that ancient
institutions and prescriptive usages in the Court ought never
to be touched by the Queen, but with the maturest reflection
and caution. But, notwithstanding all these admissions, I
remain as anxious as ever, that something should be done to
introduce into the present system (or rather confusion) improvements so peremptorily necessary; and I am convinced
that these improvements may be made without apprehending
a hindrance from the above admissions. All I beg of you
now, my dear Sir Robert, is your cordial and persevering
assistance in combating the existing and crying nuisances.
Much as I am inclined to treat the Household machine with a
sort of reverence from its antiquity, I still remain convinced
that it is clumsy in its original construction, and works so ill,
that as long as its wheels are not mended there can neither
be order nor regularity, comfort, security, nor outward dignity
in the Queen's Palace.'
Baron Stockmar, in his Memorandum of January, 1841, had
anticipated and given full effect to the considerations urged
by Sir Robert Peel. He knew England and its ways too well
not to be sensible of the danger of any innovations either
upon the dignity of offices so highly prized, or upon usages,
however inconvenient or extravagant, which had the sanction
of time at their back. He therefore recommended that the
necessary reforms should emanate from the officers of State
themselves, and be carried into effect by the Master of the
Household, to whom they should delegate the necessary authority, and who, as he resided permanently in the Palace,
could see the Sovereign's wishes carried out, and her comfort
secured, and be at the same time responsible to themselves
for the maintenance of order, discipline, and security within
the Royal establishment. So many persons had to be con



138             UNDERTAKEN BY PRINCE.                 1843
suited, however, and the motives to keep things as they were
were so numerous, that this measure, judicious as it was in its
conception, and efficient in practice as it was ultimately found
to be, took some years to commend itself thoroughly to those
by whom alone it could be carried out.
Meanwhile, various partial attempts at internal reform
were made; but these, as might have been expected, proved
unsatisfactory and ineffectual, and only gave rise to complaints of undue interference, and gossiping misrepresentation out of doors of the objects by which these reforms were
prompted. So late as November, 1844, Sir Robert Peel
writes:'Reforms in the Royal Household are not very palatable to either of the great political parties of the State. The
personhrel of the Household is necessarily a very mixed body.
It does not consist exclusively of theprot#ges of a Whig or
Tory Administration. The esprit de corps, the fear of reduction, the hope of profiting by lavish expenditure, unite all,
whatever be their party attachments, by a sense of common
interest. Many of the subordinate employes have friends and
patrons of different politics; and their patrons, like themselves, are apt to make common cause against reform, and to
devise various ways of making it unpopular, by misrepresenting the motives of it, and provoking a clamour against it, in
which the idle, the disappointed, the malicious, are quite ready
to join. There are very few enlisted on the other side, for
the subject is little understood, and practical, well-considered
reform in details excites but little active sympathy in its favour.'
While fully appreciating these considerations, the Prince
was not deterred by them from persevering in his resolution
to effect a complete revolution of the existing system. Daily
experience proved it to be incompatible with the comfort, no
less than with the dignity of the Court. On this ground
alone he would have felt bound to submit to any amount of
odium which he might provoke in effecting the necessary reforms. But he had also in view the further consideration,
which from the first had been present to his mind, that the
Royal Establishment, as it was first in dignity, should also be
first in purity, in efficiency, and not least in well-regulated
economy. Waste, the canker of all, but especially of all
great establishments, should be made as difficult as possible,
at the same time that nothing was spared which was essential
for the befitting splendour of a great Monarchy. He contin



1843            OPENING OF PARLIAMENT.               139
ued, therefore, to press the subject from time to time on the
attention of Sir Robert Peel and the officers of State, and
drew up at the close of 1844 a comprehensive scheme of reform, based upon Baron Stockmar's earlier Memorandum.
This brought matters to a point, and effect was soon afterwards given to the Prince's views by the heads of the several
departments conferring upon the Master of the Household
absolute authority over the whole internal economy of the
Palace. All that was hoped from the change was more than
realised, and the Prince had from this time the satisfaction of
being permanently relieved from a multitude of those petty
and distressing cares, which, in his own words, had hitherto'hung about him like an ever-present weight.'
For the first time the Queen was unable to oplen Parliament in person, when it met on the 2nd of February, 1843.
Situated as her Majesty then was, it was thought prudent not
to expose her to any excitement or fatigue, and she was compelled to forego the satisfaction of announcing in person the
successful issue of the campaigns in India and China, as well
as the settlement of our differences with America, which had
been effected some months before by the Ashburton Treaty.
These formed a happy set-off to the long-prevalent and stillcontinuing depression of the manufacturing industry of the
country, to which allusion had also to be made in the Royal
Speech, and which at once became the subject of a fierce
party-struggle, upon Lord Howick's motion for a Committee
of the whole House to consider it.'Parliament is opened,' the Prince writes to Baron Stockmar (8th February), 6 and the party-men are already pouring
broadsides into each other.' The debate, which ended triumphantly for the Ministry, was made memorable by an
unlucky phrase in Mr. Cobden's speech, to the effect that he
held Sir Robert Peel personally responsible for the present
lamentable and dangerous state of affairs. Sir Robert, replying upon the moment under great excitement, interpreted this
language as an incentive to attacks upon his life, and although
this interpretation was of course earnestly disclaimed by Mr.
Cobden, it was felt that an event, the horror of which was
still fresh in everybody's mind, sufficiently explained, if it did
not justify, the sensitiveness shown by the Premier to language of such ambiguous import. About three weeks previously (20th January), his secretary, Mr. Drummond, had
been shot, while entering the Premier's official residence, by a




140          ASSASSINATION  OF MR. DRUMM1IOND.               1843
man of the name of McNaughten, and had sunk under the
wound.  It was known that the assassin had mistaken him
for the Premier, and that the act was prompted by political
animosity.'Poor Drummond,' the Queen writes (31st January) to King Leopold,'is universally regretted. Indeed, I
seldom remember so strong an interest (beginning with ourselves) being taken in, and so much feeling so generally
shown towards a private individual. People can hardly think
of anything else.  I trust,' adds Her Majesty, whose painful
experience of a few months previous had forced upon her the
consideration of what is and what is not irresponsible criminality,'it will have the beneficial effect of making people feel
the difference between complete madness, which deprives a
man of all sense, and madness which does not prevent a man
from knowing right from wrong.'"
Writing a few  days afterwards, the Queen adds,'Poor
Lady Peel has been very ill from this last terrible event, and
no wonder.' In these circumstances it was only natural that
Sir Robert should have carried the sympathy of the House of
Commons with him in his denunciation of language, which
it is quite certain Mr. Cobden would never have used, if the
construction of which it was susceptible had been present to
his mind.
All that the Queen and Prince had seen of Sir Robert Peel
since his accession to office had tended to inspire them with
confidence and respect.  In the letter just quoted Her Majesty
speaks of him as'undoubtedly a great statesman, a man who
thinks but little of party, and never of himself.' These, of all
others, were the characteristics most likely to excite the admiration of the Prince, with his strong convictions, that in the
strife of parties for supremacy the welfare of the State was
occasionally forgotten. How well he understood Sir Robert
Peel's position, and foresaw the collision with his own followers
which was likely at no distant date to ensue from the change
1 The popular instinct, which in these cases is generally right, was shocked
by the verdict returned by the jury (3rd March),' Not guilty, on the ground of
insanity.' If acts like McNaughten's, long and deliberately planned, and executed with a definite purpose, were to be dealt with as freaks of monomania,
it was felt that a license would be given to crime which might lead to most disastrous results. The general question as to what was to be deemed the measure
of irresponsible mania was submitted to the whole Judges, who on the 19th
July, 1843, in answer to the question, I If a person under an insane delusion as
to existing facts commits an offence in consequence thereof, is he thereby excused'  returned an unanimous opinion that he was equally liable with a person of sane mind. This declaration has had effect even upon monomaniacs.




1843                    SIR  ROBERT PEEL.                          141
which his opinions had undergone upon the question of the
Free Trade, is apparent from the following Memorandum of
Mr. Anson's of 30th April, 1843:-'The Prince said yesterday, that Sir Robert Peel was certainly far from
popular with the Conservative party... He for his part had the greater
confidence in Sir Robert for the very cause to which he attributed the want
of confidence with which his party regarded him. It was that Sir Robert
was determined to adopt his own line, and not be turned aside by the fear
of mrraking political enemies, or losing support. He was determined either to
stand or fall by his own opinion, and the Prince felt that in such a man's
hands the interests of the Crown were most secure.' 2
It was April before Baron Stockmar was able to comply
with the Prince's urgent entreaties for his return to aid him
with his counsels.  A  few months, he found, had wrought al
great change.'The Queen,' he wrote,' is well, the Princess'
(who  for about a year had caused great anxiety by an apparent delicacy of health),'wonderfully improved, round as a
little barrel, and the Prince of Wales, though a little plagued
with his teeth, strong upon his legs, with a calm, clear, bright
expression of face.  The Prince himself is well and happy,
though he frequently looks pale, worried, and weary. He is
rapidly showing what is in him.  He is full of a practical talent, which enables him at a glance to seize the essential points
of a question, like the vulture that pounces on his prey, and
hurries off with it to his nest' (Denkwairdigciei        ten, p. 392).
Remembering that Stockmar's only misgiving as to the Prince
had been, that he might fail in this very quality, no wonder
that, as his biographer tells us, his heart was gladdened by
what he observed on this visit.
A  letter of the Prince to  the Duchess of Saxe-Coburg
2 It is interesting to compare this early estimate of Sir Robert Peel with the
Prince's final judgment of him, as given in his speech at York on October 25,
1850:-' The constitution of Sir Robert Peel's mind was peculiarly that of a
statesman, and of an English statesman: he was Liberal from feeling, but Conservative upon principle. While his impulses drove him to foster progress, his
sagacious mind and great experience showed him how easily the whole machlncry of a state and of society is deranged, and how important, but how difficult also, it is to direct its further development in accordance with its fundamental principles, like organic growth in nature. It was peculiar to him, that
in great things, as in small, all the difficulties and objections occurred to him;
first, he would anxiously consider them, pause, and warn against rash resolutions; but having convinced himself, after a long and careful investigation,
that a step was not only light to be taken, but of the practical mode also of
safely taking it, it became a necessity and a duty to him to take it: all his caution and apparent timidity changed into courage and power of action, and at
the same time readiness cheerfully to make any personal sacrifice which its
execution might demand.'




142             PRINCE'S FIRST LEVEES.              1843
about this time may be cited as a slight illustration of his
clear practical judgment, which would not be blinded by the
illusions of sentiment, where a substantial interest was at
stake:-'Windsor Castle, February 16, 1843,'There is certainly a great charm, as well as deep interest
in watching the development of feelings and faculties in a
little child, and nothing is more instructive for the knowledge
of our own nature, than to observe in a little creature the
stages of development, which, when we were ourselves passing through them, seemed scarcely to have an existence for
us. I feel this daily in watching our young offspring, whose
characters are quite different, and who both show many
lovea.ble qualities.'I wish you more success than generally attends the education of poor children of the lower ranks by persons of our
own; and I cannot but warn you against a mistake often committed under similar circumstances, i.e. forgetting that education is the preparation for the future life, and that, if it be not
consistent with the pupil's prospects, he may have to pay for
the-pleasure, which his education gives you, with the happiness
of his whole life, as nothing is more certain to ensure an unhappy future than disappointed expectations.'
The same reason which prevented the Queen from opening
Parliament in person, made it impossible for Her Majesty to
hold the usual Spring Levees. The Prince, therefore, undertook to hold them for her; and, as the Presentations to him
were to be considered as equivalent to Presentations to the
Queen herself, Her Majesty was thus saved the exposure and
fatigue, which she must otherwise have undergone later in the
season, of a number of Levees and Drawing-rooms crowded
one upon another in rapid succession. It is difficult now to
understand, that this step should have provoked the animadversion of a certain Court party as an unwarrantable assumption of Royal functions; and that they should have had the
bad taste to follow up their complaints by conspicuously absenting themselves from the Levees. The Prince's hold on
public confidenlce, however, was too firm to be affected by matters of this description; and the Queen's conviction that the
Prince and herself must be one, and that on such occasions she
could only be represented by him, was based upon a feeling
with which her subjects instinctively sympathised.




1843              BIRTH  OF PRINCESS ALICE.                   143
On the 25th of April another Princess was added to the
Royal Family. The Queen made a rapid recovery.'Albert,'
she writes to her uncle,'has been, as usual, all kindness and
goodness...   Our little baby is to be called Alice, an Old
English name, and the other names are to be Maud (another
Old English name, and the same as Matilda), and Mary, as she
was born on Aunt Gloucester's birthday.  The Sponsors are
to be the King of Hanover, Ernestus Primus (now the Duke
of Coburg), poor Princess Sophia Matilda, and Feodore, and
the christening to be on the 2nd of June.' The King of Hanover arrived too late to be present at the ceremony. Nevertheless, as the Queen reports to her uncle (6th June), it'went
off very brilliantly.  Nothing could be more anstdndig, and
little Alice behaved extremely well.'
The first public result of the labours of the Royal Commission on the Fine Arts was an Exhibition in the summer of this
year in Westminster Hall, of Cartoons, for which prizes had
been offered, on subjects illustrative of English History and
Poetry. The Exhibition opened on the 1st of July, and the
Prince watched its effect upon the great crowds who thronged
the Hall while it lasted with the closest interest. What he
then observed filled him with hope for the development of
a taste for art among the people, which might become an important agent in elevating their character and habits, while it
gave a higher aim to such of our manufactures as were connected with the arts of design. The interest shown in this exhibition by the labouring classes was indeed remarkable; and,
as noted by Sir Charles Eastlake at the time, it afforded'the
strongest proof of the love of the lower orders for pictures,
when they exhibit all event:'-'I abridged,' he adds, writin.g on the 22nd July,' the Catalogue to a
penny size for the million, but many of the most wretchedly dressed people
prefer the sixpenny one with the quotations, and it is a very gratifying sight
to witness the attention and earnestness with which they follow the subjects
with the books in their hands..... All the workmen of the Houses of
Parliament go in, but chiefly in the evening, because, being as white as millers (the masons) they have themselves the discretion to time their visit.
You will see by the Catalogue that the references and quotations are often
good of their kind, being indeed from the highest sources. I stated to the
Commission yesterday, that these Catalogues in the hands of so many thousands would be the first introduction of many to an acquaintance with our
best poets and writers, and the importance of the Exhibition as a means of
humanizing the people was daily felt.'
Himself a great admirer of fresco painting, the Prince
threw himself with great zeal into the question of its appli



144          PAVILION AT BUCKINGHAM  PALACE.                 1843
cability for the decoration of the Houses of Parliament, and
the researches into the best methods *of applying it, which
occupied much of the attention of the  Commission.  The
opinions of its members were not a little divided as to
the subjects to be dealt with. Some considered that mere
decoration by arabesques and otherwise was alone necessary;
others condemned any attempt at a moral aim., The Prince
took an opposite view, holding that the purposes of decoration
might be combined with a patriotic and moral aim, and that,
although many would give but a passing glance to the works,
the painter was not therefore to forget that others might
view  them  with more thoughtful eyes.  This was the view
which ultimately prevailed, and there can be no doubt it was
the sound one.  For the incidents embodied in the frescoes,
which now decorate the walls of both Houses of Parliament,
although the frescoes themselves have failed for the most
part most pitiably in the durability that was hoped for,
excite the liveliest curiosity in the crowds which may be constantly seen around them.
To stimulate the interest in fresco painting the Prince
determined to have it applied in the decoration of a summerhouse or pavilion in the garden  of Buckingham  Palace.
E. Landseer, Maclise, Uwins, Eastlake, Leslie, Sir William
Ross, Dyce, and Stanfield received commissions, and vied
with each other in producing a series of eight lunettes in
illustration of Milton's'Comus.'    The Queen and Prince
watched their progress almost from day to day; and the
following extract from  a letter by Mr. Uwins (15th August,
1843) is valuable, as showing the impression produced by
their visits upon one of not the least gifted of the artists,
in whose labours they testified so warm an interest:-' The opportunity so lately afforded me of becoming acquainted with the
habits, tastes, and in some degree with the intellectual acquirements of the
Prince and the Queen has greatly increased my respect for them.' History, literature, science and art seem to have lent their stores to form
the mind of the Prince. He is really an accomplished man, and withal
possesses so much good sense and consideration, that, taken apart from his
playfulness and good humour, he might pass for an aged and experienced
person, instead of a youth of two or three and twenty.' The Queen, too, is full of intelligence, her observations very acute, and
her judgment apparently matured beyond her age.'It has happened to me in life to see something of many Royal person3These, with the other decorations of the Pavilion, were reproduced in a
volume published in 1846 under the superintendence of Professor Gruner,
with an Introductory Notice by Mrs. Jameson.




1843                       DUELLING.                         145
ages, and I must say, with the single exception of the Duke of Kent, I have
never met with any, either in England or on the Continent of Europe, who
have impressed me so favourable as our reigning Sovereign, and her young
and interesting husband.'Coming to us twice a day unannounced and without attendants, entirely
stripped of all state and ceremony, courting conversation, and desiring
rather reason than obedience, they have gained our admiration and love.' In many things they are an example to the age. They have breakfasted,
heard morning prayers with the household in the private Chapel, and are
out some distance from the Palace talking to us in the summer-house, before
half-past nine o'clock-sometimes earlier. After the public duties of the day,
and before their dinner, they come out again, evidently delighted to get
away from the bustle of the world to enjoy each other's society in the solitude of the garden.'Our peaceful pursuits are in accordance with the scene; and the opportunity of watching our proceedings seems to give a zest to the enjoyment of
these moments snatched from state, parade, and ceremony. Here, too, the
royal children are brought out by their nurses, and the whole arrangement
seems like real domestic pleasure.'
These hurried moments given to the study of art were
seized by the Prince with a zest which only those can feel
whose hours are filled with the cares and responsibilities of
a crowded and anxious life.  Such, indeed, is the life of all
sympathetic and thoughtful public men; but it was his in
a peculiar degree, for his attention was always on the alert
to learn what was best to be done for the improvement of the
social condition of the English people, and to help towards
it by his personal efforts wherever he could.  Among many
illustrations of this, which we find  in the records of this
year, may be mentioned what he did towards the abolition
of duelling.
Public attention had been painfully called to the subject
by a duel on the first of July, in which Colonel Fawcett was
shot by his brother-in-law, Lieutenant Monro. The survivor,
it was known, had endured intolerable provocation. He had
gone out most reluctantly, and only because not to have done
so must, according to the then prevailing code, have fatally
compromised his honour. As it was, he who had been the
party really aggrieved was branded as a felon, and his career
as an officer was ruined by the unhappy issue of an encounter,
which every officer in the service would in the same circumstance have felt he could not avoid. Similar disasters had
excited  comparatively little notice; but here the intimate
relations of the parties made the issue appear so much more
shocking, that people felt the time was come to  decide
whether a system  should continue, by which a man, having




146               COURTS OF HONOUR                  1843
first been insulted, must also expose himself to be shot, or be
branded in one event as a coward, or in another as a criminal.
The Prince felt that the first step towards the extinction
of the practice generally would be to put a stop to duels
in the army. With this view he sought an interview with
the Duke of Wellington. The Duke, he found, had himself
given attention to the subject, but had come to the conclusion that nothing could be done, having no belief in the
efficiency of any remedy except that of public opinion. This
did not satisfy the Prince. The current of public opinion
had no doubt set in the right direction, but much mischief
might be done before it became so strong as to sweep away
a practice so deeply rooted. He therefore suggested the
establishment of Courts of Ihonour, bound to secrecy, to
whose arbitrament officers should submit their differences.
To give weight to the tribunal the Prince also proposed that
the Duke should place himself at its head, offering at the
same time his own personal co-operation, if this were thought
advisable.'The Duke was afraid,' the Prince writes in his
Memorandum of this interview (25th July),'that there was
a great jealousy against any secret tribunal; however, he
would give it his best consideration. I reminded him of the
Tribunal des Marechaux in France, and suggested that he
should make inquiry about the Courts of Honour which had
been, and still were, attended with the best results in the
Bavarian Army. This he agreed to do, as a basis for whatever further steps might have to be taken.'
The Prince's suggestion was deliberately canvassed by the
heads of both Services. The Lords of the Admiralty objected
to it on the ground that, owing to the peculiar nature of the
naval service, a system of Courts of Honour could not be
carried out in practice, although they admitted that it might
be of use where the officers were resident in England. Duelling, moreover, was of rare occurrence in the Navy, and there
was therefore less necessity for the adoption of any new
tribunal. The Master of the Ordnance, Sir George Murray,
objected altogether to the plan. Quarrels, he contended,
would not be made up or differences reconciled upon the
arbitration of others-and the law, in his opinion, was already
sufficiently strong, if properly enforced, to repress the practice. But the healing of quarrels was not the object in view;
and the law was powerless, as had again and again been shown,
to protect the innocent.




1843             SUGGESTED BY PRINCE.               147'There certainly is the power of punishment,' says the
Prince in a letter to the Duke of Wellington (13th January,
1844),'but it seems almost unjust to resort to it, so long as
no other protection is given to the honour of officers.'Honour, abstractedly taken, is invulnerable.  It is a
treasure that nobody can take from us, and which we cannot
even injure ourselves. No act of a third person call deprive
us of it. But there is an honour which is entirely based upon
the opinion of the world, and therefore dependent upon
others. The person whose honour (in this sense of the word)
has been injured, must have a remedy by which he can recover
the treasure taken from him, and re-establish himself in the
consideration of the world. In olden times the appeal to the
sword was the acknowledged remedy. With the progress of
civilisation and the Christian religion this unchristian and
barbarous custom has been generally condemned, forbidden
by law, and severely punished; but no substitute has been
granted, and the officer, whose very existence is based upon
his honour, is left to the alternative of either trespassing
against the laws of religion and of the State, and becoming
a criminal, or of losing caste in the estimation of his profession and of the world, and seeing that honour tarnished,
which is his pride. It is, therefore, from a sense of justice
that it becomes necessary to consider what other remedy
should be granted, if the only one at present acknowledged
is to be prosecuted with all severity.'
The Prince goes on to say, that this remedy seemed to
him to be most easily found in a Court or Courts of Honour.
Admitting, however, the difficulty of such an organisation of
these Courts as would include both Services, he concurs with
the Duke in thinking that it will be best to bring the subject,
through the Secretary of War, before the Cabinet, who will
report upon it and tender the Queen their advice. This
course was accordingly taken. The introduction of Courts
of HIonour appeared to the Cabinet to be surrounded by too
many practical difficulties.  The idea was therefore abandoled, and it was resolved to effect the desired reform by
an amendment of the Articles of War. In pursuance of this
decision Amended Articles were issued in April, 1844, which
declared it to be'suitable to the character of honourable
men to apologise and offer redress for wrong or insult corn
mitted, and equally so for the party aggrieved to accept
frankly and cordially explanation and apologies for the same.'




148           A DEATHBLOW  TO DUELLING.               1843
- The Prince had the satisfaction of seeing that he had not
taken up the question in vain; for a deathblow was dealt by
this declaration to so-called affairs of honour. Duelling was
so discredited that it became from that time practically impossible. A change so great could scarcely be effected without some temporary injury to the tone of manners. On
natures of a certain cast the dread of being called out exerted
a salutary restraint. We are still occasionally reminded, by
some 5rtusquerie of manner or recklessness of language, that
it might not be without value as a check on selfishness, or
boorish rudeness. But on all refined and generous natures
the consciousness that this restraint no longer exists has had
the effect of inspiring that higher restraint of inward courtesy
and forbearance, which makes the grace of good society.




CHAPTER X.
Royal Visit to the King of the French at the Chateau d'Eu-iRoyal Visit to Belgium and to
Cambridge —Alarming State of Ireland-Arrest and Trial of O'Connell-Prince visits
Birmingham —Royal Visits to Drayton MIanor, Chatsworth, and Belvoir Castle-Good
Effects of Visit to France.
IT had long been the desire of the Queen to visit King Louis
Philippe, to make the personal acquaintance of his admirable
Queen, and to see them and their family in their own home.
The most cordial relations had for many years subsisted between their respective Houses,' and it was conceived that a
friendly visit, made without any political object, might have a
good effect in removing the lingering asperity which had been
occasioned in France by the action of the English Government on the Eastern Question. A favourable opportunity for
making this visit now presented itself. The country, with the
gradual revival of trade and increased employment for its
artisans, had regained its tranquillity, and the rising of Parliament after a comparatively quiet Session was close at hand.'For many  reasons,' Stockmar wrote  to  the  Prince from
Wiesbaden (18th August, 1843),' I wish your contemplated
excursion may be safely and pleasantly carried out, and in a
way to cheer and gladden you. Any opportunity for observing real life, and for interrupting the monotony that attends
an exalted position, is a great gain for Your Royal Highness.
tt gives fresh nourishment and vigour to the mind. Parliament, let us hope, will rise at the right time, and Ireland
remain quiet.'
T1 he King, when Duke of Orleans, had been a most intimate friend of Her
Majesty's father the Duke of Kent, as well as of the Princess Charlotte, and
her husband Prince Leopold. This was the beginning of the intimacy, which
led to the many alliances (four) between the Orleans and Coburg families.
These naturally brought them into close connection with the Queen long before
her marriage with Prince Albert the Duchess of Kent being a Princess of Coburg, sister to King Leopold, and to the Prince Consort's father the late Duke
of Coburg. A mistaken impression prevails very generally that the Queen's
connection with the Orleans family began after her marriage, while, in fcht, it
had subsisted since the marriage, in 1832, of her uncle King Leopold with the
Princess Louise of Orleans.




150       QUEEN VISITS KING OF THE FRENCH          1843
The French Royal family were at Chateau d'Eu, near
Treport, a private domain of the King's, which could be
reached in a few hours from Southampton; and the new
yacht,'Victoria and Albert,' which had just been built for the
Queen, could not better initiate her career than in such an expedition. Parliament was prorogued on the 27th of August.
On the 28th the Queen and Prince embarked at Southampton,
and after cruising about the Isle of Wtight and along the coast
of Devon for a couple of days, they crossed to Tr6port, where
they arrived about 6 P.Mr. on the 2nd of September. Immediately the King came off in his barge towelcome them. The
Prince de Joinville, who had met the Royal yacht off Cherbourg early that morning, and had then come on board, was
on the look-out, and when he reported its approach, Her
Majesty's TJournal records:'I felt, as it came nearer and
nearer, more and more agitated. At length it came close, and
contained the King, Aumale, Montpensier, Augustus' (Prince
Augustus of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha; first-cousin of the Queen
and Prince, and married to the Princess Clementine of Orleans),' M. Guizot, Lord Cowley, and various officers and ministers.
The good kind King was standing on the boat, and so impatient to get out that it was very difficult to prevent him, and
to get him to wait till the boat was close enough. He got
out and came up as quickly as possible, and embraced me
warmly. It was a fine and really affecting sight, and the
emotion which it caused I shall never forget.... The King
expressed again and again how delighted he was to see me.
His barge is a very fine one, with many oars, and the men in
white, with red sashes, and red ribbons round their hats.'
No time was lost in getting away from the yacht, and
presently the novel spectacle was seen of the Royal Standards
of France and England floating side by side over the Sovereigns of the two countries, as they were rowed in the French
Royal barge to shore.'The landing,' Her Majesty continues,'was a fine sight, which the beauties of the evening,
with the setting sun, enhanced. Crowds of people (all so
different from ours), numbers of troops (also so different from
our troops), the whole Court and all the authorities, were
assembled on the shore. The King led me up a somewhat
steepish staircase, where the Queen received me with the
kindest welcome, accompanied by dearest Louise' (Queen of
the Belgians),'H1el6ne, in deep mourning' (Duchess of
Orleans),'FranGoise' (Princess of Joinville),'and Madame




1843               AT CIHITEAU D'EU.                151
Adelaide. All this-the cheering of the people, and of the
troops, crying "Vive la Reine! Vive le Roi!"-well nigh
overcame me...  The King repeated again and again to
me how happy he was at the visit, and how attached he was
to my father and to England.'
The visit, which lasted until the Tth, was one of unmixed
pleasure on both sides. The Queen, in writing from Eu on
the 4th, speaks of her delight at being'in the midst of this
admirable and truly amiable family, where we are quite at
home, and as if we were one of them.' They, on the other
hand, were not behind in reciprocating this feeling, and not
less attracted by that charm of sincerity and ready delight in
all simple pleasures which distinguished their guests.
Some further extracts from Her Majesty's Journccal will be
read with interest.
S Siunday.'Rose at half-past seven. I felt as though it were a dream
that I was at Eu, and that my favourite air-castle of so many
years was at length realised. But it is no dream-it is a
pleasant reality...  The morning was lovely, and the
distant ringing of the church bells (much prettier than ours)
was the only thing to remind me of Sunday; for the mill
was going, and the people were sweeping and working in the
garden. The Chateau is very pretty.'Louise and Cl6mentine came out of their rooms to meet
us. Dear, angelic Louise is so kind to us, and continually
asking what we wish and like. They are all so kind and so
delightful, so united that it does one's heart good to see it,
and I feel at home with them all-as if I were one of them.
At half-past ten the King and Queen and whole family,
except poor He-6lne (who only comes after dinner and after
breakfast), took us to breakfast..   The King has such
spirits, and is full of anecdote. After breakfast we went
upstairs into the Gaclerie ~des Guises. Poor HI61ne joined us.
Though not good-looking, she is certainly very pleasing and
graceful-very tall, extremely thin, and in deep mourning,
which it is most melancholy to see. I see how painful it is
to dearest Louise, and how the sight of this interesting widow
recalls their misfortune to her mind...'At half-past two the King and Queen, &c. came to fetch
us, and took us over the greater part of the Chateau. The
number of family pictures is quite enormous. The little




152             AT THE CHATEAU D'EU.                1843
chapel is beautiful, and full of painted windows and statues
of saints, &c.-quite a little bij'ou. It is the first Catholic
chapel I have seen. There are numbers of pictures and
reminiscences of Mademoiselle de Montpensier. She built
part of the Chateau, and there are some interior decorations
still of her time. The rooms of the Queen, including a little
cabinet de toilette, are charming. They contain many old
family pictures, and pictures of their own family, and there
are some of poor Chartres when a child, the sight of which,
we see, is heartrending to the dear, excellent Queen. iWe
then set out on a drive..'The people are very respectable-looking and very civil,
crying, "Vive la Reine d'Angleterre 1"  The King is so
pleased. The caps of the women are very picturesque, and
they wear also coloured handkerchiefs and aprons, which
look very pretty.... It is the population, and not so much
the country, which strikes me as so extremely different from
England-their faces, dress, manners, everything.' ionday, September 4.'Up at half-past seven and breakfasted at eight. Good
news from the children. The band of the, 24th Regiment
(Infanterie l'g re) played under my window, and extremely
well. They are 55 in number.... At half-past ten the
King and family came and fetched us to their delightful,
cheerful breakfast. I sat between the King and Aumale. I
feel so gay and happy with these dear people... Later we
saw M. Guizot, who came to express his great joy at our visit.
It seems to have done the greatest good, and to have caused
the greatest satisfaction to the French.... I hear that I
should have been most kindly received at Paris even. The
French naval officers give this evening a banquet on board
the "Pluton" to our naval officers, and I trust that the
" haine pour les pe;ficles Anglais " will cease.'
The Journal then records the features presented by the
country and people during another drive to an adjoining
forest, where a _iete champetre had been prepared.'I sat,'
it proceeds,' between the King and Queen. Poor Hel6ne sat
next the King: it was the first time she had sat at table with
them since her terrible misfortune.... The KIing's liveliness
and vivacity, and little impatiences, are my delight and
amusement. We returned at a quarter to six. It was a de



1S43             AT THE CHITEAU D'EU.                153
lightful Fete chcnamptre, and, as Albert said, much like the
Fgetes in Germany. I feel very gay and amused, and the
young people are so merry..' At dinner the King told me that the French officers had
a dinner at which my health had been drunk with great enthusiasm: "ce qui n'est pas ecald pour des soldats _FranZais,"
he added; and he repeated again and again his wish to become more and more closely allied with the English, which
would be the sure means of preventing war in Europe, and
that his love for the English "etait dans le sang."  After
dinner there was very fine music by the artistes clu Cognservatoire. They played beautifully, particularly the things from
Beethoven's Symphonies.
I T~lesccay, Sep)teimber 5.
Albert got up at half-past six in order to go and see the
Carabiniers with Aumale.... At ten dear IHelene came to
me with little Paris, and stayed till the King and Queen and
family came to fetch us to breakfast. She is very clever and
sensible, and shows great courage and strength of mind.
She spoke with tears in her. eyes of my sympathy in her joys
and her griefs-poor, excellent H6elne.... Before we went
to our rooms the King took us downstairs, where he gave us
two splendid pieces of Gobelins,' which have been thirty
years in hand, and a beautiful box of Sevres china.  After
writing, &c., dear Louise came to me, and I went with her
and paid my visits to the Queen and Princesses.... The
dear excellent Queen, whom one must look up to and love,...so kindly said that she had always had "un sentimeunt
mcaternel pour moi," but that this had increased since she
knew me. From her we went to " la Tante," who is exceedingly kind to me....  Nothing is done without her being
asked.'W eclnesday, Septenmber 6.'Albert off at seven to bathe. I up before eight...
The band again played under my window, as yesterday and
the day before.    At breakfast I sat between the King and
Aumale. We were so much amused at the King's ordering,
at this late hour, everything to be ready for a ]9bjeuner clans
la foreS. The King told me that Joinville would accompany
2 These fine tapestries are now in the room known as' the Oak Room,' at
Windsor Castle.




154              AT THE CHATEAU D'EU.                 1843
us back to Brighton..... I showed the Queen the miniatures
of Puss and the Boy, which she admired extremely, and she
said to us so dearly, so kindly, " Que -Dieu les benisse, et qu'ils
puissent ne jamais vous clonzner cu chagrin."  I then expressed a wish that they might become like her children, and
she said, in one thing she hoped they might, viz., " dcas leur
attachement pour lenrts parents. 3fcais its clonnent aussi cdu
chagrin." In saying this, she looked down, her eyes filled
with tears, and she added, " ETnfin, ce que Dieu veznt! "'At two we set off with the whole company in chcar-dbctncs, Albert sitting in front with the King, then I with the
Queen (for whom I feel a filial affection), and behind us Louise
and the other Princesses..... We arrived at St. Catherine, a
garde-chasse. The day was beautiful, and the encroit of the
Jbrt charming. After walking about for some little time in
the garden, we all sat down to a dejeuner under the trees, I
sitting between the King and Queen. It was so pretty, so
merry, so chCamp etre; and it is quite wonderful the rapidity
with which everything had been arranged... We came
home (the evening lovely), at half-past six..... After dinner,
we remained in a little room near the dining-room, as the
Gcalerie, where we generally are, was fitted up as un petit
th6Adtre. At a little after nine we went in. The little stage
and orchestre were perfectly arranged, and we were all seated
in rows of chairs one above the other.  The pieces were all
admirably performed. The first was -e Chacteautz de ma _iNce,
in  which Madame Mira acted  delightfully; the second
L'It~imoriste, in which Arnal sent us into fits of laughter.
The speech in which he read out of a paper the following
advertisement, " Une _Dame  Espcagnole clsire entrer dals unze
maison, oA ii y a cdes enfants, cafi cle pouvoir leor' montrer sac
langue," was enough to kill one....
T hTuSCGay, Septembpr 7.'At a quarter to six we got up, le coeur gros, at the thought
that we must leave this dear, admirable family. At half-past
six the King (who with all the Princes was in uniform), and
the Queen and all the family, came to fetch us to breakfast.
Joinville was already gone to Tr6port. I felt so sad to go.
At half-past seven we went in the large state carriage, precisely as we came the day we arrived, with the Princes riding,
and the same escort, &c. It was a lovely morning, and many




1843            AT THE CHAJTEAU D'EU.              155
people out. WVe embarked in the King's fine barge with
great facility. The King and Queen, and Louise, and all the
Princesses, and Admiral Maclsau, were with us in the barge.
The Princes, our suite, and the King's gentlemen and Ministers, &c., followed us on board.... At last the mauvais
moment arrived, and we were obliged to take leave, and with
very great regret..... It was a pleasure to keep Joinville,
who is so amiable, and our great favourite. Tile dear Queen
said, when she paid me that visit yesterday, in speaking of the
children, "Je vous les reconmmncande, aiCdame, quCanc nous ne
serons plus, agiesi qu'ctu Prince Albert; q Me vous lespreot'giez;
ce soet cdes anis (de cceur.".. We stood on the side of the
paddle-box, and waited to see them pass by in a small steamer,
\which they had all got into; and the King waved his hand and
called out " Adieu I Adieu!"  We set off before nine..
At half-past three we got into the barge off Brighton, with
Joinville, the ladies, Lord Aberdeen, and M. Touchard...
~When we arrived at the Pavilion, we took Joinville upstairs
with us, and he was very much struck with the strangeness
of the building.'
A visit of this nature could not take place without giving
rise to all kinds of idle speculation as to its object and
motives. Every reason for it was divined but the true one,
which was simply a desire on both sides to cement by personal
intercourse a friendship, that had grown up through years of
correspondence, and been strengthened by the ties of intermarriage. No exchange of views took place on political subjects, beyond the voluntary declaration of the King, in a conversation with the Queen, the Prince, and Lord Aberdeen,
which was painfully belied by subsequent events, that no
designs were entertained which could have the effect of
placing any of his sons on the throne of Spain.
From Brighton, to which the Queen and Prince went for a
few days, on their way to visit King Leopold in Belgium, the
Prince wrote to Baron Stocknlar:'Dear Stockmar,- t last I am able to write you a couple
of lines. Our expedition has gone off admirably. 5We have
not deviated in any particular from the plan we chalked out
in the month of July, and we have timed all our movements
to the minute. Heaven favoured us with glorious weather,




156               PRINCE'S ACCOUNT.                1843
and nothing has occurred to occasion us the very slightest
discomfort. The English coast is splendid, especially Torquay,
Dartmouth, and Plymouth, and our sojourn at Eu was most
interesting and delightful. The old King was in the third
heaven of rapture, and the whole family received us with a
heartiness, I might say affection, which was quite touching.
Victoria was greatly struck by the novelty of the scene, and
is in low spirits that it is over. Joinville accompanied us on
our return, and stayed here two nights. I have rarely been
so pleased with any young man. His views are unusually
sound. He is straightforward, honourable, gifted, and amiable, but very deaf.'....   All the French wore the expression of high satisfaction in their looks, and were unflagging in their courtesy
towards us, down even to our servants. The effect which the
excursion has produced is excellent. The French were flattered and gratified, and their only regret was, not to see us
in Paris, where great enthusiasm was certain to have been
shown. The public here are thoroughly satisfied with the
excursion. Six newspaper reporters were in Eu, who reported
everything in the minutest detail. Lord Brougham wrote to
me yesterday to congratulate Victoria and myself "on the
admirable effects produced by the late excursion to France,
and on the sure tendency of this wise measure to create the
best feelings between the two nations." I believe myself that
this will be the case. Aberdeen was thoroughly satisfied
with everything, and made himself much liked. IHe and
Liverpool were with us on the yacht. The Ambassadors of
the Northern Powers, however, spit fire, which is very injudicious, for if they do not wish for war, and are to keep up
business relations with France, nothing can be more dangerous or a greater drawback to these relations than to leave the
French public in a state of frantic excitement, in which no
business can possibly be carried on with a chance of good
results. The Emperor of Russia will be annoyed, but that is
neither here nor there.' The family of Louis Philippe have a strong feeling that
for the last thirteen years they have been placed under a ban,
as though they were lepers, by all Europe, and by every Court,
and expelled from the society of reigning Houses, and therefore they rate very highly the visit of the most powerful
Sovereign in Europe. The King said this to me over and




1843           OF THE VISIT TO FRANCE.             157
over again. Guizot and Aberdeen, as might be expected,
are being abused by both parties for betraying their country.'Little passed of a political nature, except the declaration
of Louis Philippe to Aberdeen that he will not give his son
to Spain, even if he were asked; and Aberdeen's answer,
that, excepting one of his sons, any aspirant whom Spain
might choose would be acceptable to England.'We found the children here quite well; and think of
leaving the little heir to the throne here for some time after
his sister's return to Windsor. To-morrow, the 12th, we embark again, and expect to be in Ostend by the evening of
the 13th. From  there we shall probably make some excursions to the interesting old cities of Flanders. I grieve
to hear we shall not find you there. You have gone back to
Coburg; and Praetor [the Prince's private librarian] tells
me, that in your better moods you are half disposed to
return here before long. Promise mne at least that you will
be here before November....' ALBERT.''Brighton, September 10, 1843.'
To this Baron Stockmar replied:-'Coburg(, 18th September, 1848.'The receipt of the gracious communications of the Queen
and of Your Royal Highness has gladdened me to the heart.
I scarcely dared to expect that a plan, which depended on so
many outward circumstances and contingencies, should have
been carried out so punctually, so completely, and so pleasantly, and I therefore regard what has happened as a kind
providence of Heaven, for which my heart overflows with
gratitude. There is every probability that the second part
of the expedition came off under glorious weather, and I long
to receive an early and satisfactory communication on that
score. You, my dear Prince, have hitherto had good fortune,
and you have gained materially in address. On your life's
path lies much that might mislead you. Pray be mindful
of the entreaty, the warning of a true friend, who loves you
with a father's love, and firmly and manfully resist everything that might lead you astray. In all things let reason
be your guide, and your lode-star be what you see and bow
to as the RightL If Heaven grant my prayer for the Queen,




158            ROYAL VISIT TO BELGIUM.               1843
then will it give you grnet fertile thoughts and a pure heart,
valiantly to withstand the seduction of this world's vanities.'You wish me to promise to be with you again in
November. Any promise which I permit myself to give can
only rest on a sincere belief that its fulfilment is really within
my power. This faith I have not at the present moment.
Since the 5th of August I have grown much worse than
when you saw me last.' Present my homage to the Queen. She has written me a
most cheerful letter full of just such impressions and emotions
as I could wish for her and for yourself.'
After a six days' tour in Belgium, in which Bruges, Ghent,
Brussels, and Antwerp were visited, the Queen and Prince
returned to Windsor Castle on the 21st of September. This
visit had an interest for the Queen, even beyond what the
country itself was fitted to create, rich as it is in art and in
historical monuments and associations.'It was such a joy
for me,' writes Her Majesty to King Leopold from her Yacht,
within a few hours after they had parted,'to be once again
under the roof of one, who has ever been a father to me.'
The general results of the excursion were thus summed up by
the Prince in a letter to Baron Stockmar:-'Our travels are now over, and have left behind them in
our minds a most agreeable impression. Never have I seen
such enthusiasm as the Belgians showed us at every step,
and the excitement of feelings cannot fail to be of great
service to our Uncle, as the delight at our visit was combined
with the national feeling, that it afforded a fresh guarantee
for the continuance of the present state of things. The old
cities of Flanders had put on their fairest array, and were
very tastefully decorated with tapestries, flowers: trees, pictures, &c., &c., which, combined with the numerous old
monuments, churches, and convents, and the gay crowds of
people, produced a most peculiar effect.'Victoria was greatly interested and impressed; and the
cordiality and firiendliness which met us everywhere could not
fail to attract her towards the Belgian people.'We found Uncle and Aunt very well, and greatly delighted at our visit.  The children are bloonling.  Little




1843            ROYAL VISIT TO CAMBRIDGE.                      159
Charlotte3 is quite the prettiest child you ever saw....  Leopold and Philippe are very tall of their age, and quite strong
and vigorous.
ALBERT.''Windsor Castle, September 24, 1843.'
In the following month the Prince made his first acquaintance with the University of which he was not long afterwards to become the Chancellor.  On the 25th of October he
accompanied  the  Queen  to  Cambridge, where they  were
received with a cordiality which seems almost to have taken
the Royal visitors by  surprise.'I seldom  remember more
enthusiasm,' the Queen writes a few days afterwards,'than
was shown at Cambridge, and in particular by the undergraduates.'  The acclamations with which they greeted the Prince,
when his degree of D.C.L. was conferred, were especially
welcome as coming from a body of generous and cultivated
young men, who were likely to play a not unimportant part
in the coming yeais.  But old and young vied with each
other in enthusiasm, and the gravest heads in these quiet seats
of study seem to have been as alive with excitement as the
youngest.
This may be gathered from the following amusing account,
in a letter of the 4th November by Professor Sedgwick, of a
visit of the Royal party to the Woodwardian Museum.  Nor
is this letter without a special value in the testimony it affords
to the Prince's familiarity with a branch of geological study
which was then almost exclusively confined to purely scientific men:.... I received a formidable note from our Master, telling me of an
intended Royal visit to the Woodwardian den of wild beasts, immediately
after Prince Albert's degree; and enjoining me to clear a passage by a side
entrance through the old divinity schools. This threw me off my balance,
for since the building of the new Library this place of ancient theological
disputation has been converted into a kind of lumber-room, and was filled
from end to end with every kind of unclean thing. Mops, slop-pails, chimney-pots, ladders, broken benches, rejected broken cabinets, two long ladders, and an old rusty scythe were the things that met the eye, and all
covered with half an inch of venerable dust.  There is at the end of the
room a kind of gallery or gang way, bywhich the undergraduates used to
find their way to my lecture-room; but this was also full of every kind of
rubbish and abomination. We did our best-soon tumbled all impediments
into the area below, spread huge mats over the slop-pails, &c., and in a time
i Afterwards married to the Archduke Maximilian.




160                   PROFESSOR  SEDGWICK                        1843
incredibly short a goodly red carpet was spread along the gangiway, and
thence down my lecture-room to the door of the Museum; but still there was
a dreadful evil to encounter. What we had done brought out such a rank
compound of villanous smells, that even my plebeian nose was sorely put to
it; so I went to a chemist's, procured certain bottles of sweet odours, and
sprinkled them cunningly where most wanted.'Inside the AMuseumrn all was previously in order, and inside the entrance
door from the gangway was a huge picture of' the Megatherium, under which
the Queen must pass to the Museum, and at that place I was to receive Her
Majesty. So I dusted my outer garments and ran to the Senate House, and I
was just in time to see the Prince take his degree and join in the acclamations. This ended, I ran back to the feet of the Megatheriumrn, and in a few
minutes the Royal party entered the mysterious gangway above described.
They halted, I half thought in a spirit of' mischief, to contemplate the furniture of the Schools; and the Vice-Chancellor (Whewell) pointed out the
beauties of the dirty spot, where Queen Bess had sate 250 years before, when
she presided at the Divinity Act. A few steps more brought them under the
feet of the Megatherium. I bowed as low as my anatomy would let me, and
the Queen and Prince bowed again most graciously, and so began Act first.
The Queen seemed happy and well pleased, and was mightily taken with one
or two of my monsters, especially with the Plesiosaurus and gigantic stag.
The subject was new to her; but the Prince evidently had a good general
knowledge of the old world, and not only asked good questions, and listened
with great courtesy to all I had to say, but in one or two instances helped
me onl by pointing to the rare things in my collection, especially in that part
of it which contains the German fossils. I thought myself very fortunate in
being able to exhibit the finest collection of German fossils to be seen in
England.  They fairly went the round of the Museum, neither of them
seemed in a hurry, and the Queen was quite happy to hear her husband talk
about a novel subject with so much knoxvledge and spirit.' He called her back once or twice to look at a fine impression of a dragon-fly which I have in the Solenhope slate. Having glanced at the long
succession of our fossils, from the youngest to the oldest, the party again
n;oved into the lecture-room.  The Queen was again mightily taken with the
long neck of the Plesiosaurus; under it Nwas a fine head of an Ichthyosaurus,
which I had just been unpacking. I did not know anything about it, as I
had myself never seen its face before, for it arrived in my absence. The
Queen asked what it was. I told her as plainly as I could. She then asked
whence it came; and what do you think I said? That I did not know the
exact place, but I believed it came as a delegate from the monsters of the locwer
world to greet Her Majesty on her arrival at the University. I did not repeat this till I found that I had been overheard, and that my impertinence
had been talked of among my Cambridge friends. All was, however, taken
in good part, and soon afterwards the Royal party again approached the
mysterious gangway.  The Queen and Prince bowed, the Megatherium
packed up his legs close under the abdominal region of his august body, the
Royal pageant passed under, and was soon out of my sight and welcomed by
the cheers of the multitudes before the Library.'I will only add that I went through every kind of backward movement
to the admiration of all beholders, only having once trodden on the hinder
part of my cassock, and never once having fallen during my retrogradations
before the face of the Queen. In short, had I been a King Crab, I could not
have walked backwards better.'




1843             ON THE ROYAL VISIT.                161
The following extract from a letter of the Prince to Baron
Stockmar, conveys the impression produced on himself by
what he had seen and heard during the two crowded days
spent in this little tour:-'..... We returned the day before yesterday from our very
interesting and useful excursion to Cambridge.  We went
there on the 25th; arrived about two o'clock, alighted at the
Lodge of Trinity College, received the Addresses of the University, then went to the beautiful chapel of King's College,
where we attended Divine Service, and held a levee in the
evening, at which all the Doctors, Heads of Houses, Bachelors,
Fellows of Colleges and M. A.'s were presented. Next morning we went to the Senate House, where, with many ancient
forms and Latin speeches, the dignity of Doctor was conferred
upon me. After this we visited the Library, the Museum, and
most of the Colleges, which are wonderfully beautiful. The
enthusiasm of the students was tremendous; and I cannot remember that we were ever received anywhere so well as upon
the road to Cambridge (to which 2,000 horsemen accompanied
us) and in Cambridge itself. In the evening we went to
Wimpole to Lord Hardwicke, where we passed two nights.
On the 27th, we went from there to see Bourne, the country
seat of Lord Delawarr; and on the evening of the same day
Lord Hardwicke gave a ball to the whole county of Cambridge.
We returned to Windsor the following morning...' In Ireland things are in a very critical state. The Whigs
are very sanguine of being back in office before long.. 
The country is tranquil, the revenue improving, commerce
flourishing, and extraordinary activity prevails in the rnanufacturing districts. Colonel Malcolm has brought from China
a well-arranged and very low commercial tariff. The navigation of the Indus along its whole course has been opened up
by Lord Ellenborough. The prices of cattle are up again.
I have netted a very good return from my auction in the
Park.4.
c ALBERT.'' Windsor Castle, October 30, 1843.'
It was not without reason that Baron Stockmar had made
it one of the conditions of the excursions to France and
4 At the end of 1840 the Prince established a model farm at Windsor, and
continued till the close of his life to take the most lively interest, both there




162                STATE OF IRELAND.                  1843
Belgium that Ireland should remain quiet.  That country, as
the Prince here says, was in a most critical state. The Repeal
Agitation had for some time assumed an aspect of the greatest
gravity. O'Connell, emboldened by the apparent inaction of
the Government, had indulged in language, which, however
skilfully veiled, clearly pointed to insurrection and violence.
He continued to draw together immense masses of the population at monster meetings, where his suggestions of appeals to
physical force to compel the concession of a separate Parliament for Ireland became every day more daring. At last his
followers began to talk of their'repeal infantry and cavalry,'
and to rally to the cry'Repeal or Blood.'  The time for
decisive action by the Government had come; and they seized
the occasion of a proposed meeting of unusually monstrous
dimensions at Clontarf, to issue a proclamation forbidding the
meeting, and calling on all well-disposed persons to abstain
from attending it.  Seeing that the Government were in
earnest, the Repeal Association at once abandoned their project. But their dismay was complete when O'Connell himself,
and the leaders of the Association, were arrested a few days
afterwards (8th October), on a charge of conspiracy, sedition,
and unlawful assembling. Nor was this diminished when, after
a prolonged trial, the jury in the following month of May returned a verdict finding all the prisoners guilty on several of
the counts of the indictment, and O'Connell was sentenced to
a year's confinement, and ordered to pay a fine of 2,0001., and
to enter into heavy recognisances to keep the peace for seven
years. The verdict was subsequently set aside upon technical
grounds by the House of Lords. But the purpose of the
Government had already been effected. The popular faith in
O'Connell had received a shock, from which it never recovered,
and with it his influence for good or evil dwindled into insignificance.
So little could this result have been foreseen a few months
previously, that a belief was very generally entertained that
the decided measures adopted against the great agitator and
his allies would raise a storm, before which the Peel Administration would be driven from power.  This view would
seem, from a passage in the following letter, to have been
shared by Baron Stockmar. Matters had, however, reached a
and at Osborne, in the breeding of stock, and in the introduction of agoricultural imnprovements. Nothing that tended to raise the efficiency of farming
escaped his notice.




1S843      LETTER FROM BARON STOCKMAR.             163
point where more than the stability of this or that Ministry
was at stake. But, knowing, as Stockmar did, the power of
the Irish vote in deciding majorities, he had only too much
cause for the fear he expresses, that victory in the O'Connell
trial might be more serious to the Government than failure.'Coburg, November 27, 1843.'On my return home some days ago from a two months'
tour, I found a mass of letters from my well-wishers and
friends, which had arrived for me during my absence. Among
these were three from Your Royal Highness, that gave me
sincere pleasure, because they were written with a clearness
of perception, and in a sagacious spirit, which do honour to
my beloved Prince.  Continue to exercise with unflagging
energy and courage your great talent for seeing clearly, and
arriving through clearness at the truth.'The results will be commensurate with the character of
your efforts, and will therefore bring their own reward., Nature
has endowed you with the sharpness of eye to recognise the
working of nature's laws, their interdependence, and the ends
to which they work; and the logical cast of your mind will
secure you against the mistake so common to princes, by
which they are deluded into the notion, that they alone are
exempt from the dominating force of these laws. And the
influence most congenial to this great gift of yours, and best
fitted to develope and strengthen it, will, as I have often told
you, be intimate intercourse with mincds of a kinclred order.
Only by the collision of mind with mind, which is not to be
arrived at except by contact with men of mark, can you elicit
those flashes of light which enable you to recognise new truths
at a glance, and but for which these truths would for many
a day, perhaps for ever, remain obscure and consequently
unrecognised. In this way Your Royal Highness may often,
as by an electric shock, gain impressions and glimpses of
intelligence, which expand the limits of your being, and raise
you up to a higher state of culture. And having once more
called the attention of my favourite (mein fLiebling) to the
best I know for him, I pass on to the details of the communications made to me.' First, let me congratulate the Queen and yourself upon
the success of your visit to France and Belgium. It was a
perfect success, and therefore will be of advantage to you, as
indeed cannot but be obvious at a glance. Let us pause to




164         LETTER FROM BARON STOCKMAR.            3843
ask why it was a success? Because it was thought well over
beforehand, because it was undertaken upon a definite plan,
because the plan was adhcered to to the letter. Let us make a
vow to carry out like things in the like way.' It is an old principle with me, to form no judgments at a
distance upon matters which lie far away from my sphere of
observation.  Consequently, I can only express mere feelings
in so far as personal matters are concerned. The news of the
O'Connell trial took me by surprise, and threw me into an
uneasy state of mind, that set me thinking, not so much
what might ensue from a favourable or unfavourable issue to
the prosecution, cs what the Ministry are to do with their
victory, su2yposing them, to get one?  To my thinking, victory
is likely to prove more dangerous than failure, and apprehensions seized me which I still entertain, that this trial may
very possibly lead to a speedy termzinatioln of the Peel
Jiinistry.'In your position it is impossible for you to escape censure
and calumny; to think otherwise, would be culpable selfdelusion.  Do right, fear no one, is for you both motto and
shield, and on this last every blow aimed against you may be
received with serene courage, for even although the vigour of
the assault may serve to remind you that you are vulnerable,
still no serious or damaging injury to you can possibly ensue.
In all ways admirable is the decision to hold yourself in
reserve about trifes, so as to come fresh and unscathed into
the field on great occasions, and this has been from all time
the view of every able and noble-minded warrior. The few
people who are and may be hostile to you, from selfishness,
from interest thwarted, from wounded vanity, from a false
estimate of your character, from a propensity to calumny and
detraction, are confined to the aristocracy and the official class;
and if you do not let yourself be disconcerted by their attacks,
but meet them with courage and good humour, you will soon
find you can afford to laugh at and despise them.'Your Royal Highness can never rate too highly the importance of the life of the Prince of Wales, or of his good
education; for your own interests, political, moral, mental, and
material, are so intimately and inseparably bound up with
those of the Prince, that every shortcoming in his training
and culture is certain to be avenged upon his father.'
On the 20th of November, during a visit of the Queen and
himself to Sir Robert Peel at Drayton Manor, the Prince




1S'13           PRINCE VISITS BIRMINGtIAM.                   165
availed himself of the occasion to make a run to Birmingham,
and to inspect some of its chief manufactories.  His reasons
were twofold: first, because Birmingham was one of the chief
cities in the kingdom, and next, because he felt it to be his
duty to become personally conversant with the leading manufactures which formed the basis of its wealth, and the present
opportunity of doing so ought not therefore to be lost. Birmingham was the stronghold of Chartism, and had recently
been the scene of several violent outbreaks.  Some of the
Ministry, therefore, threw cold water on the Prince's project,
from an apprehension that his presence might lead to unpleasant demonstrations of a political character. The Prince,
however, better understood the temper of the people, and
was not to be deterred from carrying out his plan.  The event
showed he was right in relying as he did on the good and
loyal feeling of the population:-'The 280,000 people in Birmingham,' Mr. Anson writes, in a Memorandum made the same day,' seemed to have turned out upon the occasion; the
streets were literally jammed, but nothing could exceed the good humour and
good feeling and apparent excess of loyalty which pervaded the whole multitude. There was not a single instance to the contrary amidst those dense
masses. All vied with each other to do honour to the Prince's visit, which
they have taken as the greatest compliment. The Mayor, who accompanied
the Prince in the carriage, is said to be a Chartist, and to hold extreme
views. He said that the visit had created the greatest enthusiasm-that it
had brought into unison and harmony opposite political parties who had
shown the deepest hatred towards each ether, and that it had been productive of the happiest results in Birmingham. He also said he would vouch for
the devoted loyalty of the whole Chartist body. The Queen had not more
loyal subjects in her dominions.'
Besides visiting five of the most important manufactories,
the Prince went to the Town Hall, where he heard the fine
organ played, and also to King Edward VI.'s School. He
was particularly interested on finding, from its Head Master,
Dr. Lee (afterwards Bishop of Manchester), that, although
strictly a Church of England Foundation, there were 400 Dissenters among the boys, and that the whole scheme worked
most harmoniously.  Not satisfied with such hurried explanations as were possible at the time, he immediately afterwards
applied to Dr. Lee for the full details of the system by which
a result so happy was worked out.
From Drayton Manor the Royal party proceeded to Chatsworth on the 1st of December.  After three days spent amid
the charming scenery that surrounds the Palace of the Peak,




166           ROYAL VISIT TO BELVOIR CASTLE.                   1843
made more delightful by the distinguished courtesy and almost
regal hospitality of its owner, they passed on to Belvoir Castle, attended wherever they went by the warmest demonstrations of loyal attachment.
At Belvoir a great hunting party was assembled. The
Prince was never, as has been already said, a great devotee
to field sports. On this occasion, however, he carried off the
honours of the hunting-field.'WVVe had a capital run,' writes
Mr. Anson, with whom  fox-hunting was a passion,'and the
Prince rode admirably, to the amazement of most, who were
not at all prepared to find him excel in the art.' Why they
should not have been so it is not easy to divine, unless they
acted on the absurd assumption, that one who was so well
known for his high cultivation and artistic tastes was not
likely to have a good seat, or spirit to face the rough work of
a run across country.' One can scarcely credit the absurdity
of people,' the Queen writes to King Leopold a few days afterwards,' but Albert's riding so boldly has made such a sensation that it has been written all over the country, and they
make much more of it than if he had done some great act!'
The Prince maintained his character as a bold rider in the
field; still he indulged in the sport but seldom, in compliance
with the wish of Her Majesty that a life so valuable should
not be exposed to the risks which it involves.5
It will be seen from  the following letter to Baron Stockmar how modestly the Prince speaks of his achievements in
this way at Belvoir:-'The children in whose welfare you take so kindly an
interest are making most favourable progress. The eldest,
"Pussy," is now quite a little personage.  She speaks English and French with great fluencyand choice of phrase...e
5 In a few years he gave it up altogether. It was impossible for one who
was so sure to'be observecl to adopt the half measures of FreclVincy in Jriddlesa}ncbh, who' kept his love of horsemanship, but rarely allowed himself a day's
hunting; and when lie did so, it was remarlkable that he subhmitted to be laughed
at for cowardliness at the fences, seeming to see [Mary and the boys sitting on
the five-barred gate, and showing their curly heads between hedge and ditch.'
G'Our Pessette,' the Queen writes a few weeks aft;erwards,'learns a verse
of Lamartine by heart, which ends with "' Le tableau se deroule'a mes pieds."'
To show how well she understood this difficult line, I must tell you the following bon-7reot. When she was riding on her poo[y, and looking at the cows
and sheep, she turned to Madame Charrier (her governess), and said, " Voils
le tableau qui se diroule it mes pieds!" Is not this extraordinary for a child
of three years'




1843                   ROYAL VISITS.                    167
The little gentleman has grown much stronger than he
was.      The youngest is the beauty of the family, and is an
extraordinarily good and merry child....'Ireland is to all appearances perfectly quiet at present.
Everything, however, is being got ready for the struggle in
the Queen's Bench.7...'Our visit to Drayton has made the Premier very happy,
and is calculated to strengthen his position.'I went from there to Birmingham  to see its manufactures. Sir James Graham and others had advised me strongly
not to go, as the town is entirely in the hands of the Chartists,
and even the Radicals dare not show themselves in it. Nevertheless, I was received with an indescribable enthusiasm.
The people regarded the visit as a great proof of confidence,
and did all they could to give assurance of their loyalty. In
short, our excursion was one unbroken triumph.'The Queen Dowager was at Drayton, and some of the
Ministers. At Chatsworth there was a large and brilliant assemblage of the leading Whigs, and at Belvoir of the fashionable hunting men of 3/Ielton and Leicester.  Here I took part
in a regular fox-hunt, had a capital run, and moreover distinguished myself by keeping well up with the hounds all
through.  Anson and Bouverie both fell on my left and right,
whilst I came off with a whole skin....'Now to come back to sacred matters.  The day after tcmorrow the Chapel 8 is to be consecrated, and by the Bishop
of Oxford....'ALBERT.'' Windsor Castle, December 17, 1843.'
The narrative of the important incidents of this year, which
exercised a material influence upon the position of the Prince,
as well as upon the affairs of Europe, may be fitly concluded
by the following passages of a letter addressed to him by
Baron Stockmar in the beginning of 1844:-'The opening of Parliament within the next few days
brings me to politics. The Corn Law League and O'Connell's
trial are incidents of the weightiest moment, on the progress
and results of which I forbid myself even to speculate. Remote as I am from the scene of action, and consequently with7 The trial of O'Connell and others.
8 The private Chapel in Windsor Castle, which had just been completed
under the Prince's directions.




168          EFFECTS OF VISIT TO FRANCE.           1843
out the means of observing the essential details in their bearing one upon another, all such speculations must in a most
special sense be mere empty amateur-talk.'Your recent excursions to Drayton, Birmingham, &c.,
have in the most delightful and useful way worked into combination with your former one across the sea; and I can in
all justice congratulate you upon the results of the whole
series. The most important of these results seem to me to
have been the following, which I will, therefore, commend to
the special consideration, probing, and just appreciation of
Your Royal Highness.'Thiers' vapouring had disturbed at the most inopportune
season the subsisting relations between France and England.
What frequently happens with individuals had consequently
come to pass with a great people, viz., a sense of irritation
had, by reason of an attitude truly childish about trifles and
misunderstandings in themselves insignificant, risen to a dangerous height, and the French and their leaders for the time
played into the hands of Russia and that country's policy,
which was imperilling the peace of Europe. All who had
the true well-being of our quarter of the globe at heart regretted these occurrences, no one more than your Uncle in
Brussels.'The remark I then continually made, that when trifles
estrange nations, things just as trifling may bring them
together again, was received with incredulous shakings of
the head, and yet we have lived to see my views made good.
As we all know, and know beyond all doubt, the Queen paid
her visits to France and Belgium without the shadow of a
political object. So much the better for the Queen and for
England, and better still for the French and France, for only
out of the absence of a political purpose could a result so
desirable have sprung. And what was this result, and how
was it brouoht about? The friendly spontaneous visit of the
Queen flattered not a little the national vanity of the French,
and, let our adversaries say what they please, it allayed the
irritation of their feelings. To such of the French as were
reasonable and well disposed, it was a something they had
yearned for, which came upon them by surprise. The volatile,
who joined the crowd in keeping up the soreness against England, were pleased; the real political adversaries of England
were touched by a courtesy to which even the disaffected
Frenchman is not wholly insensible.




1843        LETTER FROM BARON STOCOKMAR.           169' How greatly must these influences of necessity react upon
the French people, upon Louis Philippe, and upon his Ministers! To both the opportunity has been given, should they
be disposed to avail themselves of it, of reassuming the right
attitude towards their own people and towards England,
which they had lost through the fcanfaronncades of M. Thiers.
Whether all the good will be reaped that might be reaped, I
cannot, situated as I am here, judge; still it is clear to me
that an important step has already been made, and that now
it only depends on the prudent deportment of the French and
English towards each other, to turn this godsend to the fullest
account.' And now to the personal application of this event to Your
Royal Highness, that I may omit no opportunity of enforcing
my favourite principle that it is a man's duty constantly to
try to bring into full consciousness the whole bearing of his
actions. Without Your Royal Highness the thought of this
enterprise would never have been carried to completion; but
for you it was impossible it could have turned out so well.
Take then your share of the merit, and lay it by in the casket
in which you design to store up the achievements of your
political activity. Often have I pointed out to you, how great
an influence you will have in your power, by virtue of your
position, to exercise upon the weal or woe of Europe. You
have availed yourself, with tact and success, of the first opportunity that has come in your way. The results are before
us. Take, then, in good part my hearty congratulations upon
them.' Your Royal Highness's rehabilitation in the good opinion
of the fox-hunters is a thing to be viewed quite as you view it,
and yet it is not without practical value so long as fox-hunting
continues to be an English national pursuit.'
8




CHAPTER XI.
Death of Prince's Father-Prince goes to Coburg —Letters to the Queen —Return to Windsor Castle-Arrival of King of Saxony and Emperor of Rtussia on Visit to the QueenOpinions of Emperor on Political Questions —Account of Emperor's Visit by the Queen.
BARON STOCKMAR had not concluded the letter just quoted
when the tidings reached him  of the death at Gotha the previous day (29th January, 1844) of Prince Albert's father after
a few hours' illness. The old physician had foreseen the probability of such an event, and had prepared the Prince to expect it. But the shock of such terrible surprises is not the
less severe, however often the imagination may previously
have pictured them; and the Baron knew so well the depth
of the Prince's affection for his father, that he felt the blow
would fall upon him  with a stunning force. His words of
sympathy were few, but of the best kind-drawing comfort
from  the past, and pointing to the claims of duty for the
future. Happy the son who at such a time could be assured
by so sincere a friend, as the Prince is assured by Stockmar in
the conclusion of his letter, that he had failed in no single
duty to his parent.'I had written thus far yesterday,' says Stockmar, continuing his letter on the 30th January,' when some hours ago we
were surprised by the sad news from Gotha. Ever since have
I been sharing, my dear Prince, in every thought and feeling
which they must have awakened within you.  The greatness
and strength of my sympathy make me most keenly conscious
of the full extent of my peculiar regard and affection for you.
How thankful I am to Heaven that your grief can fall back
upon the remembrance of the past, in which no one thing can
be found for which a good son can now have reason to feel
remorse.'A task of the dearest moment, and one which, connected
as it is with the immediate cause of your grief, may even now
while it is fresh fitly claim your attention, is the serious consideration of your brother's position and future. Bacrely, in



1844          DEATH OF THE PRINCE'S FATHER.                 171
deed, has the actual state of acfairs marde it at once so essen,
tial and so easy for a young prince on his accession to power
to mcake a good and effective stctrt.  Well for him, if he shall
see his way to seek the right course at once, to find, and place
himself upon it; and if he shall set out with public acts,
which, bearing within themselves true theories of government as a vital principle, must secure him  the respect of his
own country, and thereby that of all Germany.  Only by
winning this respect can he secure the other essentials -confidence, affection, popularity-and only by it will he be enabled to thread, as by an unfailing clue, the perplexing mazes
of a prince's life. To achieve it is not only possible, but in
the early days (which, however, run quickly by) even extremely easy. God grant that he give himself good counsel,
that he be counselled well by others, and above all that a beloved brother counsel him as a brother should, and as that
brother's intelligence and character so peculiarly qualify him
for doing.'Thus, then, at a season full of grave earnestness do I lay
the whole weal and woe of a poor little country-but that
country your own native land-upon your Royal Highness's
heart. That your father's sudden demise could be little of a
surprise to me, you will remember, as ever since your marriage I have often told you to expect his early and sudden
death.'
The Prince's thoughts, after the first shock of the announcement, turned to the friend, of whose sympathy he did
not require this letter to be assured, and whose sage counsel
in all emergencies had never failed him. So, too, did the
Queen's-one with him  in this, as in all else.'Oh, if you
could be here now  with us!' Her Majesty writes to Baron
Stockmar (4th February).'3My darling stands so alone, and
his grief is so great and touching.... Hie says (forgive my
bad writing, but my tears blind me), I am  now all to him.
Oh, if I can be, I shall be only too happy, but I am so disturbed and affected myself, I fear I can be but of little use.''
To Baron Stockmar the Prince himself wrote:' I have been with the Queen,' writes Lady Lyttelton in a letter at this
time,'a good deal altogether. She is very affecting in her grief, which is in
truth all on the Prince's account, and every time she looks at him her eyes fill
afresh. He has suffered dreadfully, being very fond of his father; and his separation from him, and the suddenness of the event, and his having expected to
see him soon, all contribute to make it worse.'




1I72        DEATH OF THE PRINCE'S FATHER.           1844'Dear Stockmar,-My heart impels me to give vent to my
tears upon the bosom of a true and loving friend. I have sustained a terrible loss, and can as yet scarcely believe it. I
fancy I still hear your prophetic words ringing in my ears,
that my poor father would die suddenly. So it has proved.
God will give us all strength to bear the blow becomingly.
That we were separated gives it a peculiar poignancy. Not
to see him, not to be present to close his eyes, not to help to
comfort those he leaves behind, and to be comforted by them,
is very hard. Here we sit together, poor Mama, Victoria, and
myself, and weep, with a great cold public around us, insensible as stone. To have some true sympathetic friends at hand
would be a great solace. Come to us in this time of trouble,
if come you can.'WVith him it is well. I share your belief that his would
have been a dreary old age; and even were not my faith
strong in the Providence which shapes all things for our
good, I should find consolation in this. Still for us the loss
is terrible. The parent stem has been levelled by the storm,
and the branches, which are scattered all over the world must
now strike separate roots for themselves. May Love, Friendship, Harmony keep them all together! For me the father's
house is for ever closed; that house, it did me good to think,
I might return to upon occasion. The sweet feeling that
thought inspired I shall never know again. This reflection
shakes me to the centre.'This shall not weaken my love for my widowed native
land. I will help Ernest with heart and hand in the difficult
task to which he is called. Unfortunately, I am greatly
hampered by being so far away. How much need has poor
Grandmama of consolation, who has now lost her last friend!
And poor desolate Mama! The good Alexandrine 2 seems to
me in the whole picture like the consoling angel. Just such
is Victoria to me, who feels and shares my grief, and is the
treasure on which my whole existence rests. The relation in
which we stand to one another leaves nothing to desire. It
is a union of heart and soul, and is therefore noble, and in it
the poor children shall find their cradle, so as to be able one
day to ensure a like happiness for themselves.' Outside there is still much to do, and I long greatly for
your wise and faithful counsel.'The world is assuredly not our true happiness; and, alas!
2 The sister-ih-l-aw of the Prince, now the Duchess of Saxe-Coburg.




1844          ITS EFFECT ON THE PRINCE.             173
every day's experience forces me to see how wicked men are.
Every imaginable calumny is heaped upon us, especially upon
me; and although a pure nature, conscious of its own high
purposes, is and ought to be lifted above attacks, still it is
painful to be misrepresented by people of whom one believed
better things.' AILBERT.'' Windsor Castle, February 4, 1844.'
It would be well for those who hatch-well, too, for those
who propagate-calumnies, to lay the concluding words of this
letter to heart. In the case of persons in the exalted position
of the Prince, who must of necessity submit in silence to
slander and misrepresentation, yet, having human hearts,
must suffer acutely to find their conduct misrepresented and
their purposes maligned, there is surely something peculiarly
dastardly in the malice and uncharitableness that sap a reputation which, they must be well aware, neither the person
assaulted, nor any one else can stoop to defend.
The Prince was indeed terribly shaken by his father's
death. This was the first grief that had overshadowed the
sunshine of his English home. It was the greatest that could
befall him out of that home. Cherishing as he always had
done with peculiar fondness the ties of domestic affection,
and every remembrance and association of his youth, he
felt, to use his own words, that with the loss he had now sustained a great piece had been taken out of his own life. The
dreams of the past, and many a fair hope for the future, with
which the thought of his father was linked, were now swept
away by a sudden wrench. The records of his youth were
closed, and a new era in his life had begun, an era of more
concentrated purpose, and more self-dependent action. A
few days later he was able to write to Baron Stockmar more
calmly.' Windsor Castle, February 9, 1844.'Dear Stockmar,-We are all well, and getting familiarised by degrees with the thought that poor Papa is no more,
which at first we should have thought next to impossible. I
have regained my composure, and will set to work to fortify
myself by constant activity, to which I have not been able to
brace myself hitherto. A new epoch has commenced in my
life, not indeed in action and aim, but in my emotional life
(Gefi/hlsleben). My youth, with all the recollections linked




174         DESIRES TO GO TO COBURG, ETC.                1844
with it, has been buried with him around whom they centred.'
From  that world I am  forcibly torn away, and my whole
thoughts diverted to my life here and my own separate family.
For these I will live wholly from this time forth, and be to it
the father whose loss I mourn for myself. In the free fresh
courage requisite for this, I have, however, been disturbed so
long as my thoughts reverted anxiously and sadly to the dear
ones left behind at my native home.  I will, therefore,
at once close accounts there, and set about putting the
machine into a state in which it may go working on for the
future..'These considerations have decided me to go over. Ten
to twelve days are enough to despatch the whole business,
and I esteem it a sacred duty to devote them to it. Victoria
is of the same mind, and urges me to the step. At Easter
Parliament rises for ten days, in which all the world leaves
town, and these I have set apart for the purpose. I have requested Uncle Leopold to permit good Aunt Louise to give
her companionship to poor Victoria during my absence; perhaps to come with her himself, and I doubt not he will comply
with our wish.'ALBErfT.'
Nothing occurred to prevent the Prince from carrying out
his intended visit during the Easter recess. The separation,
brief as it was, involved extreme pain to the Queen, who had
not, since their marriage, been one day apart from him. But,
conscious that duty demanded his presence in Coburg, she
would not allow her own feeling to interfere with the project.
To him she well knew the separation was no less painful than
to llerseif, and she therefore did her best to encourage him to
make the journey.
The Queen of the Belgians arrived at Buckingham Palace
on the 26th of March, and was followed by the King a few
days afterwards. However greatly the Queen had striven to
conceal the fact from the Prince, they were fully aware from
Her Majesty's letters, how much the separation cost her, and
they added to their already manifold claims on her affection,
3 Within a few months of his own death, the Prince was deeply moved on
receiving from his daughter, then the Crown Princess of Prussia, a daguerreotype
of his Father.' How' precious,' he writes to her (3rd September, 1861),'is the
dagauerreotype i After seventeen years, which have glided by since my dear
father was taken away, all at once his shade has come before me-for such in
fact it is. Tell Ernest, the sight of it has quite overpowered me.'




1844           DEPARTURE FOR GERMANY.                170
by coming to lighten by their society the heavy hours of solitude which she must otherwise have passed in the Prince's
absence.
On the 28th of March he left England. The next day
Lady Lyttelton writes from the Palace:'The Queen has been
behaving like a ptattern wife, as she is, about the Prince's tour;
so feeling, and so wretched, and yet so unselfish, encouraging
him to go, and putting the best face upon it to the last moment... We all feel sadly wicked anld unnatural in his absence; and I am actually counting the days dce mon codt, as
Her Majesty is, ctu sien.'
From the Prince's letters to the Queen during his absence
we are enabled to present the following extracts:"' Princess Alice," in Dover Harbour,' March 28, 1844.'Mfy own darling (Liebe cute JKleine),-We got over our
journey thus far rapidly and well, but the tide has been so
unmannerly as to be an hour later than the calculated time,
so that I cannot sail before three. Nevertheless, Simithett
promises to deposit me at Ostend by half-past seven. I have
been here about an hour, and regret the lost time which I
might have spent with you. Poor child! you will, while I
write, be getting ready for luncheon, and you will find a place
vacant where I sat yesterday. In your heart, however, I hope
my place will not be vacant. I at least have you on board
with me in spirit.'I reiterate my entreaty, " Bear up! "and do not give way
to low spirits, but try to occupy yourself as much as possible.
You are even now half a day nearer to seeing me again; by
the time you get this letter you will be a whole one,-thirteen
more, and I am aga.in within your arms.'The railroad is wonderful, especially that part of it between this and Folkestone. I have gone through part of the
fortifications with some of the commanding officers, and am
now writing in a handsome cabin on board the "Princess
Alice."  They are on the point of raising the anchor, which
makes a hideous clatter.'Our caravan is complete. Sydow also has met us. The
sun shines brightly, and the sea looks quite calm. To-morrow
Seymour will bring you further news of me.' Your most devoted' ALBERT.'




176             LETTERS BY THE PRINCE               1844'....  I cannot go to bed without writing two words more.
I occupy your old room, and have just come from dinner, at
which General D'Hane, Sir H. Seymour, Colonel de la Place,
and- the Burgomaster were present. WVe had a rather unpleasant passage. I kept my seat on one spot all the way
with my eyes shut, but I was far from easy in my mind, and
I arrived at half-past eight stiff with cold.'It is now close on eleven, I am sleepy, and must therefore
conclude. My prayers are with you.'Ostend, March 28, 1844.''Safe in Cologne, my first act is to assure you of the fact.
The journey was accomplished in eleven hours from point to
point, and was in every way propitious. Uncle Leopold joined
us at Malines, and went with us as far as Verviers. He looks
well, and hopes to be with you by Tuesday. The railroad
from Liege to Aix-la-Chapelle is wonderfully beautiful. Everywhere I receive attention from the authorities. Here in old
Cologne, where I was so often in my student days, I cut a
truly comical figure in my own eyes. I have put up at the
Imperial Hotel. Your picture has been hung up everywhere,
and been very prettily wreathed with laurel, so that you will
look down from the walls upon my ttee-d-tete with Bouverie'
(the Prince's equerry).' I have just heard that the snow will prevent my making
the journey by way of Cassel. News exactly the reverse reach
me from-another source, at which you will be surprised; but
I saw the chief post-office official, and have despatched Dehler
with the fourgon to bespeak horses for me.'Cologne, March 29, 1844.''Six A.M. Just up..... The day is fine, and about seven I
shall cross the Rhine by the bridge of boats. Every step takes
me farther from you-not a cheerful thought.'Cologne, March 30, 1844.''I arrived in Gotha safely about two hours since. Ernest
came to meet me some miles out of town, and we alighted
together at Grandmama's. Her delight is not to be described.
It made me quite nervous for her. Alexandrine was there.
Mama and Ernest Wiirtemberg came shortly after, and completed our.dinner-party. I find Grandmama visibly altered;
her deafness somewhat increased, but in all other respects the




1844                TO THE QUEEN.                  177
same true, warm, loving nature, by which she is so preeminently distinguished. Mama has grown much stouter, and
at the same time looks older. She wears the black point and
the long veil of a German widow.... Your gifts have excited
the greatest delight and admiration.
6Oh! how many varied emotions overwhelem me! remembrance, sorrow, joy, all these together produce a peculiar sadness. To-morrow I shell make the trying visit to the Palace.
I shudder at the thought of it. Could you have witnessed the
happiness my return gave my family, you would have been
amply repaid for the sacrifice of our separation. We spoke
much of you. So many questions are put to me, that I am
scarcely able to answer them.'Now I am rather tired after my night journey and the
exhausting incidents of the day, so I shall make haste to bed.
Farewell, my darling, and fortify yourself with the thought
of my speedy return. God's blessing rest upon you and the
dear children!'Gotha, March 31,1844.''P.S. I am rather tired with people who all want to come
for only a moment.... Not to mortify them, I have had to
consent to hold a levee at the Palace to-morrow. The ladies
had all set their hearts upon coming as well, but upon this I
put a negative. Yes! I receive many undoubted proofs of
affection and attachment. I went to-day with Ernest and
Ernest Wiartemberg to Reinhardtsbrunn, a very mournful excursion. Papa was so fond of the place, it was his last creation. I enclose an auricula and a pansy, which I gathered for
you at Reinhardtsbrunn. Here in the little garden there is
absolutely nothing that I could bring away for you...'I purpose going to Coburg by way of Meiningen, and
seeing the Duke ernpassctnt, so as to give him news of Queen
Adelaide. Here I conclude my chronicle for the day, announcing that I have got toys for the children, and porcelain
views for you, and that I have also procured whatever engravings and lithographs were to be had.' April 2, 1844.'
1'How have I been delighted by your clear letter, which
your courier brought me this morning: he shall be sent back
to you this very evening. I was sure you would feel rather
downcast and forlorn, still I am glad to see how well you




178              LETTERS BY THIE PRINCE                  1844
fought against it.  I cannot be sufficiently grateful to dear
kind Aunt for the excellent support she gives you.... Your
kind dear words have done me good, and you need never be
afraid that you write too much or too long.... I am very
grateful to Peel for his letter.     The courier is to start
forthwith. I send you with the other things some Easter
eggs of sugar.' Gotha, April 3, 1844.''I write to you to-day from the Kalenberg,4 where we arrived safely yesterday evening about eight.  This morning is
again bright and glorious.  Oh! how lovely and friendly is
this dear old country, how glad I should be to have my little
wife beside me, that I might share my pleasure with her!
Ernest has arranged everything in really splendid style, and
the greatest elegance pervades the place.'Immediately after breakfast, I shall hurry into town, to
visit many dear spots, and alas! to see also many people.
About two we shall go to the St. Moritz Church, where the
Passion Music of old Graun is to be given.  How often have
I heard it on Good Friday along with poor Papa!' Our journey was a very rapid one.  The parting was a
severe trial to good Grandmama.  She is so very kind and
loving to me. I alighted for a moment at Oberhof, to take
one other look at Papa's favourite shooting lodge. My reception at Meiningen was most cordial.... Stockmar, who left
Coburg yesterday, had been in Meiningen some hours before, but had travelled on without waiting for me.  I hope he
will be with you all the sooner. Here I stop to go to breakfast.' Kalenberg, April 5, 1844.''Before going to bed, let me add a word about to-day's doings. I started early for the town, where I saw a great many
people. The Palace produced a terribly depressing effect
upon me.... Coburg has marvellously grown in beauty.
About two we went with Mama, Alexandrine, and Ernest to
the town church. The beautiful devotional singing of the
congregation, as well as the admirable sermon of GeneralSuperintendent Genzler, moved me to tears.5  After Church
4 A country seat of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, about three miles from Coburg.
5 General-Superintendent Genzler, the Court Chaplain, had officiated, and
preached the Sermon, when the Prince and his Brother were confirmed, on the
12th of April, 1.835 (see Early Years, Appendix B), a circumstance calculated
to deepen the Prince's emotion on the present occasion.




1844                 TO THE QUEEN.                    179
we visited the Festung, and Papa's last beautiful creation
there; and afterwards we rode to the Eckhardsberg, which
our lost one had selected for his burial-place.' Kalenberg, April 5, 1844.'P.S. I bhave this morning received your letter by the
hands of Benda. He is to take his departure again forthwith,
so as to be able (perhaps) to be with you a day sooner than
myself. I can therefore spare time for only two words to say,
that I am well; that I will start for England the day after tomorrow, and expect to reach Windsor by Thursday evening.
I shall probably have a few minutes' conversation at Bamberg
with the Crown Prince of Bavaria. Charles is to meet me at
Mayence. I was at the Rosenau to-day, and send you the enclosed flowers from there. We dine here with Mama to-day.
To-morrow I hold a levee, and then hurry back to you.'Coburg, April 6, 1544.'
On the 11th the Prince returned to Windsor. How significant is the laconic entry in his Diary, which, as a rule, is a
dry record in the fewest words of the main incidents of his
days.'Crossed on the 11th. I arrived at six o'clock in the
evening -at Windsor.  Great joy.'
Before leaving England the Prince had prepared two
agreeable surprises for the Queen upon her birthday.'On
the 5th of March,' Ar. Eastlake writes to a friend,'the Prince
asked me if I could paint a little picture of angels, such as I
had introduced in the fresco, - and which, he added, the
Queen admired much,-by the 24th of May (this is the day
by which I am to do a picture for Her Majesty), as he wished
to present it to the Queen on her birthday. I said I thought
it was His Royal Highness's birthday.'" No," he said, " that
was in August." - I promised to do the picture, and if I finish
both, which I shall do if I live, the result will be curious.
Each means a surprise to the other, and the same painter is
selected.'
But a still more delightful surprise for the Queen was projected by the Prince in a miniature portrait of himself by
Thorburn, taken in armour, to gratify a wish which had often
been expressed by Her Majesty. Into this portrait the artist
threw his highest power, and the result was a work fit to take
rank with the masterpieces of the great Venetian School.0
6 The head has been engraved as the frontispiece for this volume; but it




180      THORBURN'S PORTRAIT OF THE PRINCE.                 1844
Its supreme artistic worth, however, lies in the fact that the
painter has preserved not merely the lineaments, but the living spirit of the Prince's face,-having
Divinely through all hindrance seen the man
Behind it,
and, by fixing what was in truth but the expression of his
habitual mood, has presented him at his'best and greatest.''This portrait,' Her Majesty writes (20th December, 1873),'gives the Prince's real expression more than anything she
knows.  During the fatal illness, and on the last morning of
his life, he was wonderfully like this picture,'-a tribute beyond all other panegyric to the artist's skill.
Lady Lyttelton, writing on the 24th of May (the Queen's
birthday) from Claremont, where the Queen and Prince then
were, says:-'The Prince has given the Queen a portrait of himself, by Thorburn,
most beautiful indeed. Quite his gravest, manliest look, and done when he
was rather tanned, as he was on his return, itn armnor (which is according
to an old wish of the Queen's): the painting is quite magnificent, and so
bold and free, that he says the lower part of the face was done in half an
hour, and it is full of genius and admirably like. Then there is.... such
a lovely group of angels painted for to-clay by Eastlake, offering a medallion
with Heil und Seyen on it! All placed in a room turned into a bower by
dint of enormous garlands.'
A few days later (30th May) the Queen and Prince were
somewhat taken by surprise by the intelligence that the
Emperor of Russia was on his way to visit the English Court,
and might be daily looked for.  The King of Saxony was
already expected as a guest, and arrived at Buckingham
Palace on the 1st of June.  He was immediately followed
by the Emperor, for whose reception Her Majesty had thus
only forty-eight hours' notice to prepare.  It was the Emperor's habit to make his visits in this sudden way; and in
the present case it had been given out that he was not to
come to England till the following year.  Arriving overnight on the 1st of June, he went to Ashburnham House,
the residence of the Russian Ambassador. Next day he was
brought by Prince Albert to Buckingham  Palace, and there
received by the Queen. After dining at the Palace, the
Emperor returned to Ashburnham  House  for the  night,
need scarcely be said, that justice to so noble a work cannot be done without
the whole picture being reproduced.




1844    UNEXPECTED  VISIT BY  EMPEROR  OF RUSSIA,    181
having  determined not to  occupy the apartments prepared
for him  at Buckingham  Palace, until the return of the Court
from Windsor Castle, to which it was to proceed next day.
On the 3rd he was met at the Slough Station by the Prince,
and conducted by him to the Castle. The Emperor was
greatly struck-as, indeed, who is not?-by  the beauty and
magnificence of that noblest of all royal residences; and his
reception during the five days of his stay  at the English
Court impressed him with the conviction, which he repeatedly
expressed, that it was conducted on the noblest scale of any
Court he had seen. Everything, he said, appeared to be
done without effort, and as if nothing more than ordinary
were going on.
The Emperor had been in England before in November,
1816, when  Grand-Duke  and  only  twenty  years  of age.
Baron Stockmar met him upon that occasion at Claremont,
where he visited the Princess Charlotte and Prince Leopold,
and sketched him, as he sat at dinner between the Princess
and the Duchess of York, in a few graphic lines:-' He is an extraordinarily handsome, winning young fellow; taller than
Leopold, without being thin, straight as a pine. His features are extremely
regular, the forehead handsome and open, eyebrows firmly arched, nose
peculiarly handsome, mouth small and well shaped, and chin firmly chiselled.... His deportment is animated, free from constraint and stiffness, and
yet very dignified. He speaks French fluently and well, accompanying what
he says with gestures not unbecoming. If everything he said was not marked
by ability, it was at any rate extremely pleasant, and he seems to have a decided talent for saying pretty things to -women (Courmachen).... There
is an air of great self-reliance about him, but at the same time a nmanifest
absence of pretension.'When the Countess Lieven played the piano after dinner, he kissed her
hand, which struck the English ladies as extremely odd, but decidedly desirable. Mrs. Campbell (the Princess Charlotte's Bedchamber woman) could
find no end of praise for him: " What an amiable creature! He is devilish
handsome! He will be the handsomest man in Europe."'  (Demzkwiirdigkeiten, p. 98.)
It is interesting to compare this portrait with the no less
graphic sketch of the Emperor contained in the letters from
the Queen hereafter to be quoted.' I was told,' adds Stockmar,' that at bedtime a leathern sack was stuffed
with hay from the stables by his people, and that on this he always slept. Our
Englishmen pronounced this affectation.' Affectation or not, the Emperor
adlhered to the practice through life. The first thing his valets did, on being
shown his bedroom at Winc.sor Castle, was to send to the stable for some
trusses of clean straw, to stuff the Emperor's leathern case, which formed the
mattress of the camrp-bcd, on which he always slept.




182   UNEXPECTED VISIT BY EMPEROR OF RUSSIA.   1844
The object of the Emperor in visiting England was no
doubt mainly political. It was an excellent thing, he said to
the Queen, to see now and then with one's own eyes, as it did
not do always to trust to diplomatists only. Such meetings
begot a feeling of friendship and interest, and more could be
done in a single conversation to explain one's feelings, views,
and motives, than in a host of messages or letters.  lie
avoided discussion on the position of affairs in Europe with
the Queen, but he took frequent opportunities of going into
them with the Premier and Lord Aberdeen, and also with
Prince Albert, conversing at all times with the greatest
apparent unreserve. In all his conversations he professed
the utmost anxiety to win the confidence of the statesmen at
the head of English affairs and to convince them of the
uprightness and strictly honourable character of his intentions.
A phrase which, Baron Stockmar tells us (Denksvdigrclygkeiten,
p. 400), he addressed to nearly every one with whom he came
in contact, was:'I know that I am taken for an actor; but
indeed I am not; I am thoroughly straightforward; I say
what I mean, and what I promise I fulfil;' an assurance made
no doubt in entire good faith, but so gratuitous that in most
cases it must have produced an effect the very opposite of
that for which it was made.
At the same time, apart from any reasons of State policy,
there can be no question that the Emperor was most desirous
to conciliate the good opinion of the English by his presence
and demeanour among them.'Years, ago,' he said in one of
his interviews with Sir Robert Peel,'Lord Durham was sent
to me, a man full of prejudices against me. By merely
coming to close quarters with me, all his prejudices were
driven clean out of him. This is what I hope by coming here
to bring about with you, and with England generally. By
personal intercouse I trust to annihilate these prejudices.
For I esteem England highly; but as to what the French
say of me I care not. I spit upon it.' (Denkwiirdigkeiten,
p. 399.)
Beneath this affected indifference to France unquestionably
lay an apprehension, which all the Emperor's efforts were
unable to conceal.  The growth of intimate relations
between England and that country, which it had been the
policy of both nations for many years to cultivate, and which
seemed likely to be drawn closer and closer by the personal
friendship of the Sovereigns, was manifestly viewed by him




1844              OPINIONS OF EMPEROR.                183
with jealous distrust, calculated as it was to affect most
seriously any designs which might be entertained at St.
Petersburg for enlarging Russian territory at the expense
of Turkey. To detach England from this alliance would
naturally be regarded by the Czar as a master-stroke of
policy, and the recent conduct of France in the Eastern
question may have seemed to furnish an opening for making
the attempt. If, however, as currently believed at the time,
one main object of his visit was to ascertain for himself
whether this was possible, he must soon have been satisfied
to the contrary by the very decided language with which
Sir Robert Peel received his suggestions as to the probably
selfish action of France in the event of the affairs of Turkey
coming to a crisis. The Emperor had already become possessed with the idea which ultimately proved so fatal, that
Turkey was in a moribund state, and must soon fall to
pieces.'I do not covet,' were his words to Sir Robert Peel,'one inch of Turkish soil to myself, but neither will I
allow  anybody else to have one.'  It could only be at
France that this remark was aimed, whose recent policy,
in her support of Mehemet Ali, seemed to point at securing
a footing for herself on Turkish territory. But it elicited
no response from  the English Premier beyond a general
concurrence in the principles expressed, with the further
remark, that England had only one thing to keep in view,
which was that there should be no government in Egypt
too powerful to close the paSsage across that country to its
commerce or its mails. As to France, Sir Robert Peel stated,
it was and should continue to be one of the great objects of
his policy to see that the French throne, upon the death of
Louis Philippe, descended without convulsion to the next
legitimate heir of the Orleans Dynasty. The same language
was held by the Prince.8
While, therefore, there could be no mistake as to the
sincerity of the English desire to maintain the status quzo in
Turkey, it was equally clear that it was the settled policy of
the Government to enter into no arrangements which should
prevent them  from  cultivating the French alliance with all
zeal, in the interests, not of England merely, but of Europe.
England had no selfish aims of her own to serve.  She
8 The quiet courage and ability, which he showed upon this and all similar
occasions, are spoken of with admiration by Her Majesty in her Jozsrnat of the
visit.




184           REVIEW IN WINDSOR PARK.             1844
desired increase neither of territory, nor of influence; and
she must decline to discuss what was to become of'the
sick man's' property, until dissolution actually took place,and then only if events made such a discussion absolutely
necessary,-or to pledge herself beforehand to accept any
proposals which Russia might make upon the subject. If,
therefore, the Emperor came over with the hope of securing
the concurrence of the English Government in some scheme
of preconcerted action to meet the event of any catastrophe
occurring in Turkey, he signally failed.  It is not improbable, however, that he deceived himself upon this subject, and was led by this self-deception into adopting the
policy which some years after brought him into disastrous
collision with the Western Powers.
On the Emperor the Prince produced a deep impression.
He told Lord Aberdeen he should like to have him for his
own son. In their personal communications he treated him
with the greatest confidence, and paid him what in the
Emperor's opinion was probably the highest testimony of
his regard, by expressing a hope, that they might one day
meet in the field of battle on the same side. The Prince
was on the point of replying, that he trusted they might
never see any interruption of the then peaceful state of
Europe; but as this would have implied disapproval of the
policy, which seemed to assume such an interruption as
certain to take place, he checked himself, thinking the remark
might be taken amiss.
This occurred after a brilliant review, which was given in
honour of the Emperor and the King of Saxony in Windsor
Park on the 6th of June, where the former was greatly
struck by the rapidity of the Artillery movements, which
surpassed anything he had previously seen. The only incidents of this review'of any expression,' writes Lady
Lyttelton,'were the very fine cheer on the old Duke of
Wellington passing the Queen's carriage, and the really
beautiful salute of Prince Albert, who rode by at the head of
his Regiment, and of course lowered his sword in full
military form to the Queen, with s.ch a look and smile as
he did it! I never saw so many pretty feelings expressed in
a minute.'
After being present at Ascot races on the 4th and 6th, the
Royal party returned to town on the 7th. Next day the
Emperor went with Prince Albert to a breakfast at Chis



1844               LETTER BY THE QUEEN.                      185
wick, and afterwards with the Queen and Prince to the
Opera. On the 9th he took his leave, Prince Albert accompanying him as far as Woolwich.
On the 4th of June, the day after the Emperor's arrival
at Windsor Castle, the Queen, in announcing his visit, writes
to King Leopold:-' A great event and a great compliment his visit certainly
is, and the people here are extremely flattered at it. He is
certainly a very striking man; still very handsome; his profile
is beautiful, and his manners most dignified and graceful;
extremely civil, quite alarmingly so, as he is so full of attentions and politesses. But the expression of the eyes is severe, and unlike anything I ever saw  before.9  He gives
Albert and myself the impression of a man, who is not happy,
and on whom the burden of his immense power and position
weighs heavily and painfully. He seldom smiles, and when
he does, the expression is not a happy one. He is very easy
to get on with.'Both the Emperor and the King (of Saxony) are quite enchanted with Windsor.  The Emperor said very poliment,
" C'est digne de vous, liclacame! "... The Emperor praised
my Albert very much, saying, "I'I est impossible de voir un
plusjoli garpon; il a l'air si noble et si bon,.." He amused
the King (of Saxony) and me by saying he was so  "embarrasse" when people were presented to him, and that he
felt so "gauche en frac," which certainly he is quite unaccustomed to wear. Military uniform had become so habitual
to him, that without it he said he felt " cornme si l'on m'Yotacit
Ia peau."'
On the 11th of June the Queen continues her report of
the incidents of the visit, and of the impression produced by
the Czar:-'The Review on the 5th was really very interesting, and
our reception, as well as that of the Emperor, most enthusiastic...' ['The Emperor asked my leave,' the  Queen
o This is explained by what Lady Lyttelton says in one of her letters:' The
only fault in his face is, that he has pale eyelashes, and his enormous and very
brilliant eyes have no shade; besides which, they have the awful look given
by occasional glimpses of white above the eyeball, which comes from his father
Paul, I suppose, and gives a savage wildness for a imoment, pretty often.' In
another letter she says:' The expression of his face, especially when he sits
near Prince Albert, is too autocratic, and has an awkward character of very
deep gravity, almost saduess, and a strange and almost constant want of
smiles.'




186             ACCOUNT BY THE QUEEN.                 1844
writes in her ourcnctl,'to ride down the line. When he came
back he thanked me warmly for having allowed him to see
his anciens carnararces.']'Our children were there and
charmed. On the 6th we went with the Emperor and King
to the Races, and I never saw such a crowd. Again here the
reception was most brilliant. Every evening a large dinner
in the Waterloo Room and the two last evenings in uniform,
as the Emperior disliked so being enfrctc, and was quite embarrassed in it. On the 7th we took him and the King back
here, and in the evening had a party of about 260....'
[On his return from the fete at Chiswick on the morning of
the 8th, the Emperor talked of it at dinner with delight,how brilliant it had been, and of the great numbers of beautiful women present. He had seen Lord Melbourne there,
and the Queen writes,' When I spoke of Lord Melbourne, and
of the respect he entertained for the Emperor, His Majesty
replied by expressing that he felt a great esteem for Lord
Melbourne, adding, "All who serve Your Majesty well are
dear to me."' As he led Her Majesty from  table to the
Drawing Room, he said,' "C'est mailleureusement la cderrnire
soiree, oiZ je jouis des bontes ce Fotre  fcr jceste;  mais le souvenir en sera eteremellement grave sur monr coeur.  Je Te vous
reverraci probablement pas," to which I replied, he could easily
come here again.  " Vous savez comrmme c'est di icile pour
nots de faire de telles choses; maisje vous recommancle roes
enfants." He said this sadly.']' In the evening of the 8th,' Her Majesty continues in her
letter to King Leopold,'we went to the Opera (not in state),
but they recognised us and we were most brilliantly received.
I had to force the Emperor forward, as he never would come
forward when I was there, and I was obliged to take him by
the hand, and make him appear. It was impossible to be
more respectful than he was towards me. On Sunday afternoon he left us (Albert accompanied him to Woolwich).  He
was much affected at going, and really and unaffectedly touched
at his reception and stay,-the simplicity and quietness of
which told upon his love of domestic life, which is very great.''On the morning he was to leave,' Her Majesty records in
her Joeurnal,'he expressed his gratitude to us in very warm
terms, and said, "'Je pars avec les sentinzents Cdu plus profboncl devouemenzt c Votre Majejeste, et d celui " (taking Albert's
hand), " gqui a ete commnre unjfrere epoZtr moi."'' At a little before five,' Her Majesty's Jomurn'al continues,




1844  EMPEROR OF RUSSIA DESCRIBED BY THE QUEEN. 187'we went down to wait in the Small Drawing Room with the
children. Not long after the Emperor came in, and spoke
to them; and then with a sigh and with much emotion,
which took all the harshness of his countenance away, he
said, " e pars d'ici, Jccadame, le cceur gros; et pernz tr de vos
bontes pour m2ooi.  Vous pouvez 6tre sidre, f3cdccame, cle pouvoir compter sur rzoi en tous tem)s corrmme votre plus devoout
serviteur.  Que -Dieu vous benisse! " and again he kissed my
hand and pressed it, and I kissed him.  iie kissed the children most affectionately, saying, " Que -Dieu les bEzisse pour
votre bonheur."'  He wanted me not to go farther, saying,
" e vous en supplie!  N'allez pas plus loin. Je tomberai d
vos qenoux: laissez moi la conduire chez elle." But of course
I would not consent, and took his arm to go to the Hall...
At the top of the few steps leading to the lower Hall, he
again took most kindly leave, and his voice betrayed his
emotion; he kissed my hand, and we embraced. When I saw
hitn at the door, I went down the steps, and from the carriage
he begged I would not stand there; but I did, and saw him
drive off with Albert for Woolwich.'
To return again to Her Majesty's letter of the 11th to
King Leopold:-' I will now (having told all that has passed) give you my
opinions and feelings on the subject, which I may say are
Albert's also. I was extremely against the visit, fearing the
gf/ne and bustle, and even at first I did not feel at all to like
it; but by living in the same house together quietly and
unrestrainedly (and this Albert, and with great truth, says, is
the great advantage of these visits, that I not only see these
great people, but know them), I got to know the Emperor and
he to know me. There is much about him which I cannot
help liking, and I think his character is one which should be
understood, and looked upon for once as it is.  He is stern
and severe, with strict principles of duty which nothing on
earth will make him change. Very clever I do not think him,
and his mind is not a cultivated one. His education has been
neglected. Politics and military concerns are the only things
he takes great interest in; the arts and all softer occupations
he does not care for; but he is sincere, I am certain-sincere
even in his most despotic acts-from a sense that it is the only
way to govern. He is not, I am sure, aware of the dreadful
cases of individual misery which he so often causes; for I can
see, by various instances, that he is kept in utter ignorance of




188   EMPEROR OF RUSSIA DESCRIBED BY THE QUEEN.   1844
many things which his people carry out in most corrupt ways,
while he thinks he is extremely just.   He thinks of general
measures, but does not look into details; and I am sure much
never reaches his ears, and, as you observe, how can it?'He asked for nothing  whatever-has merely expressed
his great anxiety to be on the best terms with us, but not to
the exclusion of others-only let things remain as they are.
He is very much alarmed about the East, and about Austria.... He is, I should say, too frank, for he talks so openly
before people, which he should not do, and with: difficulty
restrains himself.'~   His anxiety to be believed is veryl great,
and I must say his personal promises I can inclined to believe.
Then his feelings are very strong.  He feels kindness deeply,
-and his love for his wife and children, and for all children,
is very great. He has a strong feeling for domestic life, saying to me, when our children were in the room,   Voild les
doux moments de nzotre vie!"  One can see by the way he
takes them up and plays with them, that he is very fond of
children.'
Elsewhere Her Majesty records,'He spoke very reasonably
of the relations between children and parents, saying that
they should be brought up with the greatest possible respect
for their parents, but with the greatest confidence in them,
and no fear.  They themselves, he said, had been brought
up with terrible strictness, and had lived in continual fear
of their mother.   ie also spoke of Princes being nowadays
obliged to strive to make themselves worthy of their position,
so as to reconcile people to the fact of their being Princes.' "' He was not only civil,' the Queen continues in the letter
already cited,'but extremely kind to us both, and spoke in
the highest praise of dearest Albert to Sir Robert Peel, say10 Baron Stockmar mentions (D~enlwiirdiqkeeilen, p. 397) that on the occasion
of the Emperor's conversation with Sir Robert Peel the windows were open.
The Emperor spoke so loud that the persons outside could hear all he said and
the Premier was obliged to ask His Majesty to withdraw to the end of the
room.
1n This opinion, which the sense of his own responsibility must have brought
closely home to the Emperor, but which takes one at first somewhat by surprise as coming from his lips, must have found a deep response in the heart of
the Prince. It expressed his own conviction, and was acted upon throughout
his life. It was well said in 1852 by an acute German observer,' Prince Albert
is one of the few Royal personages who can sacrifice to a principle, once they
see it to be good and noble, all that others are impelled to cling to either by
narrow-mindedness, or by the inborn prejudices of their rank. I-Ie klows that
if Princes exist, it is for the good of the people, not because the people are tbo
hereditary property of the Princes. Well for him he does so!'




1844   EMPEROR OF RUSSIA DESCRIBED BY THE QUEEN.  189
ing he wished any prince in Germany had as much ability and
sense.'He is not happy, and that melancholy which is visible in
the countenance made us sad at times.'  [' I don't know
why,' says Her Majesty's Journcal,'but I can't help pitying
him; I think his immense power weighs heavily on his
head.]' The- sternness of the eyes goes very much off when
you know  him, and changes according to his being put out
(and he can be much embarrassed) or not, and also from his
being heated, as he suffers from  congestion in the head.  He
never takes a drop of wine, and eats extremely little. Albert
thinks he is a manl inclined to give way too much to impulse
and feeling, which makes him act wrongly often. His admiration for beauty is very great.... But he remains very faithful to those he admired twenty-eight years ago.
The effect of this visit unquestionably was to make the
Emperor personally popular in England.   It was impossible
to resist the attraction of his fine person, his admirable address,
and distinguished courtesy of bearing. Baron Stockmar somewhat cynically sums up the reasons for this favourable impression thus:' He is still a great devotee to female beauty. To all his old English
flames he showed the greatest attention. This, together with his commanding figure and prevailing courtesy to the fair sex, certainly won over the
majority of the ladies with whom he came in contact. The men praised the
dignity, the tact, and the punctuality which distinguished him in social intercourse. He made friends of the racing men at Ascotby founding a racing
plrize of 5001. a year, and gratified the Court officers on his departure by numberless snuff-boxes and handsome presents.' (Denlcwiircligkeiten, p. 400.)
The warmth of the Emperor's reception in England was
not calculated to allay the jealousy with which his visit was
regarded by a section of the political parties in France, who
immediately surmised that it must be connected with some
secret arrangements to the prejudice of French interests. It
was quite possible that this jealousy, loudly echoed as it was
in the Parisian journals, might have had the effect of interfering with the project of a visit to England which had been
warmly entertained by King Louis Philippe ever since the
visit of the Queen and Prince to the Chateau d'Eu. It is to
this that Her Majesty alludes in the following passage of the
letter just quoted:-'I hope that you will persuade the King (Louis Philippe)
to come all the same in September. Our motives and poli



190              THE KING OF SAXONY.                1844
tics are, not to be exclusive, but to be on good terms with
all-and why should we not? We make no secret of it.' The good King of Saxony remains another week with us.
He is so unassuming. He is out sight-seeing all day, and enchanted with everything.'
On the 19th of June the King left England. This most
amiable and accomplished Sovereign had lost no opportunity
of seeing everything which London had to offer of interest or
significance. He went away delighted with his visit, and left
behind him with his hosts the most agreeable impression of
the sweetness of his character, and of a mind singularly open,
intelligent, and unaffected.l2
12 The King of Saxony was thrown fiom his carriage and killed, in August,
1854.




CHAPTER XII.
Ministerial Crisis-Birth of Prince Alfred —Threatened Disturbance of Relations with
France —Visit of Prince of Prussia —Second Visit to Scotland —Visit of the King of the
French.
BEFORE the excitement of the Imperial visit had passed
away, the Queen and Prince were thrown into a state of
great anxiety by a grave ministerial crisis.  Nothing could
have been more satisfactory than the progress of events since
the accession of Sir Robert Peel to power. Abroad success
had attended our arms; our relations with America were
placed on a satisfactory footing, although soon afterwards to
be again disturbed by the question of the Oregon Territory;
but, above all, the internal prosperity of the country had revived, and, instead of a succession of alarming deficits, the
revenue had increased far beyond the estimates.  In the
year ending 5th April, 1844, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was able to show a surplus of no less than 4,165,0006.,
which, after clearing off the heavy deficiency of the previous
year, left a net balance of 1,400,0001. at his disposal.  But
the financial policy of Sir Robert Peel, to which this satisfactory result was due, based as it was upon a gradual abolition
of protective duties, had been unwelcome, as we have already
indicated, to many of the adherents of the Government, and
they had from time to time by their votes shown a disposition
to embarrass the action ot their leader.
On the 14th of June the Government found themselves
in a minority of 20, on an Amendment to the Resolutions
proposed by them upon the Sugar Duties.  This was brought
about by the defection of a considerable number of their
ordinary supporters, some of whom voted in defence of the
West India interest, which they conscientiously believed
would be injured by the ministerial measure, while others had
merely seized the opportunity to testify their general dissatisfaction with a Minister, who, they saw, was determined to
act upon his own convictions, without respect to the laggards




192              TiIE PEEL MINISTRY.               1844
of his party. Staggered by the dissatisfaction thus shown,
Sir Robert Peel, and with him the leading members of his
Government, were disposed to resign at once, rather than
expose themselves to the chance of being compelled to do so
at a later stage by a continuance of similar acts of disaffection. Without the full support and confidence of his party
in the details of his administration, Sir Robert Peel felt that
his position would become intolerable. The Opposition, it is
true, on a vote of confidence would unquestionably have been
in a minority of 100, but they might by similar defections of
his own party at any time renew his embarrassment. He had
no reason to doubt, that the principles on which he was acting
were those which the country had sent a majority of its representatives to support; but, if this support were to be
denied, the Government could not be carried on. The necessity for the decisive step of resignation, however, was happily obviated by the action of his own party. A large
meeting of Conservatives, held on the morning of the 18th,
assured the Government of the general and united support
of the party, and a vote the same evening in Committee,
reversing the decision of the 14th, and come to after a
distinct intimation from the Premier, that it would decide
the fate of the Government, averted for a time a change
which at this period would have been most undesirable.
About the same time a fresh source of anxiety sprang
up in a question comparatively trivial in itself, but which
threatened to break up the French alliance. The convention
which had been extorted in September, 1842, by Admiral Du
Petit Thouars from our old ally, Queen Pomare, and under
which the French had assumed possession of the Island of
Tahiti, had on its becoming known brought matters to a
critical issue between the countries. It was only by the
moderation of the respective Governments that a rupture was
averted. The French Government disavowed the right of
dominion over Otaheite, which had been asserted in their
name, and professed themselves satisfied with the more
modest claim to a Protectorate merely. This concession,
avowedly made in deference to English remonstrances, was
seized by the French Liberals as the occasion for a series of
most vehement attacks upon the government of M. Guizot.
So high did the spirit of hostility run to a Minister who was
accused of'putting France at the feet of England,' that
the paragraph in the Address approving of the concessions




18-14          BIRTHI OF PRINCE ALFRED.              193
was carried in the Chamber of Deputies by a majority of only
8, on a division of 205.
This cause of ill-feeling between the countries had scarcely
been removed (January, 1844), when the respective Governments found themselves once more embroiled by the indiscretion of the French officials in Tahiti. The French had
made themselves most unpopular in the island, and on the
night of the 2nd of March one of their sentinels was disarmed by the natives. This was made the pretext for seizing
and imprisoning'in reprisal' Mr. Pritchard, who, besides
being the British Consul, was an active and influential
Protestant missionary, long resident in the island, and therefore peculiarly obnoxious to the French Roman Catholic missionaries. He was released only on condition of instantly
leaving the Pacific, which he had to do without even seeing
his family, and to find his way to London by way of Valparaiso. The outrage thus done to England in the person of
its Consul created profound indignation, which burst into a
flame the more readily because of the still smouldering irritation occasioned by the seizure of the island. Sir Robert
Peel, carried away by the general feeling, denounced it in
Parliament in language not calculated to smooth the difficulty.'I do not hesitate,' he said,'to declare that a gross
insult, accompanied with a gross indignity, has been committed. The insult was committed by a person clothed with
a temporary authority, and, so far as we can discover, by the
direction of the French Government.' (Parl. Deb. July 31,
1844.)
Happily the Sovereigns and Ministers of both countries
were too deeply impressed with the importance of peace to
suffer themselves to be led into hostilities either by the imprudence of their officials in Tahiti, or by the heated temper
of their countrymen at home. But it was only after months
of negotiation and anxiety that Sir Robert Peel was able to
announce to Parliament on the 5th of September, that the
questions in dispute had been arranged amicably by satisfactory explanations and the concession of a moderate indemnity
to Mr. Pritchard.
In the midst of these anxieties the Queen and Prince were
made happy by the birth of a second son at Windsor Castle
on the 6th of August.' How serious these anxieties had been
1 A few days before (31st July) the Prince's favourite greyhound Eos was
found dead. She had to all appearance been quite well an hour before' I am
9




194                DISTURBED RELATIONS                     1844
and still were is apparent from an expression in Her Majesty's
first letter to King Leopold after her confinement.'The only
thing almost to mar our happiness is the heavy and threatening
cloud which hangs over our relations with France, and which,
I assure you, distresses and alarms us sadly. The whole nation here are very angry.... God grant all may come right,
and I am still of good cheer, but the French keep us constantly
in hot water.' A few days later (27th August), Her Majesty
again writes to her Uncle,'The impending political cloud, I
hope, looks less black and louring.  But I think it very unwise
in Guizot not to have at once disavowed d'Aubigny for what
you yourself call an " outrage," instead of allowing it to drag
on for four weeks, and letting our people get excited.' And
when all had been peaceably arranged, Her Majesty's words,
in writing (14th September, 1844) to Brussels, are full of significance.'The good ending of our difficulties with France
is an immense blessing; but it is really and truly necessary
that you and those in Paris should know that the danger was
imminent..... TWe must try and prevent these difficulties
for the future.'
It is impossible to look back upon the history of the relations of England and France from the commencement of the
present reign without seeing of what infinite importance to
the good understanding between the two countries was the
footing upon which Her Majesty stood, by reason both of the
ties of relationship and of personal regard, with the King of
the French and his son-in-law King Leopold.  The influence
of the latter upon King Louis Philippe was at all times
available for peaceful counsels. He knew England an'd the
ways of its people well, and could speak with authority, when
the remonstrances of this country through the usual official
channels might not have always demanded a hearing. At
the same time his position of perfect neutrality, as the Sovereign of a kingdom whose independence was guaranteed by
both the Powers, justified him  in throwing in the weight of
his opinion into the scale upon any critical emergency. It has
already been intimated (sutgra, p. 77), that his judicious intersure,' the Prince writes next day to the Dowager Duchess of Coburg,' you will
share my sorrow at this loss. She was a singularly clever creature, and had
been for eleven years faithfully devoted to me. How many recollections are
linked with her! She was my companion from my fourteenth to my twentyfifth year, a symbol, therefore, of the best and fairest section of my life.' The
exquisite proportions of this beautiful animal are familiar to all lovers of art in
more than one of Sir E. Landseer's pictures.




1844                       WIThrI FRANCE.                         195
vention was not without its effect in  modifying the opinions
of King Louis Philippe, and leading to the abandonment of
the warlike attitude which had been assumed by his Government in regard to the Eastern Question. No stimulus from
without was wanted  to make him use whatever influence he
possessed  for this purpose.  But it may reasonably be  assumed, that a private communication from Lord Melbourne at
a critical moment gave additional weight to his views. In a
memorandum of a conversation on the Tahiti question with
Lord Melbourne on the 19th August, 1844, when war in his
Lordship's opinion was inevitable, Mr. Anson states:-'T In 1840 the French Cabinet talked of a large increase of the army,
which would have endangered the peace of Europe. Parliament was not
sittin(r at the moment in England, but Lord Melbourne, who was then Prime
Minister, wrote to King Leopold, in order that it might reach the ear of
Louis Philippe, to say that, if the proposed increase took place, he would
immediately summon Parliament, and take a vote for forty additional sail of
the line, which would very shortly sweep everything hostile from the face of
the seas. He considers the proposed increase was effectually stopped by
the knowledge of this intention.' 2
Important as the counsels of the King of the Belgians were
in that case, they were still more important in bringing about
a peaceful solution of the Pritchard-Tahiti difficulty.
A royal visit to Ireland this autumn had been in contemplation; but was reluctantly postponed in consequence of the
state of the country, which had not yet recovered from the
excitement of the trial of O'Connell and his supporters.3 It
2 Between this time and the discussion on the annexation of Tahiti, Louis
Philippe's views had taken a very decided shape as to the exriminal folly of a
war with England, which was talked of so glibly, and with so' light a heart,'
by journalists, and even by ministers of state. In a letter to King Leopold
from Neuilly, 1844, the following striking passage occurs,-' Les d6pches de
Guizot sur Tahiti, et ses tristes betises, doivent avoir fte communiques k Lord
Aberdeen... Je n'ai pas de patience pour' la maniere dont on magnifie si
souvent des bagatelles de misere en casus beili. Ah! malheureux que vous
6tes! Si vous saviez comme moi ce que c'est que belietn, vous vous garderiez
bien d'etendre, comme vous le faites, le triste catalogue des casus bells, que vous
ne trouvez jamais assez nombreux pour satisfaire les passions populaires, et
votre soif de popularite.' Revue Rltrospetive, pp. 379-80. King Louis Philippe personally had never but one opinion as to the whole Tahiti affair; and in
speaking of it to Her lajesty during his visit here his words were:' Je la voudcra;s ae fond de la nmer.'
3 On the 4th of September the House of Lords gave judgment, reversing, by
a majority, the decision of the Judges in the Court below, on the writ of error,
in the case of O'Connell and Othners v. The Queen. O'Connell and the other
prisoners were immediately released, and on the 7th they passed through
Dublin in procession. It was called triumphal, but those who saw it could
not fail to be struck with the hollow-hearted aspect of the proceedings.




196          VISIT OF PRINCE OF PRUSSIA.           1844
was therefore determined again to visit the Highlands. Blair
Castle had been placed by Lord Glenlyon (afterwards Duke
of Athole) at Her Majesty's disposal; and thither, on the 9th
of September the Queen and the Prince, together with the
Princess Royal, proceeded by sea, from Woolwich to Dundee,
and thence by road, arriving at Blair Castle on the 11th.
But before leaving Windsor the Queen and the Prince
were to receive yet another Royal guest, with whom they
were some years afterwards to be connected by an intimate
tie, which at this time could scarcely have been contemplated.
This was the Prince of Prussia, now the Emperor of Germany,
who arrived at Windsor on the 31st of August.'I like him
very much,' Her Majesty writes the same day.' Ile is
extremely amiable, agreeable, and sensible; cheerful, and easy
to get on with.' A later entry records:'He is very amusing, sensible, and frank. On all public questions he spoke
most freely, mildly, and judiciously, and I think would make
a steadier and safer king than the present. He was in ecstasy
with the Park and the trees, as he is with everything in England.' According to Bunsen (Life, vol. ii. p. 70), who, as
Prussian Ambassador here, was much with him, he took an'affection for England-admired her greatness, which he perceives to be a consequence of her political and religious
institutions.' The cry throughout Europe at this time was
for Constitutional government upon the English model, but
the Prince seems to have felt that a Constitution like ours,
which had grown up with the growth of the nation, and owed
its form as well as its stability to the fact that it was in harmony with the national culture and life and habits, was not a
thing to be applied to the other nations of Europe, where
none of the conditions were the same.
A very cordial and intimate relation was established between Prince Albert and the Prince of Prussia during this
visit. Frank and sincere as both were by nature, and both
watching with anxious interest the aspect of affairs on the
Continent, which was already prophetic of coming storms, this
was only to be expected. The friendship was cemented by
personal intercourse during four subsequent visits of the Prince
of Prussia to England in 1848, 1851, 1853, and 1856, and
came to a happy climax in the marriage by which the reigning families of Prussia and England became united in 1858.
On the 4th of September the Prince of Prussia left Windsor
Castle; but before leaving England, he,was present at the in



1844          BAPTIS.M OF PRINCE ALFRED.            197
teresting family ceremony of the Christening of the second
son of the House. This was performed, on the 6th of September, in the Private Chapel at Windsor Castle, when the
infant Prince was baptized by the names of Alfred Ernest
Albert; the Sponsors on the occasion being Prince George of
Cambridge represented by his father the Duke of Cambridge,
the Prince of Leiningen represented by the Duke lof Wellington, and H.R.H. the Duchess of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha represented by H.R.H. the Duchess of Kent. The scene in the
Chapel, Her Majesty's Journal records,'was very solemn, and
the organ has always a moving effect on me. To see these
two children there too' (the Crown Princess and the Prince
of Wales)' seemed such a dream to me.... May God bless
them all, poor little things! And that our youngest really may
he as good as his beloved father, was my fervent prayer during the service, as always, for all of them.'
After the exciting events of the last few months, the
change to the bracing air and simple life of the Highlands
was no less welcome than necessary to both the Queen and
Prince.'The place,' Her Majesty writes (28th September)
to King Leopold,'possesses every attraction you can desire,
shooting, fishing, beautiful scenery, great liberty and retirement, and delicious air.'
Freed from the shackles of Court life, and face to face with
Nature in her fairest aspects and among her deepest solitudes,
the charm of their simple and secluded mountain life became
so great, that it cost the Queen and Prince a pang to part
from it, which was only lightened by the hope of returning to
the Highlands at no distant day. Important engagements
meanwhile demanded their presence at Windsor early in October. A few days before leaving Blair Castle, the Prince
writes to the Dowager Duchess of Coburg:-'Blair Castle, September 22, 1844... We are all well, and live a somewhat primitive, yet
romantic, mountain life, that acts as a tonic to the nerves, and
gladdens the heart of a lover like myself of field sports and
of Nature, Pussy's cheeks are on the point of bursting, they
have grown so red and plump; she is learning Gaelic, but
makes wild work with the names of the mountains.'We leave on the 1st, and expect by 6 P. M. of the 3rd to
reach Windsor, where, after a preliminary training on the sea,
the bold deer-stalking mountaineer will have to transform




198            VISIT OF KING OF THE FRENCH.                    1844
himself into a courtier, to receive  and Jfter a King of the
French, and play the part of a staid and astute diplomatist.'
Leaving Blair Castle on the Ist of October, the Court returned to Windsor Castle on the 3rd.  The satisfactory adjustment of the Tahiti affair had removed the only serious
impediment to the cherished wish of King Louis Philippe to
visit the Queen and Prince at Windsor Castle, where every
arrangement was made to give him a brilliant and cordial reception.  A loud outcry against the visit had been raised by
a section of the French press, but the King and M. Guizot
were determined to prove by their presence in England the
sincerity of their friendly feelings towards that country. On
the 8th the King landed at Portsmouth.'My dearest master,' the Queen writes on the morning of that day to King
Leopold,'is gone to Portsmouth to receive him. The excitement and curiosity to see the King, and the  desire to
give him  a most hearty reception, are  very great indeed.'
His words on landing, in answer to the Address of the Corporation of Southampton, produced a most favourable impression:-' I have not forgotten,' he said,' the many kindnesses I have received from
your countrymen during my residence among you many years since. At that
period I was frequently pained at the existence of differences and feuds between our countries. I assure you, gentlemen, I shall endeavour at all times
to prevent a repetition of those feelings and conduct, believing as I do most
sincerely, that the happiness and prosperity of a nation depend quite as much
on the peace of those nations by which she is surrounded as on quiet within
her own dominions.'
The Duke of Wellington went with the Prince to receive
the King on his arrival, and accompanied them to Windsor
Castle. The scene of their arrival there is described by the
Dowager Lady Lyttelton with her accustomed clearness and
vigour of touch:-' Windsor Castle, October 8, 1844.'Dearest mine daughter' (as the Prince of Wales would say),-As this is an
historical day, I think I will not be lazy, but just write you word of an event
while it is fresh. At two o'clock he arrived, this curious King; worth seeing
if ever a body was! The Queen having graciously permitted me to be present, I joined the Court in the corridor, and we waited an hour, and then the
Queen of England came out of her room, to go and receive the King of
France; the first time in history! Her Majesty had not long to wait (in the
Armoury, as she received him in the state apartments, his own private rooms;
very civil). And from the Armoury, amidst all the old trophies, and knights'
armour, and Nelson's bust, and Marlborough's flag, and Wellington's, we saw




1844                KING LOUIS PHILIPPE.                     199
the first of the escort enter the Quadrangle, and down flew the Queen, and we
after her, to the outside of the door on the pavement of the Quadrangle, just
in time to see the escort clattering up, and the carriage close behind. The old
man was much moved, I think, and his hand rather shook as he alighted;
his hat quite off, and grey hair seen. His countenance is striking, much
better than the portraits, and his embrace of the Queen was very paternal
and nice. Montpensier is a handsome youth, and the courtiers and ministers
very well-looking, grave, gentleman-like people. It was a striking piece of
real history —made one feel and think much.'
The Queen's Tbournar enables us to present further details:'The King embraced me most warmly and kindly, and
said, "Combien cie plaisir j'ai de vous embrasser!"   He
seemed quite touched, and led me upstairs. What numbers
of emotions and thoughts must filll his breast on coming here!
He is the first King of France who comes on a visit to the
Sovereign of this country.  A  very eventful epoch indeed,
and one which will surely bring good fruits.  The King said,
as he went up the grand staircase towards his apartmnants,
"'Dieu! conmme c'est beau! "... At a little before three
the King and Montpensier came over to the White Rooms
and lunched with us and Mama,-the King sitting just where
the Emperor of Russia used to sit.  He was in the highest
spirits, repeating again and again how  happy he was to be
here again, and full of recollections of what had happened
during his stay in England. He had met with a very enthusiastic reception..'I never saw anybody more pleased, or more amused in
looking at every picture and every bust. He knew every
bust and everything about everybody here in a most wonderful way.  Such a memory, such activity!  It is a pleasure to
show him anything, as he is so pleased and interested. He
is enchanted with the Castle, and repeated to me again and
again (as did also all his people) how delighted he was to be
here, how he had feared that what he had so earnestly wished
since I came to the throne would not take place; and
"Dieu! cominme cela mn'a fait plaisir cde vous donner le
bras!"'
At dinner' the King talked much of England-of having
lived here so long, and liked it so much, —his being so
dbvouei to us,... of our late difficulties, which he felt most
grateful for our having helped so much to smooth... I wish
I could put down his conversations, they are so able and
amusing..    It is to day a week since we left Blair; what a




200              KING LOUIS PHILIPPE               1844
different day! Albert said, how many suites we had seen
here! The King of Prussia's, the Archduke's, the Emperor
of Russia's, the King of Saxony's, and now the King of the
French's..''Wednesday, October 9.' After breakfast we went over to the King with Pussette,
and sat with him some little while.... He is an extraordinary man.... He talked much of our last difficulties,
and the English nation having been so excited. HIe said the
French nation did not wish for war, "mais ils aciment (d
claquzer comnme les postillons," without knowing the bad consequences. Then he said the French did not understand being n4gociants like the English, nor the necessity of "la
bonne foi," which gave this country such stability. "LLa
_France ne pent pas faire lae guerre d I'Angleterre, qui est le
Triton des mers; l'Angleterre a le plus grand empire du
mnonde."... Then the King talked of this Tahiti affair,
"' gue je vouctrais au fond de la Iner," and which he would
much wish to be quite rid of. They only wanted it for their
whalers, which he trusted the Marqucsas would do for, and
he hoped to get rid of it altogether.
The next day was spent in a drive to the scenes with
which the King had been familiar when formerly in England.'We proceeded by Staines,' the same record continues,
where the King recognised the inn, and everything, to
Twickenham, where we drove up to the house where he used
to live, and where Lord and Lady Mornington, who received
us, are now living. It is a very pretty house, much embellished since the King lived there, but otherwise much the
same, and he seemed greatly pleased to see it again. He
walked round the garden, in spite of the heavy sho\wer which
had just fallen.... The King himself directed the postilion
which way to go, to pass by the house where he lived for five
years with his poor brothers before his marriage. From here
we drove to Hampton Court, where we walked over Wolsey's
Hall, and all the rooms. The King remained a long time in
them, looking at all the pictures, and marking on the catalogue
numbers of those which he intended to have copied for Versailles. We then drove to Claremont. Here we got out and
lunched, and after luncheon took a hurried walk in the
grounds.       We left Claremont after four, and reached
Windsor at a little before six. The evening was cold and fine,
and wherever the King was seen he was enthusiastically re



1844              AT WINDSOR CASTLE.                 201
ceived, far more heartily and affectionately than the Emperor
of Russia, many crying'" Vive le Roi," "Long live Louis
Philippe!"  At Chertsey a man made the King a French
speech, crying, " Votre /l~ajeste est dans un pays oA l'on sait
vous apprecier, et je suis bien aise de votes le temoigner."
There was a great crowd here, and, in coming home, near the
gates; and the King (who has a friendly way of bowing very
low with his hat, and stretching out his hands) said, "Je n'cai
jacmais etm cne reception pareille; combien cela me totche! ".. The King was greatly pleased with the country as he
passed, and the neatness and cleanliness, and always called
out to Montpensier to observe it.  "Quiel beat pays! Je
suis bien zeureux de le voir encore une fois."'
At dinner'the King repeated to me how thankful he was
for to-day's drive, which had given him so much pleasure.
He talked to me of the time when he was " clans une
6cole clans les Grisons, mm'Iehrer' seuleement," receiving
20 pence a day, having to brush his own boots, &c., under
the name of Chabot!  What an enventful life has his
been!.'
The next day (9th September) the King was invested
by Her Majesty with the Order of the Garter-a ceremony
which must have been pregnant with suggestions to all
present, who remembered that the Order had been instituted
by Edward III. after the Battle of Cressy, and that its earliest
Knights were the Black Prince and his companions, whose
prowess had been so fatal to France. The King was introduced to the Garter Room by Prince Albert and the Duke of
Cambridge.' When we approached,' Her Majesty's Jomrn'al
records,' we all rose, and the King bowed in due form as he
came up. I turned to him and said, " I have the pleasure of
announcing to Your Majesty that you are elected a Knight
of the Most Noble Order of the Garter."  Albert then placed
the Garter round the King's leg. I pulled it through while
the Admonition was being read, and the King said to me,
"X e voudrais baiser cette matin," which he did afterwards, and
I embraced him. The Duke of Cambridge assisted me in
placing the riband over the King's shoulder; after which I
embraced him again and he embraced Albert. The King
then walked round the table, shaking hands with each of the
Knights, after which they were called over, and we accompatiied the King to his rooms, where he again and again
thanked us for our kindness, which I see with real satisfaction




202              KING LOTUIS PHILIPPE              1844
pleases him so very much. At 4 o'clock we again went over
to the King's Room, and I placed at his feet a large Cup
representing St. George and the Dragon, with which he was
very much pleased...  Afterwards we drove round Virginia
WVater, and the King said often, " II n'y a rien cde plus beau
que WinCsor,"' and was enchanted with the park, the trees,
everything.'
As the Queen had not visited Paris, the susceptibilities of
the French, it was thought, might be wounded, if their King
should go to London. This was so well understood, and the
satisfaction created by a visit, which promised to be fraught
with important results to the welfare of both countries, was
at the same time so strongly felt, and nowhere more than in
the central seat of English wealth and commerce, that the Corporation of London resolved to go from London to Windsor
in full civic state-an unprecedented departure from their
established rule-for the purpose of presenting an Address
of congratulation to the King. This was done upon the 12th
of October, and its effect upon French feeling was excellent.
Not less so was that produced here by the language of the
King's reply:'The union of France with England,' he said,'is of great importance to both nations, but not from any
wish of aggrandisement on the part of either. Our view
should be peace, while we leave every other country in the
possession of those blessings which it has pleased Divine
Providence to bestow upon them. France has nothing to ask
of England, and England has nothing to ask of France, but
cordial union.'
The King's reply had been prepared for him in the ordinary way, and the writer had trusted to his knowledge of
English in making the translation to be used, But when it
was put into the King's hands shortly before the arrival of
the Corporation at the Castle, he found to his dismay that it
was not merely so thoroughly French in tone, but such very
bad English, that it could not be used.' C'est dcjlorable,'
exclaimed the King,'c'est pitoyable. On m'a fait une rebponse
que je ne comprencls pas.  C'est un supplice; et mb'envoyer
cela 4 une heure!  Ils vont arriver.' Not a moment was to
be lost. The King was alone with his hosts.. He at once
sat down, and with their assistance wrote out an answer,
more in accordance with the genius of the language in which
it was couched and of the people to whom it was to be given.
It proved most successful; and the King was so delighted




1844              AT WINDSOR CASTLE,                  203
with the way in which it was received, that he said to the
Queen and Prince the same evening,' C'est gnma bonne Utoile,
gui vous a menes chez moi clans ce moment.'
The next day he was full of regrets at the approaching
conclusion of his visit, and urgent in expression of his desire
that intimate relations should be kept up by the exchange of
visits between the Royal Houses of England and France.' Je crois,' he said to his hosts,'que nos affaires s'arrangeront
bien, c'est d dire, les grancles; il ne faut pas se soucier
des petites.  Vobus savez qu'on m'appelle6 "lejuste milieu,"'
adding that this was the only principle to act upon, pcarceque maiheutreuseennt il n'y a que peu des bons et bien des
mauvais.'.As for peace, that he would maintain always.
Then, the Queen's Journal records,'He spoke in the highest
terms of Albert,  "1 Oh! I1 fera merveille; il est si sage; il
ne se presse pas; -il gagne tant d 8tre connu; il vous donnera
toujours de bons conseils. Ne croyezpas quze je votes dis cela
pour ou usr flatter. Non, non! Cela vient du coeur. 11 sera
cormme son onele, aussz sage et aussi bon. C'est ce queje viens
d'ecrire d mace bonne Louise,  II vous sera de la plus grande
utilite, et il vous tiendra bien de colt, si des temps de vicissitudes venaient,-ce que j'esp&re ne sera pas; mais enfin on ne
peut jamais savoir."'   He was most kind and paternal, and
pleased and touched me. Both the Emperor and the King of
the French, two most different people, have joined in the same
opinion about my beloved Albert.'
On the 14th the visit came to a close. It was the King's
intention to return, as he had come, by way of Portsmouth.
Thither, accordingly, he was accompanied by the Queen and
Prince. On their arrival, however, the weather was so wet
and tempestuous, that the idea of crossing from Portsmouth
to Treport had to be abandoned, and the King returned to
France by way of Dover and Calais. So serious a disturbance
of the preconcerted arrangements could only be overcome by
unusual energy and forethought.  Prince Albert, with his
accustomed clearness and promptitude, took the matter in
hand,'He never,' the Queen's Journal records,'makes
difficulties, but, on the contrary, always manages that a thing
can be done.' And his arrangements were seconded with
such good will, that after a very brief delay the King was able
to start for Dover, and found everything prepared for him
along the route, as if the usual deliberate notice of Royal




201[        QUEEN OPENS ROYAL EXCHANGE.            1844
movements had been given.' Ce n'est que dams cet adnircable
pays que cela peut se faire,' were the King's words, in
announcing the same evening to Her Majesty his arrival at
Dover.
The chagrin of Admiral La Susse and the officers of his
squadron, who had brought over the King, at the alteration
of plan was very great. The warmest courtesies had passed
between them and the English officers resident at Portsmouth,
and to compensate in some measure for their disappointment,
the Queen and Prince, who had passed the night on board Her
Majesty's Yacht, breakfasted the following morning on board
the'Gomer,' the frigate which had brought over the King.
The enthusiasm  of the French was wrought to the highest
pitch by Her Majesty proposing and drinking the IKing's
health.
So ended a visit, which, coming as it did at a time when
a considerable amount of jealous and even angry feeling had
sprung up between this country and France, had a most salutary effect in obliterating its effects, and drawing the nations
together in the bonds of mutual confidence and friendliness.
Soon afterwards another event of national interest occurred in the opening of the new Royal Exchange, on the
28th of October, by the Queen in Statee':Nothing,' Her
Majesty writes to King Leopold the next day,' ever went off
better, and the procession there, as well as the proceedings at
the Royal Exchange, were splendid and royal in the extreme.
It was a fine and gratifying sight to see the myriads of people
assembled, more than at the Coronation even, and all in such
good humour and so loyal. I seldom remember being so
pleased with any public show, and my beloved Albert was
most enthusiastically received by the people... The articles in the papers, too, are most kind and gratifying. They
say, no Sovereign was ever more loved than I am (I am bold
enough to say), and this because of our happy domestic home,
and the good example it presents.'
The feeling, to which voice was thus given by the Press,
had taken wide root in the country. It was based upon two
grounds: the exemplary home life of the Queen and Prince,
and the purely Constitutional attitude with relation to political parties which had been maintained by the Sovereign. This
was expressed very emphatically by Lord Spencer at a meeting of Liberals at Northampton in the following month.




1844       ROYAL VISIT TO BURLEIGH HOUSE.          205'Here, after four years,' the Prince writes to Baron Stockmar,
when sending him a report of the meeting,  is the recognition
of the position we took up from the first. You always said
that if Monarchy was to rise in popularity, it could only be
by the Sovereign leading an exemplary life, and keeping quite
aloof from and above party. Melbourne called this "nonsense."  Now Victoria is praised by Lord Spencer the Liberal
for giving her Constitutional support to the Tories.'
At Northampton itself, which had the reputation of being
a centre of Radicalism, the Queen and Prince had the most
satisfactory evidence that loyalty was the prevailing sentiment, as they passed through that town on their way to visit
Lord Exeter at Burleigh on the 12th of November, where they
remained till the 15th. These visits to the great nobility,
gratifying at once to those who received and those who gave
them, were most popular. They were so eagerly sought for,
that it was difficult for the Sovereign to select from the rival
claims upon her notice. In the case of the visit to Burleigh,
it was called to mind that, when Queen Elizabeth had made a
Royal Progress to that stately manor-house, the roads were
so bad that Her Majesty was obliged to ride upon a pillion
behind the Lord Steward, a mode of travelling which would
have taxed the gravity of the thousands who thronged the
roads to see her successor pass.
The year, which was now drawing to a close, had been
most eventful, both publicly and privately, to the Prince;
and in concluding his Diary for December he writes:'I take
leave with reluctance of this year, which has comprised so
many momentous events, and which had grown dear to me
through my very grief for the heavy loss it brought me.'
At such a time the Prince's thoughts naturally turned to
Baron Stockmar, who had gone home to Coburg some months
before. Writing to wish him a very happy new year, he continues:'May it in all respects turn out to your heart's content, and then serve as the exemplar of many yet to come!
May nothing interfere to disturb a relation, which, as it rests
upon a sympathy of soul with soul, and upon the common aim
to make the best out of the world around us, has a solid
basis,-I mean our friendship, which is now entering upon
its sixth year!'
At the same moment a letter from Baron Stockmar was
on its way to the Prince, which concluded with the words:' I




206         LETTER FROM BARON STOCKMAR.           1844
have received a letter from the Queen, which begins, "My
kind friend,"-" Like the Quaker," you will say-and goes
on, " but I like to call you what you really are."  The Queen
could not have made me a finer New Year's Gift than these
lines, and I beg you will in the meanwhile be graciously
pleased to express my warmest thanks for them.'




CHAPTER XIII.
Osborne purchased and laid out by Prince —Royal Visit to Stowe and Strathfieldsaye —
Opening of Parliament-Changes in Ministry —Peel's Financial Measures-Civil ListDiscussions as to Title of King Consort-Sir Robert Peel-Maynooth Bill —Sir Robert
Peel declines Offer of the Garter-IIis Anticipations of a Ministerial Crisis —Queen's ina
tended Visit to Ireland postponed.
To ESCAPE for a time from  the oppressive  splendour and
state of Courts into the comparatively retired and simple
ways of the rest of mankind, has always been a cherished
object of kings and princes.  Nature rebels against a life in
which privacy is well nigh impossible, in which every hour
is forestalled by the claims of business or ceremonial, in which
there is no room for the freedom of movement, the chance
greetings, the pleasant surprises, the unnoticed rambles,
which sweeten the days of ordinary people. Seemingly, the
most free and independent of mankind, there are few whose
hours and doings are less at their own disposal. Sovereigns,
moreover, are too far removed by their rank from most of
those around them  to get near what is best in men; and it
is their fate to see, as few can see, much of the selfishness
and insincerity which play so large a part of both social
and political life. There is to them, therefore, a tenfold zest
in shaking off for a time the trammels of their state, and
in forgetting, among the sweet sights and sounds of the
country,
The noise and strife, and questions wearisome,
And the vain splendours of imperial Rome.
Who can echo with so much truth as they can the words
of Cowley, when contrasting the life of the country with that
of the town?'We are here among the vast and noble
scenes of Nature; we are there among the pitiful shifts of
policy: we walk here in the light and open ways of the
Divine bounty: we grope there in the dark and confused
labyrinths of human malice; our senses are here feasted
with the clear and genuine taste of their objects, which are




208                     OSBORNE.                      1844
all sophisticated there, and for the most part overwhelmed
with their contraries.'
The simple domestic tastes of the Queen and Prince, no
less than their profound delight in natural beauty, gave, in
their case, intensity to this natural yearning for some quiet' loophole of retreat.' The estate of Osborne, in the Isle of
Wight, which seemed to combine many of the qualities most
likely to be valued by them, had been brought to their notice
by Sir Robert Peel.' It was near the seat of government, yet
so  exempt from public haunt,' that they might there be sure
of the repose and privacy which they desired. It afforded
scope for the exercise of the Prince's skill in laying out
grounds, in planting, in agricultural improvement. It commanded a noble sea view, with Portsmouth and the great
roadstead of Spithead in the background, always to a British
Sovereign a spectacle of the highest interest, and it was bounded by a great stretch of sea-shore. As a bathing place it was
excellent, and for this purpose Brighton, the Pavilion at which
had hitherto been the marine residence of the Sovereign, had
become unfit, in consequence of the great increase of the
town, which had grown round it to such an extent, that it
was impossible to catch more than a glimpse of the sea from
some of the upper windows.
The opportunity afforded by the journey with the King of
the French to Portsmouth in October was taken to make a
personal inspection of this property. The Queen and Prince
were so much pleased with what they then saw of it, that
negotiations for its purchase were set on foot, which came to
a satisfactory conclusion a few months afterwards. One charm
it had, which all can feel and sympathise with. It was their
own.'It sounds so pleasant,' the Queen writes, when announcing the purchase (25th March, 1845) to King Leopold,' to have a place of one's own, quiet and retired, and free from
all Woods and Forests and other charming departments,
which really are the plague of one's life.''It is impossible,'
Her Majesty adds, a few days later, writing from her new possession,  to see a prettier place, with woods and valleys, and
points de vue, which would be beautiful anywhere; but when
1 I It was entirely through Sir Robert Peel,' Her Majesty writes,  who knew
how much we wished for a private property, and his extreme kindness, that we
heard of and all about Osborne. When we showed him all we had done in
1849, he spoke with evident pleasure of his having been the means of our getting it.'




1844                 OSBORNE PURCHASED.                      209
these are combined with the sea (to which the woods grow
down), and a beach which is quite private, it is really everything one could wish.'
The first purchase comprised only the estate of Osborne,
about 800 acres, belonging to Lady Isabella Blatchford. This,
however, was added to by various purchases from time to time,
and the property now extends to about 2,300 acres.  It was
soon found that the existing mansion-house was too small for
the Royal establishment, and on the 23rd of June, 1845, the
first stone of the present house was laid by the Queen and
Prince.2 In September of the following year, that portion of
it known as the Pavilion, which contains the Royal apartments, was completed and occupied.  The rest of the house
was not finished till 1851; and in laying out the grounds,which he did with masterly skill, turning all their natural
features to the best account, —and in bringing  the whole
property into the highest state of cultivation, the Prince found
a delightful occupation from  1845 onwards.3  In truth he
might have said, as Scott did of Abbotsford,' My heart clings
to the place I have created.  There is scarce a tree in it that
does not owe its existence to me.'
His labours were amply repaid by the results.  HIis plantations, rich in an unusual variety of conifers and flowering
shrubs, gladdened his eyes by the vigorous luxuriance of
their growth, and in them the nightingale' trilled her thickwarbled note the summer long.' Of all the songs of birds
he loved these the most, listening for them'in the happy
peaceful walks he used to take with the Queen in the woods,
and whistling to them in their own long, peculiar note, which
they invariably  answered,' or standing out at night on the
balcony, to hear their song (Note by the Queen, Early -Years,
p. 195).  Every year the place grew in beauty and in charm;
and so well were his measures taken for bringing the results
2' The house,' the Queen writes,' was planned by the Prince, and his wishes
were most admirably carried out by the late Mr. Thomas Cubitt, than whom a
better, kinder man did not exist.' In laying out the grounds, and in his farming operations, Her Mlajesty adds,  The Prince was ably seconded by Mr. Toward, our land steward for twenty-six years.'
3  It is pleasant,' says Lady Lyttelton, writing from Osborne (9th August,
1846),' to see how earnestly Prince Albert tries to do the best about this place,
giving work to as many labourers as possible, but not making any haste, so as
to make it last, and keep at a steady useful pitch, not to over-excite the market.
His bailiff (I mean, of course, the Queen's) has dismissed quantities of men
lately, because it is harvest time, that they may work for others, telling them
all, that the moment any man is out of employment, he is to come back here,
and will, without fail, find work to do. This is doing good very wisely.'




210           OSBORNE LAID OUT BY PRINCE.                 1845
of the highest skill and science to bear upon the land, that,
unlike most amateur agriculturists, he made his farming
pay. In this result he took an especial pride. Any one with
means at his command can improve land, but to make costly
improvements pay for themselves is the test of practical
forethought and wise economy, on which, in all human affairs,
the Prince set the greatest store.
Before settling down in town for the coming Parliamentary
season, which promised to be one of unusual interest and
activity, two of those visits were paid by the Queen and
Prince, which afforded so much gratification to their hosts,
and also to the inhabitants of the districts where they were
made.  The first of these was to the Duke of Buckingham at
Stowe, to which they went on the 14th of January. The
splendour of their reception was only equalled by the conspicuous courtesy of the lordly owner of this magnificent
place, who spared no effort to prove his devotion to the
Sovereign, or his respect for her Consort. After a two
days' stay and a brief return to Windsor Castle, the Queen
and Prince went, upon the 20th, to visit the Duke of Wellington at Strathfieldsaye, which, if less magnificent than
Stowe, more than made up for this by the interest which
attached to its owner. The Duke had long looked forward
to the pleasure of receiving Her Majesty under his roof, and
it was obvious from all that passed on this occasion, that no
higher gratification could have been given to his old age
than to see his wish thus realised.'The Duke,' writes
Mr. Anson,' takes the Queen in to dinner,.and sits by Her
Majesty, and after dinner gets up and says, "With Your
Majesty's permission, I give the health of Her Majesty,"
and then the same for the Prince. They then adjourn to the
library, and the Duke sits on the sofa by the Queen for the
rest of the evening, until eleven o'clock, the Prince and the
gentlemen being scattered about in the library or the billiardroom, which opens into it. In a large conservatory beyond,
the band of the Duke's Grenadier regiment plays through the
evening.' 4
4 Mr. Anson also notes, that the Duke, under provocation from certain'curious impertinents,' had put up a large notice in the grounds, desiring that
people who wish to see the house may drive up to the hall-door and ring the
bell, but that they are to abstain from walking on the flagstones and looking in
at the windows! The papers of the day contained the following characteristic
reply by the Duke to an application from some newspaper for admission to note
the particulars of the Royal visit:'F. MI. the Duke of Wellington presents his
compliments to Mr. -, and begs to say he does not see what his house at
Strathfieldsaye has to do with the public press.'




1845            OPENING OF PARLIAMENT.               21
After the usual two days' stay, the Queen and Prince
returned, on the 23d of January, to Windsor Castle. The
opening of Parliament was now imminent.'On the 4th of
February,' the Prince writes to Stockmar,'Parliament is to
be opened, and then the Ministry will have their hands full.
Peel proves himself a sagacious, honourable Statesman.'
The Royal Speech, delivered by Her Majesty in person,
after referring to the recent visits of the Emperor of Russia
and the King of the French in very cordial terms, announced
two great measures,-both of which might be expected to
encounter the most formidable opposition. One of these was
a scheme of fiscal Reform, based upon a continuance of the
Income Tax beyond the term of three years for which it
had been originally granted, while the other had for its aim
the' improving and extending the opportunities for academical
education in Ireland.' As the event proved, the financial
programme of the Ministry, when developed, was found to be
based on principles so sound, that its details were carried
rapidly through Parliament with triumphant majorities.
The other measure was of a twofold character, proposing,
on the one hand, the establishment of Colleges at Belfast,
Cork, and Galway, which should be open to all without
religious distinction, and, on the other, the increase of the
annual grant to Maynooth from 9,0001. to 30,0001.; and it
provoked such a storm of opposition as could only have been
withstood by a Minister who was not to be shaken by clamour
from a deeply rooted conviction, and who at the same time
felt that he had at his back the support of a vast proportion
of the independent thinkers of the country.
The last of these measures lost to Sir Robert Peel the
support in the Cabinet of one of the most conspicuous of its
members, Mr. Gladstone. It is thus that the Prince (8th
February, 1845) announces the opening of the campaign to
Baron Stockmar: —'.... We have of late been very active. Peel has had
to reconstruct his whole government. Mr. Gladstone has
retired upon the Catholic question. He has no objection to
the measure-nay, he will support it —but thinks he has
written something in a book of his (The State in its Belations with the Church, 1839) which prevents him from taking
part init as a Minister... 5
6 The only important point on this head pressed by Mr. Gladstone in his




212               CHANGES IN MINISTRY.                   1845'The death of Lord St. Germans has removed Lord Elliot
to the Upper House, and vacated  the Secretaryship for
Ireland. The following are the changes. Lord Lincoln has
entered the Cabinet, and also Mr. Sidney Herbert as Secretary at War.  Sir Thomas Fremantle is Secretary for Ireland, Lord Dalhousie has become President of the Board of
Trade, and Sir George Clerk Vice-President in his stead, Mr.
Corry Secretary of the Admiralty in room  of Mr. Sidney
Herbert, and Mr. H. Fitzroy  (Rothschild's brother-in-law)
Civil Lord of the Admiralty, in room of Corry. Mr. Cardwell (a most distinguished young man) replaces Sir G. Clerk
at the Treasury.... Sir E. Knatchbull has still to be induced
to resign, Mr. Bingham  Baring to become Paymaster, and
Lord Jocelyn to take his place as Secretary of the India
Board.'.Peel has opened the campaign well: the Queen's Speech
was very friendly towards France, and the address was carried
nernine dissentiente, after a very bitter speech against the
Ministry by Lord John.'The Catholic Question, the renewal of the Income Tax,
and reduction of other duties by way of compensation, large
additional votes for the Navy, are the chief items of the
Ministerial programme. The Opposition, on the other hand,
will make their chief stand on the Game Laws, and get up a
popular feeling against the landowners because of their field
sports.'
It was one, and not the least of the merits of Sir Robert
Peel as a financier, that he had introduced the practice of
being ready with his Budget at a very early period of the
Session. Accordingly, within ten days after Parliament met
he was able to develope to the House of Commons one of the
boldest and most comprehensive schemes of fiscal Reform
which had ever been brought forward, in a speech, which will
always be regarded as a masterpiece of clear exposition and
weighty argument. The outlines of his scheme are sketched
with such admirable closeness and precision in the letter by
the Prince presently to, be quoted, that any further statement
of them would be superfluous.  In the course of his speech,
speech on the Address (4th February, 1845) was this:' I have a strong conviction, speaking under ordinary circumstances, and as a general rule, that those
who have borne the most solemn testimony to a particular view of a great constitutional question ought not to be parties responsible for proposals which
involve a material departure from them.' HaTnsard, vol. lxxvii. p. i9,




1845             PEEL'S FINANCIAL MEASURES.                    213
the Premier took occasion, in terms peculiarly gratifying to
the Prince, to call attention to the fact, that the recent visits
of Royal and Imperial personages had involved no additional
expense to the country. Thanks to his reforms in the administration and management of the Royal Household, -which had
established economy without abridging any of the appropriate
munificence  of the arrangements, the Civil List had been
fully adequate to the extra demands made upon it by the
magnificent receptions given to the Sovereigns of Russia and
France.  No one knew better than Sir Robert Peel how much
this result was due to the sagacity and firmness of the Prince,
under circumstances of no ordinary difficulty, for he had been
consulted by the Prince, and his approval secured, at every
stage of the arrangements.' Here,' said Sir Robert Peel,'I may be permitted to say, that any Executive Government that would have a due regard to the exercise of a wise and
judicious economy could not do better than follow the example which has
been set by the control exercised over Her own expenditure by the Sovereign.
A settlement was made of the Civil List on Her accession to the throne. On
the occasion of Her marriage no addition was made to that Civil List. It
has pleased God to bless that marriage by the birth of four children, which
has made a considerable additional demand upon the Civil List. In the
course of last year three Sovereigns visited this country; two of them the
most powerful Sovereigns in the habitable globe-the Emperor of Russia and
the King of the French. Those visits of necessity created a considerable increase of expenditure; but through that wise system of economy, which is
the only source of true magnificence, Her Majesty was enabled to meet every
charge, and to give a reception to those Sovereigns, which struck every one
by its magnificence, without adding one tittle to the burdens of the country.
And I am not required on the part of Her Majesty, to press for the extra expenditure of one single shilling on account of these unforeseen causes of increased expenditure. I think that to state this is only due to the personal
credit of Her Majesty, who insists upon it that there shall be every magnificence required by Her station, but without incurring a single debt.'
In this language the Prince knew there was a triumph also
for Baron Stockmar, who had guided the counsels of the
Queen and himself in initiating and carrying through the
Household reforms, which had been attended with such happy
results.  He therefore enclosed this part of the Minister's
speech in the same letter, which gave a summary of the Ministerial Budget:-'Dear Stockmar,-..   Peel surprised the  world with
his financial statements the day before yesterday. The surplus is 5,800,0001.; consequently, even although the Income




214              GRANT TO MAYNOOTHE                1845
Tax should be taken off, despite the enormous reduction of
taxes in the tariff of 1842, and again last year upon wool,
sugar, &c., the revenue is brought up to such a condition as
still to show a surplus. What elasticity in.the resources of
this country and of trade generally! Emboldened by this
great result of his manipulation, he proposes going farther,
asks for the Income Tax for three years more, and takes off
at one stroke all export duties, including those upon coals,
the duty upon auctions, the whole duty of 300 per cent.
upon glass, the whole import duties upon cotton, reduces the
duty upon sugar from 28s. to 14s., lets in dye-woods and
hoops free, and erases altogether from the Excise book 300
smaller articles, which, under the tariff of 1842, pay customs
duties. By this immense relief will be given to the poorer
classes, trade and industry will be revived, and in their elasticity Peel has such confidence, that he expects to be quite
able by 1848 to show an adequate revenue without the Income Tax.'In this state of matters he has asked for the Navy and
Ordnance estimates an increase of a million and a half, to
place England's power at sea in a more worthy light before
the world, whilst for the security of our ports seven sail of
the line are always to be available in the Channel, and three
on foreign stations. I think that in this a renewed guarantee
is given for the peace of Europe.'I send herewith a portion of the speech which has reference to the Court, and is said to have produced a good effect.'Brighton, 16th February, 1845.'
Before this letter reached Baron Stockmar, he had replied
to the Prince's letter of the 8th. The measures which it
announced had his entire sympathy. He was fully prepared
for the outburst of quasi-religious excitement, which was
certain to be provoked by the proposal of the increased grant
to Maynooth. But he had weighed its influence thoroughly,
and felt confident that the time had come, when the highest
conditions of state policy required that it should be met by
firm resistance. What he would have thought of a statesman who should have yielded to it may be seen by a passage
of his answer to the Prince.'Religious intolerance has
always been to my mind the surest proof, that a man has no
aptitude for the art of governing men. This intolerance is
partly due to weakness in the intellectual faculty, partly to




1845           SIR ROBERT PEEL'S POLICY.            215
want of a genial temperament (Gemiith), partly to both.'
He was glad, therefore, to find that Peel, in bringing forward this measure, was not hampered by any hesitation or
conflict of opinion among the members of his Cabinet.'If
he only keeps his health,' he says in conclusion,'and does
not allow himself to be shaken from his opinions-that is, if
on all occasions he resigns rather than give way to the unreasonable demands of his own party, then I have no doubt
he will weather the Parliamentary campaign this time, as
he did the last, with benefit to the country and honour to
himself.'
Writing again to the Prince a few days later (28th
February) after he had read Peel's financial exposition, he
says:-'I follow with close attention the course of Peel's financial
measures. So far as I can form a judgment at this distance,
his principles appear thoroughly sound. Heaven grant him
success! He deserves it, for he fights fairly, and whatever
his enemies may say, he serves his country truly and unselfishly. I honour, for my part, truth and unselfishness more
than all else that gives worth to men.' That part of his speech which referred to the Court I had
already read, as also, somewhat later, another speech, which
refers to Your Royal Highness alone. What can it be which
has led to the re-opening of that report?... Meanwhile, on
this head I write a word of warning and entreaty. Never
abandon your firm, lofty, powerful, impregnable position, in
order to run after trifles.(unm  chmetterlinge zu haschen).
You have the substance: stick by it for the good of your
wife and children, and do not suffer yourself to be seduced
even by the wishes of affection into bartering substance for
show.'
The allusion in the concluding part of this letter is to the
revival of an unfounded report, that the title of King Consort
was about to be conferred upon the Prince. It was, no doubt,
the fact that, so far back as 1841, Her Majesty, painfully impressed by the anomalous position of the Prince, had wished
that this might be done. In the words of her own Journal,
(28th December, 1841),'He ought to be, and is above me in
everything really, and therefore I wish that he should be equal
in rank to me.' Unknown to the Prince, she had fully can



216             STATUS OF THE PRINCE.              1845
vassed the subject with Baron Stockmar. She found him,
however, strongly opposed to the suggestion; and, by Her
Majesty's desire, he took means to ascertain the opinions of
Sir Robert Peel and Lord Aberdeen. They both concurred in
the conclusion he had himself arrived at. In common with
himself, they felt how desirable it was to have a clear recognition of the status of the Prince. But although there was
nothing in the Constitution expressly against such a title, a
King Consort without joint sovereignty would be a novelty,
and no provision for such a condition of things existed in the
Constitution. It was therefore decided to abandon the project, and to leave to time and circumstance to suggest some
solution of the difficulty, when the Prince should be better
known by the nation, and the general current of opinion
should justify some decided action.
Her MIajesty's feeling on the subject could not be known,
even within the intimacy of the Court circle, without some
hint of it finding its way into general society. Probably, too,
the views of Sir Robert Peel were not unknown; and it may
have been thought by his adversaries,-ignorant and, it may
be, disinclined to believe, how impossible it was for Her Majesty to be swayed in such a matter by any personal considerations,-that advantage might be taken of his supposed
hostility to her cherished wish to weaken his influence as a
Minister. It is difficult, at least, to divine any other reason
for the appearance, in the  fiorbnin, Chronicle, at this time,
of a paragraph stating that it was rumoured,'and we believe
on good authority,' that the title of King Consort was about
to be conferred upon the Prince. This, the paragraph continued, with an obviously unfriendly reference to the Prince
himself,'will, we presume,- be preliminary to a demand for an
increased grant.' On the 17th of February, Mr. Peter Barthwick put the question to Sir Robert Peel in the House of
Commons, whether there was any truth in the rumour, adding,
while he did so,' that it was sufficiently absurd to contradict
itself.' In reply, Sir Robert said that if this were so, it was
rather hard that he should be put to the ordeal of answering
the question.'Inferences,' he continued,'were sometimes
drawn from silence, when, on the whole, silence would be the
best possible course to observe; but to guard against the possibility of any erroneous inferences, he would state, for the
information of the hon. gentleman, that that paragraph was
wholly without foundation.'-Htansardc, vol. lxxvii., p. 530.




1845          ROYAL CONSORT DISCUSSION.              21 7
In his reply to Baron Stockmar, the Prince was able to relieve the apprehensions upon this head, which had been expressed by his friend. At the same time, he was able to give
him an assurance on another subject, which could scarcely
have been less gratifying, as it was in entire conformity with
the views which the Baron had himself expressed to Lord
Aberdeen two years before, when, as already stated (p. 1307
seipra), they had discussed the suggestion that the Prince
should be the next Commander-in-Chief.'Dear Stockmar,-.... The Royal Consort discussion
was excessively unpleasant.  The fkorning Chronicle contained an article about it, 4C on the best authority," and so
provoked a newspaper controversy, and ultimately the question of Mr. Borthwick.  The subject was never discussed
here, and the affair must have been a piece of Opposition tactics to squeeze Peel between Victoria and the public. He,
too, was startled, and was afraid " the authority " might have
emanated from the Court. I seized the opportunity to discuss
the question with him thoroughly, and also that of the Comnandership-in-Chief.'With regard to the title, the upshot was, that it is power
and not titles which are esteemed here, that the public are
inclined to attach ridicule to everything of the sort, that there
is a lack of good precedents, that there are great constituticnal difficulties, &c.' In regard to the Commandership-in-Chief, it was, that the
Army would be greatly pleased by it,-that politically it
would be the best arrangement, but that I should have to do
the whole work myself, and must not delegate it to anybody
else, if I am to be a real gainer by the appointment, —that
this would absorb all my time and attention, and it is a question whether it is right to sacrifice for such an offer the duties
which I owe to Victoria and to the education of our children.'Peel regards my present position as extremely good, and
thinks that, all in all, Monarchy never stood so well. He
says that, despite the encroachments of democracy, "there
was something (considering the sex of the Sovereign, the
private character of the family, &c.) in the position, that
worked strongly on the feelings of the nation."' Buckingham Palace, 9th March, 1845.'
By the middle of March, the financial measures of the
10




218                   SIR ROBERT PEEL.                        1845 
Government had passed the ordeal of the House of Commons.
Viewed as they were with the utmost favour by the great
body of the nation, this result was not to be arrested by the
criticism  to which some of the details were subjected by the
advocates of particular interests which they threatened to
affect, or by those who saw in them further signs of the Free
Trade policy on which Sir Robert Peel had entered.  But an
incessant fire of invective and personal reproach from both
sides of the House for the adoption of a policy, against which
so many of his former acts and speeches might be quoted,
taxed his constancy and self-command to the utmost, almost
overborne as he was by the weight and multiplicity of the
claims  upon  his attention.'Peel works  so  hard,' Her
Majesty writes (25th March),'and has so much to do, that
sometimes he says he does not know how he is to get through
it all.'   In these days,' the same letter says, a minister does
require some encouragement, for the abuse and difficulties he
has to contend with are dreadful.' Under this feeling, Her
Majesty had sent to her Minister for his perusal a letter,
speaking in warm terms of his policy, which she had received
from King Leopold, and at the same time intimated her intention to act as sponsor to his grandchild, the son of Lord
and Lady Villiers.  In his reply to this communication (25th
March), after acknowledging on behalf of Lady Peel and himself 6the signal mark of Your Majesty's gracious kindness
and favour, which Your Majesty intends to confer upon them,
and the family of Lord Jersey,' Sir Robert Peel continues:-'Sir R. Peel is scarcely less obliged to Your AMajesty for your goodness
in communicating to him the favourable opinion which King Leopold has
been pleased to express of the course of public policy, pursued with the
sanction, and frequently under the special directions of Your Majesty, by
Sir R. Peel. His Majesty has an intimate knowledge of this country, and is
just so far removed from the scene of political contention here, as to be
able to take a clear and dispassionate view of the motives and acts of public
men. Sir R. Peel looks to no other reward, apart from Your Majesty's
favourable opinion, than that posterity shall hereafter confirm the judgment
of King Leopold, that Sir R. Peel was a true and faithful servant of Y-lmlr
Majesty, and used the power committed to him for the maintenance of the
honour and just prerogatives of the Crown, and the advancement of the publie welfare. He would indeed have been utterly unworthy, if, after the
generous confidence and support which he has invariably received from
Your Majesty, he could have used power for any other purposes!'
A few days after this letter was written, the Maynooth Bill
was introduced and read a first time on the 3rd of April. No




1845                  MAYNOOTH BILL.                     219
one can look back at the debates which then commenced with.
out appreciating in their full force' the abuse and difficulties'
referred to by HIer Majesty, with which Sir Robert Peel had
to contend. If the debates of more recent days are less animated by invective, or less brilliant with the half truths of
which epigrams are made, they are at least less personal, and
less calculated to embitter the days and nights, which must
under any circumstances be all too anxious, of the responsible
advisers of the Crown. After six nights of stormy debate,
the second reading of the Bill was carried on the 18th of
April, by a majority of 1471 in a House of 499 members.  At
every subsequent stage the hostility to the measure was renewed, but without success, and it was not till the 21st of
May that it passed the third reading of the Lower House by a
majority of 133.
Writing' from Claremont to Baron Stockmar, on the 13th
of April, whilst the discussions on the second reading were at
their height, the Prince says:-'Dear Stockmar,-... We are in the midst of the most
fearful agitation. Sir Robert has brought forward his Maynooth Bill, and has two-thirds of his own party against him.
The Whigs are compelled to support him, but naturally they
do this in such a way as to do him as much harm as possible.
Of bigotry, uncharitableness, intolerance, and spite there is no
end. A whole torrent of Petitions laden with these is poured
into Parliament.  A  single member laid 100 two days ago
upon the table -of the House of Commons, and of these several
were for Sir Robert's impeachment.  Gladstone speaks and
votes now for the Bill, and strangely enough, although his
doing so is at variance with his most cherished feelings.' Sir
Robert Inglis heads the Opposition, Lord Ashley, AMr. Thomas
Duncombe, and Mr. Disraeli fight in the front ranks....'The Opposition (the Liberals, I mean) have given notice
of a motion which Mr. Ward is to bring forward against Sir
R. Peel's Bill, to the effect "that the money for the increase
to Maynooth should not be paid by the people, but be taken
freom  the revenues of the Protestant Church in Ireland."' i Deeply cherished predilections' are Mr. Gladstone's words, as given in
Hansarcl's report of the Maynooth Debate (11th April, 1845), and they drew
upon him the fire of the Hon. George Smythe, one of the foremost of those
brilliant skirmishers of the Young England party, who in those days lost no
opportunity of harassing the flanks of Sir Robert Peel's administration, even
when, as in this case, they voted for his measures.




220                     OPPOSITION TO                        1845
This is to be so put, that the Tories can vote in favour of it,
and so Peel be left in a pitiful minority.  He, on the other
hand, declares that he will carry through the Bill, and that
goes a great way.'Claremont, 13th April, 1845.'
The taunts which were so freely hurled at the Premier by
friend and foe for adopting a policy of conciliation to Ireland
at variance with so many of the old prejudices of the party,
which he was presumed to represent, were no doubt the legitimate weapons of party warfare.  They left, it is true, the real
question at issue-the inherent justice and wisdom  of the
measure-wholly untouched.   But this could mitigate but
little the pain of having to stand the brunt night after night
of home thrusts like the following-comparatively temperate
as it was-and to feel at the same time how impossible it was
to meet them by such arguments as are alone available amid
the passions of debate:-'All those fierce spirits,' said Macaulay, speaking on the 14th of April,'whom you hallooed on to harass us, now turn round and begin to worry you.
The Orangeman raises his war-whoop: Exeter Hall sets up its bray: Mr.
Macneile shudders to see more costly cheer than ever provided for the priests
of' Baal at the table of the Queen: and the Protestant Operatives of Dublin
call for impeachments in exceedingly bad English. But what did you expect?
Did you think, when, to serve your turn, you called the devil up, that it was
as easy to lay him as to raise him? Did you think, when you went on, session after session, thwarting and reviling those whom you knew to be in the
right, and flattering all the worst passions of those whom you knewto be in
the wrong, that the day of reckoning would never come? It has come.'
Excellent rhetoric.  But what statesman has not at some
time laid himself open to this species of personal reproach?
Not all statesmen, however, have the courage not to  be
daunted by it, even where higher considerations are at stake
than a party triumph, or a consistency which, however respectable, is certainly incompatible with the growth of every active
and observant mind. It is one of the functions of the Sovereign of a Constitutional Monarchy, as these were understood
by the  Queen' and  Prince, especially in  times of violent
party conflict, to look at the issues raised by great public
measures wsith eyes undimmed by the clouds of party feeling,
and to value them  only as they are, to the best of their judgment, designed for the ultimate welfare of the state. Satisfied
of this, the Minister was most likely to command their respect
who was not to be deterred by' threats of pain or ruin,' or by




1845               MAYNOOTH BILL.                  221
the phantoms of opinions which he had outgrown, from doing
what he conceived the actual circumstances of the hour seemed
to demand.
Deeply sensible of the courage and distinguished ability
with which Sir Robert Peel had vindicated the present
measure, in the face of an opposition which numbered more
than 100 of his own party, and was envenomed by a rancour
in which the amenities of public life were too frequently forgotten, Her Majesty had considered whether there were any
means by which she could mark her sense of the importance
of the measure, and also her confidence in the Minister who
had brought it forward. With this view, Lord Aberdeen was
asked whether it would be desirable on public grounds, and
personally gratifying to Sir Robert Peel, to offer him the
Order of the Garter. The only difficulty entertained by Lord
Aberdeen was the personal scruple which he had reason to anticipate, fromn what he knew of his friend and leader, might be
felt about accepting so distinguished an honour. He therefore
undertook to sound him upon the subject. The result is well
known. If he could think, was Sir Robert Peel's reply, that
to accept would forward the measure he had in hand, and
thereby advance the service of the Sovereign, he should not
hesitate to do so. But he saw no reason for such a conclusion.
It was well known, that he possessed Her Majesty's confidence, and the general impression to that effect would not be
strengthened by this mark of her favour. As far as personal
feeling went, he would rather decline it. He sprang from the
people, and was essentially of the people, and such an honour
in his case would be misapplied. His heart was not set upon
titles of honour, or social distinctions. His reward lay in Her
M'ajesty's confidence, of which by many indications she had
given him the fullest assurance, and when he left her service
the only distinction he coveted was, that she should say to
him,' You have been a faithful servant, and have done your
duty to your country and to myself.'
The Maynooth Bill was still in Committee, when Parliament
adjourned for the Whitsun holidays on the 9th of May. The
next day the Prince wi'ites to Baron Stockmar:-'Dear Stockmar, —Here we are at the Whitsun holidays,
when the weary combatants in Parliament and the tired-out
epicureans fly from town for a little fresh air. Wre do the
same, exhausted partly by business, partly by the so-called so



222              POSITION OF GOVERNMENT.                   1845
cial pleasures, and are off at noon to-day to the Isle of Wight
with Charles (Prince Leiningen), who has been with us for
four days, and the two oldest children.  Osborne is bought,
and, with some adjoining farms, which we have also bought,
makes a domain of 1,500 acres in a ring fence.'The religious warfare continues, but Peel is a gainer by
the lengthened duration of the debate, which is now adjourned
to the 19th, as the excitement, which has been in a great
measure produced by extraneous stimulants, will not hold out
so long.'The weather is frightfully cold and disagreeable, still
both crops and grass promise well.' Buckinghamn Palace, 10th May, 1845.'
The prediction here made that the Ministry gained by the
duration of the Debate was verified by the result.  This was
shown by the large majority in a very full house, which
marked its final stage in the House of Commons, and by an
equally overwhelming majority on the third reading (16th
June) in the House of Lords.
It is said by Mr. I)israeli, in his Life of Lord George
Bentimnck (Chapter I.), that,'practically speaking, the Conservative Government at the end of the Session of 1845 was
stronger than even at the commencement of the Session of
1842.'7  Such was not, however, the opinion of its leader.
Notwithstanding the success of his chief measures, the events
of the session had been sufficient to satisfy Sir Robert Peel
that his tenure of office had become most precarious.  His
own position there was uncomfortable and uncertain, and
he thought it his duty at this time to prepare the Queen
and the Prince, through the medium of Lord Aberdeen, for
the possibility of a Ministerial crisis.  Nothing, he explained,
but a conviction of the absolute necessity for a change would
induce him to subject Her Majesty to the embarrassment
which it involved, but the condition of parties was such, that
at any moment it might become inevitable.
7 The rest of the paragraph, as representing the view taken of the situation
by one who was perhaps too warmly engaged in the struggle to see its whole
bearings, is not unimportant.' If they had forfeited the hearts of their adherents, they had not lost their votes; while both in Parliament and in the
country they had succeeded in appropriating a mass of loose superficial opinion
not trammellecl by party ties, and which complacently recognised in their
measures the gradual and moderate fulfilment of a latitudinarian policy both in
Church and State.'




18i5  PEEL'S ANTICIPATION OF A MINISTERIAL CRISIS.  223
It has long been accepted as understood, that it was Sir
Robert Peel's opinion, in common with that of Mr. Canning,
that the Prime Minister should be in the House of Commons.
Such was his opinion for a great part of his career; but his
experience of the last four years had led him to a different
conclusion. Among Mr. Anson's Memoranda of this period,
he reports a conversation with Lord Aberdeen, in which this
chance in Sir Robert Peel's views was fully canvassed. The
amount of work imposed upon the first Minister in the House
of Commons, in addition to what he had to go through~celsewhere, was too great for any human strength. In the House
of Lords the Premier would escape the necessity for being in
a position to vindicate all the details of administration, and
to answer the multiplicity of questions on all sorts of subjects,
the putting of which has almost degenerated into a vice. He
had therefore come to the conclusion that it was there he
ought to be.
in his own case he found it less embarrassing to take the
whole lead in the House of Commons, than to delegate any
part of his duty to subordinate members of the Cabinet. He
had, accordingly, done so, except in respect to the Home
Office, where everything was left to Sir James Graham. The
fatigue was overwhelming of getting up cases daily, to answer
questions, many of them, especially ins regard to Foreign
Politics, on subjects wholly new to him. Much as he liked
his position, he was often worn out with the strain upon his
brain and feelings, baited and badgered as he was by both
sides of the House, and, if he had onlv his own inclination to
consult, he would be glad to be relieved of his responsibilities.
The old landmarks of party were rapidly disappearing; and,
but that all experience was adverse to Coalitions, he would
have looked forward to the probability of a fusion of parties,
as, except on the question of the Irish Church (which, again,
was regarded with conflicting views by men of both sides),
there was hardly a shade of difference in their opinions.
The events of the next few months showed how well
grounded were Sir Robert Peel's anticipation that a Ministerial
crisis was not far off. He had carried the great measures of
the Session, including that for the Endowment of what had
at once been denounced by its religious opponents as'the
godless Colleges,' but his success had been due to the votes of
the Opposition. Even those for whose immediate advantage
his Irish policy had been designed, accepted with a grudge




224          LETTER BY BARON STOCKMAR.              1845
the boon which was offered to them, and already apprehensions were entertained by far-sighted politicians, that it would
not be attended with the healing influences upon Irish party
feeling which had been anticipated. This seems to have
struck Baron Stockmar, and found expression in the following
letter to the Prince. The letter to which it is in answer has,
unfortunately, not been preserved:-'So far as distance and my imperfect means of information
allow, I follow the course of public events anxiously and
closelIy. That in the Irish question,-the vital one of all,my good Sir Robert has had, relatively speaking, but a moderate success, troubles me. Again and again I ask myself to
what this shortcoming is mainly due. I may be wrong, and
my opinion, I fear, may moreover appear to Sir Robert like
presumption, still I cannot refrain from avowing, that to me
the main reason of the inadequate result seems to be this,
that a political question which is intimately mixed up with
the essence of Catholicism is handled by a Protestant Minister
and a Protestant majority. By the nature of things Sir Robert
cannot get out of his Protestant skin, and just as little can
the Protestant majority of the House of Commons do so. I
therefore charge the Minister as well as his advisers with
lacking true knowledge of the nature of Catholicism; and in
an emergency like the present an intimate knowledge of its
nature is of the utmost importance, for all legislative measures
which the Minister can bring into play, for the purpose of
establishing a good relation between Protestant England and
the Catholics, must in all respects be framed from the Catllolic
point of view. Were I an English Minister, before I decided
on adopting any legislative measure, I would cause inquiry to
be made by a Catholic on whose loyalty as well as his political
sagacity I could rely, whether the measure were really in
substance and form calculated to meet Catholic wants and
feelings; and, acting upon this conviction, I would, for example, have entrusted the initiative in the preparation of the
Bequests Bill (if possible) to a Catholic, reserving to the Goveralment the defensive control over it.'In the present phase of the Irish entanglement, the Confessional Question assumes a merely secondary place. The
entanglement itself is essentially a state question, including
no doubt a religious element of considerable moment, but still
primarily a political question, which can only be decided in




1845         VISIT TO IRELAND POSTPONED.           225
the arena of practical politics. Nothing would more retard
its satisfactory decision, than that the Confessional element,
either through intrigue or blunder, should acquire a predominating influence in the discussion. Then most assuredly
it; would cease to be a special home British question, and
would drop into the category of the Confessional controversies
of the day, and at the same time throw one very heavy weight
the more into the scale of those Confessional wranglings of
which the Protestant section of Great Britain has already too
many.' Viennla, 16th June, 1845.'
The state of Ireland had by this time again become a
source of great uneasiness. It had been hoped that the
Queen would, in the course of the autumn, have been able to
carry out her well-known desire to visit the country. In May
an Address by the Corporation of Dublin had been presented
to Her Majesty, in which it was stated that the mere rumour
that she intended to visit Ireland had filled every heart with
gladness; and they pledged themselves, that,'warmly as she
had been greeted elsewhere, her Irish subjects should not be
exceeded in the true and hearty welcome, which with united
voice should hail her on landing on their shores.' That they
had the best reason for giving this assurance became very apparent, when, in a subsequent year, the contemplated visit
was paid. But, in the reply to this address, the Queen, while
assuring them, that' whenever she might be enabled to receive
in Ireland the promised welcome, she should rely with confidence upon the loyalty and affection of her faithful subjects,'
was unable to assign a date for what was looked forward to
with so much eagerness. The condition of the country was
far from satisfactory. The Repeal Agitation had been resumed, agrarian crime was on the increase, and an unusually
wet summer with the prospect of a bad harvest, and the first
symptoms of the potato disease, which was soon to play so
disastrous a part in the history of the country, had not tended
to improve the aspect of affairs. Once more, therefore, it was
deemed advisable to postpone the Royal visit; and, in its
stead, a plan was formed for a brief tour by way of the Rhine
to Saxony-a country which had naturally a strong attraction
for the Queen, as the home of so many of her kindred, and still
more as the birth-place of the Prince.
Meanwhile, the progress of events was watched by both




226           PEEL'S PARTY DISORGANIZED.             1845
the Queen and Prince with no ordinary anxiety. Nor was
this diminished by the apprehension, that the management of
affairs might soon pass from the hands of a statesman, whose
sagacity had been proved by the increased prosperity of the
country since his accession to power in 1841, and whose
single-minded devotion to its best interests they had such good
reason to know. The work of the Session was virtually over,
when the Prince wrote to Baron Stockmar as follows:-'Dear Stockmar, —Our property pleases us better and better every day, and is a most appropriate place of residence for
us. It gives us the opportunity of inspecting the Experimental Squadron (which consists of 5 sail of the line, 4 frigates, and several steam-vessels), and of having it manoeuvred
before us. Since the war no such fleet has been assembled oil
the English coast, and it has this additional interest, that
every possible new invention and discovery in the naval department will be tried.'In politics we are drawing near the close of one of the
most remarkable sittings of Parliament.  Peel has carried
through everything with immense majorities, but it is certain
he has no longer any stable Parliamentary support. His party
is quite broken up, and the Opposition has as many different
opinions and principles as heads.' Buckingham Palace, 18th July, 1845.




CHAPTER XIV.
Queen's Visit to Germany-Second Visit to the Chateau d'Eu.
ON the 9th of August Parliament was prorogued by the Queen
in person; and the same evening Her Majesty and the Prince,
attended by Lord Aberdeen and Lord Liverpool, Lady Gainsborough, Lady Canning, Mr. Anson, and Sir James Clark,
sailed from Woolwich for Antwerp in the Royal yacht. Two
days before Lord Campbell had asked in the House of Lords,
whether it was not Her Majesty's intention, before leaving
England, to appoint Lords Justices for the Administration of
the Royal functions during her absence abroad, a measure
which he contended was demanded by constitutional precedent. The reply of the Lord Chancellor (Lyndhurst) negatived
the assumption that any such procedure was enjoined by the
Constitution, or required by precedent.  On the occasion of
the Royal visit to Eu, the opinion of the Chief Baron and Sir
William Follett had been taken; this was the conclusion then
arrived at, and in which he himself entirely concurred. The
question was simply one of expediency.  Whatever might
with perfect propriety have been required in former reigns,
when the Continent was in a troubled state, and journeys
were difficult and tedious, no necessity for such a formality
existed now, when all was tranquil, and the Queen could return in two days from the farthest point to which she was
going. Her Majesty was to be accompanied, moreover, by a
Secretary of State, and any act which she could do as a
Sovereign would have as much validity and effect if done on
the continent of Europe as if it were done within her own
dominions.  With this explanation, the point raised by Lord
Campbell appears to have been taken as definitively settled.l
In illustration of his argument, that the former practice referred to by
Lord Campbell had been dictated solely by the peculiar circumstances of the
time, Lord Lyndhurst might have adverteed to the fact that in 1572, before
settinga out on the Rtoyal Progress, which included the famous visit to Kenilworth, Queen Elizabeth wrote to the Lord M]Iayor of London, that she had ap



228              DEPARTURE FOR GERMANY.                    1845
The previous fortnight had been passed by the Queen and
Prince in their new island home, where the delicious air and
the beautiful scenery of the southern side of the island were
especially welcome after the ag-itations of the last few
months.  They came up to town on the 8th; and the Queen's
Tourmalc  of that day, in its simple record of the feelings of
Her Majesty in parting for a time from her home and children,
speaks with irresistible eloquence of the happiness and charm
with which the Prince's devotion had surrounded her domestic life.'Friday, August 8, 1845.' A very fine morning when we got up.  Both Vicky and
darling Alice were with me while I dressed. Poor, dear Puss
would much have wished to go with us,-and often proposed
how she might go, and said, "Why am I not going to Germany?'  Most willingly would I have taken her, and I
wished much to have taken one of dearest Albert's children
with us to Coburg; but the journey is a serious undertaking,
particularly the first time, and she is very young still.  But
what chiefly decided us is the visit to the King of Prussia,
where I could not have looked after her.  All four children
were with us at breakfast-after which I gave Lady Lyttelton
my last instructions, and then with a heavy heart we bade
them  all adieu in the Hall.  Poor little Vicky seemed very
sorry, but did not cry.... It was a very painful moment to
drive away with the three poor little things standing at the
door.  God bless them  and protect them, which He will!
And they are in excellent hands.  Our dear Osborne is so
lovely and so enjoyable, that we left it with the greatest
regret... We reached Buckinghamn Palace at one.  Everything so deserted and lonely here, and I miss the poor children so much.'
Sir Robert Peel was able in the course of the same day to
give Her Majesty the most satisfactory assurances, that she
left the country both prosperous and happy.  His Irish measures in particular had to all appearance already begun to
pointed for his assistance,' during this time of our progress and absence il
remote parts fiom thence, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London,
and others.... that they shall join with you to devise.... for quiet order
to be continued in our said city.' As in the instance cited by Lord Campbell
where the Sovereign had gone out of the kingdom, the object in this case
manifestly was to meet any sudden emergency, at a time when the means of
travelling made it impossible for the Sovereign to return rapidly to the seat of
government.




1845            ARRIVAL AT ANTWERP.                229
produce a tranquillising effect, and both Protestants and
Catholics were combining in approval of the contemplated
Colleges, which were to be immediately proceeded with.
There was nothing, therefore, to damp the pleasure with which
the Royal travellers looked forward to their German tour.
After a rough passage, the Royal vacht anchored before
Antwerp about six on the evening of the 10th. It was'a
pouring melancholy evening,' says the Queen's Joeurnal,'when we went up after dinner, but nevertheless the poor
people have illuminated Antwerp with those triangular illuminations on the tops of long poles, as they did when we
were here before.' Next day, the same record continues,'we
got up at half-past five. The morning was cheerless, bl3wing,
grey, and rainy. We breakfasted at six, and at half-past we
left the yacht, and were amazingly danced about even for
the few yards we had to go in the river to the landing-place.
We were received by a guard of honour, and immediately proceeded in Uncle's carriages to the railroad. Passing through
Antwerp put me so much in mind of two years ago,-the
women in their hats and caps and cloaks, with their jugs of
brass, going to market, all looking so pretty and foreign —and
to me so amusing and delightful, as everything new and interesting is.'
At Malines the Royal party was met by the King and
Queen of the Belgians, who accompanied them as far as
Verviers.  Every point of beauty or interest in the fine
country through which the railway passes was noted.
Guards of honour saluted at every station, and the numerous
tunnels between Liege and Verviers through which the
traveller is swept from one lovely valley to another were lit
up with lamps and torches. At the Prussian frontier, the
train was met by Lord Westmoreland, our Prussian Ambassador, and the Chevalier Bunsen, together with the gentlemen
of the Prussian Court, who had been appointed to attend
upon the Queen and Prince while on Prussian ground.   To
hear the people speak German,' writes the Queen,2'and to
see the German soldiers, &c., seemed to me so singular. I
overheard people saying that I looked "Se/hr  z~glisch " (very
English).... The country about here puts me much in
mind of England,-no high hills, and the same sort of fields
and meadows.'
2 The extracts given in this chapter, unless otherwise mentioned, are from
Her Majesty's Jourrnal.




230               ARRIVAL AT BRMUHL.               1840
The Queen and Prince were met at Aix-la-Chapelle by
the King of Prussia. With him were the Prince of Prussia,
Prince William  (the King's uncle), Prince Frederick (the
King's first cousin and son of the Queen of Hanover), his son
Prince Alexander, and many gentlemen in uniform.'In
the room of the station were assembled all the authorities,
the Clergy, Catholic and Lutheran, and a number of young
ladies dressed in white, one of whom, a daughter of the
Burgomaster, recited some complimentary verses.'  After
visiting the Cathedral and other interesting buildings in the
town, by which time evening was drawing on, the journey
was resumed. In Cologne the reception was most enthusiastic. The city had to be crossed in carriages. The narrow
streets were thronged with people, and decorated with
streamers, and for a part of the distance the authorities had
caused the roadway to be sprinkled with eau de Cologne,whether to disguise the proverbial fragrance of the place, or
in honour of the great local manufacture, may be left to conjecture.' The King,' Her Majesty writes,'never has an
escort, and the people are wonderfully well behaved.'
From Cologne the Bruihl station was reached by railway
in fifteen minutes.  Here the Royal party alighted and drove
to the Palace.'One drives into the Hall, where a truly
magnificent marble stair-case begins, which, like the rest of
the Castle, is in rococo style. The Queen, Princess of Prussia,
Archduke Frederick of Austria, the Duchess of AnhaltDessau with her daughter, and the whole Court in state
received us and showed us upstairs..... We went into one
of the salons to hear the splendid Zctjfenstreich (tattoo)
performed before the Palace by 500 musicians (-military), the
place being illuminated with torches and lamps of coloured
glass, which had a splendid effect. The evening was lovely,
and the whole thing the finest of the kind I ever witnessed.
They played "God save the Queen," and it was bettter played
than I ever heard it. So, too, thought Lord Aberdeen.'
Next day the Queen's bJournal proceeds:-'vWe felt so
strange to be in Germany at last, and at Briihl, which
Albert said he used to go and visit from Bonn.... Immediately after breakfast we drove to the railroad (Albert with
the King), the Queen, the Archduke (who has been sent
here to compliment me), and the Prince of Prussia with me,
and went by rail to Bonn. From the station we drove to the
house of Prince Fiirstenburg, a very rich and influential man,




1815                 VISIT TO BONN.                   231
where we were received by the Prince and his wife.
Many gentlemen connected with the University, and who had
known Albert, were there, and were presented to me, which
interested me much. They were greatly delighted to see
Albert and pleased to see me. Among them were Universitlits-Richter Salomon, Betthmann-Hollweg, Professor Walther. I felt as if I knew them all, from Albert having told
me so much about them. We stepped on to the balcony to
see the unveiling of Beethoven's statue, in honour of which
great festivities took place, concerts, &c. But, unfortunately,
when the statue was uncovered its back was turned to us.
The ]Freisc/hatzen fired a few de joie, and a chorale was sung.
The people cheered us, and dear Albert most particularly,
who is beloved here; and the band played a "Dusch " at the
same time, which is a flourish of trumpets, and is always
given in Germany when healths are drunk, &c. From here
we drove with the King and Queen-only a few of our suite
following-to Albert's former little house. It was such a
pleasure for me to be able to see this house.  We went all
over it, and it is just as it was, in no way altered...    e
went into the little bower in the garden from which you have
a beautiful view of the Kreuzberg, a convent situated on the
top of a hill. The.Sieben Gebirge (Seven Mountains) you
also see, but the view of them is a good deal built out.'
The same feeling which made the sight of the Prince's old
rooms, and of his old friends and masters, so delightful to
the Queen, gave a keen interest to the other features of the
locality. Poppelsdorf, with its Museum of Minerals, &c., its
beautiful terrace fragrant with orange-blossoms, its fine view
of the distant Sieben Gebirge,-the pretty suburbs of Bonn
itself, were duly visited; and the' wild-looking students, with
long hair and a pipe,' and the women with their'curious caps
and handkerchiefs,' did not escape their share of notice.
At four o'clock the same day a great banquet was given at
the Palace, at which, in addition to numerous Royal personages, all the most distinguished residents in Bonn and Cologne
were present. The King, by nature an orator of a high order,
seized the opportunity to propose the health of his Royal
guests, in language which was well calculated to excite the
warmest enthusiasm:-'Gentlemen,' he said,' fill your glasses! There is a word of inexpressible sweetness to British as well as to German hearts. Thirty years ago it
echoed on the heights of Waterloo from British and German tongues, after




232             PUBLIC DINNER AT BRUItL.                 1845
days of hot and desperate fighting, to mark the glorious triumph of our
brotherhood in arms. Now it resounds on the banks of our fair Rhine,
amid the blessings of that peace which was the hallowed fruit of the great
conflict. That word is, Victoria! Gentlemen, drink to the health of Her
Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
(bowing gr^ccefaly to the Queen), and (mzaking his glcss ring, according to
German wont, against the glass of Prince Albert) to that of her august Consort.''The Queen,' writes Bunsen, who was present,'bowed
at the first word, but much lower at the second.  Her eyes
brightened through tears, and, as the King was taking his
seat again, she rose and bent towards him and kissed his
cheek; then took her seat again, with a beaming countenance' (Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 88).
The festivities of the day did not conclude with the dinner.  Cologne was. enjegte, and illuminations on the grandest
scale had been prepared.  Thither accordingly the royal party
went by rail, and embarked in a steamer upon the river to
see the illuminations to the best advantage. A constant blaze
of coloured lights, rockets, and salutes of every kind dazzled
the eye and stunned the ear. The houses were many of them
lit up so as to appear red hot, and the majestic Cathedral
seemed to glow with fire. All this reflected in the steely
waters of the Rhine produced the most splendid effect, which
not even the drizzle of a pretty continuous rain was able to
destroy.' The beauty of the scene,' Mr. Anson writes,' was so
fascinating that one quite forgot one was getting wet through,
with the prospect of a long journey before getting home.'
No evil consequences ensued.  It was long past midnight
before Brtihl was reached; but by 10 o'clock next morning the
Royal party were on their-way to a great Concert at Bonn,
which formed one of the important incidents of the Beethoven
Festival.'Unfortunately,' the Queen writes,'though very
well executed, there was but very little of Beethoven; —only
part of one of the Symphonies, brought into a Cantata by Liszt,
and the Overture to Egmont directed by Spohr.  From here
we drove to the University, where were drawn up all the Professors, who wvere all presented to me, and many of whom had
taught my beloved Albert, and spoke with pleasure alnd pride
of my all in all —Professor Harrles, Professor Perthes (from
Gotha), Professor Arndt, a most distinguished and amiable old
man —Professor Breitenstein, who taught Albert thorough
bass.... Several of the students Iwere there in the fine
dress they wore at the. Beethoven Festival, with the rapier




1845                ON THE RHINE.                  233
in their hands; many fine young men, with loose hair, and
beards and moustaches, and most with Sdbel/hiebe (sword-cuts)
across their faces. It interested me exceedingly.' Later in
the day a, visit was paid to Cologne Cathedral, where the
Queen and Prince were received by Archbishop Geisel in full
canonicals, who addressed his Royal visitors in a speech which
Her Majesty says was'very good.' This was not the only
speech upon the occasion. The great movement to raise funds
for the completion of the building, which has since advanced
it far towards completion, was then in its first vigour. All the
local Associations for the purpose had lined the route to the
Cathedral, and before the Queen and Prince left the building
the head of these societies (Domz-Bau T ereine) addressed them
in a speech, couched in the very marked local dialect (lK-6ner
Sprache), and presented them with the medals of the different
Societies. On their return to Briihl, the Queen found to her
delight that the King and Queen of the Belgians had arrived.'It seems,' she writes,  like a dream to them and to me to see
each other in Germany.' A great Concert concluded the
evening. Meyerbeer conducted in person, and a Cantata by
him, composed for the occasion in honour of our Queen, was
sung by Staudigl, Pischek, and others. Among the performers in the Concert were Jenny Lind, Madame Viardot, and Liszt.'A rainy, despairing morning' next day argued badly for
the Royal progress up the Rhine; but before the steamer in
which the passage was to be made got under weigh, the sky
cleared, and all that noble series of varied and beautiful landscapes between Bonn and Coblentz was seen to perfection.
At Ehrenbreitstein, a storm of cannonading saluted the Roval
guests, which was answered by the thunders of all the surrounding forts. A brisk musketry fire broke out also from
about 20,000 troops, and brought vividly home to the imagination the din and lurid splendours of a battle. The clouds,
as usual after so much firing, began to break, and before
Schloss Stolzenfels, the King of Prussia's Castle, a few miles
above Coblentz, was reached, heavy rain had set in. Not often,
if ever, even upon the Rhine, has so distinguished a freight
been borne along its waters,-three Queens, the Queens of
England, Prussia, and Belgium —two Kings, those of Prussia
and Belgium-a Prince Consort, an Archduke, and the Prince
and Princess, whom we now know as Emperor and Empress
of Germany. Many eminent personages accompanied them;
of whom not the least distinguished was Baron A. von Hum



234                        STOLZENFELS.                            1845
boldt.'  Among  the guests at the Castle were  Prince and
Princess Metternich.' The Prince I found' (writes the Queen)' tmuch older than I expected, and laying down the law very
much, and speaking very slow, but very amiable.' Of the exquisite view  from  the Castle, Her Majesty naturally speaks
with rapture. Not even the rain, which continued throughout
the following day, could rob it of its charm.
Next morning (Saturday, the 16th of August) a gleam  of
sunshine broke out as the Queen and Prince left Stolzenfels,
accompanied by the King and Queen of Prussia, and the other
Royal personages who were to see them on board, but before
they had reached their yacht at Capellen, they had again to'tax the elements with unkindness.'  The adieux were made
under a violent shower of rain, which however soon ended, and
the rest of the beautiful panorama of vine-clad slopes, of ruincrested peaks, and picturesque villages which skirt the river
as far as Bingen, was seen under that varied play of sunshine
and cloud which sets off such scenery to the best advantage.
The- only drawback was that every hamlet and village along
3 This was not the only occasion on which the Prince met IIumboldt, for
whom he naturally entertained a profound admiration.' What a loss,' he
writes to the Princess Imperial of Prussia (11th May, 1859),'is the excellent
Humboldt!   You and Berlin will both miss him greatly, and I am glad that
we had another opportunity of seeing hil last summer. People of this kind
do not grow upon every bush, and they are the grace and glory of a country
and a century.' It must have been a great pain to the Prince to discover soon
afterwards, how little he was understood by the author of the'I Kosos.' In
the scandalous publication by Varnhagen von Ense' s niece of her uncle's private
correspondence he is commented upon in two of Humboldt's letters in terms
that disclose a pettiness of spirit which, like much else in the same correspondence, was the last thing to be exmectecl in so distinguished a man. The
personal sarcasms in which IRumboldt indulges, it cost the Prince no effort to
forgive; but he was hurt that what he had said on a critical topic in the
frankness of personal converse with Humboldt should have been reported, and
-what was worse-inaccurately reported,'I am severe only with the great
ones,' Humboldt writes (27th February, 1847),' and this manI made an uncomfortable impression upon me at Stolzenfels. "' I know," he said to me, " that
you sympathise greatly with the misfortunes of the Russian Poles. Unfortunately, the Poles are as little deserving of our sympathy as the Irish."' These
words no sooner appeared than they were laid hold of by the Press to found an
attack upon the Prince.'I read yesterday' he writes to his eldest daughter
(21st March, 1860),'in the English papers the passages in Humboldt's letters,
in which I am rather roughly handled... Uncourteous to him I believe I
never was, and most assuredly Inveer said that the Poles and Irish deserve to
be thrown overboard together, although it is quite possible we had some conversation about the similaritics and faults in character of both nations. The
matter is really of no moment, for what does not one write or say to his intimate friends under the impulse of the moments But the publication is a
great indiscretion. IHow many deadly enemies maybe made if publicity be
given to what one man has said of another, or perhaps even in many eases has
not saidl  




1845                   MAYENCE.                    235
the route seemed to think it a point of duty to deafen the
Royal party as it passed by all the guns and cannons they
could muster.
At Mayence the Queen and Prince were met by the Governor, Prince William of Prussia, his son-in-law Prince Charles
of Hesse, and the Austrian Commander. The Austrian and
Prussian troops were drawn up near the place of disembarkation; and after a march past of the men, 4,000 innumber, and
a dinner with Prince William, at his residence cDas D)eutsche
flaius, the hotel was reached about 9 P.MI. Soon after the
Austrian and Prussian bands made their appearance, preceded
by bodies of soldiers bearing torches, and producing, as they
paraded the street under Her Majesty's windows, an unusually
striking effect —which was made more brilliant by such a
serenade as could be given by no other military bands in
Europe.
Among the more interesting incidents of the following day
(Sunday) HIIer Majesty mentions having seen Madame Heidenreich, the lady who had assisted in bringing both the Prince
and herself into the world, and who had seen neither of them
since, and their future son-in-law, Prince Louis of Hesse, who
is described as'a very fine boy of eight, nice and full of intelligence.' Here as elsewhere numbers of Royal personages
thronged to do honour to the English Sovereign and her Consort. But next day set the travellers free for a time to pursue
their route to Cologne with only their own suite. Starting at
7 A.~M. in their own travelling chaise, and followed in another
carriage by Lord Aberdeen and Lord Liverpool, with the two
ladies in waiting, the Queen and Prince posted, by way of
Hochst, Frankfort, Offenbach and Seligenstadt, to Aschaffenburg. Here they were met by a body of the Bavarian troops,
and one of the King of Bavaria's gentlemen, belonging to the
Post department, with instructions to precede the Royal travellers on their route through Bavaria. Starting from Aschaffenburg, and traversing the beautiful woodland scenery of the
Spessart, Wuiirzburg and its magnificent Palace were reached
through Langfurth, Erfurth,' where the air was exquisitely
pure and delicious,' and Rossbrunn. Everywhere the harvest
was in full progress and gave life and interest to the landscape, the pleasure of which seems to have been not a little
dashed by the spectacle, never welcome to English eyes, of
the burden of the labour being borne by the women. At
the entrance of the Palace, which greatly impressed the




236              ARRIVAL AT COBURG.                1845
travellers by its vastness and the stateliness of its elevation,
they were received by Prince Luitpold of Bavaria; and
they found at their disposal'an endless suite of very fine
rooms,' which they were little able to enjoy, tired as they
were with the long day's journey, and disconcerted, as even
Royal tourists occasionally are, by the non-arrival of their
luggage.
Next morning they resumed their journey soon after six,
their suite having gone on some time before; and by one had
reached Bamberg, by way of Kitzingen, Erbaclh and Windheim, through a finely-wooded country,-the picturesque
dresses of the women, with their bright neckerchiefs, their
green bodices, and quaint head-dresses, looking'extremely
gay and pretty.' The town itself, rich in stately buildings,
the remains of the luxurious splendour of the Prince Bishops,
did not long arrest the travellers. Many miles of road had to
be covered before Coburg, the eagerly expected goal of the
day's journey, could be reached. Soon after three Lichtenfels
was reached, where horses were changed for the last time before leaving the Franconian territory, and the day, which had
been louring and showery, grew brighter and brighter.'I
began,' the Queen writes,'to feel greatly moved, —agitated
indeed in coming near the Coburg frontier. At length we
saw flags and people drawn up in lines, and in a few minutes
more we were welcomed by Ernest (the Duke of Coburg) in
full uniform..... We got into an open carriage of Ernest's
with six horses, —Ernest sitting opposite to us. The good
people were all dressed in their best, the women in pointed
caps, with many petticoats, and the men in leather breeches.
Many girls were there with wreaths of flowers.  We came to
a triumphal arch, where we were received by the Vice LandDirector (the Land-Director being ill), who said a few kind
words of welcome, to which I replied, all those who accompanied him standing on either side, and the good people receiving us in such a warm and really hearty and friendly way.
We then drove to Ketschendorff, the pretty little house of
our dear late grandmother, where we found uncle Leopold and
Louise, who got into the carriage with us. Ernest mounted
a horse and rode next to the carriage on my side, Alvensleben
on the other. Then the procession was formed, which looked
extremely pretty. At the entrance to the town, we came to
another triumphal arch, where IHerr Bergner, the Burgomaster,
addressed us and was quite overcome.  On the other side








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1845                 THE ROSENAU.                   237
stood a number of young girls dressed in white, with green
wreaths and scarfs, who presented us with bouquets and verses.
I cannot say how much I felt moved on entering this dear old
place, and with difficulty I restrained my emotion. The beautifully ornamented town, all bright with wreaths and flowers,
the numbers of good affectionate people, the many recollections connected with the place,-all was so affecting. In the
Plcatz, where the Rathhaus and Regierungshaus are, which are
fine and curious old houses, the clergy were assembled, and
Ober-Superintendedent Genzler addressed us very kindly,-a
very young-looking man of his age, for he married Mama to
my father, and christened and confirmed Albert and Ernest.'
The palace was soon reached, and as the royal cortege
approached it,'numbers of young girls dressed like the
others threw wreaths into the carriage.'  The Duchess of
Kent, the Duchess and Dowager Duchess of Coburg, and a
crowd of relatives received the Queen as she alighted.  The
staircase was full of cousins. It was an affecting but exquisite moment, which I shall never forget.' One thought
touched it with a haunting sadness-He was not there, the
father of her husband, who had hoped so eagerly to welcome them to the ancestral home. This feeling was deepened, when, after a short interval, they drove to the Rosenau,
a favourite seat of the late Duke's, which had been set apart
for the Queen's and Prince's use during her stay at Coburg.' Every sound, every view, every step we take makes us think
of him, and feel an indescribable hopeless longing for him.'
No one who has visited the beautiful region in the heart
of which Coburg lies, and of which not the least beautiful
spot is the domain of the Rosenau, will be at a loss to understand the delight with which Her Majesty speaks of it in her
Tournzcal. But it had a charm for her beyond'the soft magic
of streamlet or hill,' for here he first saw the light and spent
the happiest years of his boyhood, whose companionship was
her dearest blessing. It was the nook of earth, moreover,
which above all others was beautiful in his eyes, and with his
eyes she had long been in the habit of regarding it.'How
happy, how joyful,' are the words of Her Majesty's Journal
(August 20),'we were, on awaking, to feel ourselves here,
at the dear Rosenan, my Albert's birthplace, the place he
most loves.... He was so, so happy to be here with me.
It is like a beautiful dream.' While in this mood the emotion
of the Royal guests was deepened by the music of some fine




238                    COBURG.                     1845
Chorale.s, sung by the singers of the Coburg Theatre, which
greeted them as they rose.'Before breakfast we went upstairs to where my dearest Albert and Ernest used to live.
It is quite in the roof, with a tiny little bedroom on each side,
in one of which they both used to sleep with Florschutz their
tutor. The view is beautiful, and the paper is still full of
holes from their fencing; and the very same table is there on
which they were dressed when little.' In this state the rooms
continue to be kept; and they are strongly suggestive of the
austere simplicity of life in which the first years of the Princes
had been passed.
A visit to the Festung, or fortress, which overhangs the
town of Coburg, occupied the afternoon of this first happy
day. The fortress, part of which dates from the twelfth century, had been admirably restored by the late Duke, and the
interior arranged as a Museum and Armoury, which have since
been largely augmented by the present Duke, and also by
contributions from the Prince. Not the least interesting
feature of the place is a room, which was occupied by Luther,
and in which his chair and a portion of his bed are still preserved.' From the bastions the view was glorious and most
extensive-Coburg below, with the Thiiringer-WVald, and all
the fine mountains towards Gotha in the background. The
effect of light was peculiarly beautiful, and there is such a
constant movement in the ground, it looked quite Italian.
Then those rows of poplar-trees are so picturesque!' This
charming feature in the Continental landscape, which Turner
knew so well to* use for the purposes of his art, we in England have been apt to overlook in our love for the hardier
trees that have outlived the storms of centuries, and are the
pride of our great landowners. The Prince admired them
much, as all element in the picturesque, and planted them
wherever he thought they would come in with effect. An
admirable performance of Meyerbeer's'Huguenots' at the
Coburg Theatre wound up the day.' The good people,' the
Queen writes,'received us most kindly, and all sang " God
save the Queen " adapted to German words. W$Te came home
at one.'
The next day a visit was paid to the Kalenberg, another
of the Duke's seats, about three miles from Coburg, exquisitely placed on a commanding situation.'A beautiful spot,
but I prefer our dear Rosenau. Here I feel so at home.
Lord Aberdeen,' Her Majesty adds,'is pleased "beyond




1845               FATES AT COBURG.                239
everything" with our dear little country, and thinks it beautiful, and the people good and comfortable.' In the evening
the Queen and Prince drove to the Palace at Coburg, to
hold a Reception.  Here not only diplomatists and the
officials and household of the Court were presented, but also
deputations of citizens, merchants, and artisans:'And they
behaved so well, making much better bows than many of our
people at the levees.' Everything was in good taste and well
managed.
Next day was the Feast of St. Gregorius, which is celebrated in Coburg by a great Children's Festival. A procession of children, about 1,300 in number, from the different
schools, was witnessed by the Queen and Court from the
balcony of the Palace.' All the children marched two and
two into the courtyard, headed by their schoolmaster and a
band, the boys first, and then the girls,-some in costumes as
shepherdesses, &c., and a little boy in court dress and powder
-and the greater part of the girls in white with green.
Three girls came upstairs and presented us with a very pretty
poem to the tune of " God save the Queen,"-and which they
sang extremely well..... The children then marched off as
they came. After this we drove to the Anger, a meadow
close to the town.  Here were pitched two tents, decorated
with flowers, and open at the sides, under which we were to
dine. All the children were in front of us.  We walked
round among them, and then sat down to dinner. A band of
music played the whole time.... The children danced-and
so nicely and so merrily-waltzes, polkas, &c.; and they
played games, and were so truly happy,-the evening was so
beautiful,-the whole scene so animated,-the good people so
quiet, it was the prettiest thing I ever saw.... We were
all much struck by the number of pretty children.  At six
we drove back to the Palace.' Here a great Ball carried the
festivities late into the night, and it was half-past two in
the morning before the quiet woodland shades of the Rosenau
were reached.
A less stirring day succeeded, the weather still continuing beautiful; and it was passed in a round of visits to
favourite haunts of the Prince, including the'Kabinet' (now
removed to the Festung),'which is Albert's and Ernest's
collection of stuffed birds, insects, minerals, all sorts of curious things, and autographs, to which he is (and I have helped)
continually making additions.' Acquaintance was made with




240               SUNDAY AT COBURG.                 1845
_Brcatwrste, the national dish of Coburg, which was pronounced to be excellent with the accompaniment of the
native beer.  The Duke of Meiningen (Queen Adelaide's
brother), who had arrived in the morning, dined with the
Royal party at the Rosenau; and a fine performance of
Schiller's Bride of J essinca at the Coburg Theatre rounded
in the day with a strain of poetry and pathos, rich and penetrating, such as only' the well-trod stage' can produce.' Suneday, zAugust 24.-Another beautiful morning. We
again breakfasted out of doors.  At half-past ten we drove
with Ernest and Alexandrine-our ladies and gentlemen following-to Coburg, to the St. Moritz Kirche, a fine large
church, in fact the cathedral of the town. The clergy received us at the door, and Genzler addressed a few words to
me, expressive of his joy at receiving the great Christian
Queen, who was descended from the Saxon Dukes, who were
the first Reformers, and at the doors of the church where the
Reformation was first preached. The church was immensely
full.... The service is much like the Scotch, only with more
form —less prayer, and more singing. I think they sang
three or four times, besides a lge D)eurn not sung by the congregation.  But the singing of those beautiful Chorales by
the whole congregation was the most elevating, impressive
thing imaginable..... Genzler preached a fine sermon. He
speaks so well and with such ease. The clergyman sings the
Segen (Benediction) and one or two other things, and three
clergymen officiated. We drove home at half-past twelve.
The peasants, in their smart dress with its bright colours,
looked remarkably well. The men, when in their best clothes,
wear jackets with steel buttons, leather breeches and stockings, and a fur cap.' The afternoon's drive was through
Schonstadt and Mlionchroden to the Thiergarten, a preserve of
the Duke of Coburg's, in which wild boars are reared. The
features of the scenery recalled the familiar forests of Blair
Athole.'The same fir wood, only spruce and silver firs,
instead of Scotch firs —the same wild plants.'  The resemblance is indeed striking to the woodland scenery of the
Perthshire highlands, but probably even more to the highlands
of Aberdeenshire, where in after years the Prince must often
have been reminded of the Thuringian Forest which he loved
so well.'I cannot think,' the Queen writes, at the close of
another day,'of going away from here. I count the hours




1845               iT THE ROSENAU.                 241
-for I have a feeling here which I cannot describe —a feeling as if my childhood also had been spent here.'
The same day the Prince writes to Baron Stockmar, who
was absent from Coburg:-' The visit to the Rhine, all but
the unceasing rain, was very pleasant, and our reception
brilliant and hearty. Victoria seems to have pleased everybody, and is herself satisfied and extremely interested in all
she sees or has seen. The mass of Royal personages, who
stream in from all sides, is somewhat oppressive, although
their empressement cannot be otherwise than flattering. Here
everything up to the present time has been a complete success-simple, hearty, and in good taste.'
Another beautiful day succeeded.'Really the heavens
bless our visit to this dear country. After breakfast Albert
and Ernest went to town, where I fear they will be all day,
and I have been writing ever since.... I sketched a lovely
housemaid there is here in her costume, and three good
little peasant girls-mere children. They are quite poor
children, and yet so well dressed in nice clean things (their
Sunday dress); and this is because they are peasants, and do
not aspire to be more. Oh! if our people would only dress
like peasants, and not go about in flimsy faded silk bonnets
and shawls!' A brilliant day closed with' a splendid sunset,
red and gold and pink melting into a white and blue sky,' and
in the cool of the evening another visit was paid to the Coburg
Theatre, to see Gutzkow's historical comedy, IDer Zoipf 2und
dats Schwert (' The Cue and the Sword'), which was played
with the finish and force for which the Coburg Theatre has
a well-earned reputation. It was known to be the last time
the Queen and Prince were to be there, and with the kindly
feeling of the country'the good people sang some pretty
verses of farewell to " God save the Queen,"' before they left
the house.
The next day (the 26th of August) was the anniversary of
the Prince's birth.' To celebrate this dear day in my beloved
husband's country and birthplace is more than I ever hoped
for, and I am so thankful for it..... I wished him joy so
warmly, when the singers sang, as they did the other morning.
Then the band played, and beautifully, a Chorale and Reveil,
and several other pretty things; amongst others, the March
and " O  Isis and Osiris!" from the Zauberflite.... The
day was the finest and warmest and brightest summer day
imaginable, which is of good omen to dearest Albert.' Num11




242              PRINCE'S BIRTHDAY FRTE.                  1845
berless gifts awaited the Prince, laid out upon a table dressed
with flowers, arranged by the hands of the Queen herself with
the assistance of the Duke and Duchess of Coburg. Nor
were the friendly greetings confined to the members of the
family circle.  The Coburgers remembered well that it was
the fete-day of their favourite.' Some of the peasants came
up in gala dress, two and two, preceded by music; the women
many of them with wreaths on their heads, and the men's
hats decorated with ribbons and flowers. The first couple
came up to us, and the woman presented a wreath to my
dearest Albert, and the man a nosegay to me, saying at the
same time, in German, "' I congratulate you on your husband's
birthday, and wish that he may live for many and many a
year, and that you may soon come back! "  They danced,
shouting (jautczencd) in that peculiar way they have here.. They waltzed and danced the polka extremely well.'
This fete was over by noon.  In the afternoon the Queen
and Prince walked out alone,'down the steps below the
plateau we breakfasted on, where there is a beautiful rock,
with a small waterfall and a very pure stream; and then
along the walk in the valley.... where the people were
making hay.  It was still excessively hot, but very fine. We
met Lord Aberdeen here, and while Albert was talking to
him, I sat down and drew.  One or two of the women who
were making hay came close to me, and said, as all the
country people do here, " G?ttezn Abend" (" Good even "), and,
upon my replying something about the weather, one of them
began to talk.  They are so friendly, so good-natured, and
so simple. The relation between them and their superiors is
so pleasant. She had her two little children with her. I gave
her some money, and she shook my hand for it. I don't think
she the least knew who I was. From here we walked by the
rock again, where Albert made me taste the excellent water;
and then we walked to the opposite side to see the little fortification which Albert and Ernest dug and made when they
were children, and which has remained perfect. It is close to
the little garden and to the inn., 4
4 As part of the system, which the Prince upheld as inseparable from sound
education, of making the pupil put into practice what he has learned in theory,
the Prince's own two eldest sons, while still boys, had also to construct with
their own hands a fortress, small in size but complete in all its details. All
the wolrk including the making of the bricks, was executed by the young Princes'
own. hands. It remains, a creditable monument of their constructive skill, close
to the Swiss Cottage at Osborne, which was used by the Prince as a museum
and school of practical science and industry in the education of the Royal children.




1845       DEPARTURE FROM THE ROSENAU.             243
Twelve years had passed since the Prince, then a boy of
fifteen, last spent his birthday at the Rosenau. Memory and
imagination must both have been busy with him on this day.
The past had been brilliant and beautiful. What of the
future? He could too well forecast the signs of the times
not to see that days of storm for Europe, and perhaps for
England, were not far off, and thoughts of how these were to
be met were not likely to be absent from so thoughtful a
brain, even while he looked into the kindly eyes that sparkled
round the crowded board, when his health was given that day
at dinner. The feeling of sadness, which in all such anniversaries is ever more or less consciously present, was deepened
for the Queen and for himself by the thought that this was to
be their' last evening in this dear, dear, peaceful Rosenau.'
Next morning, at half-past eight, they left it' with heavy
hearts.' The road lay through a beautiful country. The
Royal travellers, who were accompanied by the Duke and
Duchess of Coburg, alighted for a moment at the Duke's
shooting lodge at Rodach, where the Prince had often been
when a child.'Everywhere the peasants were drawn up in
their smartest dress.' At Rodach' girls dressed in white and
green presented flowers and verses, and the clergyman said
a few words.' Soon after, the Meiningen frontier was crossed,
and here the same demonstrations were continued,-the
houses covered with decorations, and the people in holiday
array. At Hildburghausen the inevitable speech of the clergyman,' ery discursive and somewhat confused,? rather taxed
the patience of the travellers; and here again were' white
and green ladies with flowers and verses-who literally bombarded us with flowers, so that we hardly knew how to save
ourselves; and the little roguish street boys seemed to enjoy
it.' At Themar, the next halting place, the same ordeal had
to be gone throughh-a very confused speech from the clergyman,'who called me "Die herrliche Britten KC5nigirz" in
such a very extraordinary way that we had great difficulty to
keep our countenances; again wreaths and verses presented,
and white and green young ladies.' A short way out of Meiningen the travellers were met by the Duke of Meiningen, who
accompanied them to the capital, where again the clergyman
and the young ladies with flowers and lyrics awaited their
arrival.
After dinner at the Palace, the journey was resumed. By
six P.. r., Schnmalkald was reached,'where there was an arnaz



244               REINHARDTSBRUNN                  1845
ing crowd, and a very ridiculous postmaster. A little stream
runs through the street, which has a very good effect. Soon
after Schmalkald the most beautiful scenery begins,-fine
mountains covered with spruce fir-like Scotland, but much
more wooded, and then we have very little spruce fir;-valleys
and meadows, with little houses, and smoke rising from where
the charcoal-burners are; so solemn, wild, and impressive,and such pure, cool, mountain air.  At Klein Schmalkald
Ernest's territories begin. It was getting dark here, and still
more a little farther on, where, on the top of the ThuringerWald, were a number of people. Herr von Stein made a very
pretty speech. A number of peasant girls, prettily dressed
and with caps, presented verses. There was a triumphal arch,
and everything picturesquely arranged, and with great taste.
From here we drove down a long but gradual descent, with
noble wooded mountains on either side, and all the people
running after us. It was quite dark by the time we came to
Friedrichsroda, which was prettily illuminated, and where all
the miners were drawn up. We drove at a foot's pace to
Reinhardtsbrunn, which is quite near, and where a number of
people were assembled.' At this most picturesque of country
seats the journey terminated for the day. Later in the evening a torchlight procession of the miners passed in front of the
windows of the Castle, the quaint costume and the flare of the
torches coming out with a very wild effect amid the deep
shadows of the gigantic pines.'We retired to rest at a
quarter to eleven, but the clock and watchman kept me awake
some time.'
Of Reinhardtsbrunn and its environs the Queen speaks
with the enthusiasm which the beauty and the grandeur of the
scenery, and the bracing purity of the air, could not fail to
excite.'The fine trees, with their great branches sweeping
to the ground, and their deep rich green, the luxuriant flowers,
the wooded mountains that surround the house, the piece of
water in front, make it one of the most beautiful spots imaginable.' Next to the Rosenau, Reinhardtsbrunn pleased Her
Majesty most of all the places she had seen, and she would
fain have lingered for a few days among its sylvan glades.
But this was impossible. The days set apart for the tour were
rapidly running out; and in the afternoon the Queen and
Prince were to proceed to Gotha, on a visit to the Dowager
Duchess of Gotha, of whose devotion'to the Prince mention
has more than once been made.  Her impatience could not




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1845                   AT GOTHA.                    245
brook even the delay of the few hours. Although seventyfour years of age, she appeared at Reinhardtsbrunn, some
eight miles from Gotha, before breakfast.' I hastened to her,'
the Queen writes,'and found Albert and Ernest with her.
She is a charming old lady, and, though very small, remarkably nice-looking, erect and active; but unfortunately very
deaf.... She was so happy to see us, and kissed me over and
over again. Albert, who is the dearest being to her in the
world, she was so enraptured to see again, and kissed so
kindly. It did one's heart good to see her joy.'
In the afternoon the Royal party entered Gotha. At the
outskirts of the town they were met by crowds of people.
The peasant women not only wear a different costume,
but look quite different; have longer faces, are dark, and
handsomer. As we came into the town, it was beautifully
decorated with festoons of flowers and wreaths suspended
across the road.' At Friedrichsthal, the Duchess Dowager's
palace, everything had been arranged for the reception of her
favourites with the utmost care and forethought.' She has
hung in our rooms all the pictures from her two palaces,
as she thought we might like this, and in our bedroom is
the original portrait of Albert and Ernest when children. 
At eight we dined alone with her downstairs, Dear, kind
old lady, her love, her adoration for my Albert is quite
touching.'
The first visit next day was to the chapel, which formed
the temporary resting-place of the Prince's father, until the
mausoleum should be ready at Coburg, where he wished to be
buried, and where he now lies. Next in interest to this were
the rooms where he died.'These are left just as they were
at that sad time. The wreaths, which decorated his room for
his birthday, are still there, and there is that sad clock, which
stopped going just before he died.... We then went
upstairs to the rooms where Albert and Ernest used to live,
and which command a beautiful view across the town, over
an immense space of country-very flat, but you see from
the other side the mountains in the distance.' The Kunst
Kabinet, or Museum, which abounds in objects of interest,
historical and scientific, next claimed such brief attention as
could be given, where so much had to be seen and done within
such limited time.  On their return to Friedrichsthal the
Queen and Prince found that the Grand-Duke of Weimar and
his son the Hereditary Grand-Duke, who had arrived from




246                    SCHUTZENFEST.                      1845
Weimar, were awaiting them.  A  great $chiitzenfest had
been arranged for the afternoon; and at two o'clock the assembled visitors, a goodly number,  drove, quite in procession,
to the Vogelschiessen (the Popinjay shooting) through the
very pretty town of Gotha, in broiling heat.  We went up to
a fine room, a ball-room, just opposite the Schiitzenhaus,
in front of which was a large platform, handsomely arrayed,
where we all stood. In walking through the ball-room, a
number of young (some pretty) ladies strewed flowers before
us. When we were established on the platform, the procession
began-first came the Schiitzen, (riflemen), with their chief,
the Schiitzen  Konig, wearing innumerable medals given
by the Schiitzen _Knig of each year.  After these came all
the public officials (Beamten); eight peasants from each place,
on horseback; and the women, in their best and various
pretty costumes, in waggons all decorated with flowers and
branches. I am sure 2,000 passed. It was extremely pretty,
and to see them file off in the fields was quite a picture.
The crowd was immense and all so orderly, so well behaved.
Many of the women wear caps with feathers, such as the
children have, only very high.  We then went to another
platform, where a goblet I had won was brought me; and
after this to the Schiitzenhaus, a small, hot room, and smelling strongly of tobacco, in front of which is the wooden bird
on a pole. Uncle Leopold and all the Princes shot, and
almost all hit it, but did not bring it down.  We drove home
at half-past four.'
In the evening a Court was held in the Palace; on
returning from which the Queen had the happiness to find
awaiting her the Baroness Lehzen, the governess and friend
of her early years, who had arrived that afternoon from
Biackeburg, where she resided after leaving England until
her death, at the age of eighty-six, in 1870. In the various
meetings which took place during this and the two following
days the Queen speaks in warm  terms of the unchanged
devotion shown to her by the Baroness, who was the same as
ever, only'grown much quieter,' the natural result of her
life of entire seclusion.'
5'September 12, 1870.-My clearest, kindest friend, old Lehzen, expired on
the 9th, quite gently and peaceably.... She knew me from six months old,
and from my fifth to my eighteenth year devoted all her care and energies to
me, with the most wondcerfl abnegation of self, never even taking one day's
holiday. I adored, though I was greatly in awe of her. She really seemed
to have no thought but for me... She was in her eighty-seventh year.'Extract from the Queen's Jozerral.




1845           TIHE THURINGIAN FOREST.             247
The next day (30th August) was devoted to an excursion
in the Thuringian Forest-to whose beauties'the bright blue
sky, the heavenly air, the exquisite tints,' gave a crowning
charm. The first halt was at Reinhardtsbrunn,'which looked
more beautiful, more delightful than ever.' Froim here the
route lay through the most picturesque woodland scenery by
way of Friederichsroda to Jaigersruh, a favourite shooting
lodge of the late Duke's. Tree, rock, and stream in the most
varied combination, with here and there, through the overarching green, views opening out into the extensive plains
beyond as far as the Hartz M[ountains, fed the eye with delight' What is so beautiful,' writes the Queen,'is, that between the noble and solemn forest of silver and spruce firs you
come to the greenest and most beautiful little valleys, overshadowed by these deep green firs, with here and there some
beeches and oaks among them.  These reminded us of
Windsor-only the latter seems stiff and tame after this.
And then the peeps you get down such heights, and the bursts
of sunshine between the trees-were so beautiful.' Jaigersruh
is the very ideal of a Hlunter's Rest, sentinelled as it is by
stately firs that look like cedars, and looking down from a
commanding height upon a wide stretch of distant plain.
Everywhere, within and without, were traces of the taste and
handiwork of the late Duke, which suggested the thought,'how it would have pleased him to have shown all this himself,' to those he loved so dearly. The main object of the
day's excursion was a drive of deer in the old style, and for
this a further point in the forest had to be reached. After a
brief pause, therefore, the Royal guests resumed their drive
along a road which had been improvised by the peasants for
the occasion in two days, and in less than half an hour reached
the spot selected for the sport of the day.
In the National Gallery is a picture by Velasquez (Philip
IV. of Spain at a Boar-hunt), which gives a vivid idea of
what the Queen was now to witness.  A  space had been
cleared in the heart of the forest, and was closed in with canvas hangings. In the centre, covered with branches of firs,
and decorated with wreaths of flowers and laurels, interwoven
with the admirable skill for which the peasantry of this part
of Germany are celebrated, stood a pavilion, which was destined to receive the disting-uished visitors. When they had
entered it,'part of the canvas was let down, after the Duke's
Chasseurs had given a peculiar cry, and a number of stags and




248              LIEDERFEST AT GOTIHA.              1845
hinds dashed into the enclosure.' Presently the firing began,
and fifty-five head of game, thirty-one of them stags, were
soon stretched upon the sward, while the music of a fine band
mingled with the intermittent crack of the rifle-shots. Battues
of this description, lacking as they do the elements of personal
effort in the sportsman and of reasonable chance to the game,
which alone justify the chase, can only be viewed as a barbarous relic of a period when cruelty entered largely into the
pastimes of the great. It was natural, therefore, that the
Queen, while struck by the medireval strangeness of the
scene, should record in her Journal,' as for the sport itself,
none of the gentlemen like this butchery.' It was pleasant
to turn from it once more to the beautiful woodland vistas,
and the emerald meadows set in the heart of the forest,
through which the homeward route lay under the shadows of
the beautiful Inselberg, the highest mountain of the district' The day had been,' writes the Queen,' and the evening was,
more beautiful than any I remember, and the soft blue haze
over the hills, as we left Reinhardtsbrunn for Gotha, perfected
the charm of the scene by the delicate veil which it threw
over it.'
A quiet Sunday succeeded this day of excitement, to be
followed next day by fresh festivities and ceremonials.'All
Gotha was in turmoil betimes on account of the Liederfest,
and we went upstairs after breakfast to see the procession
walk round the Orangerie,-numbers from each town with
their banners and excellent bands.' Princes and princesses,
without number numberless,' had flocked to Gotha to pay
homage to the Royal guests, and also to assist at the festival.'Of these, we had a perfect drawing-room... Their numbers were quite bewildering. At length we drove, in countless carriages, with all the Ifoheiten (Royalties)-to the Fest,
which took place in the Park, just opposite the Schloss.. 
There were crowds and crowds of people-all in such good
humour, and so well behaved. We were stationed with our
suites in a very large and beautifully arranged tribune, or
pavilion decorated with flowers, &c., and opposite to us was
placed the orchestra with many hundred singers. They sang
beautifully-many fine German songs, also one of Albert's,
"Gruss an den Br~uder " (" A greeting to my Brother "), and
one of Ernest's; and two-the last to God save the Queen,with very pretty words for us.   The good people both at
Coburg and Gotha are so proud, not only of my being married




1845               FRTES AT GOTHA.                 249
to one of their princes, but of my being descended from them.'
A State dinner and ball at the Palace wound up the festivitics
of the day.
The end of this brilliant holiday was now fast approaching.
One day more, and the journey to England must be begun.' To feel,' writes the Queen (2nd September),'that this is the
last day here is too sad I I can't and won't think of it.
Another beautiful day. How fortunate we are..  I drove
with Ernest and Alexandrine to the Park, where we got out
and walked to the Graber Insel (Island of Graves). You are
ferried over; and here in a sort of grove are the graves of
Duke Augustus (Grandmama's husband), his father, Duke
Ernest, and Duke Frederic, brother to Duke Augustus, and
two little brothers. The three Dukes are in three separate
places, but all close together, and completely covered with
flowers, which has a pretty, peaceful effect. An old gardener
called Eiserbeck, who has been there for many years, and is
eighty years old, said that it is here that dear Grandmama
(God grant, at a very distant day!) will be buried.'
Another visit was then paid to the beautiful Thuringian
Forest by a new route,'not so grand or splendid as those previously seen, but very fine.... The meadows along the road
with the people making hay —the women in their costumes
(many of the women are very handsome)-with the noble firs
in the background, are beautiful.' With many a longing, lingering look at the pine-clad mountains, the Queen and Prince
bade adieu to'beautiful Reinhardtsbrunn, full of regrets at
not being able to spend a week there.' Mute nature seemed
to be in sympathy with their mood.'It was exceedingly
cold when we came home, and the mountains were overhung
with clouds.' But, arrived in Gotha, there was no leisure for
such wistful musings. A ball for the inhabitants given at the
theatre, which had been arranged as a ball-room by boarding
over the pit, was to wind up the public ceremonials of the
Royal visit. About 2,000 people were present; and after
two hours spent in a scene, which every pains had been taken
to make brilliant and attractive, the Queen and Prince bade a
reluctant adieu to the kindly and courteous people who had
greeted them with such cordial welcome.
Next morning broke in gloom, sad as the hearts of those
who were about to part.'The breakfast,' writes the Queen,'with dear Grandmama, Ernest and Alexandrine was sad.
Dear Grandmama was so grieved at the parting; her dear,




250           FROM GOTHA TO EISENACH.              1845
kind face looked so plaintive. She adores my dear Albert,
"'lJein Engel Albert, Jfein Engel's Kind" (" My Angel
Albert! My Angelic Child! "), as she calls him.... When
at last we were obliged to take leave, she clasped him in her
arms, and kissed him again and again, saying, " Gott segne
D)ich, mein Enqgel!" (" God bless you, my angel! ") in such
a plaintive voice. She was equally kind in wishing me goodby, and said, " Alle die.Engel beschiatzen D)ich/" (" All
angels guard thee! ")... Poor dear Grandmama. God
grant we may have the happiness of seeing her once more ere
long, and that we may have as delightful and dear a family
party again!' This was not to be. The admirable lady, who
had loved the Prince with all a mother's fondness, and whose
love he had requited with more than a son's affection, was to
see him no more.
The Prince's brother, with his Duchess, accompanied their
guests the first stage from Gotha.'Here we had to take
leave of those who had been so kind to us, who had done
everything so well,... The way in which things were arranged was admirable; all the English were quite struck with
it, and charmed with the whole dear little country.'
In fulfilment of a promise to the Grand-Duke of Weimar,
the travellers halted at Eisenach. Here they were received
by the Grand-Duke and the Hereditary Grand-Duchess, and
driven to the Wartburg; which the Grand-Duke felt a natural
pride in exhibiting as the seat of so many associations interesting to a Protestant sovereign. It had not then undergone that thorough internal arrangement which makes it, as
it now stands, a monument almost unique of what antiquarian
knowledge and decorative skill can do to reproduce the aspect
of a great medieval mansion. The chief feature of interest
then, as now, was Luther's room, with the table at which he
translated the Bible, his wedding-ring, and the mark on the
wall of the inkstand which he threw at the devil. Fromn
Eisenach the travellers pushed on to Fulda, where they
passed the night. In the afternoon of the next day Frankfort
was reached. Here the King of Bavaria, the accomplished
but eccentric Ludwig I., was received by the Queen, and remained to dinner. Prince Metternich, who had come over
from Johannisberg, was also a guest, and is reported to have
been'in unusual force.'
Next morning the journey was made by railroad from
Frankfort to Biberich, from which a Rhine steamer took the




1845      SECOND VISIT TO THE CHATEAU D'EU.          251
Royal travellers down to Bingen, where they embarked on
the Royal yacht the'Fairy,' which carried them  as far as
Deutz, opposite to Cologne.'Strange to say,' writes the
Queen,' the Rhine, fine as it is, had lost its charm for us all.
First of all, the excitement of novelty was over-and then,
we were spoiled by the Thiringer- WTald. Stolzenfels looked
very well, and so did Ehrenbreitstein, and those fine Sieben
Gebirge; but after passing Bonn, we went down below, and
Albert read to me.' So true it is that, after all,'the eyes are
in the heart.' If that be far away, as here it obviously was,
the fairest things are no longer fair, the grandest no longer
grand.
Cheering despatches from Sir Robert Peel met the Queen
at Deutz, giving assurance that things continued to go well
both in England and Ireland. Home with its duties and the
dear ones there now became the uppermost thought. But
before it could be reached, a flying visit had to be made to
Eu, on which Louis Philippe had laid great stress for political
reasons, as a set-off with his people to the German visit.
Antwerp was reached by the afternoon of the 6th, where
the King and Queen of the Belgians awaited the arrival of
the travellers at the station. The town had again put itself
in holiday array, and when the travellers embarked in the
evening, the quaint beauty of its streets and quays was made
more beautiful by a general illumination; the Cathedral itself
being lit up with red, blue, and white lights.'We remained
on deck,' writes the Queen,'for a short while, and then retired to rest. Such a dream it seemed to be here again in our
quiet cabin, in our own yacht, just four weeks after we first
embarked in her. And full of gratitude do we feel for all,
mingled with sadness at being so far away from my dearest
Albert's lovely  eimaccth.'
It was the evening of the 7th before the state of the weather
admitted of the yacht leaving the Scheldt. Next morning by
nine it was off Treport. The King had been on the look-out.
Presently'we saw a little steamer come close to us, and then
stop; after which a barge came up to the yacht containing the
King, Joinville, Augustus, Guizot, M. de Salvandy, General
Athalin, and others. In three minutes the King was on board
(now in uniform), and expressed in the warmest terms his
delight and gratitude at our having come. It was a pleasure
to see how pleased he was.... After going on a little farther
in the yacht, iwe anchored and got into the King's barge with




252             AT THE CHAfTEAU D'EU.              1845
the two standards up, with the King, the Princes, Guizot, and
the Admiral. Instead of going into the port, we went outside,
and had to be dragged over the sands in a bathing-machine,
which did very well; a number of poor men and women having
to pull the boat up to the machine. The King gave me a
most hearty welcome, when I set foot on the shore; and a
few paces on stood the Queen, who received me most kindly.
Madame Ad6laYde and the Prince and Princess of Salerno
were also there-he, the Queen's brother-she, sister to the
Emperor of Austria..... The crowd cheered us much and
kindly, and the morning was splendid, but intensely hot.
There were no authorities present like the last time, as we
had before begged that all might be on a more private scale.'
On reaching the Chateau the Queen and Prince were
ushered by the King into the Galerie Victoria,-a room which
he had fitted up, in honour of Her Majesty's former visit, with
pictures of its various incidents, as well as those of the
King's own visit to Windsor, and, among them, full-length
portraits by Winterhalter of the Queen and Prince. Once
more among the many familiar faces of the charming family
circle, to which she was bound by so many ties-everything,
writes the Queen,'put me so much in mind of two years ago,
that it was really as if we had never been away.' The King
would not have the visit regarded as anything but'a friendly
call,' but not the less magnificent was his reception of his
visitors, For their amusement he had brought down from
Paris that morning the whole company of the Opera Comique,
ninety-four in number; and erected a large theatre for their
performance in a tent at the lower part of the grounds. Here
Boildieu's lively one-act opera,'Le Nouveau Sei~qneur,' and
Gretry's graceful'Lie Boi Richard,' were admirably given.
Next evening about six, amid the blaze of a glorious
setting sun, the King's barge put off again from Tr6port. In
it were the King himself, with his Royal guests, the Prince
de Joinville, AM. Guizot, Lord Liverpool, and Lord Aberdeen,
and they were followed on board the Queen's yacht by the
French King's suite. While Prince Albert went to show the
Prince de Joinville the smaller yacht, the'Fairy,' the King
remained in conversation with Her Majesty and Lord Aberdeen. It was then he made use of the expressions, which
became afterwards of so much importance, and to which it
will be necessary to recall attention hereafter, in speaking
of the Spanish marriages.'The King,' says Her Majesty's




1845                    HOME.                      253
Journal of the same day,'told Lord Aberdeen as well as
me, he never would hear of Montpensier's marriage with
the Infanta of Spain (which they are in a great fright about
in England), until it was no longer a political question, which
would be, when the Qu&een is married, and has children.
This is very satisfactory.... When Albert came back with
Joinville, which was about seven o'clock, the King said he
must go; and they all took leave, the King embracing me
again and again. We saw and heard the King land, The
sun had set, and in a very short while there was the most
beautiful moonlight, exqusitely reflected on the water. We
walked up and down, and Lord Aberdeen was full of the
extreme success of our whole tour, which had gone off
charmingly, including this little visit, which had been most
successful.'
Next morning at three the yacht was under weigh for England,'the sea like a lake, and sky and sea of the deepest
blue.' The heavens smiled on the close of this delightful excursion as, with the exception of a few wet days on the Rhine,
they had smiled upon it throughout. Under the hot haze of
an autumn noonday sun the Royal travellers disembarked on
the familiar beach at Osborne. The dearest of welcomes
greeted them, as they'drove up straight to the house-for
there, looking like roses, so well and so fat, stood the four
children... much pleased to see us.'




CHAPTER XV.
Troubled State of Affairs in England —Lord John Russell's Edinburgh Letter-Sir R. Peel
resigns —Lord John Russell fails in forming an Administration —Sir R. Peel's return to
Office —His adoption of a Free Trade Policy —Prince attends Debate in House of Commons —Holiday Gardening —Landscape Gardening —Carriage of Corn Bill-Defeat of
Ministry on Irish Coercion Bill-Their Resignation.
THUS ended a tour, which had afforded the utmost pleasure
to the Queen and Prince.'We have brought back,' he writes
to Baron Stockmar (29th September),'the most agreeable
recollections from our tour. Everything went off pleasantly
and to a wish.''Swiftly beyond measure,' he had said in
writing to the Dowager Duchess of Coburg a few days before,'sped the delightful days we spent in my little fatherland
(Ifeimath). Still we shall always find in remembrance rich
amends for what has passed away so soon.... The children
were in great glee at our return, and have made much progress
in our absence in all good qualities (Tugenclen), of which, the
proverb falsely says, youth has none.'
The same feeling breaks out in very touching terms in a
letter (16th September) from  Her Majesty to King Leopold,
in which we see how completely every thought of the splendour and enthusiasm of the reception, which had welcomed the
English Sovereign all along the route, is merged in the delight
of having viewed and grown familiar with the scenes in which
the youth was cradled of him who is her "dearest life in
life.''I have a feeling for our dear " little Germany," which I
cannot describe. I felt it at the Rosenau so much. It is a
something which touches me so, and which goes to my heart,
and makes me inclined to cry.  I never felt at any other place
that sort of pensive pleasure and peace which I felt there.  I
fear I almost like it too much..... The recollections of the
time spent in Saxony are engraven on my heart. It was one
of the happiest times in my life, and to recur to it will ever
bring me the greatest happiness. I must be thankful for havingy bean allowed to see what I hardly dared to hope for.'




1845           STATE GF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.              255
The state of affairs at home had not improved within the
last six weeks. The rain, which had pursued the Royal tourists on the Rhine, had for many weeks, amidst thunder and
storm, deluged the harvest fields of the British islands, and
serious fears for the crops had spread from the farmers to the
statesmen, whose anxieties such an event were so much calculated to increase. A new and terrible feature of apprehension
was added in the reports which continued to crowd in upon
them of a strange blight which threatened wholly to destroy
the potato-crop in Ireland, and to produce serious ravages in
England and Scotland also, where, if less relied upon by the
population as a staple of food, it was an important source of
wealth to the farmers. In the Prince's Journal for October
entry upon entry tells of the prevailing anxiety, which culminates in the beginning of October in the words:'Very bad
news from Ireland-fears of a famine.' A crisis of the gravest
moment was at hand, which had to be grappled with firmly
and at once. Cabinet Councils were called, and four of these
held in one week early in November,'agitated England, perplexed the sagacious Tuileries, and disturbed even the serene
intelligence of the profound Metternich.'" What engaged
their deliberations could be no secret to the outside world.
The Free Trade party saw in the disaster which had fallen
upon the country an auxiliary more potent than the best eloquence of their best speakers; and Protectionists, who had
long seen that to Sir Robert Peel they must not look as a
leader, watched with apprehension for his next move in a
policy which they must have for some time foreseen could only
result in the abolition of the protective duties on corn.
How to avert the threatened calamity?-was the one question, which at such a moment was obviously paramount to
every other consideration. True statesman as he was, Sir
Robert Peel saw that the time for half measures was past. He
would have met the immediate emergency by an Order in
Council, at once throwing open the ports, trusting to Parliament for an indemnity; but at the same time he made no
secret of his personal conviction, that this step could only be
the prelude to a measure for the permanent abolition of protective duties. Weaker counsels prevailed, and the Cabinet
Councils, to which all eyes' had been directed, terminated
without visible result. Parliament, instead of being called
1 Lord George Bentinck, a Pobitieal Biograpky, by the Right Hon. B. Disraeli, chap. ii.




256                SIR R. PEEL RESIGNS.                 1845
together, in accordance with the general expectation, was
again prorogued.
If Sir Robert Peel's views on the subject of protection had
undergone a remarkable change, not less so had those of the
leaders of the opposite party. But there was this great difference in their position, that the Whigs were not hampered by
pledges to uphold protection-pledges on the faith of which
their rivals had been placed in power. Had the Ministry
summoned Parliament, and proposed a suspension of the
duties on corn, the Whig members must have voted with
them.'No party in Parliament would have made itself responsible for the obstruction of a measure so urgent and beneficial.' These words came with peculiar emphasis from Lord
John Russell, who seized the opportunity afforded by the obviously wavering policy of the Ministry to deal them  a vigorous blow, in a letter to his constituents (22nd November,
1845) from Edinburgh, where he was then staying. Abandoning his former creed,'it is no longer worth while,' he added,'to contend for a fixed duty. The imposition of any duty at
present, without a provision for its extinction in a short period, would but prolong a contest already sufficiently fruitful
of animosity and discontent.'
After such a declaration, which fell like fuel upon flame,
it was impossible for the Cabinet to temporise. By this time
the majority of its members had come round to the views of
their leader, who, could he earlier have secured their coiperation, would probably not have hesitated to introduce such a
measure as was pointed at by the great Whig leader. But it
was now too late, when to do so would be universally ascribed to the desire to outbid the party who were the natural
champions of Free Trade.'The Government,' Lord John
Russell had said in his letter,' appear to be waiting for some
excuse to give up the present Corn Law. Let the people
afford them the excuse they seek.'
A Minister in the position of Sir Robert Peel, whose judgment went along with the policy announced by his adversary,
had no alternative but to provide for him the opportunity of
carrying it out. With this view, on the 5th of December, he
placed his resignation in Her Majesty's hands.2 Her Majesty
2' In the course of the interview with Her Majesty, which took place after
my arrival at Osborne on the 5th of December, I trust that I satisfied the Queen
that I was influenced by considerations of the public interest, and not by the
fear of responsibility or of reproach, in humbly tendering my resignation of




1845        FAILURE TO FORM A GOVERNMENT.                257
at once turned to Lord John Russell as his natural successor,
but he was still in Edinburgh, and it was the  lteh before he
reached the Royal Presence. The Royal summons had taken
him  by surprise.  The call, he felt, had come upon his party
too soon. Before undertaking to form an administration,
therefore, he must first consult his old colleagues, some of
whom he knew did not approve of the course he had taken as
to the Corn Laws.  Without the support of Lord Lansdowne,
as leader of the House of Lords, he could not hope to succeed, but he had doubts how far that nobleman would go with
him on the great question of the day.  By the 13th, however,
the adhesion of Lord Lansdowne was secured.  Still great
difficulties existed, and five days more had elapsed before
Lord John Russell was even able to inform the Queen that he
accepted the task of forming an administration.  So formidable were the obstacles to success which he apprehended from
the state of the parties, that his acceptance had for a time
hung on the fact of his receiving a pledge from Sir Robert
Peel to support a measure for the total and immediate repeal
of the Corn Laws. Such a pledge, without having the measure actually before him, no statesman could give; and Lord
John Russell was therefore compelled to rest satisfied with
the assurance that Sir Robert and his friends would give their
friendly support to his government in any reasonable measure
they might introduce for the settlement of the question. But
no sooner was this difficulty obviated, than another and more
serious obstacle arose within the ranks of the proposed administration. Lord John Russell considered the presence in
it of both Lord Grey and Lord Palmerston to be indispensable. But on vital questions of foreign policy these noblemen
entertained the most opposite views. Lord Palmerston was
ready to waive his claims to a seat in the Cabinet, but, if he
joined it, he would do so only as the head of the Foreign
Office. In this he was upheld by his friends; while Lord
Grey adhered with equal firmness to his determination not to
enter the administration with Lord Palmerston as Foreign
office. Her Majesty was pleased to accept it-with marks of confidence and
approbation which, however gratifying, made it a very painful act to replace in
Her Majesty's hands the trust she had confided in me.' I will not say more than that the generous support which I had uniformly
received from Her MTajesty and fiom the Prince, and all that passed on the occasion of the retirement, made an impression on my heart that can never be
effaced. I could not say less than this without doing violence to feelings of
grateful and dutiful attachment.'-Sir R. Peel's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 222.




258            SIR R. PEEL RESUMES OFFICE.                 1845
Minister.  Another consideration also weighed  with Lord
Grey.  He conceived that Mr. Cobden, as the great leader of
the Anti-Corn Law League, was entitled in the proposed distribution of honours to a seat in the Cabinet. This was refused, and the office of Vice-President of the Board of Trade
was proposed as the reward of Mr. Cobden's long years of
struggle in a cause which he had now brought so near a triumph.
The difference could not be reconciled, and Lord John
Russell, on the 29th of December, underwent, to use Mr.
Disraeli's words (Life qf Benztinck, chap. ii.),'the mortification of confessing to his Sovereign his inability to serve her,
and handed back with courtesy the poisoned chalice to Sir
Robert.'
Lord John Russell had from the first anticipated failure as
by no means unlikely, and he had told Her Majesty that in
such an event Sir Robert Peel would have no difficulty in
carrying on the Government. But not the less severe was the
strain upon that statesman's courage and loyalty when appealed to by his Sovereign to resume the helm of affairs. The
experience of the last year had taught him what he must be
prepared to face in the coolness of former friends, the grudging support of unwilling adherents, and the rancour of disappointed political antagonists.  Very significant is the brief
record in the Prince's Diary of what occurred:-' Sir Robert
Peel comes down in the afternoon, is very much agitated, but
declares that he will not desert the Queen, and will undertake
the government.'
In his Menmoirs, Sir Robert Peel tells us:-'I informed Her Majesty that considering that Lord Stanley, and such of
my colleagues as had differed from me, had positively declined to undertake
the formation of a government, and that Lord John Russell having had the
concurrence and support of all his political friends, with a single exception,
had abandoned the attempt to form one, I should feel it my duty, if required
by Her Majesty, to resume office.' —Vol. ii. p. 248.
With a great national calamity impending which he believed was to be averted by carrying quickly through a
measure that, as parties then stood, could only be so carried
through by himself, Peel was not a man to hesitate in making
sacrifice of his deep-seated desire to retire into the ranks and
leave the coming changes to be effected by those, who, if they
had no more right than himself, so far as their antecedent
history went, to claim  the leadership in the present crisis,




1845          END OF MINISTERIAL CRISIS.            259
were not fettered, as he was, by party ties, and by former
avowals of a creed which he had outgrown. But how much
that sacrifice imported was well known to the Queen and
Prince. They had been long accustomed to admire Sir Robert
Peel, and those about him, for thinking only of what was best
for the welfare of the State, with little care whether it was
good for the party or not. But in this most trying hour they
felt more strongly than ever that he had shown himself'a
man of unbounded loyalty, courage, patriotism, and highmindedness.' These are Her Majesty's words, writing two
days after his resumption of office.'H is conduct towards us,'
she adds,'has been, I might say, almost "chivalrous."  I
never have seen him so excited and so determined, and such a
good cause must succeed.'
Entertaining such views of the Minister and of the situation, the result of the Ministerial crisis could not be otherwise
than gratifying to the Queen and Prince.'We are seelenfroh
(glad in soul), as they say in Coburg,' the Prince writes
to his stepmother (25th December),' or still more frequently,
gccnz fidel (in high glee), that we have survived a Ministerial
crisis of fourteen days' duration, and are now standing exactly
where we stood before-upon our feet, whereas during the
crisis we were very nearly standing on our heads.'
It is obvious from the following letter that Baron Stockmar, who had heard of Peel's resignation, was not prepared to
give his friend credit for resolution to face the Free Trade
difficulty, regardless of the outcry of the Protectionist party,
or the sarcasms of his Liberal allies. The letter is interesting
as containing the expression of a conviction, which the Baron
was never weary of inculcating, and which it was the study
of the Prince's life to realise, that for the perfect working of
the English Constitution the Sovereign should not merely set
the example of a pure and dignified life, but should be potential in Cabinet and Council through a breadth of view unwarped by the bias, and undistracted by the passions, of
party, and also, in the case of a long reign, through tthe weight
of an accumulated knowledge and experience to which not
even the most practised statesman could lay claim.' Since the news reached me, that the Peel Ministry are to
resign, I have been with you in thought almost without
ceasing. The state of things produced by this change of
Ministry is quite unlike anything that has hitherto been seen
in the political history of England. It is only to be accounted




260          LETTER BY BARON STOCKMAR.            1845
for by the onward force (Drang) of the new epocll, to which
England has for the last fifteen years conceded a place in her
Constitution, and by the necessity which exists for continuing
to use the worn-out wheels of the old epoch in the working
of that force, in order that the old may not be all at once and
altogether brought to a dead lock by the new. This produces
a condition of things which compels statesmen to have recourse to artificial rather than to natural appliances, and hence
the faults which Ministers commit as individuals and as members of a party produce much more serious results than they
formerly did.'To me this state of things seems altogether unhealthy,
and one which it will be most difficult to ameliorate. In all
my observation of the English State-machine, I have never
been able to discover that balance of the elements of their
Constitution, of which Englishmen boast so miuch. Previous
to the Reform Bill, the theory of this balance was perhaps
much more defective than it has been since; but the system
worked better in practice then than it does now. It admitted
of a vigorous Government; and if in those days the Government acted foolishly, this was less the fault of the Constitution
than of the incapacity of the Kings, and of the prejudices of
the aristocracy, by whom Ministers were controlled.'Since the theory of the Constitution has been brought
more into harmony with the spirit and the wants of the age,
its practical working has retrograded just as much as its
theory has advanced. WMhigs and Tories saw that from the
moment the democratic element becam.e so powerful there
was only one thing which could keep this element within
safe bounds, and prevent it from swallowing up first the aristocracy, and then itself. This one thing was the upholding
and strengthening of the autonomy of the Monarchical element, which the fundamental idea of the English Constitution
had from the first conceded to Royalty, and indeed concedes in
theory up to the present hour. But, unfortunately, Peel has
done nothing towards this upholding and strengthening; the
most that can be said of him is, that he has not helped to
make Royalty weaker than it was when handed over to him
by Melbourne.'In reference to the Crown the secret is simply this.
Since 1830 the executive power has been entirely in the hands
of the Ministry, and these being more the servants of Parliament-particularly of the House of Commons-than of the




1845                   PRINCE'S REPLY.                     261
Crown, it is practically in the hands of that House.  This is a
distortion of the fundamental idea of the English Constitution,
which could not fail to grow by degrees out of the incapacity
of her Sovereigns rightly to understand and to deal with their
position, and out of the encroachments on their privileges by
the House of Commons.'This perversion of the fundamental idea of the English
Constitution is fraught with this great mischief for the State,
that the head of the Ministry for a time can only be the head
of a party, and consequently must only too often succumb to
the temptation of advancing the imagined interests of his
party to the prejudice of the public weal. To counteract on
the part of the Crown this injurious tendency must at the
present moment be a difficult task, inasmuch as Ministers and
Parliament will construe the legal powers of the Crown, not
in accordance with the original spirit of the Constitution, but
with the practice which has prevailed since 1830. Still, the
right of the Crown to assert itself as permanent head of the
Council over the temporary leader of the Ministry, and to act
as such, is not likely to be gainsayed even by those who regard it through the spectacles of party.' 2th December, 1845.'
The Prince's reply must have been most welcome, for it
gave Baron Stockmar the clearest assurance that the objects
of his solicitude had advanced far in securing the very position before the country which he had set his heart upon their
maintaining.'Dear Stocknlar, —I believe that the crisis, now past, has
been a source of real advantage to the Crown, by producing
a widely spread feeling, that amid all the general confusion
and heat of party at least one person has remained calm and
free from party spirit, this person being the Queen. The
very Radical P xaminer had a very remarkable article on the
subject, in which it brought prominently forward the advantage for the country of the existence of a third power so
free from  partisanship.'  Our travels on the Continent, too,
3 The following is obviously the passage to which the Prince refers. It
occurs in the Examiner of 27th December, 1845.'In the pranks and bunglinos of the last three weeks, there is one part which, according to all report,
nas been played most faultlessly-that of a Constitutional Sovereign. In the
pages of history the directness. tile sincerity, the scrupulous observance of constitutional rules, which have marked Her Majesty's conduct in circumstances




262            DIFFICULTIES OF SIR R. PEEL                 1846
have made the impression general, that the personal appearance of the Sovereign in foreign countries secures the friendship of those countries for the English nation, and in particular, that to the personal friendship between Victoria and
Louis Philippe is to be ascribed the maintenance so much
desired of peace between France and England.  These are
certainly very cheering, if only moderate, strides in policy,
domestic and foreign.' Had we not also to effect the moral dignity of the Court?
This basis has been secured. To my mind, the exaltation of
Royalty is possible only through the personal character of the
Sovereign.  When a person enjoys complete confidence, we
desire for him more power also and influence in the conduct
of affairs. But confidence is of slow growth.'The opening of Parliament will be very interesting, and
many may be the storms that await us.'Windsor Castle, 6th January, 1846.'
If, in taking back'the poisoned chalice' of office, Sir
Robert Peel was well aware how many were ready to mingle
fresh rancours with its venom, he had at least the consolation
of knowing that he carried with him the good wishes of the
nation generally. The news of his resignation had been
received with a feeling little short of dismay.  Those who
represented the great interests of the country in trade,
manufactures, and finance, set little store by the considerations of party tactics which had brought it about. They
looked back upon the state of things when Sir Robert Peel
had entered upon office-at home a failing exchequer, depressed manufactures, crippled commerce, wide-spread social
discontent, Ireland verging on insurrection, in the East our
Empire menaced, and our relations with France and America
creating perpetual apprehensions of war, which the state of
our forces by sea and land was not calculated to diminish.
With this picture they contrasted the flourishing trade, the
restored confidence, the ample Budgets, the sense of security
at home and abroad, which had been brought about by skilful
the most trying will have their place of honour. UJnused as we are to deal in
homage to royalty, we must add, that never, we believe, was the heart of a
monarch so warmly devoted to the interests of a people, and with so enlightened a sense of their interests.' The article of which this forms a part is in the
brilliant and bitter style of Mr. Albany Fonblanque, and it is especially conspicuous for that rancorous injustice to Sir Robert Peel which its writer lived to
regret.




1846           ON HIS RETURN TO OFFICE.               263
financial management, and by a Government firm, far-seeing,
and efficient in all the details of its administration. For
the loss of the presiding spirit, to whom these results were
mainly due-and this, too, at a time when a question, the
most important that had arisen since that of Reform, was
pressing for solution,- it was felt that no successor, however
eminent, could  compensate. The tidings, therefore, that
Sir Robert Peel had resumed the conduct of affairs were
received throughout the kingdom with a general sense of
relief; and the knowledge of this was no doubt present to
Her Majesty's mind in speaking as she did with assured confidence of his ultimate success.
It was not the less certain, however, that, in the Prince's
words, there were many storms ahead, the issue of which no
one might venture to predict. One thing, at least, Sir Robert
Peel must have clearly foreseen: the certain break-up of the
party which he had organized, and had led triumphantly so
long. We have seen (supra, p. 222) that he had for some
time felt that it was slipping away from him. Their education had not kept pace with his. There was no time now,
with famine imminent in Ireland, to bring them  up to his
level; and he knew that where he must now go they were not
prepared to follow.4 Some who- were prominent in the Conservative ranks have doubted whether the Minister's position
might not have been made clearer, and his own personal comfort secured, had he taken his party more into his confidence,
by calling them together, and developing his intended measures and his reasons for them  before launching them  in
Parliament. Many might thus have been conciliated who
were either thrown into opposition or lent him a support that
was chilled by distrust. A man of warmer and less reserved
temperament would probably have taken this course, and
spared no pains to carry his party cordially with him. But
what he saw very clearly himself, he may have thought they
ought also to have seen with equal clearness. In resigning office,
as he had done, he had satisfied every claim which they had upon
him as their leader. That his opinions on the subject of Protection had undergone an entire revolution, was no secret.
When, therefore, he reluctantly resumed his place as the only
4We had ill luck,' Lord Aberdeen said some months afterwards to the
Queen.' If it had not been for the famine in Ireland, which rendered immediate measures necessary, Sir Robert would have prepared the party gradually
for the change.'




264              ABOLITION OF CORN LAWS.                   1846
possible head of a strong Administration, he came back on
terms wholly different from  those which had placed him in
power in 1841." If his party had stood still in the meantime,
events had not.  The very measures which had strengthened
their hold upon the country, inevitably led up to the ultimate
removal of all restrictions upon trade. The elements themselves had conspired to force on a settlement of the question,
whether a tax should continue to be levied on the staple of
food.  What more natural, then, than for one, whom a sense
of duty alone impelled to undertake a task from  which every
personal consideration would have inclined him to recoil, to
assume that his followers would appreciate the very exceptional circumstances of his position, and that they would be
generous in their estimate of a policy, which he had satisfied
himself would alone meet the exigencies of the case? If such
was his belief, it must have been quickly dispelled. Even
before Parliament met, the Press teemed with attacks the
most bitterly personal, in which he was charged, not with
mistaken judgment, but with treachery and dishonour. Were
it not, to use the language of his great adversary in the coming
struggle, that'duty scorns prudence, and criticism has no
terrors for a manr with a great purpose' (Disraeli's Lord
George _Bentinek, chap. v.), the Minister might well have
quailed before the storm of obloquy and reproach, of which
this was but the prelude, which burst upon him immediately
after the meeting of Parliament.
With the exception of Lord Stanley, who retired from the
office of Secretary for the Colonies, in which he was succeeded
by Mr. Gladstone, all the Members of the Cabinet gave in
their adhesion to the measure for the Abolition of the Corn
Laws. It was shadowed forth in the Speech delivered by
Her Maiesty in person at the opening of Parliament on the
19th of January, 1846.  The debate which ensued on the
Address was enlivened by explanations as to the late Ministerial crisis. In the course of these Sir Robert Peel took the
5'I resume power,' he wrote to Madame de Lieven,' with greater means of
rendering public service than I should have had if I had not relinquished it.
But it is a strange dreaml. I feel like a man restored to life after his funeral
service had been preached, hihly gratified by such condolence on his death as
I received from the King anr our valued friend M. Guizot.' The condolence
fiom the King of the French here referred to was conveyed in a letter to the
Comte de Jarnaec, his representative at our Court which w:as communicated to
Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen, and has been made public in a valuable Memoir
of the formier by the Count, published in the Revue des Deux oonldes, of 15th
July, 184.




1846                PRINCE  ATTENDS DEBATE.                        2C5
opportunity to vindicate his policy since 1841, in what Mr.
Disraeli justly calls his best style,'earnest without being
solemn, and masculine without turgidity.' His concluding
words left no doubt as to the terms on which alone he would
consent to remain at the head of affairs:-' The conduct of Government is an arduous and difficult undertaking.
It is no easy task to insure the harmonious and united action of Mlonarchy,
Aristocracy, and a reformed -llouse of' Commons.6 These are the objects
which we have attempted to accomplish, and I cannot think they are inconsistent with a pure and enlarged Conservatism. Power for such objects is
really valuable; but for my own part, I can say with perfect truth that even for
these objects I do not covet it..... The relief from it with honour would
be a favour, not a punishment. But while honour and a sense of public
duty require it, I do not shrink from office. I am ready to incur its responsibilities, to bear its sacrifices, to confront its honourable perils; but I will
not retain it with mutilated power and shackled authority.  I will not stand
at the helm  during the tempestuous night if' that helm is not allowed freely
to traverse; I will not undertake to direct the course of the vessel by observations taken in the year 1842. I will reserve to myself the unfettered
power of judging what will be for the public interest. I do not deserve to
be Minister of England; but while I am Minister of England I will hold
office by no servile tenure; I will hold office unshackled by any other obligation than that of consulting the public interests and providing for the
public safety'
On the 27th of January, Sir Robert Peel developed, in a
series of Resolutions, his scheme of financial policy, which
included a total Abolition of the Corn  Laws at the end of
three years. The magnitude of the interests involved, the
apprehensions of immediate loss and of possible ultimate ruin,
which were honestly entertained by a powerful section of the
community; the speculative uncertainty inseparable from so
sweeping a measure; the soreness of a great party at finding
itself deserted, as it thought, by its leader in a critical hour,
and placed in a minority by the defection of those with whom
they had  stood for years  shoulder to  shoulder, introduced
elements of passion into the long debate that ensued which
a new generation might find it hard to sympathise with, or
even to understand.  Such was the fevered  temper of the
Opposition that the  presence of Prince Albert in the House
of Commons during the Premier's Speech was construed into'the unfair and unwise manoeuvre of the Minister to give the
6 Mr. Disraeli calls this' a somewhat portentous confession for a Conservative
Minister.' Why portentous?. Is not this the abiding problem of British statesmen, especially since 1830. And of all statesmen, who in his time did more
than Sir Robert Peel to secure this harmony and united action, and to indicate
the principles on which it may be maintained for the future?
12




266            HOW  THIS WAS MISINTERPRETED.                     1846
semblance of the personal sanction of Her Majesty to the
Government measure.''If,' said Lord George Bentinck, speaking on the twelfth night of the debate,' so humble an individual as myself might be permitted to whisper a
word in the ear of that illustrious and Royal personage, who, as he stands
nearest, so is he justly dearest to Her who sits upon the throne, I would talke
leave to say that I cannot but think he listened to ill advice when, on the
first night of this great discussion he allowed himself to be seduced by thefirst
M~iuister of the Crown to come down to this House to usher in, to give clat,
and, as it were, by reflection from the Queen, to give the semblance of a personal sanction of Her Majesty to a measure, which, be it for good or for evil,
a great majority, at least of the landed aristocracy of England, of Scotland,
and of Ireland, imagine fraught with deep injury, if not ruin, to them-a
measure, which, not confined in its operation to this great class, is calculated
to grind down countless smaller interests engaged in the domestic trades and
interests of the Empire, transferring the profits of all these interests-English, Scotch, Irish, and Colonial-great and small alike, from Englishmen,
from Scotchrmen, and from Irishmen, to Americans, to Frenchmen, to Russians, to Poles, to Prussians, and to Germans.'
To find what he had done from  the  impulse of natural
curiosity dealt with in  such terms was a rough intimation to
the Prince of the jealous spirit with which even the semblance
of interference with the freedom of debate is regarded by
public men.  That'many moderate men on both sides' were,
as Mr. Disraeli tells us, disquieted by the incident of his
presence in the House was enough to satisfy the Prince that
he had been better away. But while the heat of strong patty
excitement may account for, it can scarcely excuse the imputation  that he had  allowed  himself to be  seduced by the
Minister to come down for a purely party purpose.7
The Prince could not be otherwise than an anxious spectator of the  struggle which  had  now  commenced; neither
could he be indifferent to the welfare of the statesman whom
he knew to be toiling day and night for the welfare of the
country, at the sacrifice of his own health and happiness, and
maintaining his courage in spite of unexampled difficulties.
On the 16th of February, 1846, he writes to  Baron Stockmar: —'Dear Stockmar,-Here we are in the  middle of the Corn
debate. Peel's opponents are 200 of his own party; he carries with him only 90 and 180 Whigs and Radicals. - He is
7  Tile Prince merely went, as the Prince of Wales and the Queen's other
sons do, for once to hear a fine debate, which is so useful to all princes. But
this he naturally felt unable to do again.'-NoTE BY THE QU;EEN.




1846              HOLIDAY AT OSBORNE.                 267
abused like the most disgraceful criminal, and the opinion is
generally current, that, the measure once through, the Opposition and the hostile 200 will seize some opportunity of ejecting him by a joint vote. This would be a great misfortune.
Peel shows boundless courage, and is in the best spirits; his
whole faculties are roused (er f/ihit sich) by the consciousness, that he is at this moment playing one of the most important parts in the history of his country, and with this before him says to himself, "The Minister who settles the Corn
Laws is not so easily turned out."'
The respite of a few days' retreat to Osborne at the end
of February from  the agitation of public life was eagerly
seized by the Queen and Prince.'WVe shall go,' the Prince
writes to the Dowager Duchess of Coburg,'on the 27th to the
Isle of WVight for a week, where the fine air will be of service
to Victoria and the children; and I, partly forester, partly
builder, partly farmer, and partly gardener, expect to be a
good deal upon my legs and in the open air.' The new house
at Osborne was making rapid progress, and the estate was
being laid out under the Prince's directions, with the practical
skill as an agriculturist and the fine taste as a landscape gardener which never failed him.'Albert,' the Queen writes
from Osborne (3d March, 1846),'is so happy here-out all day
planting, directing, &c., and it is so good for him. It is a relief to be away from all the bitterness which people create
for themselves in London.'
In the disposition of gardens and ornamental grounds
Bacon himself was not a greater enthusiast than the Prince.
Windsor, Osborne, Balmoral are all monuments of his skill.
By his open-air labours in this kind of work he not only preserved his health amid the unremitting labours of his crowded
life, but he was at the same time able to gratify his conceptions as an artist, when the leisure to express them on canvas
or in clay had long passed away. A passage in one of his
letters to the Princess Imperial of Prussia (13th April, 1859)
will best explain his feelings on this subject:-' That you take delight in modelling does not surprise
me. As an art it is even more attractive than painting,
because in it the thought is actually incorporated; it also
derives a higher value and interest from the fact that in it
we have to deal with the three dimensions, and not with
surface merely, and are not called upon to resort to the illu



268                    CORN BILL.                     1846
sion of perspective. As the artist combines material and
thought without the intervention of any other medium, his
creation would be perfect, if life could also be breathed into
his work; and I quite understand and feel with the sculptor
in the fable, who implored the Gods to let his work descend
from its platform.' We have an art, however, in which even this third element of creation-inward force and growth-is present, and
which has, therefore, had extraordinary attractions for me of
late years, indeed I may say from earliest childhood, viz., the
art of gardening. In this the artist who lays out the work,
and devises a garment for a piece of ground, has the delight
of seeing his work live and grow hour by hour; and, while it
is growing, he is able to polish, to cut and carve, to fill up
here and there, to hope, and to love.'
Before the Prince returned to town, Sir Robert Peel's
Resolutions had passed through Committee, and a Corn Bill,
founded upon them, had been introduced. At each stage the
breach with his former party grew wider and wider; and the
Prince appears from the following letter to have viewed with
obvious disquietude the state of confusion into which things
were likely to be thrown, so soon as the settlement of the
Corn Law Question should terminate the temporary alliance
between the Minister and the Liberal party,'Dear Stockmar,-We are in the midst of one of the
strongest party conflicts, which is carried on by the aggrieved
party with a bitterness, a fury, and want of common sense,
which never perhaps had a parallel in history. Peel is the
mark at which all shots are levelled, and of the 658 members
of the House he has, all placemen included, only 112 followers,
and of these the half coetre cceur. This is sad, and makes
everything very uncertain.  Nevertheless, Peel has great
majorities nightly. Still he is forced to avoid every question,
which might array the Whigs against him, otherwise he is
in a minority directly, for he is supported by them only in
the Free Trade measure, and even there he gets side-blows
not a few. I send with this one of his speeches, which is a
real masterpiece.' Buckinghlam Palace, 16th March, 1846.'
By this time Sir Robert Peel must have changed his
opinion, that'the Minister who settles the Corn Laws is not




1846                  DEFEAT OF MINISTRY.                       269
so easily turned out.' The party who were ready to assist
him in that object were not likely to forego the opening
offered to their ambition by the determined resentment of
his former followers. Within a few days after this letter was
written, speaking  on the  Second Reading  of tbe Bill, his
language plainly showed his conviction that the downfall of
his Ministry was not far distant: —'I am not surprised to hear honourable Members predict to me that my
tenure of power is short. Let these measures pass into a law. Suspend
your indignation till then; and then it will be perfectly open to you to determine what measures you will adopt for the purpose of terminating my political life.... I assure you that I deplore the loss of your confidence, if I
have unfortunately lost it; I deplore it more than I do the loss of political
power. The accusations which you have preferred against me are on this
account harmless, that I feel they are undeserved..... If I could feel, if I
could believe that I had been moved by corrupt motives and unworthy impulses, one-tenth part of the accusations you have levelled against me must
have been fatal to my existence and my peace. You may think I have taken
too great precautions against Irish famine; you are mistaken. Events will
prove that these precautions were not unnecessary. The month of July will
have established that these precautions were not superfluous.8 Sir, when I
do fall, I shall have the satisfaction of reflecting that I shall not have fallen
because I have shown subserviency to any party. I shall not fall because I
have preferred the interests of party to the general interests of the community.'
No  remarkable  tactics were necessary, as parties then
stood, to select the measure for putting an end to the Minister's political life. But a Coercion Bill, which had been introduced early in the Session in the hope of checking the
alarming increase of assassination in Ireland, afforded the opportunity for such a combination in the House of Cemmons as
was sure to place the Government in a serious minority.  It
had passed the House of Lords with the approval of the Whig
leaders. In ordinary circumstances it would probably have
been equally sure of success in the House of Commons.  Interruptions of various kinds and a protracted debate so far
delayed its progress there, that, by a singular coincidence, on
the same day (the 25th June), on which the Corn Bill passed
the House of Lords, the Coercion Bill was defeated in the
Commons by a majority of 78.  The incidents of that evening
have been recorded in one of the most striking passages of
Ml. Disraeli's Biography, to which reference has already been
made, of the remarkable man who, with himself, had been
8 The best commentary on this is the following entry in the Prince's Diary:'22nd August, 1846. Beginning of Irish famine.'




270         RESIGNATION OF PEEL MINISTRY.           1846
mainly instrumental in bringing about this result. With the
picturesque strokes of a master of imaginative description, he
has shown us the Minister, as the Protectionists passed before
him into the lobbv-' the men to gain whose hearts and the
hearts of their fathers had been the aim and exultation of his
life.' We see him, grave and motionless,'with his chin extended, as was his habit when he was annoyed and cared not
to speak,' as the result of the division was conveyed to him,
and by it he knew that his reign of power was for ever at an
end. But the sympathies of the reader of our own days are
not with the men who had their brief hour of triumph in what
they regarded as a just retribution for falsehood to the ties
of party, but rather with the statesman who, at the sacrifice
of his most cherished feelings, had done his duty to his country and his conscience, and by the measure which provoked
his defeat had established a lasting claim upon the gratitude
of the nation.
Six days later (4th July) we find Sir Robert Peel writing to
Lord Hardinge in India from Drayton Mlanor: —'Lady Peel
and I are here quite alone, in the loveliest weather, feasting
on solitude and repose; and I have every disposition to forgive my enemies for having conferred upon mc the blessing
of the loss of power.' (Peel's.femnoirs, ii. 310.)  The Minister had adopted the only course open to him after the vote on
the Irish Coercion Bill. On the 29th of June he announced
that his government only held office until the appointment
of their successors. The great measures of commercial policy
were secure, for which alone he would have consented to
encounter the odium and torture of the last six months. In
the general disorganization of parties, an appeal to the country by a dissolution would only have prolonged the state of
suspense from which the industry of the nation had already
suffered. Many of the counties were alienated from him, and
Ireland, incensed at his Coercion Bill, would have returned a
compact phalanx of Members pledged to oppose him. In
such circumstances a dissolution would certainly not give him
a working majority with which to face a new Parliament.'Anything,' said the Minister,'is preferable to maintaining
ourselves in office without a full measure of the confidence of
this House.'
While Sir Robert Peel might well turn with a sigh of relief from the cares of office, noble though they were, to the
not ignoble ease of a'statesman out of place,' it would have




1846              LETTER BY THIE QUEEN.                  271
been strange, had not the necessity for parting with a Ministry, who had served their Sovereign with such signal ability
and devotion, awakened in the Queen and Prince a feeling of
profound regret. The pain, which to natures such as theirs
could never be otherwise than considerable, of separating
from those with whom they had grown familiar not merely in
the anxious counsels of State, but in the intimacies of friendship, was augmented by the feeling that for a time at least
one of the great parties in the State was broken up.  That it
would come together again sooner or later was certain, but
that it should do so under the same leaders was not to be expected.  When the time came for the Queen to receive the
Ministers on their taking formal leave, the trial on both sides
was severe.'Yesterday,' Her Majesty writes (7th July) to
King Leopold,'was a very hard day for me.  I had to part
with Sir Robert Peel and Lord Aberdeen, who are irreparable
losses to us and to tile country.  They were both so much
overcome that it quite upset me, and we have inrthem two
devoted friends.  We felt so safe with them.  Never during
the five years that they were with me did they ever recommend a person or a thing that was not for my or the country's
best, and never for the party's advantage only.... I cannot tell you how sad I am to lose Aberdeen.  You cannot
think what a delightful companion he was.  The breaking
up of all this intercourse during our journeys, &c., is deplorable...' Albert's use to me, and I may say to the country, by his
firmness and sagacity in these moments of trial is beyond all
belief.'
9 The feeling was reciprocal. In writing to the Prince Consort from IHaddo
House on 14th September 1846, Lord Aberdeen says:'I rejoice to learn that
the marine excursion to Cornwall and Jersey was prosperous and agreeable.
Although living contented in this remote district, I confess that in reading of
Her Majesty's progress, I have sometimes wished to find myself on the Royal
yacht, and even off the race of Portland I'




CHAPTER  XVI.
Settlement of Oregon Question —The New Ministry —Birth of Princess lHelena —Prinee's
Visit to Liverpool —Distress in Ireland —Remedial Measures —New House at Osborne.'Two Hours,' Sir Robert Peel writes to Lord Hardinge in the
letter already quoted,'after the intelligence arrived that the
Lords had passed the Corn and Customs Bills, we were ejected
from power; and by another coincidence as marvellous, on the
day on which I had to announce in the House of Commons
the dissolution of the Government, the news arrived that we
had settled the Oregon question, and that our proposals had
been accepted by the United States without the alteration of
a word.' The tidings awaited the Minister on his return from
placing his resignation in Her Majesty's hands at Osborne.
They might well be accepted as no slight consolation in the
crisis of defeat, for they assured to his country the quiet possession of a magnificent tract of territory, and closed up a
question which had more than once brought us to the verge
of hostilities with America. Involving as the question did the
disposal of the vast district lying between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, the omission to deal with it in the treaty
between the two countries in 1783 had necessarily been productive of claims on both sides, which the pressure of emigration and the value of the country itself made every day more
difficult to reconcile.'By holding up a finger, war could at
any time be produced about it,' Lord Castelreagh had said to
Mr. Rush, the American Minister, in 1822.
Four years previously (October 20th, 1818) the two Governments had concluded a Convention, which left the territory
open to settlers from both countries for ten years, and this
Convention had been renewed for a further limited term on
August 6th, 1827. But as the number of settlers increased
this state of promiscuous occupation became fraught with
danger, to avert which some definite arrangement for the partition of the disputed territory had become indispensable.
The first step towards this was taken by the American legisla



1816       SETTLEMENT OF OREGON QUESTION.          2  3
ture in the form of a resolution come to by the Senate, and
also by the House of Representatives, on April 23rd, 1846,
that notice should be given to determine the existing Convention at the end of twelve months, on the ground that it had
become'necessary to release the territory from the evil consequences of the divided allegiance of its American and British
population, and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace and good understanding of the two countries.' The resolutions urged upon
the Governments of both countries the' adoption of all proper
measures for the speedy and amicable adjustment' of the
existing difficulties and disputes. Seizing the opportunity
afforded by the friendly spirit which had prevailed in the
American legislature in coming to this resolution, Lord Aberdeen lost no time in transmitting to Washington a proposition which was at once adopted, and became the basis of the
treaty (dated June 15th, ratified July 17th, 1846) which now
regulates the rights of the two countries, and under which the
boundary line between the English and American territory
became the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, continued
westwards to the middle of the channel which separates the
continent from Vancouver's Island, and thence southerly
through the middle of that channel and of Fuca's Straits to
the Pacific Ocean.
While one great cause of uneasiness was thus laid to
rest by the prompt and temperate action of Lord Aberdeen,
another, which had menaced our Indian Empire, had only a
few months before been removed by the disciplined valour of
British troops. [Never had this made itself more signally felt
than in the brilliant campaign on the Sutlej, which had been
terminated by the decisive victories of Meanee, Aliwal, Sobraon, and Chillianwallah.'We have received glorious news
from India,' says Prince Albert, writing to his stepmother on
April 2nd;'great victories, and what is still better, the prospect of a solid peace! But they have cost us much blood,
and the lives of many meritorious and distinguished men.'
The new Ministry, under the leadership of Lord John
Russell, was quickly formed.  The difficulties which had
proved fatal at the end of 1845 had been cleared away, and
Lords Palmerston and Grey appeared in the Cabinet, the
former as Foreign, the latter as Colonial Secretary.  The
Marquis of Lansdowne, as President of the Council, represented the Government in the House of Lords, Sir George




274         BIRTH OF THE PRINCESS HELENA.           1846
Grey went to the Home Office, where an anxious future
awaited him, and the Cabinet was further strengthened by
the presence of the Earl. of Minto (Lord Privy Seal), Mr. C.
Wood (Chancellor of the Exchequer), Mr. MIacaulay (Paymaster-General), Earl of Clarendon (Board of Trade), Lord
Morpeth (Woods and Forests), Sir John Hobhouse (Board of
Control), and the Earl of Auckland (Admiralty).  The Earl
of Bessborough went to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, with Mr.
Labouchere as Chief Secretary. Seats in the Cabinet were
offered to three distinguished members of Sir R. Peel's administration, James, Earl (afterwards MiVarquis) of Dalhousie,
Lord Lincoln, and Mr. Sidney Herbert, but declined.
The interval required for the re-election of such of the
members of Government as were in the Commons was seized
by the Queen and the Prince for a short holiday at Osborne.
On May 25th, in the midst of the anxieties of this stormy
session, another Princess had been born, and the agitation of
the last few weeks, with the certainty that many causes of
serious disquietude, both at home and abroad, were actively at
work, made this brief respite especially welcome.'I long for
vou to be here,' Her Majesty writes to King Leopold on July
14th.'It has quite restored my spirits, which were much
shaken by the sad leave-takings in London of Sir R. Peel,
Lord Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool, &c.' In the same letter the
Queen urges her uncle to fulfil his promise of visiting England
with his Queen in time for' our christening on the 25th.
I am so very anxious that Louise [the Queen of the Belgians]
should be present, as the child is H6lene's [Duchess of Orleans]
godchild, and Louise has never been present at any of our
christenings.' This wish was not, however, to be realised.
Political events detained the King and Queen of the Belgians
at Brussels until some days after the baptism of the Princess,
who was christened at Buckingharn Palace by the name of
Helena Augusta Victoria, the Duchess of Kent acting as
Sponsor for the Duchess of Orleans, while the other Sponsors, the Hereditary Grand-Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz and
H.R.H the Duchess of Cambridge, were present in person.
A few days afterwards the Prince officiated at two important ceremonies,, of the kind at which his presence had now
come to be universally desired. Whenever any new institution
was to be founded for the advancement of the comfort, intelligence, or welfare of the people, whenever any new work of




1846         THE PRINCE VISITS LIVERPOOL            2W5
imperial interest and value was to be thrown open, men's
minds turned naturally to him, because it was well known
that, while his heart was sure to be in warm sympathy with
the enterprise, no one was better able to form a sound estimate
of its merits.  At no time was it a mere matter of form with
him to give the sanction of his presence on occasions of this
nature. Before doing so he was at pains to inform himself
thoroughly of the nature and objects of the institution or the
enterprise. Once satisfied as to these, it was a pleasure to
him, at any sacrifice of time or fatigue, to show the interest
felt by her Majesty and himself in whatever concerned the
happiness and prosperity of her people.
In May of this year the Prince had laid the foundation
stone of the Sailor's Home for the port of London; and he was
now asked to perform the same office for the port of Liverpool. On July 30th he went there for this purpose. A magnificent dock, known as the Albert Dock, had just been completed, and its opening was timed to coincide with the Prince's
visit. Starting from London at six A.Mr. and reaching Liverpool by half-past eleven, within an hour the Prince had embarked on the Mersey in the Royal yacht, the' Fairy,' in order
to make a survey of the river and port. The day was brilliant, and as the yacht streamed along either shore of the estuary, the Prince saw to the best advantage the gigantic
works and the vast mercantile navy of that busiest of havens.
Not a point was lost to his observation.'He had often
heard,' was his remark to Mlr. Bramley Moore, the Chairman
of the Liverpool Dock Committee, who attended him,'of the
greatness of Liverpool, but the reality far exceeded his expectations.' After opening the dock with the usual ceremonies,
the Prince brought the enthusiasm of his hosts to a climax by
proposing at the dejeuner which followed,'Prosperity to
British Commerce.' The Prince's dock, the largest in the
port, was then inspected; visits were paid to the South Corporation and Bluecoat Schools, and a careful survey was made
of the St. George's Hall, with which considerable progress
had been made. Mr. Elmes, the architect, found to his delight that every architectural feature of novelty or importance
which he. would have wished to be noticed was appreciated
and commented on by the Prince. At the docks and warehouses it had been the same. The Dock engineer, nIMr. Jesse
Hartley, a man of the first eminence in his profession, was at




276                       AT LIVERPOOL.                          1846
once surprised and gratified by the technical knowledge of
hydraulic engineering shown by the Prince.l
The Prince's labours for this crowded day were not yet
over. A grand banquet in his honour still claimed his presence; but in the few minutes left him to prepare for it, he
found tim time to write the following note to the Queen:'I write, hoping these lines, which go by the evening post,
may reach you by breakfast-time to-morrow. As I write, you
will be making your evening toilette, and not be ready in time
for dinner.  I must set about the same task, and not, let me
hope, with the same result. I cannot get into my head that
there are 250 miles between us!  I have done wonders of activity, as you will perhaps have learned from the papers by
the time you receive this letter. The loyalty and enthusiasm
of the inhabitants are great; but the heat is greater still...
I am  satisfied that if the population of Liverpool had been
weighed this morning, and were to be weighed again now,
they would be found many degrees lighter.  The docks are
wonderful, and the mass of shipping incredible.'I must conclude, and enclose by way of close (schliesse
zum  Schluss) two touching objects, a flower and a programme
of the procession.2'Liverpool, July 30th, 1846,
7'7  o'clock."
The language of the Mayor in proposing  the  Prince's
So close and practical was the Prince's interest in the details of the work
that he requested that a sample of the granite-rubble masonry used in the
docks, by the excellence of which he had been struck, might be sent up to him
at Windsor Castle. These details are given on the authority of Mlr. Robert
Rawlinson, C.B., an intimate friend of both Mr. Elines and Mr. Hartlev from
whom he received them at the time.'St. George's Hall,' Mr. Ravwlinson
writes,' is a noble monument of the artistic skill of the young and gifted
architect. The Liverpool Docks are among the finest specimens of hydraulic
engineering in the world. The Prince was at home with such men aicdst
such works. To an architect he could talk as an architect; to an engineer, as
an engineer; to a painter, as a painter; to a sculptor, as a sculptor; to a chemist, as a chemist; and so through all the branches of Engineering, Architecture,
Art, and Science.' Mr. Elmes, the architect of St. George's Hall, did not live
to see the completion of his own noble design. He died in 1847 at the age of
33; and the building was finished under the directions of Mr. Cockerell.
2 The same day the Queen writes to Baron Stockmar, who was then in
England:'I feel very lonely without my dear Master; and though I lnow
other people are often separated for a few days, I feel habit could not make me
get accustomed to it. This I am sure you cannot blame. Without him everything loses its interest... It will always be a terrible pang for me to separate
from him even for two days; and 1 pray God never to let me survive him. I
glory in his being seen and loved.'




1846                     SAILOR'S HOME.                         A77
health shows that a just estimate of his character had already
been widely diffused.-'You need not be told,' he said,'what zeal the Prince has always shown
in promoting the best interests of mankind. You need not be told of the
encouragement he has given to the fine arts-encouragement enlightened by
his cultivated taste and judgment; but above all, you need not be told how
promptly he comes forward to promote the worthiest and noblest objects,
especially when benefits are to be conferred upon the humbler classes. His
presence to-day is a magnificent proof of the interest he has taken in our
welfare..... We celebrate not merely the visit of his Royal Highness to
gratify the desires of a loyal people; nor yet the fact that we are honoured in
beholding the Consort of Her Majesty as our guest; nor yet that he comes
to encourage mercantile pursuits, and to add lustre to mercantile speculations
and enjoyments; but we celebrate also the fact, that he comes to forward an
Institution designed to elevate the character and promote the welfare of our
seamen, in order that our brave tars, whose marches are on the mountain
wave, and whose home is on the deep, may find a haven when the perils
of the ocean are past, to secure them against the still greater perils on
shore.'
The Prince replied with his wonted happy talent of saying
what was most apt in the fewest words:'It was always a cherished wish of mine to visit this scene of commerce,
and all I have seen to-day has far surpassed my anticipations. The object
of my visit here was a work of charity-a work reflecting the greatest credit
on your liberality and good feeling, as it manifests that you are desirous of
promoting the comfort of those who, by constant toil and labour, are contributing to the prosperity which I have this day seen.'
The enthusiasm  of the first day was more than rivalled by
that of the second; and it found full scope for its display in
an elaborate procession, in which the Prince joined, to the site
of the proposed Sailor's Home. The proceedings were opened
by an address from the Chairman of the Committee of Management, in which he detailed the objects and practical working
of the Institution, which had been for some time in active
operation, concluding with these significant words:'Allow me most respectfully and most sincerely to congratulate your
Royal Highness for having endeared yourself to the people of this nation, by
associating your name with institutions formed for religious, scien.tific, and
philanthropic purposes, by these means securing the triumphs of peace and
the blessings of Christianity, and for having this day added to your well-deserved popularity.'
In  a few  pregnant words the Prince expressed his acknowledgments, and sympathy with the objects of the Home.
The usual masonic ceremonies were then gone through, and




278              DISTRESS IN IRELAND.              1846
he drove at once to the railway-station on his return to town,
leaving behind him in this great centre of commerce, as he
had done in Birmingham in December, 1843, a profound impression of courtesy and nobleness, combined with great
knowledge, and keen practical interest in all that concerns
the welfare and progress of mankind.
The incidents of these two days were an agreeable episode
in the midst of the political anxieties of the tirle. The precarious nature of the alliance, by which the new Government
had effected the downfall of the Peel Administration, had
already become apparent. Their first measure, a Bill for the
ultimate abolition of the differential duties on sugar, had been
threatened with defeat. Assailed by Lord George Bentinck
and his powerful body of adherents, it was supported by Sir
Robert Peel and his friends, although at variance in many respects with their own views, because they were anxious to
prevent a fresh change of Ministry, which they knew must follow upon an adverse vote. So certain, indeed, was this, that
it was put prominently forward by Lord John Russell in
closing the debate on the second reading of the Bill; and the
prospect of a result, which, in the then state of parties,
must have produced the most serious confusion and embarrassment, could not have been without its effect upon the
final vote.
The present was no time for a fresh Ministerial crisis. It
demanded, indeed, a strong Government, capable of giving
undivided attention to the work of administration, and commanding the general confidence of the country. The troubled
state of Ireland, of which the WVhig party had made light
when in Opposition, assumed a, different aspect, when the responsibility devolved upon them of maintaining the public
peace. Every day deepened the distress occasioned by the
failure of the potato crop; the prospects of the coming harvest were growing worse and worse; and the reports of crime
and lawless outrage became more and more alarming. Something must be done, and done promptly; and the Government
found themselves constrained to ask from Parliament for a
renewal of the Irish Arms Act. They were, however, destined
to find themselves fatally hampered by their recent resistance
to the measure for the same object, which the former advisers
of the Crown had introduced upon the strength of the official
information, of which they could now themselves appreciate
the full significance. Although, therefore, their measure




1846       PUBLIC WORKS ACT FOR IRELAND.             279
passed the second reading on August 7th, it met with so determined a resistance from some of their most valued supporters, that, ten days later, Lord John Russell had to announce its withdrawal. The House, thinned in its members,
and exhausted by a protracted session, was not in a temper to
turn against the Ministry, as under the circumstances it might
have done, this evidence of a wavering policy in a matter
where indecision was the worst form of weakness. Sympathy
with the prevailing distress overcame all other considerations,
and they were ready to welcome the measures for its relief
which were submitted, the same evening, by their leader; the
main feature of which was a scheme of liberal grants from the
Treasury to give employment, on public works to the suffering
population.  Had the necessity been less urgent, and the
session less near its close, the nature of the works to which
these grants were to be applied would probably have been
more carefully scrutinised. As it was, roads and bridges,
which in Ireland were already both excellent and abundant,
were specially indicated by the very terms of the Public
Works Act. It was rapidly passed through all its stages;
and in this jway an expenditure, which, while alleviating the
present distress, might have been applied to drainage, railway, or other operations of permanent advantage, was lavishly
spent in destroying good roads by loading them with useless
metal, and in making others where they were not wanted.
Worse than all, a Government rate of wages so profuse was
established, that men were drawn away from useful employments to do, with the listlessness of idlers, what had better
never have been done at all. Even the tillage of the fields
was neglected; and thus the measures taken to mitigate the
evils of one famine prepared the way for another still more
desolating and disastrous.
The session, eventful both in its personal incidents and as
a great turning-point in the economical history of the country,
dragged on to the 28th of August, when Parliament was
prorogued by Commission. The Court had retired to Osborne
at the beginning of the month, with the King and Queen of
the Belgians. The quiet life there was varied by yacht excursions to Portland, Weymouth, Dartmouth, and Plymouth,
between August 18th and 25th; and to Jersey, Falmouth, St.
Michael's Mount, and the Duchy of Cornwall, between September 2nd and 9th.' That part of the new house at Osborne
3 The details of these excursions have been published by Her Majesty in
T/ke Leaves- fom a Journal.




280                 NEW  HOUSE AT OSBORNE.                        ] 846
which was destined for the  occupation of the Queen  and
Prince had now been completed.  On May 15th they slept in
it for the first time; and the next day the Dowager Lady
Lyttelton sends the following charming family picture to one
of her correspondents:' Osborne House, September 16th, 1846.'...  Ou'Or first night in this house is well past, Nobody smelt
paint or caught cold, and the worst is over. It was a most amusing event
coming here to dinner. Everything in the house is quite new, and the
drawing-room looked very handsome; the windows lighted by the brilliant
lamps in the room must have been seen far out at sea, I was pleased by
one little thing. After dinner we were to drink the Queen and Prince's
health as a house-warmin/g. And after it the Prince said, very naturally and
simply, but seriously:  "We have a hymn" (he called it a psalm) "in
Germany for such occasions; it begins'' and then he repeated two lines in
German, which I could not quote right, meaning a prayer to " bless our going
out and coming in; " it was dry and quaint, being Luther's-we all perceived
that he was feeling it. And truly, entering a new house, a new palace, is a
solemn thing to do, to those whose probable space of life in it is long, and
spite of rank, and health, and youth, down hill now.' I forgot much the best part of our breaking in, which was, that Lucy
Kerr (one of the Maids of Honour) insisted on throwing an old shoe into the
house after the Queen as she entered, for the first night, being a Scotch
superstition. It looked too strange and amusing.4 She wanted some melted
lead and sundry other charms, but they were not forthcoming. I told her I
would call her Lucckie, and not Lucy.'
The hymn quoted by the Prince, and which is, in fact, an
amplification of the last verse of the 121st Psalm, was, no
doubt, one which appears in the Coburg Gesang-_Butch.  One
of its verses runs thus:
Unsern Ausgang segne Gott,
Unsern Eingangc gleichermassen
Segne unser tifglich Bred,
Segne unser Thun und Lassen:
Segne uns mit sel'gem Sterben,
Und mach uns zu Himmel's Erben.
God bless our going out, nor less
Our coming in, and make them sure;
God bless our daily bread, and bless
Whate'er we do, whate'er endure;
In death unto his peace awake us,
And heirs of His salvation mnake us.
4 Lady Lyttelton must have been very ignorant of Scotch usares to be so
much surprised by the throwing of an old shoe after the Queen. Tlhe practice
is universal in Scotland on such occasions, and also when a bride leaves her
home, when she often runs no small risk froml the torrent of old satin and other
slippers which is rained upon her head by the enthusiasm of her friends. The
practice has of late years spread across the Border. When the Queen arrived
at the new house at Balmoral for the first time in 1855, one of her old servants
did what Miss Kerr had done at Osborne. To have omitted the ceremony
would have been regarded in Aberdeenshire as of evil ouela,




CHAPTER XVII.
The Spanish Marriages.
AIrID these pleasant excursions on summer seas, and the
home-felt delight of entering upon the occupation of the beautiful building which had grown up under their own eyes, the
Queen and Prince were not free from the disquietudes, which,
as the Venusian poet has said, climb the stately gallery's side
and hover round the domed and gilded ceilings of the great.'
Before their return from Jersey they had received intelligence
which caused them profound pain, for it at once shook their
faith in one to whom they had hitherto given their implicit
confidence, and seemed to threaten the most serious consequences to the peace of Europe. The covert policy which
the French Government had for some time been pursuing at
the Court of Madrid had proved successful, and it had been
formally announced there at the end of August, that the
young Queen Isabella and her sister, the Infanta Louisa
Fernanda, were to be married at the same time, the former
to her cousin, Don Francisco de Asis, the Duke of Cadiz, and
the latter to the Due de Montpensier.
Under no circumstances could an arrangement, which
might possibly place a son of Louis Philippe upon the throne
of Spain, have been looked upon by the English Government
as a friendly act. But what gave peculiar bitterness to the
feelings with which the transaction was regarded was the
fact, that it was in violation of a deliberate pledge spontaneously given to the Queen not many months before by
King Louis Philippe at the Chateau d'Eu, and had been
concluded under circumstances wholly inconsistent with the
professions of mutual frankness and sincerity on which the'entente cordiale' between the two Governments had been
based. While, therefore, it struck at the cherished friendship which had so long subsisted between the Sovereigns of
H1 orace, Ode II. 16.




282             THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.                 1846
England and France, it also implied a deathblow  to the
intimate relations which had hitherto been cultivated between
their Governments with the happiest results.
The course of events has so altered the position of the
persons and Governments chiefly concerned in the results of
these Spanish marriages, that a question which agitated the
Courts of Europe, and speedily involved most important
political consequences, has already lost much of its interest.
It is impossible to measure how much of the convulsions by
which Spain has since been rent is due to the short-sighted
and selfish policy by which these marriages were effected;
and it would be idle to speculate on the different and happier
aspect which the country might now have presented, had the
marriage of the young Queen been arranged solely with a
view to her personal happiness, and to securing for her the
guidance and support of a husband of high intelligence and
character.  But this much is certain, that the laws of nature
and morality can never be outraged, as they were outraged
in this case, with impunity; and history contains no more
instructive proof than the disastrous fruits of these marriages,
that failure must sooner or later ensue, wherever the interests
of a nation are sacrificed to dynastic considerations or to political intrigue.
So far back as 1840 the disposal of the hand of the young
Queen of Spain, then a mere child, had become a question of
interest to the Governments of this country and of France,
whose intervention, under the Qucadrup2le Alliance in 1834,2
led to the overthrow of the Legitimists under Don Carlos,
and has thus been the means of securing her upon the throne.
In a conversation with Lord Palmerston in Paris Mi. Guizot,
in discussing the general aspect of European affairs, had
said,'The Queen will marry Cadiz, and then Montpensier
will marry the Infanta.' To such a scheme England could
obviously not assent. The Queen might die without issue,
when the throne would devolve upon her sister, with the
effect of establishing France as a predominating power in
Spain. To the reasons urged on this ground by Lord Palmerston against M. Guizot's project, his only reply was,'/La
Reimne aura des enfants et?ne moturra pas.' The question
2 Between England, France, Spain, and Portugal, under treaty signed the
22nd April 1834, for the expulsion from the Portuguese dominions of Don
Carlos and Dom rMiguel, the two Absolutist claimants of the thrones of Spain
andC Portugal.




1846           TIlE SPANISH MARRIAGES.             283
assumed many phases in the course of the next few years,
and the name of the Duc de Montpensier dropped out of the
discussion, but M. Guizot appears never to have lost sight of
his original idea, which, in one essential feature of his programme, he had reason to know was more than acceptable to
the Orleans family.
The possibility of an even closer alliance had already been
discussed. The Queen MIother, naturally anxious to secure
the support of a great military power to a dynasty menaced
by the claims of rival disputants for the crown, and which held
its place upon the throne by a precarious tenure, had made
proposals to Louis Philippe for a double marriage, that would
have given the Queen Isabella to the Due d'Aumale, and the
Infanta to the Dun de AMontpensier. Such an alliance, gratifying as it might be to the King's ambition, involved too serious
risks to admit of its being entertained. Not the least of these
would have been the alienation of England, whose friendship
it was at that juncture the King's obvious interest to cultivate.
The protracted struggles, in which England in the beginning
of the last, and again in the early part of the present century,
had lavishly spent her blood and treasure to secure the independence of Spain, and the losses she hlad suffered from the
close alliance between that country and France at critical
periods of her history, were not likely to be forgotten. It
could not be supposed that the English people would stand
quietly by, while an alliance was cemented, which would expose them to similar hazards. Moreover, it was well understood, that when, so recently as in 1836, England had given
her active assistance to the cause of the young Queen, she had
done so, because she believed that, in strengthening the hands
of the constitutional party, she was taking the most effective
means for establishing the independence of Spain, and thereby
preventing that country from again falling, as it had so often
done, under the influence of foreign Courts. From that party
a policy dictated by purely national interests, might be expected; and in such a policy lay the best security for the
maintenance of friendly relations with England. In the other
States of Europe an alliance, which would have placed a French
prince upon the throne of Spain, would also have excited extreme distrust. But its probable effect upon England must
have had supreme weight in determining Louis Philippe's
resolution to decline the proposal of Queen Christina, so far as
the Due d'Aumale was concerned. At all events the language




284            THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.             1846
which he uniformly held in all his communications with the
English Government was, that he would hear of no measure,
which should have the effect of placing any son of his upon
the throne of Spain.3
As the price of this concession, he endeavoured to extract
the consent of our Government to the stipulation, that the
young Queen's choice of a husband should be limited to Bourbons descended from Philip V. of Spain. This was in effect
to say,'The Queen shall marry, not as her heart and judgment
prompt, but as the French Government dictates; Spain shall
have, not the king best fitted to rule wisely, to reconcile the
conflict of parties, to restore peace, to quicken industry, to
make the country prosperous and happy, but some scion of the
House of Bourbon, whose elevation to the throne may give
lustre to the Orleans dynasty.' A pretension so fraught with
injustice, so insulting to the dignity of the Queen and of the
nation, could only lead to mischief; and it would have been
better for all parties if England had declined to proceed further
with the discussion of the question until it was withdrawn.
Such was the position of matters in 1841, when Lord Aberdeen became Foreign Secretary. Meanwhile the Queen Mother
had indirectly intimated her desire that the hand of the
young Queen should be given to a Coburg Prince-either the
reigning Duke, Prince Albert's brother, or his cousin Prince
Leopold, brother of the King of Portugal, and third son of
Prince Ferdinand of Coburg.  For various reasons the
reigning Duke was certain to decline any such proposal.
But much was to be said in favour of Prince Leopold. He
was related to the French Royal family, as well as to the
English, and in the same degree. He was a Roman Catholic,
of the right age, active, intelligent, and good-looking; a man
in short likely to make the Queen a good husband, and the'country a good king. Politically, too, his relationship to the
King of Portugal might have been of advantage in removing
the bad understanding which then existed between that
country and Spain. If the question, Who should marry the
young Queen had been left entirely open, the choice would
in all likelihood have fallen upon him. Such, at least, down
to the last moment, was the conviction of King Louis
Philippe and of M. Guizot.  Indeed their defence of the
unseemly haste with which the marriage of the young Queen
3During the Queen's and Prince's first visit to Eu he expressed this in the
strongest terms. (See ssupra, p. 155.)




1846           THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.              285
was forced on by them in 1846, is rested by M. Guizot upon
the fact, that,'whether the English Government desired it or
not, the Coburg marriage had become probable and imminent.'
The English Government did not desire it either then or
at any other time. When the subject was first mooted to
Prince Albert in December, 1841, he put his views into
writing in a memorandum which was submitted to Lord Aberdeen. In this he says,' Lord Aberdeen has in my opinion laid
down the right principle, that the Foreign Powers ought not
to propose candidates of their own-ought not to intrigue and
push for them —but that the choice of a future husband for the
Queen ought to be left to the Spanish nation, and to the
feelings of the Queen herself. If such a choice be made, they
ought to support it for the tranquillity of Spain's sake, unless
it be a choice which could threaten and endanger the balance
of power in Europe.' After reviewing the various candidates, and what might be said for Prince Leopold, the Prince
concludes,' Still I have no wish to press my cousin, if he
should not be asked for by Spain herself, or to sacrifice him,
should he have no inclination to undertake so troublesome a
task.'
If, consistently with the principle laid down by Lord
Aberdeen, the selection of Prince Leopold had worked itself
out by its own merits, neither the English Government nor
Prince Albert had any reason to take exception to that result.
But to have pressed his candidature was incompatible with
the attitude of absolute neutrality, which from the first had
been assumed by the English Government in the conviction
that the question was one purely and solely Spanish. From
the very outset Louis Philippe had shown the most passionate
opposition to the idea of a Coburg marriage, but this was not
wanted to confirm either Prince Albert or the Government
in the resolution, which they had taken on other grounds,
not to interfere directly or indirectly with the young Queen's
choice.
More than this the French Government had no right to
expect from them; still they did more. By a word of encouragement they might at any time have effected the Coburg
alliance. So sincerely solicitous, however, were all parties
on the English side to avoid a line of action which might give
umbrage to the King of the French, that this word was resolutely withheld. That it was so withheld was also due to




286              THIE SPANISH MARRIAGES.                   1846
this, that the advisers of the Crown had come to the conclusion, that, as matters stood in Spain, it was better for both
Spanish and English interests that Queen Isabella's choice
should fall upon a Spanish prince.  Prince Leopold was
therefore in no sense the English candidate for the Queen's
hand. So the French Government were most expressly told
at every stage, and to the line of conduct which they had in
the outset laid down for themselves the English Government
uniformly adhered.
The principle which had been contended for by Louis
Philippe, that the Queen's choice should be restricted to a
Bourbon of the line of Philip V., was never admitted by
Lord Aberdeen.  His reply had always been,'The Queen
being absolutely free, and Spain independent, no other
Power could pretend to dictate upon such a subject. If
Spain, however, decided to accept a Bourbon within the limitations mentioned by the King of the French, Great Britain
would readily acquiesce, all the more, because of the positive
exclusion of his own sons pronounced by the King of the
French.' As already said, it would have been better to have
assumed a firmer attitude, and refused to discuss the question unless the pretensions put forward by the King were
first withdrawn. But in his anxiety to maintain good relations with France Lord Aberdeen adopted a milder course,
and in this way the King was emboldened to pursue his policy
with more determined energy, and to press vigorously home
the purpose, long since matured, but which had for some
years dropped out of the discussions, of marrying the Infanta
to the Duc de Montpensier.
The first announcement of this was given by M. Guizot,
and afterwards by the King himself, to Lord Aberdeen, at
Eu, on the occasion of the Queen's brief visit there in
September, 1845.4  Up to that time the subject of the Infanta's marriage had never been mentioned in the  negotiations which had related exclusively to the marriage of
the Queen.
4 It appears from the account of the Spanish marriages given in Lord
Dalling's Life of Lord Palemerston, which has appeared since this chapter was
in print, that  M. Guizot had mlentioned the project to Mr. Bulwer in Paris in
the summer of 1845,' acding that it would not take place for some time, nor till
the Queen had children, but that he wished Lordl Aberdeen to be apprised of
it.''I mentioned this eVnversation,' adds Lord Dalling,'to Lord Abercldeen,
on my arrival in England, who noticed the information by one of those
"hums," accompafnied by a thoughtful and half satirical smile, which, when
anything was told him which he did not much like, was usual with him.'Vol. 3, p. 215.




1846                THE SPANISII MARRIAGES.                      287'Her age,' says Lord Aberdeen in a letter to the Prince (9th October,
1846),'rendered the question by no means pressing.'  [She was then only
sixteen.]' Guizot,' Lord Aberdeen continues,' mentioned to me the King's
wishes and intentions, and said, " Ie Roi vous en parlera."   All this took
place on board the yacht shortly after the arrival of the Queen off Treport.
Accordingly the King very soon took me apart, and leaning over the side of
the vessel entered at once into the whole subject. After strongly pressing
the marriage of the Queen, he added, that he thought of the Infanta for the
Due de Moutpensier; but in order that there should be no cause for jealousy or uneasiness in England, he had resolved not to proceed with the
match, until the Queen should be married and should have children.  I expressed in general terms my satisfaction to the King; and especially that he
should have so fully considered the impression which such an event could
not fail to make in England.'
During the Queen's stay, Lord Aberdeen adds, the subject was more than once renewed between M. Guizot and
himself. The French Minister urged him to promote actively
the marriage of the Queen to the Comte de Trapani, a Bourbon Prince of the House of Naples, who was for the time
the candidate favoured  by the King.  To this Lord Aberdeen, constant to his policy neither to favour nor oppose the
marriage, provided the Spanish nation received it without
repugnance, replied that it wavs impossible for him  to do so,
but that at the same time there should be no opposition on
the part of England.'With respect to the Marriage of the Duc de Montpensier,' he continues,'although I was very sensible of the value of the concession made by the
King, I could express no opinion on the part of the British Government.
The policy of the measure appeared doubtful; but as so much time must
necessarily elapse before the marriage could take place, it might, perhaps, in
the interval, admit of modification.'
The words of Louis Philippe to his Royal guests at Eu
were as already quoted (sycpra, p. 253), that'he never would
hear of Montpensier's marriage with  the Infanta of Spain,
until it was no longer a political question, which would be,
when the Queen, is married, and has children.' 
The British Government had from  the first seen that the
selection of a candidate for the Queen's hand among those to
whom  Louis Philippe sought to restrict the choice was attended with inherent difficulties, and might become, in fact,
impossible.  They were only four in number, Count Montemolin, the son of Don Carlos, the Count de Trapani, and the
5 In his Fie de PBel, p. 309 M. Guizot admits that the King had declared
that, as to the marriage with the Infanta,' il ne la rechercherait jou'r I. le Duo
de Moatpensier que lorsue la.Reine serait mariie, et aurait des ei/fants.'




288                THE SPANISH  MARRIAGES.                      1846
Duke bf Cadiz and the Duke of Seville, the sons of the Infant
Don Francisco de Paula. The first, himself a claimant of the
throne, and recently in revolt against the Queen's government, was not to be thought of. The idea of a marriage with
the second was, as Lord Aberdeen by this time knew upon
unmistakable  authority, most unpopular  in  Spain.   The
Spaniards, who had ruled in Naples, were by no means disposed to accept a king from a people whom they held in contempt. There were personal objections to the other two candidates which bade fair to be insuperable. Both were understood to be distasteful to the young Queen. The Duke of
Cadiz was charged with, defects, which, if the charge were
true, should have excluded  him  from  consideration; while
the Duke of Seville, obnoxious to the Queen Mother and the
Government as the avowed chief of the Progresistas, their
opponents, had made himself still more obnoxious by his personal arrogance, and was at this time actually in exile, and
under suspicion of complicity in plots against the Government.
The persistent efforts of the French Government to force
the candidature of Count Trapani having resulted in failure,
as Lord Aberdeen had been assured by our Minister at Madrid 6 they must result, the thoughts of the Court and Government of Madrid again reverted to Prince Leopold.'The Government of England could have no possible reason for pushing
forward this alliance, the Government of France no plausible reason for opposing it. The only objection that' could be taken was the family one of
Louis Philippe, viz., that the proposed husband was not a Bourbon. But
when the tranquillity of Spain, and the happiness of its Sovereign, and the
concord of Europe, were all concerned in not carrying to an extreme a most
absurd pretension of family pride, there was no irrational hope that this
pretension would be ultimately laid aside, it' Spain acted resolutely and asserted her rights. This was the Quleen Mother's opinion. She determined,
therefore, on addressing a letter, containing the proposal for a marriage between Queen Isabella and Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, to the Duke of
Saxe-Coburg, then at Lisbon; and she requested Sir Henry Bulwer to allow
this letter to go, as her letters and the despatches of the Spanish Government could always go, by his messenger. She told him, however, what the
letter contained.  Sir Henry Bulwer would not refuse a letter from the
Queen Mother to the Duke of Saxe-Coburg. He would not argue against a
Coburg marriage, because his Government had said that the Queen of Spain
was free to marry whom she thought proper; but he said to the Queen
6 Mr. Henrv Lytton Bulwer, afterwards Lord Dalling. The statement quoted
in the text is taken from a Review of Guizot's ifemoirs in the Quarterly Review
for January, 18IS (No. 24:7, p. 132), which is well known to have been written
by Lord Dalling.




1846               TIlE SPANISH  MARRIAGES.                     289
Mother, what he had formerly said to Count Bresson, that a Coburg marriage was not an English one, and that he saw no reason for supposing that
the English Government would support it as if it were.'
Lord Dalling, whose account of this incident is here given,
no doubt acted with perfect loyalty to the principle laid down
by his Government. But in the delicate position in which
they were placed by the jealously and suspicion of the French
Government, they could not regard his privity under any circumstances to the conveyance of the Queen Mother's proposal
to the Duke of Coburg as other than a grave indiscretion.
There was subsequently great reason to doubt whether our
Minister had not in fact been misled in thinking that the proposal was sincerely made, and whether it had not been
devised in the hope of setting Louis Philippe free from  his
pledge to postpone the marriage of the Duke of Montpensier
until the Queen had married and had children.7  But however
this might be, it was regarded as genuine by Mr. Bulwer, and
it had at all events been  kept a profound secret from  M.
Bresson, the French Ambassador there,  No sooner was Lord
Aberdeen informed by Mr. Bulwer of what had occurred than
he communicated the intelligence to the French Ambassador
in London, assuring him at the same time that the proposal was
made without the knowledge or concurrence of the British
Government, and would receive no countenance from them.
The letter, written in the month of May, was received by
the Duke of Saxe-Coburg when he was contemplating  an
early visit to England.  He therefore deferred his reply until
he should have an opportunity of discussing the whole subject
7 Lord Dalling appears to have remained to the last under the conviction
that the Queen Christina had made the proposal in all sincerity. On such a
subject certainty is obviously impossible. But facts were brought to the knowledge of our Government wh'iech justify the statement in the text; and Mr. Bulwer was too strongly impressel with the advantaoges to the Queel Isabella and
to Spain of the Coburg marriage, and had too far committed himself by being
privy to the proposal, to be quite anll impartial judge. In his Life of Lorcl
PPamerston (pp. 220-225) he states with great force how much he was moved by' pity for the young Princess about to be so hopelessly sacrificed, by resentment
to the haughty heartlessness with. which this sacrifice was demanded, ancd by
interest for the fate of the Spanish nation itself, not to resist the preference professed by Queen Christina for the Coburg Prince.' So far he carries our entire
sympathy with him. He is mistaken in saying that this marriage would have
been in accordance with the wishes of our own Court (p. 222). Enough has
been said in the text to show that this was not the case. In blaming Lord Aberdeen for makingo the proposal known to I. Gnizot, Lord Dalling forgets that
in conformity with the uniform tenor of his conduct throughout all that had
gone before, Lord Aberdeen considered himself under obligation to be as frank
with MI. Guizot as he believed MI. Guizot to be frank with him.
13




290                THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.                    1846
with those to whose opinion he naturally attached the highest
importance.  He arrived in England on the eve'of the Ministerial crisis late in June, 1846. Before an answer could be returned, not only had the opinions of his own family, including
King Leopold, to be ascertained, but also those of the new
Government. All were agreed that the proposal must be declined; and accordingly it was so declined, mainly upon the
ground of the injury likely to result to Spain from a marriage
contracted in antagonism to the views of Louis Philippe and
his Government.   Of this answer the French Government
were made aware, and they were thus deprived of every pretext for questioning the sincerity of either the English Government or of the Coburg family.'J'etais alors,' says M.
Guizot ( Mmoires, vol. viii. p. 236),'et je reste aujourd'hui
profobndcment convaiec u cde lapctrfaite sinceritd cdt Prince et
du Jlfinistre clans leurs intentionzs et lezurs paroles.'
Meanwhile the French Government had not been idle.
They were well aware that the chances of the Bourbon candidates were desperate.  In a memorandum sent by M. Guizot,
towards the end of February, 1846, to M. de St. Aulaire, the
French Ambassador in London, and by him  read to Lord
Aberdeen, this is avowed.'The Count de Trapani,' says M. Guizot,'is greatly compromised:-1.
By the demonstration which has been made against him. 2. By the fall of
General Narvaez.'The sons of the Infante Don Frangois de Paul are greatly compromised:
by their mistaken conduct; by their intimacy with the Radical and the
antipathy of the Moderate party; by the dislike of the Queen Mother, and
of the young Queen herself.'The sons of Doll Carlos are for the time out of the question: 1.
By the opposition loudly proclaimed of all parties. 2. By their exclusion
formally pronounced in the Constitution. 3. By their oin proceedings,
which have always been very remote from conduct which could alone give
them a chance.'The actual situation of the descendants of Philip V. in the question
of the marriage of the Queen of Spain, has therefore become bad.'-  Imnoires,
vol. viii. p. 251.
To abandon the claim set up for the Bourbons would, in
such a state of things, seem to be the natural conclusion.
The Spanish nation and the'feelings of the young Queen herself were both against it.  But these, in the view of M. Guizot,
were of no account.  A  descendant of Philip V. was'his
principle,' and, like other austere enthusiasts, he was resolved
that it should be carried out, however others might suffer.




1846           THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.              291
He had already, on the 10th of December, 1845, written to
M. Bresson at Madrid, that, if this principle were imperilled,
the French Government would'at once put themselves forward without reserve, and demand simply and authoritatively
the preference for M. the Duc de Montpensier.' Having got
thus far, it was easy to imagine the peril which was to be
followed by this course of action. That peril was found, or
affected to be found, in some imagined intrigue for marrying
Prince Leopold to the Queen.'The English Government
does not take any direct action towards this marriage,' says
M. Guizot in the same letter,'but neither does it take effective
measures to prevent it.' The English Government had never
undertaken to take active measures to prevent it, for such an
engagement would have been directly contrary to their avowed
determination to leave the whole question in the hands of the
nation and the Queen. But it suited the purpose of M. Guizot
to assume some implied obligation of this kind, and his
motive for doing so soon became apparent. England held the
plighted word of his Sovereign and himself, that no step
should be taken which miglht have the effect of placing a
French prince upon the throne of Spain, and some means must
be devised to give a colourable pretext for breaking this
pledge, manifestly incompatible as it was with the instructions
sent to M. Bresson. The pledge on the French side had been
explicit and unqualified, while it was equally clear that Lord
Aberdeen had throughout declared as his part of the agreement, that the Queen was to be free to marry whomsoever
she pleased, provided only he was not a son of Louis Philippe.
However the French programme might fail, if its failure were
not due to the direct action of the English Government, the
French Government were bound by their engagement.
M. Guizot could not venture to suggest that England had
been disloyal either in word or purpose. Not a hint of such
a suspicion is given in the Memorandum above cited. It
avows, indeed, that if the case of the Bourbons has become
desperate, this is due to its own radical weakness. Alleged
intrigues are dwelt upon, of which the Court of Lisbon is
said to be the centre, for marrying Prince Leopold either to
the Queen or to the Infanta, and for which, if they existedwhich, however, they did not —England was in no way responsible. This is followed up by the assertion of the monstrous
proposition, that France shall consider herself absolved from
all her engagements, either as to the Queen or the Infanta,




292            THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.              1846
if their marriage, either'to Prince Leopold, or any other
Prince not a descendant of Philip V., shall become probable
and imminent.''We see only one way,' the Memorandum
continues,'of averting such a crisis. The English Cabinet
must take active steps in concert with us, to press home the
claim of one of the descendants of Philip V., no matter which,
and to arrange his marriage with Queen Isabella, and in the
meanwhile to prevent the marriage of the Infanta either with
Prince Leopold or any other Prince not a descendant of Philip
V.'- Guizot's MImoires, vol. viii. p. 254.
This Memorandum was read by M. de St. Aulaire to Lord
Aberdeen, and it must have taxed even his most placid temper
to listen to it without indignation. I He had never lost an
opportunity,' are his own words in a letter to M. Guizot of
September 14th, 1846,'of strongly protesting against the
unjust and extravagant pretension of imposing a prince of
any particular family as her husband upon the Queen and her
people.' Herein was his answer to the proposal now made.
The Memorandum was only read to Lord Aberdeen; and relying, as he was sure to do, on the good faith and honour of
the King, he assumed that the contingency mentioned which
was to set free the French Government from their engagemnents could only be one occasioned by the active agency of
the English Government in pushing the claims of Prince
Leopold. By this fear he knew the King of the French was
haunted as by a nightmare; and he also knew that it was
wholly without foundation. He appears at all events to have
attached no importance to the Memorandum. No copy of it
was left with him, and he asked for none; he did not mention it
in writing to Mr. Bulwer at Madrid; he said not a word about
it to his successor, when the conduct of our foreign policy
passed into Lord Palmerston's hands. Had he apprehended
its full significance, or the use which was afterwards to be
made of it, this could not have been the case. As it was, he
appears to have confined himself to renewing his assurances
to the French Government, that this country had no interest
in the success of Prince Leopold, and to removing from their
mind every suspicion that his pretensions,' if indeed, he ever
entertained any such, but of which to this hour I am quite
ignorant, were supported by the British Government' (Letter
to 3a. Gutizot, above cited).'I had very frequent explanations,' Lord Aberdeen continues,'with the Queen and Prince
Albert on the subject, and I well remember saying to Jarnac,




1846              TIlE SPANIShI  MARRIAGES.                 293
that after what had passed the Prince could never speak to
me again, if it were possible for him to engage in an intrigue
for such an object without my knowledge.'  With these
facts present to his mind, Lord Aberdeen might be excused
for allowing M. Guizot's Memorandumn to pass without serious notice, which he could scarcely have taken without using
such strong language as, except under extreme necessity, it
was prudent to avoid.
That he considered the situation as in no way altered by
what passed on this occasion, is apparent from the language
of his subsequent despatch (22nd June, 1846) to the Duke of
Sotornayor, where he says:-''We have always denied, and still deny, the right or pretension of the
French Government to impose a member of any family upon the Spanish
nation as the husband of the Queen of Spain, or to control in any way the
decision of a question so purely Spanish.... England has no objections to a descendant of Philippe V. as a husband for the Queen, provided
such a choice should be conformable to the interests of her Majesty, and the
interests of her Majesty's Government; but if it is not, she is to be actuated
by a sense of her own dignity and interest; and if the French Government,
which Lord Aberdeen cannot believe, should interfere with the independence
which Spain in such a matter has a right to exercise, she will, without doubt,
receive the warmest sympathy of all Europe.'
In the meantime the instructions of M. Guizot to M.
Bresson had borne their natural fruits.  The Count de Trapani disappeared out of the drama, and the Duke of Cadiz
took his place as the French candidate.'Cadiz and Montpensier' was the mnot-d'ordre passed by 3M. Guizot to his
representative at Madrid, who soon showed that he read the
injunction  unqualified  by  any  restrictions.   When  the
French Government had, according to AM. Guizot's memorandum, constituted itself sole judge as to the' probability
and imminence' of a Coburg marriage, a zealous agent was
not likely to feel any scruples in accomplishing the task
which had been set before him. So successfully did he push
his negotiations with the Queen lMother and the Government,
that on the 12th July, 1846, he was able to announce to M.
Guizot, he had obtained their consent to the immediate and
silultaneous, marriage of the Queen with the Duke of Cadiz,
and of the Infanta with the Duc de Montpensier.  For the
IKing's consent to this arrangement, he announces that he had
pledged himself, adding,'This great, important, and indispensable simultaneity is not formally expressed in your letter




294              THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.                    1846
of the 5th; but the commentaries and explanations of Desages
and Glucksberg left me no doubt upon the point.... I am
sure, if you sound your heart, you will there find contentment
with having come to this resolution.' 8
When Louis Philippe learned what had been done he was
in dismay.  Whatever may have been in M. Guizot's mind,
the King at least had sanctioned no such arrangement.  It
was diametrically opposed to the wishes both of himself and
the Due de Montpensier, and their consent must be at once
and formally disavowed.  So he wrote (20th July, 1846) to
M. Guizot, adding,' How  this is to be done is the only
question to be considered; but I have never deceived any
one, and I will not begin at this time of day to let anybody
be deceived in my name.' In another letter to M. Guizot,
written the same day,9 the King says:' It is indispensable that
the Queen be made aware that Bresson was forbidden to
say what he has said, and that the simultaneity is inadmissible.... I will not rest under the imputation of causing
an engagement to be contracted in my name, which I am
neither free nor desirous to undertake, and which I have
formally forbidden.' If the disavowal were ever made, which
there is reason to think it was not, M. Bresson was not recalled; but remained at Madrid to work out what in writing to the King a few days afterwards M. Guizot calls'our
actual idea, "Cadiz and ~Montpensier."'''Do not,' says the
King in replying to this letter,'in your letters to Bresson
use that expression " Cadiz and Montpensier." It savours too
much of simultaneity, and is disagreeable to all my family,
whom it suits as little as it does me.'-(lRevue.Retrospective,
p. 185.)  These scruples M. Guizot's answer to the King
(ibid. p. 186) shows that he did not share.  His heart was
set upon the object too intently to be now diverted from it.
His principle he had satisfied himself was'in peril;' and
reasons were soon found to remove the lingering scruples of
the King.
Had Lord Aberdeen remained in office, this might not
8 This letter, with others found in the Tuileries after the fall of Louis
Philippe, was published by the Provisional Government. It appears in the
Revue RMtrospective, p. 180.
o These letters are printed in the Revue edtrospetdive, p. 182.
10 Letter of -I. Guizot to Louis Philippe (July 24, 1846), printed in the
Revue REtrospective, p. 184. Writing the next clay (July 25), AM. Guizot tells
the King that this was not the right moment for disavowing MI. Bresson, on
account of what he had done. Ibid. p. 186.




1846           THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.              295
have been so easy a task. What excuse could be devised for
breaking away from a solemn engagement with a Minister
whose loyalty had been so recently and signally proved by
his conduct in regard to the letter of Queen Christina to the
Duke of Coburg? How that loyalty was requited has been
shown in the proceedings of M. Bresson; but it is at the
same time apparent from the language of the King in regard
to it, that he felt himself bound by every tie of honour to keep
faith with the English Government. He had also personal
confidence in Lord Aberdeen. Lord Palmerston, on the contrary, whose defeat of the French Eastern policy in 1840 still
rankled in the mind both of the King and M. Guizot, was the
object of his settled distrust —a distrust which they were fully
aware was more than reciprocated.
It was foreseen by the Prince that this state of feeling'would create a new element of difficulty. He was strongly
under the impression that the King would in time have come
to see that his scheme of marrying the Queen to a Bourbon
would not work,'if Lord Palmerston's return to office did not
create a kind of point Cd'honneur that it must be carried.'
These words occur in a Memorandum dated July 15, 1846, in
which, as was his wont, the Prince embodied his views of the
Spanish question.' A particular candidate,' the Memorandum
proceeds,'might be carried by us, but to what use would that
be, but to increase the difficulties of the Queen in governing
Spain, by estranging France?-difficulties which, God knows,
are already great enough. It is clear, therefore, that it is our
interest not to separate from France. Our position is a much
better one, as we do not pretend to exercise any power over
the Queen, nor do we prescribe any candidate, neither have
qoe any. Our only wish is to see the Queen happily married.
We ought therefore not to depart from Lord Aberdeen's
policy. Now comes the question. Will matters in Spain go
on so as to allow this?... There is no doubt that Lord Palmerston's return to office has given hopes to the democratic
party in Spain-that there exist traditional connections between the Whig statesmen and the Progresistas, and between
the English press and the Constitutional party in Spain.
Therein lies great danger, and that is increased, if France
tries to consolidate a party under her colours, which she will
be inclined to do. The two parties once at war in Spain,
they cannot fail to embroil England and France. Seeing this,
I have already warned, and shall not cease to do my utmost




296                THE SPANISH  MARRIAGES.                      1846
to counteract such danger. Is the King prepared to do the
same?' "1
On the side of Lord Palmerston no difficulty arose.  He
adopted frankly the policy of Lord Aberdeen, in full reliance
upon the counter-engagements entered into by Louis Philippe
and his Government, and trusting that the solution of the
question  would be ultimately" reached  by the  friendly  cooperation of the Governments.  Our Mlinister at Madrid was
ignorant of the understanding which has been come to between MI. Bresson and the Queen Mother at Mladrid;'2 and
the French Government continued to act in their communications with the English Government as if the whole question
were still open.  In this belief Lord Palmerston  wrote to
Mr, Bulwer on the 18th of July a despatch explaining the
views of the new government on the two prominent questions,
the marriage of the Queen and the political condition of the
country.
In regard to the first,' he says,'I have not at present any instructions
to give you, in addition to those which you have received fiom my predecessor in office. The British Government is not prepared to give any active
support to the pretensions of any of the princes who are now candidates for
the Queen of Spain's hand, and does not feel itself called upon to make any
objection to any of them. The choice ofea husband for the Queen of an independent country is obviously a matter with which the governments of other
countries are not entitled to interfere, unless there should be a probability
that the choice would fall upon sonme prince so directly belonging to the
reigning family of some powerful foreign State, that. he would be likely to
connect the policy of the country of his adoption with the policy of the
country of his birth, in a mianner that wouldc be injurious to the balance of
power, and dangerous to the interests of other States.  But there is no
person of this description among those who are now named as candidates
for the hand of the Queen of Spain; those candidates being reduced to
three, namely, the Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and the two sons of
Don Francisco de Paula.  I omit Count Trapani and Count Montemolin,
as there appears to be no chance of the choice falling upon either of them.
As between the three candidates above mentioned, her Majesty's Government have only to express their sincere wish that the choice may fall
upon the one who may be most likely to secure the happiness of the Queen
and to promote the welfare of the nation.'
Lord Palmerston then proceeds to deal with the domestic
policy of the Spanish Government in no flattering terms, as
one of absolutism, force, and tyranny-a mockery of consti11 This Memorandum, which is in English, appears to have been meant
exclusively for the Prince's own use, in giving precision to his ideas on this
important question.
12 In England this only became known on the publication in 1848, in the
Revuwe Rrtrospective, of the letters above ciuoted.




1846               THE SPANISH  MIARRIAGES.                     297
tutionalism, which he expresses a hope may be abandoned by
the return of the Spanish'Ministry to legal and constitutional
forms.  He then concludes:
Her Majesty's Government are so sensible of the inconvenience of interfering, even by friendly advice, in the internal affairs of independent States,
that I have to abstain from giving you instructions to make any representations whatever to the Spanish Minister on these matters; but though you
will, of course, take care to express on no occasion on these subjects sentiinents different from those which I have thus explained to you, and although
you will be careful not to express those sentiments in any manner, or upon
any occasion, so as to be likely to create, increase, or encourage discontent,
yet you need not conceal from any of those persons who may have the
power of remedying the existing evils the fact that such opinions are entertained by the British Government.'
Had this despatch been meant for the eyes of the British
Minister only, all might have been well. The mention of
Prince Leopold as a candidate on the same footing with the
other two, although superfluous, would have been harmless;
and the discourse on the unconstitutional proceedings of the
Spanish Government would have slumbered in the Minister's
portfolio. But a copy of the despatch was to be given to
the French Ambassador in London,'3 and knowing, as Lord
Palmnerston did, the wild  fears of the French  King about
Prince Leopold, and the use which might be made at Madrid
of his invective on the Government, prudence should have
dictated the avoidance of both topics of offence. As it was,
the despatch furnished the very opportunity for which the
French  Minister was waiting.  The King's  apprehensions
overpowered his judgment.  The whole tenor of the despatch
showed that Lord Aberdeen's policy of neutrality was to be
continued.   Nay, the very despatch  by that nobleman to
which Mr. Bulwer was referred for his instructions had spoken
of'Don  Enrique as the candidate who appeared to us the
most eligible, because the most likely to prove acceptable to
the people of Spain.'  But the King could only see in it a
design to overreach him.'Not that I expected better from
Lord Palmerston,' he writes (July 25) to M. Guizot (Revue
Retros2pective, p. 185);'but I thought he would not so soon
13  I showed the despatch to Jarnac,' Lord Palmerston writes to Mr. Bulwer
on 16th August, 1846' I gave it him to take home with him and copy if he liked
it, because to do so was the civilest way of conveying to the knowledge of Louis
Philippe opinions about Spanish questions which I well knew to be at variance
with his views.' Strangc, that with his settled distrust of Louis Philippe Lord
Palmerston should have given him the chance of putting opinions so unpalatable before the Spanish Government, leavened with such comments as the
French Ambassador was likely to make.




298            THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.              1846
have thrown off the mask. My present impression is that we
must return blow for blow.' In this mood of suspicion the
persuasion was not far off that the Coburg marriage had
become'probable and imminent,' and that he was free to follow out the line of action indicated in M. Guizot's Memorandum of the 27th of February.
The King's Minister at once saw the advantage given to
him by the other part of the despatch, and it was communicated without delav to the Court of Madrid.  Queen
Christina and her Government read in it the menace of a
revolution fomented by England, and threw themselves more
decidedly than ever into the hands of M. Bresson.
Little dreaming of the use which was being made of his
despatch, Lord Palmerston continued his negotiations with
the French Government in the belief that they were acting
in strict accord with himself. He had from the first desired
to see Don Enrique the husband of the Queen, as, being a
Spanish Prince, the least objectionable, on personal grounds,
of the two brothers, and as a Bourbon acceptable to Louis
Philippe.  Lord Normanby, our Ambassador at Paris, was
instructed to ask for the co-operation of France in carrying
out this view, and M. Guizot, on the 27th of August, promised to write to M. Bresson next day to the effect'that if
the Queen of Spain should be induced to make choice of
Don Enrique, such choice would be perfectly satisfactory to
France.' 14
M. Guizot, in making this promise, was -well aware that
events had in the meanwhile taken a shape at Madrid which
made it worse than futile.
On the 8th of August M. Bresson had written to him, that
the Queen Mother was determined on the marriage with the
Duke of Cadiz.' One only concession,' he adds,'she asks of
us; it is, to couple the marriage of M. the Duc de Montpensier with that of M. the Duc de Cadiz, so as to fortify, to
give distinction by the one to the other, and to keep down
the malcontents, and those who might otherwise oppose, by
the brilliancy of our Prince's rank, and by the dread of
France which comes at his back.'" And the concession
stipulated for had already been made at the time when the
French Government professed their willingness to co-operate
with England in recommending Don Enrique.
14 Despatch, Lord Normanby to Lord Palmerston, 28 Aug. 1846.
15 Guizot Arm&oibres, vol. viii. p. 304.




1846               THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.                        299
On  the 29th  of the same month  both marriages were
publicly announced at Madrid, and the act of betrothal for
the Duc de Montpensier was signed.  These facts were communicated  on the 1st of September by M. Guizot in person
to Lord Normanby, and by the Comte de Jarnac to Lord
Palmerston, by letter on the evening of the following day.
This letter Lord Palmerston, who was with the Queen and
Prince on their marine excursion to the South Coast, received
at Penzance. On his return to town he saw the Comte de
Jarnac, when  he heard  for the  first time of M. Guizot's
Memorandum of 27th of February, 1846, and was informed that
the mention of Prince Leopold as a candidate, in his dispatch
to  Mr. Bulwer of the 19th July, was regarded by the French
Government as a departure from  the agreement come to at
Eu,'6 which, coupled with Queen Christina's proposal to the
Duke of Coburg in May, had created the contingency of a
c probable and imminent' marriage with Prince Leopold, and
liberated France from its engagements to England.
The Queen and Prince were greatly shocked by the intelligence.  For the young Queen herself, whose feelings had
been ignored, and for whom they could only foresee a disastrous future in an alliance forced upon her, as this had been,
against her inclinations, they were moved with the deepest
sympathy. The course of action adopted by the French Government, so contrary to the spirit of the'entente cordiale,'
and so fatal to the future friendly relations of the two Governments, also filled them with anxiety. But there was a furL6 Lord Aberdeen, in his letter to M. Guizot, disposed of this argument.'It is true that Lord Palmerston may hnave enumerated I'rince Leopold as one
of the candidates for the Queen's hand; but, knowing as he did the direct
overture made by Queen Christina to the reigning Duke of Saxe-Coburg when
at Lisbon, it was impossible that he could do otherwise. Even if he named
Prince Leopold first in the list, this does not by any means prove that he
wished for his success. On the contrary, I should probably have done the
snale thing, although entertaining a decided opinion thaet English interests
w ouldl be better consulted by the success of one of the solns of Don Francisco.
This I really believe to have also been the opinion of Lord Palherston....
I beg you to recollect the course which I pursued when Bulwer allowed himself, without my instructions, to be privy to the proposal made by the Spanish.
Government to the Duke of Saxe-Coburg. Instead of encouraging or promoting the success of the project, which might have been easily and effectually
done, I instantly communicated the circumlstance to M. de St. Aulaire, and
repeated that the sentiments and views of the British Government had undergone no chance whatever with regard to the Spanish marriage. I did all this
with the knowvledge and approbation of the Queen and Prince, and I am
therefore entitled to say, that neither directly nor indirectly did the proposition
on behalf of Prince Leopold receive the slightest encouragement or support
from this country.'




300              THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.                 1-846
ther element in the transaction which gave them inexpressible
pain-the part played in it by the King.  His apprehensions
of a Coburg marriage, after all that had passed, if they were
sincere, implied such distrust of themselves as was intolerable
in a friend.  Sincere or not sincere, they formed no justification for the breach of a pledge, which he had volunteered, and
on the faith of which the British Government had acted
throughout.'The very danger,' to adopt the words of the
Queen in a letter to King Leopold at the time,'which the
French declared would absolve them of their promise, viz.,
Leopold's marrying the Queen, was put an end to by the
Queen's marrying Don Francisco!  Why then join on the
marriage of the Infanta?' Matters were made worse by the
fact, that M. Guizot endeavoured to give the whole affair as
much as possible the appearance of a political triumph over
England.  He had admitted to Lord Normanby that it would
create a bad feeling there, adding, what the event proved to
be a great mistake,  but nothing that will last.'
I-ad all been clear, Louis Philippe, who was in constant
and friendly correspondence with the Queen, would probably
not have trusted another hand to convey the intelligence to
hIer Majesty.  To her his pledge had been given, to her an
explanation was due. The more satisfied he might be, that
he had been set free from that pledge, the more eagerly might
he be expected to seize the earliest opportunity to place before
her the reasons which had influenced his conduct. Instead,
however, of following this course, he was silent, and the following letter from Queen Marie Ame1lie to Her Majesty announced the approaching marriage of her son as a mere family
affair, and as though it were of no political significance or importance:-1' Neuilly, September 8th, 1846.' Madame,-Relying on  that friendship of which your
Majesty has given us so many proofs, and on the kind interest
which Vou have always shown towards all our children, I hasten
to announce to you that a marriage has been concluded between our son MIontpensier and the Infanta Louise Fernanda.
This family event overwhelms us with joy, because we hope
17 This letter, with the Queen's reply, and also the letter fromx Louis
Philippe to the Queen of the Belgians, to be hereafter mentioned, were published in the Revue &Ztrospecdive. They have thus become public property,
and they are therefore printed in the Appendix (B) to this volume in the
original French, together with the Queen's reply-also in French-to the Queen
of the Belgians, which is now for the first time made public.




1846           THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.              301
that it will ensure the happiness of our dear son, and that we
shall find in the Infanta one daughter the more, as good, as
amiable as those who have preceded her, and who will add to
our domestic happiness-the only true happiness in this world,
and which you, Madame, know so well to appreciate. I ask
you, by anticipation, for your friendship for our new child,
feeling sure that she will participate in all those sentiments of
devotion and affection which we all feel for you, for the Prince
Albert, and for all your dear family.'
After giving some details as to the health-and movements
of the French Royal Family, the letter proceeds-'I am charged by the King to offer his affectionate and
respectful homage to yourself, and his kind regards to Prince
Albert. He hopes you have received his letters, and that
the peaches have arrived in good condition. All my children
also request me to offer you their respectful remembrances.
Pray present my kind regards to Prince Albert. Embrace
for me all your clear children, and accept the expression of
the affectionate and unalterable affection, with which' I am, Madame,'Your Majesty's most devoted sister and friend,' MAmRIE AMItLIE.'
With what feelings this communication was received by
the Queen and Prince it is unnecessary to say. It was impossible to accept the announcement on the footing on which
it was professedly made. The marriage of the Due de
Montpensier to the heiress presumptive. to the throne was as
much a political question now as it had been when the King
volunteered his promise at Eu. How much the King had
lost by the triumph of his Spanish policy he could not fail to
see by the terms of Her Majesty's answer:' Osborne, September 10th, 1846.' Madame,-I have just received your Majesty's letter of
the 8th inst., and I hasten to thank you for it. You will
perhaps remember what passed at Eu between the King and
myself; you are aware of the importance which I have
always attached to the maintenance of our cordial understanding, and the zeal with which I have laboured towards
this end. You have no doubt been informed that we refused
to arrange the marriage between the Queen of Spain and our
cousin Leopold (which the two Queens had eagerly desired)




302            THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.              1846
solely with the object of not departing from a course' which
would be more agreeable to the King, although we could not
regard the course as the best. You will therefore easily understand that the sudden announcement of this double marriage could not fail to cause us surprise and very keen regret.'I crave your pardon, Madame, for speaking to you of
politics at a time like this, but I am glad that I can say for
myself that I have always been sincere with you.'Begging you to present my respectful regards to the King,'I am, Madame,' Your Majesty's most devoted sister and friend,'VICTORIA IR.'
This letter, between the lines of which so much might be
read, struck home. The King, sincerely eager for the friendship of England, as well as for the continuance of the affectionate confidence of our Queen which he had hitherto
enjoyed, saw that he had imperilled both, and incurred the
very imputation of want of good faith which he had in July
dreaded that the unscrupulous zeal of M. Bresson might
bring upon him. With the view of removing this imputation he lost no time in addressing a long letter to his
daughter, the Queer of the Belgians, to be communicated to
Queen Victoria. So intent was he upon his task that in a
separate letter to his daughter he says,' he had devoted to it
without intermission and without regret three nights till four
in the morning, and this despite the outcry of the Queen, of
my sister, and of all the family, who maintained that I was
killing myself.' The scope of the defence put forward by
the King has been already sufficiently indicated. His aim is
to shift the imputation of want of sincerity from himself to
the English Government, resting the burden of his proof
upon Lord Palmerston's unfortunate despatch of July 19th to
Mr. Bulwer. The distrust of that Minister had taken such
possession of the King's mind that it even makes him so uncourteous as to express a surmise that the Queen was not
acting upon her independent judgment, but saw the whole
transaction'par la lunette' of her Foreign Minister. The
letter will be found in the Appendix B (p. 407 et seq. post).
Her Majesty's reply sufficiently explains itself.'My dear Louise,'I have read and re-read with the greatest attention
the King's explanation of the recent events, and his statement




1846              THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.                     303
of the motives which have governed the course of the French
Government in regard to this unhappy Spanish affair, and I
am  deeply pained to have to declare that the perusal of his
letter has in no way altered the opinion which I had previously formed, nor the pain I feel that these events should
have occurred to trouble our cordial understanding 18-an understanding which was so useful and so precious.'The King accuses me of looking at these affairs only
through the medium of Lord Palmerston. This accusation
has caused me profound regret, because I had every right to
hope that his Majesty knew enough of my sincere friendship
for him  to be convinced that this friendship would inspire
within me the mnost lively desire-I might even say, anxiety,
-to see things simply as they are, and to put upon them the
most favourable construction. It is not the least of my vexations, to have to acknowledge towards all the world, that
the conduct of France is wholly contrary to the spirit of our
"c entete corcdiale" and to the agreement formerly come to
between us.  I know that Lord Aberdeen takes precisely the
same view as ourselves, and I believe that he has expressed as
much to M. Guizot.'5'The one simple fact, which governs this whole affair, is,
that the King declared that he would not give one of his sons
to the Queen of Spain, and that on this declaration he based
the right to limit the Queen's choice to the family of the
Bourbon descendants of Philip V.  We disputed and denied
this right; still we consented to the choice being so restricted,
and even promised to recommend it to Spain; and to this
we have most scrupulously and religiously adhered, without
swerving  one hair's breadth.  What the King- desired has
taken place; the Queen married a descendant of Philip V.,
and of his descendants just that one whom he knew we regarded as the least eligible.  The same day the King gives his
son to the heiress presumptive to the Crown, not only without's'Lord Aberdeen,' says the Comte de Jarnac,'was the first to make use
of the phrase " a cordial, good undcerstanding," in the course of a conversation
with me at Haddo, his Scotch country seat. It expressed faithfully the nature
of the relations which  a sincere mutual attachment between two eminent statesmen had created for the two countries..... Even now, after more than thirty
years the two nations may congratulate themselves upon the practice, adopted
then for the first time in their history, of living in relations of mutual confidence
and goodwill.'-Revue des.Deurx fMondes, July 15, 1874, p. 294.
15 Lord Aberdeen had by this time written to Ml. Guizot in answer to his
explanation of the affair:-' I do not comprehend why it has been thought right
or necessary to abandon the engagement voluntarily entered into with me last
year, and since frequently repeated, respecting the marriage of Montpensier.'




304            THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.              1846
previous concert with us, but contrary to the pledge which he
gave me at Eu last autumn, when with the question of the
marriage of the Queen he for the first time mixed up that of
the marriage of the Infanta. This pledge was, "that he
would not think of this marriage, so long as it was a political
question, and not until the Queen was married and hadc children.'The King endeavours to justify this departure from the
course agreed upon between us, by assuming that we have
pressed the candidature of our cousin Leopold, contrary to
the engagement we had come under to His Majesty.'I deny, in the most unqualified terms, that Leopold has
ever been put forward as our candidate, either by the English
Government, or by any member of the Coburg family. The
fact is, that, if Leopold became a candidate, this was due to
Spain alone; and to Queen Christina herself, who, whether
acting spontaneously and in good faith, or as a trap for the
English Minister at Madrid, took numerous steps to effect
this combination, which she only abandoned at the last
moment. Then, as throughout, our conduct has been invariably the same; we lent no countenance to this scheme, and
we advised the Queen to seek among the descendants of
Philip V. a candidate to her mind.'Such, then, I assert, has been the line of conduct pursued
by us; its straightforwardness and probity cannot be ianpugned.'The readiness with which we made the French Government aware of the step taken by the Queen with regard to
our brother, ought to have been a sufficiently clear proof of
our sincerity. If the King had any suspicions on the subject,
why did he not seek to clear them up before acting as he
did? What is the good of talking of " entenzte cordiale," if
no pains are to be taken to come to a cordial preliminary
understanding when a case of difficulty arises?'As to Lord Palmerston's note to Mr. Bulwer of 19th July,
1846, from the terms of which the King labours to deduce a
right to escape from the engagements which le had previously
come under relative to the Duke of Montpensier, I have again
gone over it carefully, and I deduce from it-'1. That Lord Palmerston referred Mr. Bulwer to the last
instructions which he had received fiom Lord Aberdeen, in
which, in terms the most explicit and the most positive, he
asserts the incontrovertible right of the Queen of Spain to




1846           THE SPANISH MIARRIAGES.             305
marry what prince she pleases, even although he should not
be a descendant of Philip V., adding, at the same time, what
I give in his own words: " That we ventured, although without any English candidate or English preference, to point out
Don Enrique as the prince who appeared to us the most eligible, because the most likely to prove acceptable to the people
of Spain."'2. That Lord Palmerston mentions Leopold among the
candidates mherely as a fact publicly known to all Europe.'3. That Lord Palmerston concluded his note with an
expression on the part of the English Government of the
earnest hope, that the choice of Queen Isabella may fall upon
whatever prince will be most likely to ensure the domestic
happiness of the Queen, and the prosperity of the Spanish
nation.'Now, my dear Louise, to turn these simple facts into
proofs that Lord Palmerston had departed from thes understanding established between the French Government and
Lord Aberdeen, it is necessary to do violence to the facts
themselves in a way which my sense of justice will never
countenance.' I have, then, thoroughly considered the whole matter by
myself, and looking at it with no eyes but my own, and I
cannot possibly admit that the King is released from his
pledge.'Nothing more painful could possibly have befallen me
than this unhappy difierence, both because it has a character
so personal, and because it imposes upon me the duty of opposing the marriage of a prince, for whom, as well as for all
his family, I entertain so warm a friendship.'My only consolation is, that as what is proposed cannot be
carried out without producing grave complications, and without even exposing to many dangers a family whom I hold in
high regard, they may even yet retrace their steps, before it is
too late.'Ever'Your most devoted'V. R.''Windsor Castle, Septeaber 27tl, 1846,'




CHAPTER XVIII.
Consequences of the Spanish Marriages —Annexation of Cracow-Alarming Political Symptoms in Europe —Ripening of the Character of the Prince-His Election as Chancellor
of University of Cambridge —Letter of the Poet Wordsworth —His Installation Ode
-Royal Visit to Cambridge-Installation of Prince as Chancellor.
IT was at first thought that, when the King of the French
became aware of the effect produced in England by the announcement of the approaching marriage of his son with the
Infanta, he might even yet agree to its postponement.  To
this conclusion Her Majesty points at the close of the letter
just quoted; and the considerations which might fairly be
presumed to weigh with the King were so obvious and cogent,
that it was natural the hope should be entertained.  But it
was soon dispelled.  The King looked upon the marriage as
adding a special jewel to his crown; and the Minister, on
whom  he had come implicitly to rely, was in no mood to
forego what he had vaunted as a great diplomatic triumph, to
which he could point in proof of the emancipation of his
Government from subserviency to British counsels, with which
it had long been persistently taunted by the Opposition.l As
a matter of precaution, an official protest against the marriage
was made bS  the English Government; but this, as might
have been expected, was disregarded, and on the 10th October
the simultaneous marriages of Queen Isabella and of the Infanta were solemnised at Madrid.
Louis Philippe was under the delusion that the English
were wholly indifferent upon the subject; and everywhere
said, it was a private affair between Lord Palmerston and himself, and as such would entail no political consequences.  He
was soon undeceived.  The affair had a moral as well as a
political aspect.  The English public might give themselves
little concern about the one, but they could all appreciate and
1'The affair of the Spanish marriages is the first grand thing that we have
effected completely single-handed in Europe since 1830.' —SpeeAc of lf. Guizot
in the Chambers, 5th February, 1847.-Ann. Reg. 1847, p. 296.




1846         EFFECT OF SPANISH MARRIAGES.              F07
were little likely to be indifferent to the other. A transaction
in which the feelings, affections, and happiness of two young
Princesses had notoriously been treated with contempt, was
an outrage to the public feeling of Europe, which was sure to
be denounced in every home,'unless indeed,' as Sir Robert
Peel said, in writing (17th September) to the Prince,' Queens
and Princesses are disentitled to the sympathy and consideration which the meanest of their subjects have the right to
claim.'
Nor were the probably fatal consequences of Louis
Philippe's share in the transaction slow to be foreshadowed
in the commentaries of the leading politicians of Europe.
Lord Aberdeen, though he thought the marriage of the Infanta of very little importance to England and likely to prove
in the end injurious to French interests in Spain, considered
the way in which it was effected to have been unjustifiable.'I lament,' he says, in writing (9th October) to the Prince,'the coolness and estrangement which the circumstances attending it cannot but produce in our relations with France.
I care very little for the marriage, but feel deeply the breach
of the engagement; and I am still unwilling to believe that
Guizot, whether right or wrong, should not stand acquitted,
at least to his own conscience, in the course which he has
pursued.' Lord Lansdowne, writing to Lord Palmerston, expressed himself more strongly.'Everybody,' he says,'must
now see the necessity of turning over a new leaf with Louis
Philippe, whose conduct will not increase his real power,
which after all nmust be chiefly nace zp qf opinion, though it
may impede the relations hitherto subsisting between States.'
Prince Matternich, to whom the whole details of the transaction were well known, at once came to the same conclusion,
and made no secret that he had done so.'Tell M. Guizot
from me,' he said,'that one does not with impunity play little
tricks with great countries. He knows I do not think much
of public opinion; it is not one of my instruments, but it has
its effect. The English Government have done their best to
establish Louis Philippe in public opinion. They can withdraw what they gave, and I have always said the moment he
loses that he is on the very verge of a war, and his is not a
dynasty that can stand a war. 2 Baron Stockmar, writing to
2 This messaoe is reported in a despatch from Lord NormLanby to Lord Palmerston, 5th October, 1846, which also gives M. Guizot's reply to the bearer of
it:' But he don't mean3 to interfere tat once, does he 2'




308              THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.                    1846
the Queen (15th September, 1846), said, with prophetic truth,
that the transaction would appear in the eyes of Europe'a
piece of selfish and wicked policy, from the scandal of which
the King's fame will never recover.  Nor will this be the only
disastrous effect of his conduct, but your Majesty will see that,
from the day of the marriage with the Infanta, the minds of
all the leading Governments in Europe will again be filled
with apprehensions, distrust, and jealousy against France, and
that a new era will commence in their general policy with
regard to that country.'
The English journals gave loud expression to the indignation which was felt throughout the country so soon as the
facts became known. Their invectives were eagerly turned
against Louis Philippe's Government by the Liberal party in
France. The foreign Power, they urged, on whose friendship
he had hitherto mainly rested, openly charged him with duplicity and breach of faith. This charge, too, had been incurred, not to strengthen France by alliance with a great
and powerful State-which Spain had long ceased to be-but
to advance the family interests of the Bourbons, and to further
the Bourbon policy of absolutism and government by corruption,
by which Louis Philippe had now for many years falsified the
professions of the Citizen King.  Thus had the King and his
Government laid themselves bare to assault upon the side on
which they were already most vulnerable.'
There were already sufficient causes of uneasiness in the
state of Europe, without this new  element of disturbance.
The Queen's affection for the King of the French could not
blind her to the wrong which had been done to Queen Isabella, or to the evils which it must entail upon her as a woman
and as a sovereign.  Willingly would she have found some
extenuation for one with whom, and with whose family, she
had been so long linked by many ties of affection; and in
this sense Her Majesty was, as described by Baron Stockmar
(Denlkwirdigkceiten, p. 451),'from  the first moment full of
relenting and forgiveness.'   Not so the Prince.  Merciless
3 A strange fatality attended on many of the chief actors in the Spanish Marriages. M. hBresson committed suicide at Naples in 1847. In 1848 the Duke
and Duchess of Montpensier were refugees in England. Queen Isabella was
deposed in September, 1868. In March, 1870, the King's brother, Don Enriquez, a crack shot, was killed in a duel by the Duc de Montpensier, who is so
short-sighted as to be unable to take a definite aim. The question of a successor to Queen Isabella was the proximate cause of the French and German War
of 1870.'There is but one voice here on the subject,' the Queen writes (13th Octo



1846                  THEIR EFFECT.                     309
to himself in the sense of right and justice, he could not forgive the violation of either in another, and that other a king.'The worship of truth and reason,' to use his own words,5'had become every day more and more a matter of conscience
with him.' What, therefore, Stockmar, in the same letter,
savs of him was true.'He felt the blow as a man must-as
unrighteous in its essence, as a national insult in the shape it
took, and as -a personal wrong; for he could truly say, that
he had postponed his feeling for his cousin to higher political
interests, and, in return for this sacrifice, he had been met
with ingratitude in its most offensive form. But the Prince,'
adds Stockmar,'like the Queen, takes the thing calmly, and
will not suffer himself to be carried away into gratifying his
bitterness of feeling, at the expense of the true and great
policy of peace. No doubt great self-command will be called
for from both Queen and Prince in this affair; for the French
Government, so far from allowing that they have broken faith
in the transaction, actually maintain, "We were entitled to
do what we did, because you played a double part, and broke
faith with us.'"  One had need to be a saint, not to lose one's
patience under such treatment.'
The Prince fully shared the opinion of Baron Stockmar,
that the conduct of the King would give such a shock to his
reputation throughout Europe, as could not fail to weaken
the power of h-lis government at home and abroad. Neither
could its effect on our own foreign policy be a matter of indifference. The marriage of the Infanta was no cause of national
quarrel; but the estrangement between the Governments
must cripple for a time the policy of both, and this, too, at a
crisis when the posture of affairs in Europe made it important
that thev should continue to act in vigorous concert. Who
could tell, that at any moment some unforeseen political
incident would not happen, which might show how seriously
a sound European policy might be affected by the absence of
the former good understanding between England and France?
Nor, indeed, was such an incident long wanting.
The Polish insurrection in Silesia in the February of this
year and the installation in Cracow of a revolutionary Provisional Government, had been very quickly followed by a genber) to Kingo Leopold;' and I am, alas! unable to say a word in defence of one
whom I hadl esteemed and respected. You may imagine what the whole of
this makes me suffer.... You cannot represent too strongly to the King and
Queen my indignation, and my sorrow, at what has been done.'
6 In a letter of 19th December, 1847, to Baron Stoclmnar.




310           ANNEXATION OF CRACOW.               1846
eral defeat of the insurgents, and by the occupation of that
city in March by the allied forces of Russia, Prussia, and
Austria. The Treaty of Vienna had provided, that Cracow
should form' a free and independent city under the protection
of these three Powers.' In this way a feeble relic of the
nationality of Poland had been kept alive, and the republic
of Cracow had not without cause been long regarded with
jealousy by the Northern Powers as a focus for the reactionary
measures of the Polish party. When, however, the insurrection
had been suppressed, they had rested content with merely stipulating that the militia of the Republic should not be reorganized, and that the town should be occupied alternately by the
troops of the three Powers. Even this measure, though in
some sense justified by the circumstances of the insurrection,
had not unnaturally excited the suspicion of both England
and France. They were of one mind, that the Treaty of
Vienna must be upheld; and Lord Palmerston had, at the
very close of the session, expressed a hope in the House of
Commons,'that the Governments of Austria, Russia, and
Prussia would recollect that, if the Treaty of Vienna was not
good on the Vistula, it might be equally invalid on the Rhine,
and on the Po.' A reasonable hope, had the I entente cordiale'
remained unshaken. But when the coolness between England
and France became known, the Northern Powers resolved on
a bolder line of action, and what had been only a partial outbreak, which had been rapidly and effectually quelled, was
made the pretext for annihilating the last shred of Polish independence. On the 11th November an Imperial edict announced that the provisions of the Treaty of Vienna were revoked and suppressed, and that Austria, with the concurrence
of the other protecting Powers, had annexed the city and territory of Cracow, and incorporated them as an inseparable
portion of its Empire.
This extreme step was taken without previous communication with France and England, precisely as if these countries had been no parties to the Treaty of Vienna. Whatever
difference of opinion might exist in England on the Polish
question, or as to the penalty which Cracow had provoked by
disturbing the peace of its neighbours, there could be but one
feeling as to the open slight thus shown to the two constitutional Powers in Europe, and the mischievous effect of the
high-handed measure of the allied Powers at a time when the
pent-up forces of popular opinion against despotic govern



1846        PROTEST BY FRANCE AND ENGLAND.                   311
ments were already threatening to break forth into revolution.
Here was again the old law of the strongest put into action,
and this in open violation of that Treaty to which, at other
times, and when it suited their own ends, the same Governments were prompt to appeal. And not only were'the reasons put forward for the extinction of the Republic inadequate
to justify so violent a measure, but they also contained an
avowal of alarm, which, whether sincere or not, said little for
the political wisdom of those who drew them  up.  How  precarious must be the position in respect to their own subjects
of three great dynasties, if the existence of Cracow as an independent state was sufficient to deprive them, as they professed it did,'of every guarantee for political security and
permanence!' Such a confession of weakness at such a time
was fraught with danger to those who made it. This did not
escape the notice of the Prince.' There is a great deal of stupidity in the world,' he writes
(26th November) to the Dowager Duchess of Coburg.'The
three Northern Powers have declared that Cracow "rn'etait
quz'un acoze dctns le monde," but that the continuance of this
city as an independent state " 6tait d lIc  Russie, la Prussie
et l'Autricle toete gaccrantie de securite et stabilit6 politique,"
and they have appropriated it to themselves. Sooner would
I have been burned alive, than have made such a declaration.' 6
Formal protests were  separately made by both France
and England against the annexation of Cracow, but these fell
dead, as they were sure to do, so soon as the armed intervention of these countries in the affairs of Poland was no longer
to be apprehended.7  This had long been apparent.  In the
first heat of their estrangement, the question of the Spanish
marriages continued to engross much of the  attention of
6'A certain Montesquieu said once,' Bunsen writes to Stockmalr, on the 11th
November, 1846,' that the principle of a certain form of government was " la
per,."1 We have made such progress in principle that " la)peuar de la peur? is
Lbecome the principle of modern rulers.'-B-zeen's lfernboirs, ii. 120.
7' Metternich,' Lord Palmerston writes to Lord Normanby, on the 19th Noveolber, 1846,' has no doubt long intended it (the annexation), and thinks the
time propitious when England and France have ctiffered, and when he thinks
each would be willing to gain his support about Spain by being easy with him
about Cracow. Guizot will make a show of resistance; but the fact is, that
even if France and England had been on good terms, they have no means of
action upon the spot in question, and could only have prevented the thing by a
threat of war, which, however, the three Powers would have known we should
never utter for the sake of Cracow.'-Lord DIalling's life of Lord Pacimeerston,
iii. 321.




312             AFFAIRS IN PORTUGAL.               1846
both Governments. Lord Palmerston, anxious to neutralise
the danger likely to arise from  the Montpensier marriage,
called to his aid the Treaty of Utrecht, by which the union of
the crowns of France and Spain in the person of one French
Prince had been forbidden. The Montpensier marriage did
not create the likelihood of such a contingency; but in Lord
Palmerston's view the Treaty went further, and altogether
excluded the Princes of the House of Orleans from the
Spanish throne. This construction he used every effort to
get the Northern Powers to adopt; but being, as it was,
inconsistent with the language of the Treaty, the only effect
was to keep alive the irritation between the Governments, in
whose alienation these Powers saw their own advantage.
Not only in Spain, but also in the other countries of
Europe, where the diplomatists of France and England came
into collision, the evil effects of the discontinuance of friendly
relations between those countries made themselves felt.
Nowhere was this more apparent than in Portugal, where the
disturbed state of the country and the conflict of despotic
with constitutional principles presented a field fpr the intrigues of rival politicians. It was the aim of France to
weaken the preponderating influence which England had long
possessed in Portugal; and Queen Donna Maria, who had a
strong personal attachment to Louis Philippe and his Queen,
her own grand-aunt, fell under the influence of French counsels. The principles of Bourbon government, to which she
naturally inclined, led her into various unconstitutional acts,
which threatened the safety of her crown. These, while they
caused great embarrassment to England, to whose support
she in a measure owed her seat upon the throne, were a
source of considerable anxiety to the Queen and Prince, from
their intimate relationship to her husband King Ferdinand.'The political horizon in Portugal,' Her Majesty writes to
King Leopold at the end of 1846,'is indeed very cloudy,
and makes one very anxious.'
Nor was it in Portugal alone that the aspect of the political
atmosphere gave cause for anxiety. The signs of coming
tempests were visible throughout the whole continent of
Europe. So far back as April, 1845, Baron Stockmar had
written from Coburg to the Prince as follows:-' Had I but wings, I would fly to you, were it only for an
hour or two, to talk over with you the state of Europe, which




1847               POLITICAL CHANGES.                 313
seems to mle to be most peculiar. A new epoch seems to me
to have been run into the mould, but, being still there,
hardly any one can tell of what metal it is composed, or what
shape it has taken. Meanwhile, and until the mould has
been completely broken away, we shall go on copying the
time the Tower of Babel was building, for the prevailing
confusion of language and ideas seems to be devised quite
upon that model. I confess I long to see a way out of this
state of things.'
Again, in November of the same year, he wrote to the
Prince:'So far as I can form a general opinion, the political condition of Europe strikes me as being ticklish. Even England
betrays not a few ugly symptoms. Still, such, in my opinion,
is the organic structure of its Constitution, that it will be able
to bring into play the force and energy of its healthy parts to
neutralise, to adjust, and to improve the action of those which
are unsound. That England will have to grapple with and submit to material alterations in her organization is certain; but
she will never, I feel assured, become so deadly sick as to raise
any question as to her being able to pull through.  On the
other hand, some German statesmen of the great States are,
in their respective spheres, looking forward to the future with
real alarm.'
Baron Stockmar came over from Coburg in May, 1846, and
remained at the English Court until April, 1847, when he returned to Germany. During this period the symptoms of
revolutionary upheaval by which Europe was soon to be shaken
had become more marked. The altered temper of men's minds,
he saw clearly, was not likely to rest satisfied much longer
with the settlement of 1815.'I foresee great revolutions,' he
writes in the beginning of 1847,' with what results I will not
venture to predict.  I have little confidence in the wisdom of
our statesmen who are now at the helm: we must make up our
minds to witness great mistakes' (ZDenkwzirdigkeiten, p. 467).
To Bunsen he wrote about the same time (3rd April, 1847),'I am more and more convinced we are on the eve of a great
political crisis.
The old rocks to its fall; the times are changing,
And new life bursts and blossoms from the ruins.'
SCHILLER'S Wilhelm Tell, Act V.
14




314           RIPENING  OF PRINCE'S  CHARACTER.                  1847
To have at hand for discussion and advice a politician of
so much experience and sagacity during the progress of the
eventful occurrences of this year was felt by the Prince to be
of infinite value.   His own riper observation  and thought
enabled him  now to appreciate more fully than ever the broad
views of his far-seeing and philosophic friend.  There was  -no
longer any question as to the Prince's interest in politics, or
his assiduous devotion to whatever studies were necessary to
qualify him  for dealing with the problems, social and political,
with which the future was teeming. How great was the
change wrought in the young Prince of 1839, as drawn for us
(p. 39 supra) by Baron Stockmar, by eight years of conscientious self-conquest and severe discipline, is strikingly shown
by the language of the same stern critic in the letter from
which we have just quoted:' The Prince has made great strides of late. He has obviously a head for
politics, before whose perspicacity even prejudices give way, which spring
from education or want of experience. Place weighty reasons before him,
and at once he takes a rational and just view, be the subject what it may. IIe
has also gained much in self-reliance. His natural vivacity leads him at times
to jump too rapidly to a conclusion, and he occasionally acts too hastily, but
he has grown too clear-sighted to commit any great mistakes. He will now
and then run against a post and bruise his shins. But a man cannot become
an experienced soldier without having been in battle and getting a few blows;
and, being what he is, small wounds, while they make him cautious, will give
him confidence in himself. It is not likely that he will make any great political slip at the present juncture, when the relations with France are in such
an uneasy state, for his temper is thoroughly free from passion, and he has
so keen and sure an eye, that he is not likely to lose his way and fall into
misttkes. His mind becomes every day more active, and he devotes the
greater part of his time to business without a murmur.' —Dekwitiirdigkeiten,
p. 466.
Whatever the anxieties which the troubled  state of affairs
both in Britain and abroad might bring upon the Prince, the
Baron continues, his home-happiness was well assured. In
regard to that, indeed, there was nothing left to wish for.
The development of the Queen's character had kept pace with
that of the Prince.'The Queen also,' are his words,'improves greatly. She makes daily
advances in discernment and experience; the candour, the love of truth,
the fairness, the considerateness with which she judges men and things, are
truly delightful, and the ingenuous self-knowledge with which she speaks
about herself is simply charming.' (Ibid. p. 467.)
Before the Baron left England he had the pleasure of
seeing that the high qualities of the Prince had elicited a




184'7       CHANCELLORSHIP OF CAMBRIDGE.           315
recognition, which spoke eloquently of the impression they
had produced among those whose approbation was most to
be desired. The Chancellorship of the University of Cambridge having become vacant by the death of the Duke of
Northumberland on the 12th of February, 1847, the next day
application was made to the Prince by Dr. Whewell, the
Master of Trinity, and also separately by Lord Lansdowne, to
allow himself to be put in nomination for the office. The
request was as unexpected as it was gratifying, and, while it
was still under consideration, a letter from the Bishop of
London (Blomfield) to Mr. Anson conveyed the assurance, that
the Prince's acceptance of the office would be regarded by
many leading members of the University with whom he had
conferred as'honourable and advantageous to the University.'
It also expressed his personal opinion,'that not only the
exalted rank of the Prince, but his Royal Highness's scientific
and litera:y attainments, and the distinction of his own academical career, point hLim out as a peculiarly fit person for the
highest honours our University has to bestow.' The same
day Mr. Anson replied to Dr. Whewell that,' should a requisition be presented in such a manner as to convey to his Royal
Highness a certainty that his election would meet the unanimous desire of the University of Cambridge, his Royal Highness would feel much pleasure in consenting to be put in
nomination.' He also wrote to the Bishop of London that the
Prince had agreed to stand if a'general manifestation' in
his favour was made.
No time was lost in obtaining signatures to an address by
the members of the Senate of the University requesting the
Prince to allow his name to be proposed for election, and in
the meantime the strongest assurances were conveyed to him
by the Vice-Chancellor and others of the wide-spread feeling
in his favour. The address, signed by the majority of the
most distinguished resident members of the Senate, was presented to the Prince at Buckingham Palace on the 18th.
Meanwhile a difficulty had arisen which had not been foreseen
when the Prince was first appealed to. Another candidate
had been started in the person of the late Lord Powis, and it
was now known that his Lordship's supporters intended to
press their candidate. It was impossible that the Prince
could embark in a competition of this nature. His reply,
therefore, to the deputation who presented the address, after
assuring them that while the wish which it expressed'could




316        PRINCE ACCEPTS CHANCELLORSHIP           1847
not be otherwise than highly gratifying' to his feelings, conveyed a courteous intimation of his withdrawal from the
contest.'Did it not apFear,' the Prince said,' from the proceedings entered into by others in the University, that there
does not exist that degree of unanimity which alone would
leave me at liberty to consent to be put in nomination, I
should have felt both the greatest pleasure and pride in
acceding to the desire expressed in this address, and so personally connecting myself with your ancient and renowned
seat of learning.'
Here, in so far as the Prince was concerned, his candidature came to an end. But his supporters, among whom
Trinity College was largely represented, were not in a temper
to accept the triumph of a rival college (St. John's) by
whom Lord Powis had been put in nomination. They accordingly determined to go to the poll,'being persuaded,'
as the manifesto issued in their name by Dr. Whewell bears,'that a large majority of the University agree with them in
thinking His Royal Highness the most proper person to be
the Chancellor of the University. They are fortified in this
resolution bvy finding that many persons of the highest rank
and authority, not resident in the University, have the same
intention.' The subsequent proceedings were conducted on
both sides with the warmth and acerbity with which philosophic minds enjoy no exemption in contests of this kindtantcene ctimis ecelestibuts irce? The fiery cross was sped
across the Kingdom, and from every side members of the
University flocked to Cambridge in unprecedented numbers
to record their votes. Of these, no fewer than 1,790 were
given, of which 953 were for the Prince, and 837 for Lord
Powis; the result being a majority of 116 in favour of the
former. Of 24 Professors who voted, 16 gave their votes for
the Prince. So, too, did 19 out of 30 Senior Wranglers,
while of the resident members 3 to 1 also voted for him.
In communicating the result of the election to Colonel
Phipps on the 27th February, Dr Philpott, the Vice-Chancellor, wrote:-' I trust I may be allowed in this informal way
to express my earnest hope that His Royal Highness will not
decline to accept the mark of high respect and esteem which
the University presents to him.'  The Prince, who had
stood aloof from the struggle, was not without misgiving as
to the propriety of his accepting the honour. The opinions
of Lord Landsdowne and others were in favour of his doing




1847            OF UNIVERSITY  OF CAMBRIDGE.                   317
so, and Sir Robert Peel, whom he consulted on the subject,
supported the same view by the following reasons, which he
transmitted to the Prince immediately on learning the result
of the struggle.'REASONS FOR ACCEPTING THE OFFICE.'First. The election of the Prince has taken place under circumstances
very unfavourable to success, and quite sufficient to account for the smallness
of the majority.'Secondly. The majority which voted for the Prince comprises a very
large proportion of the most eminent men in the University, and almost all
the chief academical authorities.' Thirdly. To decline the office would give a triumph to the partisans of
Lord Powis-who would feel no gratitude for the concession, and would
cause deep mortification and disappointment to all those who voted for the
Prince, and of whom by far the greater number cannot be held responsible
for the nomination of the Prince against his declared wishes.'Fourthly. The refusal of the Prince will either lead to a renewed and
bitter contest, ending probably in the election of Lord Powis-or to the
choice of Lord Powis, and the triumph of one college over the others without contest.'Fifthly. The acceptance of the office without reluctance or delay, has
about it a character of firmness and decision, of supporting friends instead of
giving a triumph to opponents.'Sixthly. In the course of a few months the contest will be forgotten, and
the Prince will have the good will of the whole University.8  The refusal to
accept will conciliate no party, and will offend the strongest and the best
party in the University.
The reasons thus ably urged decided the Prince, and the
same day he communicated his acceptance to the University
in the following letter:-' Buckingham Palace, 27th February, 1847.'Gentlemen,-I thank you for the promptitude with which you have apprised me of the result of the recent election for the Chancellorship of the
University of Cambridge.'I need scarcely observe, after so recent and public a declaration of
my sentiments and feelings with regard to my nomination as a candidate
for that office, that the proceedings which have subsequently taken place
have been entirely without my sanction or privity.'The intention to propose me as a candidate was not known to me until
a period when the time for the election was at hand, and when the arrangements for ascertaining the sense of the University were already completed.
I could only have suspended their progress by a peremptory declaration,
that under no circumstances would I consent, if elected, to accept the office
of Chancellor, and such a declaration I did not deem it respectful to the
University to make.
8 Lord Powis died in the course of the following year.




318                    PRINCE'S ADDRESS.                        1847'The election has now terminated, and a majority of the University, including a very great number of its members, most eminent for their services
to the Church, to the University, and to the cause of literature and science,
has declared itself in favour of my appointment to the vacant office. It is
incumbent, therefore, upon me to notify without delay the course which under
these circumstances I shall pursue.'I have resolved to accept the trust, which the University is willing to
confide to me.' In forming this decision I have been influenced by a respectful deference
to the wishes of a majority of its members, by a great unwillingness to involve the University in the probable necessity of another contest, but, above
all, by an earnest hope that through a zealous and impartial discharge of the
trust which I undertake, I shall succeed in establishing a claim on the confidence and goodwill of the whole Academical body.'
On the 25th March the ceremony of inauguration  was
gone through at Buckingham Palace, when the Letters Patent
of the office were presented to the Prince by the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Philpott, in presence of a deputation of the most
distinguished officials and about 130 members of the University. In replying to the address of Dr. Philpott, the Prince
said:'This dignity has been bestowed upon me by your spontaneous act, and I
cannot but consider the proof of confidence in me which you have thereby shown
to be more flattering from my not having been educated at your University.'If, however, those ties of early associations, and that grateful feeling
which attaches a scholar to the place to which he owes his mental development, must be wanting in my case, I hope that this deficency may be compensated by that interest which I most strongly feel in the welfare of this
country, and in the institutions to which is committed the important trust
of training the rising generation which is in future to serve and adorn her in
Church and State.'I feel that the task I shall have to perform is not rendered more easy
by my having to repair the loss you have sustained by the death of that
most excellent nobleman who filled the office of Chancellor before me; but
you may rest assured that my new duties will engage my constant and earnest attention, and that you will always find me equally ready to co-operate
with you in your endeavours to promote the general cause of religion, literature, and science, and to maintain those rights and privileges the exercise
of which is essential to the performance of your duties.'
The dignity thus conferred upon the Prince was made more
honourable by the circumstances under which he received it,
and it was a further assurance to the Queen that he was gaining a sure hold upon the affection of her subjects.  Writing
to King Leopold on the 2nd March, Her Majesty says:'Of
course you have seen that Albert (after having declined, so that
he had nothing to do with the unseemly contest) has been
elected Chancellor of Cambridge. He could not do otherwise




1847               LETTER BY PRINCE.                319
than accept it. We have been gratified at the great kindness and respect shown towards Albert by such numbers of
distinguished people.'
It was a piece of pleasant intelligence also for those who
loved him in the old Saxon homeland, and the Prince finds a
place for it, almost as significant as a lady's postscript, in the
following playful letter from Osborne to his stepmother there:' Osborne, 13th March, 1847.'A thousand thanks for your dear letter of the 26th ult.,
which you began with the best intention of writing legibly.
I must assume "l I'homme prop ose, -Diet dispose."  The gods
have not willed that I should decipher it wholly, and they
have therefore veiled my eyes in clouds, as they occasionally
did the whole bodies of the heroes before Troy. Stronger
than my destiny I own I am not; still I have triumphed so
far as to discover that you are well, and, devoted son as I am,
I find ample compensation in this intelligence. It is not
every one who can give so favourable an account of himself
this -win-ter. At least I never remember to have seen so many
people unwell. The winter seems as if it would never come
to an end.
X'We have come here in hopes to inhale the spring by the
sea-shore under blossoming myrtles, laurels, and magnolias, and
have found nothing but frost and parching east wind, with
the addition two days ago of two feet of snow by way of
variety.' Meanwhile I have become Chancellor of the University
of Cambridge, which has elected me after a violent party
struggle, in which, however, I took no part whatever.'
One feature of the imposing ceremony of installation as
Chancellor, which was not to take place till the following
July, had immediately to be provided for. This was the customary Ode, to be set to music and performed on the occasion. The duty of selecting the person by whom it should be
composed devolved upon the Prince, and he decided on requesting the venerable Poet Laureate to undertake the task.'His Royal Highness,' said Colonel Phipps, in his letter to
Wordsworth intimating this request on behalf of the Prince,' would have felt considerable hesitation in thus breaking in
upon your retirement, were it not that his Royal Highness
felt that he might thus bear testimony to his admiration of




320                  WORDSWORTH.                    1847
your genius, and might be the means of procuring for the
University of Cambridge another valuable work of one of her
most distinguished sons.'
The appeal kindled some sparks of his earlier fires in'the old man eloquent'-he was then in his 77th year-and
lhe replied:-'Bath, 15th March, 1847.'Sir, —The request, with which through your hands his
Royal Highness the Prince Albert has honoured me, could
not but be highly gratifying; and I hope that I may be able
upon this interesting occasion to retouch a harp, which I will
not say, with Tasso, oppressed by misfortunes and years, has
been hung up upon a cypress, but which has, however, for
some time been laid aside.'I have the honour to be,'With sincere respect, faithfully'Your most obedient servant,'WILLIABM WORDSWORTH.'' The Hon. C. B. Phipps.
Nor was it in vain that the poet once more invoked the
genius, which long years before had-produced that noble Ode,9
in right of which he stands wellnigh supreme even where
Milton and Dryden are his rivals. Such inspirations come,
indeed, but once in a life, being, as they are, the quintessence
of its deepest emotions and its most heavenward thoughts,
which in a happy hour run themselves into moulds of immortal
beauty. Come, at least, they will not'when mortal voices
bid.' Still Wordsworth had no reason to be ashamed of the
Ode with which he answered to the appeal thus made to him.
It contains, indeed, no single lines or passages that rivet
themselves upon the memory-nothing specially distinctive
of the poet's genius; and this is probably the reason why
he has excluded it from his collected works. But it is picturesque in conception and presents just such a succession of
vivid images, skilfully relieved by light and shade, as with
the accompaniment of music was best fitted for the circumstances under which it was to be heard.
Beginning with a glance at Napoleon's wasteful wars, and
the joy of'rescued Europe' at his fall, it proceeds:
9 Ode on the Intimations of ifnmortality fron' the Becoglections of Eary
Ohildhood.




1847                 HIS INSTALLATION  ODE.                       321'But lo! what sudden cloud has darkened all
The land as with a funeral pall?
The Rose of England suffers blight,
The flower has droop'd, the Isle's delight,
Flower and bud together fallA nation's hopes lie crush'd in Claremont's desolate hall.'
The next strophe passes by a natural transition to the
peals'On this bright May morn, which tell that the future
Queen is born.''And a joyful cry through the Island rang,
As clear and bold as the trumpet's clang,
As bland as the reed of peace," Victoria be her name! "
Time, in his mantle's sunniest fold,
Uplifted on his arms the child;
And, while the fearless infant smiled,
Her happy destiny foretold;" Infancy, by wisdom mild,
Trained to health and artless beauty;
Youth, by pleasure unbeguiled
From the love of lofty duty;
Womanhood in pure renown
Seated on her lineal throne;
Leaves of myrtle in her crown,
Fresh with lustre all their own.
Love, the treasure worth possessing
More than all the world beside,
This shall be her dearest blessing,
Oft to Royal hearts denied."'
The poet had well calculated the effect of such lines sung
in the presence of the Queen and Prince before the flower of
English scholarship and chivalry.  Nor is he less skilful in
his apostrophe to the Prince, of whom his own' H[appy Warrior' —although he knew it not-was no inapt portrait.'Prince, in these collegiate bowers,
Where science, leagued with holier truth,
Guards the sacred heart of youth,
Solemn monitors are ours.
These reverend aisles, these hallowed towers,
Raised by many a hand august,
Are haunted by majestic powers,
The memories of the wise and just,
Who, faithful to a pious trust,
Here in the founder's spirit sought
To mould and stamp the ore of thought
In that bold form and impress high
That best betoken patriot loyalty.




322          WORDSWORTH'S INSTALLATION  ODE.                   1847
Not in vain these sages taughtTrue disciples, good as great,
Have ponder'd here their country's weal,
Weigh'd the future by the past,
Learned how social frames may last,
And how a land may rule its fate
By constancy inviolate,
Though worlds to their foundations reel,
The sport of factious hate or godless zeal.
Albert, in thy race -we cherish
A nation's strength, that will not perish
While England's sceptred line
True to the King of kings is found;
Like that wise ancestor of thine
Who threw the' Saxon shield o'er Luther's life,
When first abo-te the yells of bigot strife
The trumpet of the Living Word
Assumed a voice of deep portentous sound
From gladdened Elbe to startled Tiber heard.-'
The ode was skilfully set to music by Mr. Thomas Atwood
Walmisley, M.A., and proved most effective in performance.'The Installation Ode,' says Madame Bunsen, writing two
days after (Bunsen's Mernoirs, ii. 137),' was really affecting,
because the striking points selected were founded in fact, all
exaggeration  and  humnbug being  avoided.   Forgive  the
slang term; I never wrote it before-but so much of the
thing signified meets one at every turn, turned in with
almost everything, that to mark its absence alone constitutes
high commendation.'
The stately halls and wooded walks of Cambridge never
looked more gay than during the three days' festival of the
Installation. Exquisite summer weather added brilliancy to
the scene. Early on the 5th of July, the Queen and Prince
left town for Cambridge.'A splendid day,' says Her Majesty's
-Diary;' the sky very blue, the sun very, very hot.  At Tottenham we took the Eastern Counties Railway-the great
railway  king, Mr. Hudson  himself, going  with  us-and
reached Cambridge station at one.'  Madame Bunsen, in the
letter above cited, gives an animated picture of the reception
which awaited the Royal party along the route:'As we shot along, e]'ery station and bridge and resting-place and spot
of shade was peopled with eager faces watching for the Queen, and decorated
with flowers, but the brightest and gayest and most excited assemblage was
at the Cambridge Station itself, and from thence along the streets to Trinity




1847                  ADDRESS BY PRINCE.                       323
College the degree of ornament and crowd and animation was always increasiIg. I think I never saw so many children before in one morning. I
felt so much moved at the spectacle of such a mass of life collected together
and animated by one feeling, and that a joyous one, that I was at a loss to
conceive " how any woman's sides can bear the beating of so strong a throb "
as must attend the consciousness of being the object of that excitement, and
the centre of attraction to all these eyes.  We saw the Queen's entrance
into Trinity Lodge, as we stood at a window in the Lodge, and the academic
crowd, in picturesque attire, were as loud in rejoicing as any mob could
have been. Soon after I went with Mrs. Whewell, Lady Hardwicke, and
Lady 3lonteagle, to take our places in the vet vacant Great hall of Trinity,
whither the Queen came to receive the Chancellor's address, and a few
minutes after she had placed herself on the throne, the Chancellor entered
from the opposite end, in his beautiful dress of black and gold, with a long
train held up —made a graceful bow, and read an address, to which the
Queen read an answer with peculiar emphasis, uttering approbation of the
choice made by the University. Admirable was the command of countenance in both; and she only smiled upon the Prince at the close, when all
was over, and she had allowed all the Heads of Houses to kiss her hand,
which they did with exquisite variety of awkwardness, all but two or three.'
Let us now  turn to the record of'the observed of all
observers' in this ceremony.'I cannot say,' Her Majesty
writes in her _Diary the same day,' how  it agitated and embarrassed me to have to receive this address, and hear it read
by my beloved  Albert, who walked in at the head of the
University, and who looked dear and beautiful in his robes,
which were carried by Colonel Phipps and Colonel Seymour.
Albert went through it all admirably-almost absurd, however, as it was for us.  He gave me the Address, and I read
the answer; a few kissed hands, and then Albert retired with
the University.'
After luncheon Her Majesty and suite repaired to the Senate House.'It reminded me,' the -Diary continues,'of Cologne and Bonn, having the Prussian Prince (Waldemar) with
us, and driving about from  one place to  another.  Albert
received rae at the door, and led me up to the seat prepared.
He sat covered in his Chancellor's chair.  There was a perfect
roar of applause, and the heat was overpowering.  Some preliminary business was gone through, and then the public Orator made a long, too long, Latin speech. The three Princes
(Prince Waldemar of Prussia, Prince Peter of Oldenburg, and
the Hereditary Grand-Duke of Saxe-Weimar), Lords Abercorn,
Spencer, and Fortescue, M. Van de Weyer, Prince Liwenstein, the Bishops of Oxford, Tasmania, Cape Town, and MAllbourne, were made doctors.  So also were Sir G. Grey, Sir
Harry Smith (who was much cheered), Sir R. }Murchison, Pro



324                 INSTALLATION.                  1847
fessor Ehrenberg-very odd and very German-looking-and
Professor Muhler.... Got home at twenty-five minutes to
five. Wrote and worked. Such a hot day; but Cambridge
looks beautiful in summer, so different from what we saw it at
the end of October, and with all its gardens so green, and the
flowers in the windows of the colleges, has a very fine effect.'
After dining with the Vice-Chancellor, and hearing the first
part of a concert at the Senate House,'where Lablache, Alboni, and Salvi sang very well,' the Queen and Prince returned
to Trinity Lodge soon after ten.'On our return, Albert went
off to the Observatory, and I walked in the nice little garden
here with my two ladies.'
Next day the ceremony of installation was gone through
in the Senate IHouse. The Prince, who had preceded the
Queen, received Her Majesty at the door, and conducted her
to her place.'It was still more crowded; the heat greater
almost than yesterday, and the applause tremendous.' After
the prize poems had been read, and the medals had been distributed by the Prince, came the performance of the Installation Ode.'The applause was immense, and "God save the
Queen " was called for, and sung by the whole audience,
which had a very fine effect. We drove home at a quarter to
twelve. I occupied myself during the rest of the morning in
reading, writing, working, and drawinog.' After luncheon, the
Royal party went to a horticultural show, in the grounds of
Downing College.' We walked round and into all the tents;
I think there were six-and really this was a very formidable
undertaking, for the heat was beyond endurance, and the
crowd fearful.'
A great banquet in Trinity Hall, followed by a reception,
concluded the public proceedings of the day.'The evening
being so beautiful,' says Her Majesty's -Diary,'we proposed
to walk out, and accordingly at ten set out in curious costumes: Albert in his dress coat, with a mackintosh over it;
I, in my evening dress and diadem, and with a veil over my
head, and the two Princes in their uniform, and the ladies in
their dresses, and shawls, and veils. We walked through the
small garden, and could not at first find our way, after which
we discovered the right road, and walked along the beautiful
avenues of lime-trees in the grounds of St. John's College,
along the water and over the bridges. All was so pretty and
picturesque-in particular, that one covered bridge of St.
John's College, which is like the Bridge of Sighs at Venice.




1847                 AT CAMBRIDGE.                  325
We stopped to listen to the distant hum of the town; and
nothing seemed wanting, but some singing, which everywhere
but here in this country we should have heard. A lattice
opened, and we could fancy a lady appearing, and listening to
a serenade.'
By eight o'clock next morning, the Royal party were again
astir. After a busy morning, during which the Prince held a
levee, and visits were paid to the library of Trinity, and to
the grounds of St. John's College, in which there was a great
gathering of the leading people of the Eastern counties, the
Court bade adieu to Cambridge, where, says the record so
often quoted,'we had spent a truly pleasant and most interesting time. To see my Albert honoured and esteemed, as he
deserves, gives me the deepest satisfaction..... We reached
Buckingham Palace at half-past five, and found all the children very well. I felt tired and 6tourdie. We walked a little
in the garden-then dined alone, and spent a dear, happy, and
peaceful evening.'
Baron Stockmar, who had been ill, and suffering from one
of those fits of despondency to which he was subject, was not
forgotten; and a few lines from the Prince assured him, that
all had gone off at Cambridge to a wish.' Buckingham Palace, 9th July, 1847.'My dear Stodkmar,-Our expedition to Cambridge has
gone off extraordincarily well, although it involved unusual
excitement and fatigue. Never have I seen people in such
good humour.  There was a great gathering of bishops,
scholars, royal personages (Fitrstlichtceiten), nobles and political men, and all seemed well pleased.  My Latin, too,
proved a success. You will see all the details in the newspapers....  Your mental powers appear to me not to have
suffered, for I have not this many a day read anything so
clear in thought and striking in expression as your long letter
to Bunsen on the Press question, which he communicated to
me.'




CHAPTER XIX.
Revolutionary Symptoms throughout Europe —Commercial Distress in England-Great
Distress in Ireland-Opening of Parliament and Queen's Speech-Lord George Bentinck's Scheme in Aid of Irish Railways-Reforms in Germany-Character of King of
Prussia by the Prince-Death of O'Connell-English Intervention in Affairs of Portugal-Discussions in Parlicament-Dissolution-Royal Voyage to Scotland described by
Prince.
THE state of affairs both abroad and at home at the close of
1846 was calculated to occasion grave anxiety, if not apprehension, to the most sanguine politician. The disturbance
of our cordial relations with France embarrassed our whole
foreign policy. The ill-omened Spanish marriages had in them
the seeds of future mischief to Spain itself, as well as to the
chief victim in the transaction, which it required no prophetic
power to foresee, and which were rapidly developed during the
following year in the fall of administration after administration, and in the estrangement of the Queen and King and
rumours of their probable divorce.  Portugal had risen in
arms against its Sovereign, and the country, laid waste by
civil warfare carried on without decisive results on either side,
was menaced by all the evils of poverty, famine, and revolution.   Italy, stirred to the heart with hatred against the
oppression by which it had so long been paralysed, demanded
from  its effete Governments a recognition of Constitutional
principles, that would give freedom  to thought, and a free
field for material and social progress.   To this aspiration
a strong impulse had been given by the liberal opinions and
the reforms of Pio Nono, on his accession to the Pontificate in
the summer of 1846. The dream of a free and united Italy
had become familiar to men's minds.  Sardinia had identified
herself with the popular movement; and Austria, alarmed for
her footing in the Peninsula, was busy with preparations for a
struggle, which it was obvious could not be far distant.  In
Switzerland revolutions had taken place in Berne and Geneva,
which threatened, and indeed were soon afterwards followed
by, civil war, embittered by the deadly element of religious
animosities.  Germany was not behind the other countries of




1847               STATE OF EUROPE.                327
Europe in demanding from her Sovereigns a recognition
of the political rights of their subjects; and it was impossible
not to foresee great danger in the indisposition of her rulers to
appreciate the signs of the times, and the determination of
their people to continue no longer without a voice in the
government of their affairs.
iAt home, again, a heavy cloud hung over the land. Years
of unusual commercial prosperity, which had led as usual to
over speculation, had been followed by the inevitable reaction.
Employment had grown scarcer; wages had fallen; the crops
had failed throughout the greater part of Europe; pinched
by poverty, the working classes were again turning an ear to
the doctrines of political agitators. Bankruptcy and commercial distress were general; and it was feared that, gloomy
as the present state of affairs might be, still gloomier prospects awaited the country in the months to come.
It was in this condition of things that the nation was
called upon to grapple with the calamity of famine and pestilence, which bad now fallen upon Ireland with a force far
beyond the worst that had been feared by Sir Robert Peel
and his Government, when first brought face to face with the
failure of the potato crop of 1845. As they had then foreseen, the failure of the same crop in 1846 had been still
more widely spread; and the ravages of the disease had fallen
with scarcely less destructiveness upon the Western Highlands and Islands of Scotland. In Ireland alone the loss
from this cause was computed at not less than sixteen millions. On a population, whose numbers had long been far in
excess of the resources of the country for comfort or even decent well-being the effect wrought by the total failure of their
at best scanty means of subsistence was appalling.' A famine,' as Lord John Russell said at the time,' of the thirteenth
had fallen upon the people of the nineteenth century,' and
not all the sympathy and wealth of their more fortunate fellow-subjects were able to avert the direful consequences that
ensued. Between September and the 1st of January, 1847,
two millions of money were advanced from the Treasury to
relieve the prevailing distress, and during this period 500,000
men were living upon the funds of the State. But not even
this expenditure, though continued with a lavish hand, and
supplemented by the liberal bounty of individuals, could
stay.the ravages of disease and death which followed with
merciless fatality in the footsteps of the prevailing want. In




328              DISTRESS IN IRELAND.              1847
the Union of Skibbereen, for example, nearly the whole population, consisting of 11,000 persons., perished of famine, and
the deaths in the workhouses were 140 in a single month.
The mortality of Ireland, which on the average of the three
years preceding the famine was 77i,754, rose in 1847 to 249,335.
Every circumstance of horror and dismay, that could attend
an enfeebled population overtaken by a calamity for which
they were wholly unprovided, was illustrated in the ghastly
story of Ireland during that year; and the hearts of the
British nation were daily wrung by narratives,'nothing exceeding which,' to use the language of Lord Brougham in
the House of Lords on the 19th of January, 1847,'is to be
found in the page of Josephus, or on the canvas of Poussin,
or in the dismal chant of Dante.'
On that day Parliament had been opened by the Queen in
person, with -a speech in which the terrible condition of Ireland occupied the most prominent place. In delivering this
Speech it was observed at the time (Aznncul Register, v. 89,
p. 4)'that the passages relating to Irish distress were delivered by Her Majesty in rather a subdued tone, and with an
accent of sympathy for the sufferings described.' The sympathy, which betrayed itself through all the self-command
required for the delivery of the Royal Speech, was destined to
be put to still severer trials by the events of the next few
months. It was but an index of the feeling which reigned
not only in the breasts of Her Majesty's audience, but was
universal throughout the United Kingdom. This found its
expression in the cordial goodwill in which all parties in Parliament joined in strengthening the hands of Government to
meet the urgent necessities of the case. Differences there
were, and these not a few, as to the best means of applying
some permanent remedy for a state of things which had made
such a calamity possible. But there were none as to the
necessity for present help. Pinched as the mass of the community both in England and Scotland themselves were during
the year 1847, the immense votes of public money for Ireland
were viewed by them without a grudge; and not merely so,
but the funds of individuals were subscribed with unprecedented liberality to relieve the horrors of famine, as well as
of the fever and pestilence which followed in its train during
this and the subsequent years.
How severe was the pressure on the great bulk of the
British people during the early part of this year may be esti



1847      MEASURES FOR RELIEF OF IRELAND.          329
mated from the fact that in February wheat was selling at
102 shillings a quarter. It rose still higher in the following
months. The scarcity, thus plainly indicated, was felt through
every household. Not even the Palace escaped.'The price
of bread,' says Her Majesty, writing on the 18th May,'is of
an unparalleled height; we have been obliged to reduce every
one to a pound per day, and only secondary flour to be used
in the Royal kitchen.' 
On 4th February Lord George Bentinck, who had expressed himself, during the debate on the Queen's Speech,
dissatisfied with the Ministerial measures for the relief of Ireland, brought forward a very carefully devised and comprehensive scheme of permanent relief in the shape of advances
to the extent of sixteen millions to be made by the Government for the construction of railways in Ireland. The powers
for the construction of these railways had been already
granted; and the Government advances were to come in supplement of eight millions, which were to be provided by the
companies who had been authorised to construct them, but
were unable, in the prostrate condition of the country, to raise
the whole of the necessary capital.  The scheme was enforced by all that minute accuracy of statistical detail and
careful anticipation of practical difficulties which distinguished
its author. By itself, it would certainly not have met the immediate necessities of the case. The famine was most prevalent in districts where no railways had been sanctioned; and
it would have been impossible to move at once the working
population to the localities where they were wanted. Still,
much might have been done, had labour been diverted to such
works of permanent utility as railways from the futile operations to which it had been applied under the Government
grants of the previous session. A large portion of the public
money, instead of being absolutely wasted, would have created what would have been a permanent source of national
wealth, and would have developed the resources of the country many years in advance of what was otherwise possible.
Ireland had not itself the capital to keep pace with the rest
of the kingdom in the construction of its railways. England
and Scotland were at the time overburdened with the railway
works which they had in hand, and the capital of those countries, even if it had been free, was not likely to be invested
1 Owing to the abundant harvest of the following summer, the price of
wheat hacd fallen in November to 48 shillings a quarter.




330      LORD GEORGE BENTINCK'S PROPOSALS.         1847
in the sister kingdom, impoverished and crippled as it was by
the events of this miserable time. The disaster was an imperial disaster, only to be met by imperial means; and the
circumstances were altogether too exceptional for the application of the rule, otherwise incontrovertible, which was successfully adduced against the measure, that, as the State had
not taken railways into their own hands from the first, they
ought not to interfere with private enterprise in carrying out
the railway system.
The Government rested their chief objections' to the
measure on the ground that, if 16,000,0001. were to be
devoted to this purpose, they did not see their way to providing the funds necessary to meet the immediate demands
created by the famine. They found a powerful supporter in
Sir Robert Peel, who used his great influence as a master of
finance to persuade the House that' with the three-per-cents
at ninety-one, exchequer bills scarcely at a premium, our
foreign relations justifying anxiety, and a probable deficit of
six or seven millions to be provided for,' the Government
was in no position to undertake further engagements
amounting to 16,000,0001. So well did he succeed in this
his first great appearance in opposition to the Protectionist
leader, who had overthrown his own Government, that the
Bill was lost by a majority of 204 in a House of 440.
After the very decided stand made by the Government
against this measure, no small surprise was excited by their
soon afterwards bringing forward a proposition for advancing
620,0001. in loans to certain Irish Railway Companies. This
proposition was carried by a large majority in face of the
opposition of Sir Robert Peel, and amid the exultations of
Lord George Bentinck and his followers, who saw in it a
virtual triumph of the principles on which their own more
comprehensive measure had been based.
Meanwhile the condition of affairs in England as well as
Ireland was becoming more critical. Money was growing
dearer and dearer, manufactures and trade were paralysed,
and darkness and distrust hung upon the horizon of the
future. Chill and ungenial weather added to the general
depression. Writing to Baron Stockmar from Osborne on
22nd April, the Prince says,'We are all well, despite the
miserable weather, and the unintermitting miserable news
from  all quarters. Belgium  is the only pleasant spot in
Europe, for which God be praised. Here difficulties are




1847              AFFAIRS IN PRUSSIA.               331
brooding for a future period; still the peace of the country
will remain unbroken. In Ireland we are daily expecting
rebellion and civil war.'
Nor, as we have already seen, was the aspect of affairs
throughout Europe more reassuring. In Prussia King
Frederick William had inaugurated a new era by the publication in February of a series of ordinances granting a Constitution to that country, and convoking and regulating the
proceedings of the United Diet.  But the measure was
signally -unsatisfactory, as it created an Assembly, to be used
for purposes of consultation only, without any real power
either of initiative or control, and dependent even for being
convoked on the mere will of the Sovereign. It has been said
by Machiavelli, that no one should be a despot by halves.
The saying is equally true of a constitutional King. A half
measu-re of this kind could satisfy no one. Those who were
bent on the establishment of true parliamentary government
found in it only a fresh incentive to press for a substantial
representation of the national will; while the antagonists of
monarchy were confirmed by it in their conviction that no
real concession of popular rights was to be expected from the
Sovereign. The Speech of the King at the opening of the
Diet on 11th April,-a remarkable display of the eloquence
which stirs the heart, but leaves the intellect unsatisfiedleft no doubt in men's minds that the Royal ordinances
could only be the prelude to great and probably stormy
agitation. Such,.at least, appears to have been the impression produced by it on the Prince's mind. On 15th April he
writes to Baron Stockmar:-'I have to-day read with alarm  the King of Prussia's
speech, which in my vile word-for-word translation into English produces a truly strange impression. Those who know
and love the King recognise him and his views and feelings
in every word, and will be grateful to him for the frankness
with which he expresses them; but if we put ourselves into
the position of a cold critical public, our heart sinks. What
confusion of ideas! And what boldness in a King to speak
extempore; and at such a moment, and at such length, not
only to touch all the most terrible and difficult topics, but to
plunge into them slap-dash, to call God to witness, to promise,
threaten, protest, &c.'
In writing to Baron Stockmar a few days later the Prince




332                     THE PRINCE                      1847
remarks on two qualities in the character of King Frederick
William, which were soon found to interfere fatally with his
powers to deal with the problems of practical politics.'The King lets himself be misled by similes which captivate his fancy, which he carries out only so far as they suit
his purpose, and which frequently by no means reflect the
true state of things, but satisfy because they are clever and
suggestive (geistreich).' This makes close discussion with
him impossible..... Then the King runs another risk in this,
that he adopts sutbjective feelings and opinions as the motive
principle of his actions, and then not only acts upon them, but
also desires that, as these feelings and opinions are dear and
sacred to him, they should be the same to everybody else, no
matter whether they are not even affected by them in the
slightest degree or not, nay, although to carry them into effect would operate a probable injustice.  To this class belong
those feelings of piety towards the late King, which only the
son can feel, and those favourite maxims, which have a special
truth for him, springing as they do out of certain favourite
studies and lines of thought. Herein is to be found the key
to his strange address from the throne. It is a purely subjective Brandenburg, Hohenzollern, Frederick-Wilhelmish opinion..'' Since December,' the Prince continues,  affairs in Germany have improved at every turn. Russia has felt that
above all things a further attempt on the nationality of Poland
would not be politic, and Prussia, by her entrance into constitutional life, has been withdrawn from those alliances by
which she has identified herself with the Northern powers,
although the King thinks he must and can hold by them,
and he will soon perceive that even although lie were disposed to do so, the two other Powers would not agree to
have him.'
As already mentioned, Baron Stockmar had returned to
Germany in the beginning of April.  During the lengthened
stay he had made in England on the occasion of this visit, the
Prince had become more than ever accustomed to associate
2  HIalf the wrong conclusions at which mankind arrives, are reached by the
abuse of metaphors, andl by mistaking general resemblance or imaginaryv similarity for real identity.' —Lord Palmerston, in a letter cited in Lord Dallingl's
Life, ii. 298.








................
il~~ ~~i~OE
1                                                                     i::~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~........................................................




1847                AND BARON  STOCKMAR.                        333
this priceless friend with whatever interested his attention or
occupied his thoughts.  Herr Friedrich Carl Meyer, now Councillor of Legation at Berlin, who became the Prince's librarian
and secretary in May 1846, on the retirement of Dr. Prmetorius,
gives a vivid picture of these Friends in Council.'Commonly
towards evening, when he had returned from a drive or business, the Prince came running to the Baron's room, his arms
full of papers and despatch boxes, with the impetuosity peculiar to him,3 and, telling his own news and asking for ours,
flung himself down to rest upon the sofa, while his old friend,
first listening observantly, and anon breaking into talk, walked
up and down, and poured forth a sparkling store of mingled
experiences, maxims, anecdotes, and illustrations drawn for
the most part from his own life.'
The chain of intimacy thus established was kept up by
active correspondence after the Baron's return to Germany.
In the conviction that no event of either the home or public
life of the Queen or himself was without interest for his
friend, it was always a pleasure for the Prince to steal some
moments from his scanty leisure to keep him informed of
what was going on. Thus on 29th May he writes to him
amidst the distractions of a house filled with distinguished
guests, and the countless claims of the London season:' Dear Stockmar,-N- Ve are frightfully taken up with royal
personages. The Grand Duke Constantine, the Hereditary
Prince of Lucca, Prince Oscar of Sweden, the Hereditary
Grand Duke and Duchess of Weimar, are all here together,
besides which "the season" has suddenly become active, and
3 This passage occurs in an admirable Memoir of Baron Stockinar, which
appearecl in the Preussischfe Jahrsbiicher for October, 1863. In a note upon this
passage, Stoclmar's biographer says,' that the weight of business which by
degrees the Prince took upon himself was so great, that he had got into the
habit in all his movements, even when passing along the corridors, of going at
a double quick pace.'
Herr Meyer met Stockmar for the first time in 1846 at Baron Bunsen's in
London. In his Memoir already quoted, he gives the following spirited
sketch of this remarkable man:' During breakfast, Baron Stockmnar was announced; he entered and sat down, very soon dominating the conversation-an
active, decided, slender, rather little man, with a compact head, brown hair,
streaked with grey, a bold short nose, firm yet full mouth, and, what gave a
peculiar air of animation to his face, with two youthful, flashing brown eyes
tull of roguish intelligence and fiery provocation. With this exterior, the style
of his demeanour and conversation corresponded; bold, bright, pungent, eager
full of thoulht, so that amid all the bubbling copiousness and easy vivacity of
his talk, a certain purpose wiras never lost sight of in his remarks and illustrations.'




334              DEATH OF O'CONNELL.                1847
a bost of old promises of public dinners, parties, meetings,
bazaars, &c., will have to be fulfilled, and this with the thermometer at 25 Rfaumur. Ascot falls next week.'In home politics, O'Connell's death is the most recent
event, and it has had no effect whatever.4 It is a befitting end
to an agitator, that, two years after he had stood before the
world like a Colossus, he should pass out of it unnoted, whereas the man of true worth cannot survive his reputation. Lord
Bessborough is also dead, and Lord Clarendon has taken his
place.'
Had Baron Stockmar's love for music-which was by no
means small-been sufficiently ardent to overcome the invincible repugnance to going to hear it in any public place, this
letter would probably have contained some reference to a
singer, who had a fortnight before taken the town by storm,
and whose performances gave to the Queen and Prince at this
time many hours of exquisite enjoyment. In a letter written
only two days previously to King Leopold, who, like the
Prince, was passionately fond of music, Her Majesty had
written: —'Jenny Lind is really quite eine seltene Erschei-.aung. Her acting alone is worth going to see, and the piano
way she has of singing is, as Lablache says, unlike anything
he ever heard. He is a good and impartial judge, and he is
quite enchanted, and says she is wholly unlike any one else.
There is a purity in her singing and acting which is quite indescribable.'
Matters of more interest to Baron Stockmar were at this
time engaging much of the Prince's attention. In 1836 the
Baron had conducted to a successful issue, under circumstances
of no ordinary difficulty, the negotiations for the marriage of
Queen Donna Maria of Portugal with Prince Ferdinand, the
son of the younger brother of the then reigning Duke of Coburg. His zeal for the principles of constitutional government, no less than his interest in the welfare of the Coburg
family, had made him an anxious observer of the recent occurrences in Portugal, where the arbitrary and despotic proceedings of the Government had driven the people into rebellion, and a civil war had raged for many months. Not a word
was to be said in defence of the conduct of the Queen and her
Government. Yielding to the suggestions of evil counsellors
she had deprived her subjects of the rights guaranteed to
4 He died on his way to Rome at Genoa, on 15th Mbay, at the age of 72.




1847           INSURRECTION IN PORTUGAL.              335
them by the constitution of stating their grievances in the
Cortes.'The reply of the people,' to use the language of
Lord Palmerston,''was natu'ral and just. Driven from  the
hustings and from Parliament, they sought refuge in the field.'
Meanwhile the country was being wasted, the passions of its
population roused, and its resources sapped by the miseries of
a war, which must end in permanent injury to its welfare,
with whichever party success might ultimately rest, and
doom i it in all likelihood to years of hopeless anarchy. It was
no part of English policy to interfere in the internal dissensions of a foreign State; but at the same time she could not
regard with indifference the disasters with which a country
-was threatened, to which she was bound by the alliance of
centuries, as well as by ties of intimate commercial relations.
The maintenance of peace upon the Continent was also a
matter of the utmost importance, and any separate intervention by Spain or France-and there was strong reason to apprehend that such intervention would take place —would have
made this impossible.
In these circumstances what was England to do?  Was
she to stand aloof, while the contending parties fought out
their differences, waiting until the miserable drama should be
brought to a close,'either by wide-spread destruction and
desolating anarchy, or by the establishment of a cruel and revengeful tyranny?'' If she were content to stand aside, so
would not Spain, who could not brook a revolutionary party
at her doors. As little would France, who very early intimated her opinion that a case had arisen under which she
might be called upon, in terms of the Quadruple Treaty, for
military and naval aid.
For many months the English Government confined their
action to mediation between the Portuguese Government and
the Junta-urging on the former such concessions as would
remove the causes of the war, and at the same time secure an
amnesty to those who had placed themselves at the head of
the popular party.  Language could not be more explicit
than was used by our representative at Lisbon to make the.Queen and her Ministers understand that they must not expect England either to help them to continue a system of
5 Despatch to Sir Hamilton Seymour of 13th June, 1847, quoted in Lord
Dalling's Life, p. 334.
G Speech of Lord Palmerston (5 July, 1847) on Mr. Bernal Osborne's motion.
— Ilansar(d, vol. xciii. p. 1202.




336          INTERVENTION OF FOUR POWERS.                1847
misgovernment, or to allow Spain to give them support for
such a purpose.7  On the Queen herself and some members
of her Government these remonstrances produced an effect;
but the Marquis of Saldanha, who, besides being President
of the Council, was also Commander-in-Chief of the army,
refused to be a party to any measures of conciliation, and
threatened to resign his office unless resort were taken to
Spanish intervention; in other words, unless the minority of
the nation should, by aid of a Spanish force, be enabled to
crush the majority. He followed up this intimation by marching oil Oporto, which was held by the forces of the Junta,
early in March; and there the conflicting armies remained
face to face in a state of inaction until the end of April, when
the Saldanha Ministry resigned. Upon this Queen Donna
Maria accepted the English offers of mediation, and agreed to
negotiations being opened with the insurgents upon the terms
suggested by the English Government.  Hostilities were suspended, and Colonel Wylde went to Oporto to endeavour to
induce the Junta to accept the offered terms.
Colonel Wylde was unsuccessful in his mission. The
English Government had been careful to make the terms
offered to the Junta such, that their refusal would justify the
Ministry, before Parliament and before the world, in taking
active measures to put an end to the war.  France and Spain
were now prepared to make common cause with them  for
this purpose, and on the 21st May a Conference was held in
London between the representatives of these countries and
those of Portugal and England, when a protocol was agreed
to, embodying the terms to be offered to the Junta by the
Queen, and by which the four Powers at the same time
engaged to co-operate by force of arms to attain the common
object.
The affaiir had reached this point, when the Prince wrote
the following letter to Baron Stockmar: —
Buckinghllam Palace, 7th June, 1847.'I must keep you somewhat au courant, little time as I
have for doing so. In politics, Parliament is now the rock
7 See Despatch from Lord Palmerston to Sir H. Seymour the English
Minister at Lisbon, of 5th February, 1847, quoted by Lord DaIling, vol. iii.,
p. 337.'The Queen,' says the Despatch,'should remember that unless she
shows herself to be the sovereign of the whole nation, she cannot expect the
whole nation to regard and love her as their Sovereign; and that a throne
whose stability rests on the point of the bayonet has a very ticklish and uncertain basis. Pray preach all these thirgs, and such others as may occur to
you in the same spirit.'




1847              DEBATES ON PORTUGAL.                    337
ahead.  Our proposals have been rejected by the Junta, as
you know, and thereupon a protocol was drawn up with
Portugal, Spain, and France, according to which the Junta
is to be brought into submission.... A direct motion of
censure and affirmation of the principles of non-intervention
is now to be brought forward, on which the Protectionists
and Radicals will unite,'the friends of Dom  Miguel and
Montemolin with those of the Junta, those of Palmella (who
is here), &c., with the enemies of Lord Palmerston, and
generally those who want to have no trouble from  foreign
affairs.  Yesterday I saw Sir Robert (Peel), who is greatly
alarmed, and believes the Protectionists are bent on getting
the elections into their hands,8 and might very easily place the
Government in a minority, which would entail as its consequence the Ministry's going out here and the triumph of the
Junta in Portugal.  The debate is fixed for Thursday.' The public will set down the business as a Coburg family
affair, and especially in connection with the fact that Sir
Hamilton Seymour went direct from Brussels to Lisbon, that
Wylde is in my service, that we have received Dietz' at Court
here, and say that Ministers have taken the step unwillingly,
&c. Xous verrons!'
Meanwhile, the fleet of the Portuguese insurgents, under
the command of the Conde das Antas, had sailed out of Oporto,
and surrendered on the 31st of May, on the summons of the
British Admiral.  Writing on the 12th of June to Baron
Stockmar, the Prince says:-'- You will have already heard
that the united fleet before Oporto has taken prisoner Das
Antas, with all his ships and 4,000 men.  The Junta now
gives in, and will accept our mediation.0 The effect of this
here has been greatly to allay the Parliamentary storm, but it
is still very violent. A hot debate, in which the Radicals and
Protectionists attacked the Portuguese Court, Sir H. Seymour,
Colonel Wylde, and the Ministry, with remarkable bitterness, has been adjourned, and will occupy a portion of next
8 A general election was now imminent.
A German gentleman, who had been attached in a non-official capacity to
the Portuguese Court.
o1 This proved to be not strictly the case. Hostile operations continued to
be carried on in the neighbourhood of Oporto: and it was not until the citv
had been invested by thle Spanish troops which had been sent into Portugal
under General Concha, to co-operate witth the other powers, that the Junta
finally accepted the terms offered. This was not finally arranged till the 30th
of June,
15




338             RESULT OF DEBATES ON               184'7
week. Lord Stanley will then commence an onslaught in the
Lords.'
On the 11th of June the Portuguese question was brought
before the House of Commons by Mr. Joseph Hume, who
moved,' That in the judgment of this House, the armed interference of this Government between political parties in
Portugal is unwarrantable in principle, and likely to lead to
serious and mischievous consequences.' The debate was continued on the 14th, when, after a very able speech, in which
Sir Robert Peel threw the whole weight of his authority into
the scale with the Government, the discussion collapsed by the
House being counted out at the early hour of eight o'clock.
The Prince reports the result in the following letter to Baron
Stockmar:-'The day before yesterday the Portuguese debate came to
an end in the strangest way. It had lasted three days with
the greatest warmth and bitterness, and, on the day of the
Division, Lord Stanley made. a furious attack in the Upper
House. In the House of Commons Peel made a masterly
speech in support of the Ministry, and thereupon the House
was counted out. In the House of Lords they divided, after
a speech of Lord Lansdowne and the old Duke in opposition
to Stanley, as nobody would speak on Stanley's side, and the
majority was 20 against Stanley, who had left the House
himself.'Now there is nothing but recriminations between the
Radicals and the Protectionists, and between these again
among themselves, and also between Lord George Bentinck
and Lord Stanley.. It seems, Lord George Bentinck had let
the House of Commons be counted out because he was not
sure of his majority, and, as he was quite sure of it in the
Lords, the vote of censure would have had all the effect of
coming, as it were, from both Houses. The Ministers are
greatly pleased, and Palmerston, who, strange to say, had not
spoken a word in the debate, said to us, " It is very well so,
but perhaps it would have been better if the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs had had an opportunity of saying a few
words."  Now the Opposition is laughed at on all sides.
Hume is furious, and yesterday called Sir Robert's speech " a
mass of absurdities."'Peel thinks the whole affair "lthe most curious instance
in Parliamentary history."  On Sunday he was on the point




1847                 PORTUGUESE AFFAIRS.                       339
of coming to me to prepare me for the coming catastrophe,
and Lord John wrote to the Queen, "Your Majesty must be
prepared to receive the resignation of Ministers towards the
end of the week."  The chief attacks have been directed
against poor Wylde, "that firebrand!" as Hume called him.
The debate was, moreover, distinguished by boundless onesidedness and adhesion to the Junta.'Buckingham Palace, 17th June, 1847.'
The opportunity of saying a few words in defence of his
policy which Lord Palmerston desired was furnished by a
motion of Mr. B. Osborne's on Portuguese affairs on the 5th
of July following, when his lordship wound up a very remarkable speech in these words:-'Our object has been neither to serve the Portuguese Crown nor to oppress the Portuguese people. We found Portugal a prey to civil war which
threatened to lay waste the country, to deluge it with blood, to ruin its
finances, to put an end to its prosperity, and to bring in famine as the only
stop to military operations. Looking, then, at Portugal as our natural ally,
as a country which it was important for British interests to maintain as a
material element in the balance of European power-viewing it as very important to British interests, that this country should remain a wealthy and
prosperous friend, we thought we should best consult our duty in obtaining
for the Portuguese nation those constitutional securities, which by the bad
advice of the Councillors of the Crown in that country had been suspended:
our object was to put an end to bloodshed, and in that we have succeeded.
And in bringing the war to a peaceful termination-in transferring the struggle from the field of battle to the arena of Parliamentary debate, we have, I
think, earned the thanks of political parties in this country, and given the
Portuguese nation the means which the constitution and the popular institutions of the country have secured to them of stating their grievances,
of obtaining,-and, if necessary, I will say, of extorting-redress from the
Crown.'-Hansard, vol. xciii. p. 1214.
It was not unnatural, in the weak condition of the Ministry, that serious apprehensions should be felt as to the issue
of the debate on Mr. Hume's motion.  There was much to be
said against whatever blore the semblance of interfering between a justly incensed people and their sovereign, which was
sure to commend itself to the popular mind. In the present
case it was bv no means easy to establish, that we had not
violated our favourite principle of non-intervention, and violated it for this very purpose.  The arguments in support of
this view lay upon the surface. On the other hand, it required a judgment both calm and courageous to come to the
conclusion, that having the means to save the country from




340          OPINION OF BARON STOCKMAR.            1847
permanent disaster, and the Sovereign from the evil effects of
mischievous advisers, if not from ultimate ruin, we were bound
to use them, not only in our own interests but in those of
Europe. it is interesting to see the view of this Parliamentary crisis taken by Baron Stockmar. On the 25th of
June he writes to the Prince:-'In reading the news you sent me about Portugal, and
thinking over them since, I have been once more forcibly impressed with the truth and significance of the maxim that a
man's observation and judgment are influenced in a remarkable degree by the nearness or remoteness in which he stands
relatively to the matters of which he has to judge. Hence I
was unable from first to last to consider any one of the apprehensions as well founded, which the Hume motion had occasioned partly to the Ministry, partly to well-disposed and intelligent men like Sir Robert Peel.' The attitude taken up by England was so clearly, decisively, and unmistakably indicated by outward circumstances,
and so authoritatively prescribed in purely English interests,
and the Ministry had held back so long, and in the measures
ultimately adopted by them had inclined so much to the side
of the insurgents, that I could only regard as truly absurd the
apprehension that what they had done could possibly be denounced as un-English, despotic, and wrong... Fear seems,
however, to have infected all who wished to support the Ministry, and to this, too, may be ascribed Macaulay's extravagant
coquetting with the Portuguese insurgents and the Radicals
in the House of Commons. There his speech may have produced an effect, but it must disgust every one whose judgment
is not warped by party, because of its party, tone.....The
statesman who has to speak in public should speak the truth,
and nothing but the truth, to both sides. Only by so doing
can he help both parties to a clear and just perception of those
ideas which are of vital moment, and on which alone whatever
ought to be based on peace, justice, and law, can with safety
be based. With you in England, Sir Robert may call the result of this motion "a most curious instance in Parliamentary
history," but to us here the Ministerial apprehensions can only
appear to be thoroughly unfounded, and the whole case a most
childish incident in Parliamentary warfare.'From such occurrences vour Royal Highness will reap
the lesson, that storms, which have a threatening aspect in




1847          DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.           341
Parliament, must be estimated very differently by the Sovereign and by yourself from what they are by the Ministry or
by the leader of the Opposition. These last are situated altogether so differently, that their means of forming a just conclusion are peculiarly affected by that fact, and their prognosis
on a critical state of circumstances, therefore, resembles nothing
so closely as that of a timorous or wary physician, who always
holds it prudent to prepare himself and others for the worst
emergency.'
On the 23rd of July Parliament was prorogued by the Queen
in person, on which occasion the new House of Lords, then
only recently completed, presented an unusually brilliant appearance. The affairs of Ireland again occupied the chief place
in Her Majesty's Speech, which concluded with announcing
the immediate dissolution of Parliament. The elections commenced at the end of the month, and resulted in leaving the
state of parties very much as it had been in the previous Parliament. There was no prominent question on which to appeal
to the country, about which either party could rouse the enthusiasm of its adherents. Upon the whole it was doubtful
whether the Government had not lost rather than gained by
the dissolution, as not only had several of their number lost
their seats, but the new Parliament contained a greater body
of independent members, whose votes, although generally
available to the Government, could not always be relied upon
in an emergency.
On the 5th of August the Prince writes to Baron Stockmar:'Here the elections are pretty well over. The City has elected
four Liberals, including Lord John and Rothschild. Macaulay,
1Hobhouse, Hawes, ana General Fox have lost their seats,which
places the Government in a position of great embarrassment.
Hobhouse has been supplanted by Fergus O'Connor, the Chartist. The new Parliament is very Liberal.'
The time for a well-earned holiday had now come. Scotland was again the country to which the Queen and Prince
looked for recreation and retirement; and on the 11th of
August they embarked at Osborne in the Royal yacht. It is
rare, indeed, to find the Prince entering in his letters into the
details of his journeys, or giving expression to the delight with
which, in the course of these, every feature of beauty and interest was sure to be observed by him and to have attention




342            THITRD VISIT TO SCOTLAND.           1847
called to it. The follo-wing  letter is, however; an exception,
and will, therefore, be read with peculiar interest."'Dear Stockmar, —We embarked on the evening of the
11th opposite Osborne, our party being composed of —Victoria
and myself, the two eldest children, with Miss Hildyard,
Charles (Prince of Leiningen), the Duke and Duchess of Norfolk, Lady Jocelyn, General Wremyss, Captain Gordon, and
Sir James Clark.  We dropped down to Yarmouth, as the
sailors say, the same evening, and there we slept. Next
morning about four we ran out, but, owing to the mist, made
only two miles. Towards eight o'clock a second attempt to
get out towards the Atlantic was successful. A ground-swell
forced two-thirds of those on board-the ladies and children,
with some exceptions, included —to resign themselves to seasickness. To my everlasting credit, I stood my ground with
Charles, thanks to following steadily the advice of Sir Charles
Napier (the Admiral), "to take a glass of port wine," and I
stood it until we disembarked at Fort William. The sick
folks decided to abandon the expedition to Falmouth, and we
ran into Dartmouth, as we did with you last year. On the
13th we went with the same swell and mist to the Scilly
Islands, where we passed the night, after a walk to the Star
Castle at St. Mary's. Lord Adolphus was very glad we saw
the islands, and gave vent to his feeling in the remark, " That
is a very good thing over; I should think you will never care
to see them again."'On the 14th we started at 4 A.M., and made land first in
Milford Haven. I inspected the Pembroke Dockyard, and
drove as far as Pembroke to see the fine old Castle. On the
15th we left South Wales, and about noon arrived opposite the
Isle of Anglesea in sight of Snowdon, and the glorious Welsh
mountains. Here we left the " Victoria and Albert" to make
the unpleasant run to Holyhead, whilst we ourselves made
our way through the Menai Straits in the "Fairy," attended
by the "Garland," with Smithett on the left, and old Hamilton on the right paddle-box. We passed Caernarvon Castle
and Plas Newydd. I went on shore and examined the famous
chain bridge. We anchored before Beaumaris. I landed in
Bangor, and made in a comical equipage an expedition to
11 HIer M.{ajesty's account of the excursion has already been made public in
Leaves fromn  a Jaornat.




1847              LETTER BY PRINCE.                343
Penrhyn Castle, a magnificent place. We regained the yacht
in the Cross Roads, where we passed the night.'On the 16th we saw land first in the Isle of Mtan, where
we ran into the Bays of Douglas and Ramsay; our anchorage
for the night was Loch Ryan in Wigtonshire, a large bay
open to the north-west. The 17th brought us into the wonderfully beautiful region of the Western Islands of Scotland.
We halted half an hour before the majestic Ailsa Craig (which
rises 1,000 feet out of the sea), and tried to get a shot at the
millions of Solan geese which inhabit it, and which we scared
from their haunts by several cannon-shot. They enveloped us
like a cloud, but at a distance out of range of shot, calculated
with almost mathematical precision.'The grand outline of the island of Arran, of which Ch.
A. Murray had often told us, soon compensated us for the
failure of our sportsmanship. We sailed through Lamlash
Bay, inside of Holy Island, and then through Brodick Bay,
where Lord and Lady Douglas's romantic castle lies. Our
course then took us towards the island of Bute, and past the
little islands of Great Cumbray and Little Cumbray, where
the clergyman prays, "Lord Almighty protect the inhabitants
of Great Cumbray and Little Curnbray, and of the neighbouring Isles of Great Britain and Ireland! " then up the Firth of
Clyde to Greenock, where we again got on board the " Fairy,"
and sailed on, pursued, in the literal sense of the word, by
upwards of 40 steamers, towards Dumbarton. There we
landed, and climbed the ancient Castle, of which our picture
in Osborne gives a most faithful representation. On our way
back we passed Greenock, and up the quite uniquely beautiful Loch Long, and down again, and again steamed back to
the main portion of our fleet in Rothsay Bay, isle of Bute.
Here the people were as much rejoiced to see the Duke of
Rothsay as the Welsh were to salute the Prince of Wales on
their native ground. The good people of the Isle of Man
put in their paper, that I led the Prince Regent by the hand! 
Usually one has a Regent for an infant; but in Man it seems
to be precisely the reverse.'On the 18th we steamed through the Kyles of Bute, and
then up Loch Fyne to Inverary, where we enjoyed a Highland
welcome and a good luncheon with the Argyles. What a
superb situation! On the way back we ran into Loch Gilp,
-all this in the "Fairy."  The "Victoria and Albert" had in
the meanwhile steamed round the Mull of Cantyre to Loch




344               LETTER BY PRINCE.                 1847
Crinan, where we rejoined her after passing through the
Crinan Canal in a boat triumphantly decorated, drawn by
handsomely dressed jockeys, and accompanied by the whole
Highland population on foot. We halted for the night at
Loch Crinan.'On the 19th we proceeded through a maze of islands, of
which the prettiest are Luing, Kerrera, and Lismore, to the
north, passing Oban, a charming spot, thence across to the
Island of Mull, through the Sound of Mull into the open sea,
the islands of Rum, Muck, Coll, and Tiree visible in thle distance. We made straight for Staffa, and were able, thanks to
the splendid weather, which was uninterruptedly kind to us
after we left the Scillys, to run into Fingal's Cave, in the
Royal barge, with the Royal standard flying. On me the
cave produced a most romantic impression, on the ladies a
very " eerie " and uncomfortable one. With a view to tracing
the basaltic formation more closely, I scrambled on foot for
some time up and down the island. ~We were, however, forcedl
to make haste, having still to visit Iona, and afterwards to
return to the Sound of N3ull, as the clouds were already
beginning to blow up from the south-west.'In Iona I visited the ruins of the remarkable early Christian Churches. On the 20th we reft Tobermory in the Sound
of Mull, and sailed up the Linnhe Loch to our final anchorage
at Fort William. The time admitted of my making an expedition with Charles to Loch Leven, and thence, half on foot,
half by carriage, we ascended the Pass of Glencoe, famous and
infamous for the Massacre of the Macdonalds.  Yesterday,
the 21st, we landed and came to this remote and desolate,
but wildly beautiful Loch Laggan, under a persistent Scotch
mist.'Here I close my chronicle, but let me not conclude my
letter without the expression of my heartfelt wish for the improvement of your health.
Ardverikie, Loch Laggan, 22nd August, 1847.'




CHAPTER XX.
Stay at Ardverikie-Prince's Birthday-Active Political Studies-Unsettled Aspect of European Affairs-State of Italy-Proposal to send Lord Minto to Rome and the Italian
States —Memorandum by Prince on the Subject —Letter by hin to Lord John RussellLetter by Baron Stockmar —Life at Ardverikie.
THE'persistent Scotch mist' which enveloped the country
round Loch Laggan on the arrival of the Royal guests, was
only exchanged during the greater part of their stay at Ardverikie for the more transparent, though scarcely less disagreeable veil of steady rain.'The view from the windows,' says
the Queen the next day (Leaves fromn a cJournal),'as I now
write, though obscured by rain, is very beautiful and extremely
wild.' A few days later the tone of the same record becomes
almost despairing.'There is little to say of our stay at
Ardverikie; the country is very fine, but the weather most
dreadful.' But the worst weather in a mountainous country
has its gleams of grandeur or beauty; and sullen skies and
stormy showers can never wholly mar the charm of a Highland
retreat so finely placed, or of the free and simple life which is
possible within it.  The storm might howl without, but there
were happy hearts and busy brains within to make the hours
pass swiftly, and not without some freight of pleasantness.
The Prince's birthday (26th August) brought with it the
accustomed tokens of regard in gifts from the many (far and
near) that loved him, and it was celebrated with the honours
of a Highland gathering.  The next day he writes to the
Duchess of Kent:-'I have to thank ycu for two dear letters, and for very
beautiful presents which reached me yesterday by Victoria's
hand, and delighted me greatly.  The glass vases are indeed
extremely fine, and so also are the Statuettes of the Consoling
and Avenging Angels.'Victoria has written to you with full particulars of our
journey, and Charles has also described portions of it, so you
will not expect me to do more than express in general terms




346              STAY AT ARDVERIKIE.                1847
that we have truly had immense enjoyment of nature, and
that the trouble is well repaid of visiting the west coast of
Scotland. I must also confess that the reporter was right
when he said, " The Prince looked pleased with everything,
and everybody, and with himself too." Is. not that a happy
state?'Ardverikie,' which you will probably not trust yourself
to pronounce, is very lovely and wild, and is a thorough
Highland retreat. The reporters call it an " un-come-at-able
place," because they are quartered on the other sid6 of Loch
Laggan, which is only to be crossed on a flying bridge, that
belongs exclusively to ourselves.'The children are well and happy. Yesterday, my twentyeighth birthday, we had a Highland gathering at which there
were all sorts of ancient games of a warlike kind. Now I
conclude, in peaceful wise, calling myself'Your devoted Son,' ALBLER T.'Ardverikie, 2Zth August, 1847.'
It will be seen by the following letters, written a few days
later to Baron Stockmar, that in migrating to the Highlands
the Prince had only changed the scene of those unremitting
political studies which were now absorbing his attention, and
in which his aspirations for a United Germany played not the
least prominent part:-'Dear Stockmar,-You can have only two words to-day
to tell you that we are well, that whenever we stir out we
come home almost frozen, and always wet to the skin, that
the grouse are wild, and the deer very hard to be got at,
despite all which we are still very happy.'I am deep in German politics with Charles who understands them dfond, and we write Memorandums with a view
to the strengthening of German unity by means of a living
Union (]3tundc), and keep pounding away at Austria as the
main obstruction.' In European politics that Power is likely to bring us into
a frightful complication in Italy. We can see the storm
brewing. I am strongly of opinion that England should de1 The Sturting Lodge of Ardverikic was destroyed by fire 17th October, 1873.
At the time of the Queen's visit it belonged to Lord Henry Bentinck, and was
rented by Lord Abercola.




1847       POLITICAL STUDIES AT ARDVERIKIE.         347
clare betimes, that it will not endure that independent States
should be forcibly prevented from setting about such internal
reforms as they shall think for their advantage. This appears to me the sound basis for us, vis-d-vis of Germany,
Switzerland, and Italy. We are frequently inclined to plunge
States into Constitutional reforms towards which they have
no inclination. This I hold to be quite wrong (vicde Spain,
Portugal, Greece), although it is Lord Palmerston's bobby;
but, on the other hand, I maintain that England's true
position is to be the defence and support (dcie ichzutzmcacht)
of States whose independent development is sought to be impeded from without.'Ardverikie, 2nd September, 1847.''Dear Stockmar,-We are still in Ardverikie, and still it
rains and blows, nay, it has even snowed more than once.
Under this experience Clark finds the Western Highlands
"rather humid."  Charles has left us to look after the duties
of his post in Munich. Lord Grey has been relieved by Lord
Palmerston. I have been at pains to form a closer acquaintance with the former, which in travelling together can easily
be done, as your experience will remind you. Just as little
as you found me "so unmanageable" about coffee as people
would have made you believe, did I find Lord Grey untractable upon great political questions; on the contrary, there
was not one principle contended for by him (and he has principles, which is more than can be said of all the statesmen of
the day), to which I would not cheerfully subscribe.  He is
very positive in his views, fond of discussion, and sticks very
firmly to his opinions, but he is quite open to argument, and,
if worsted, is ready to own it at once, and to adopt the argument by which he was overthrown.  "Yes, yes, I was
wrong, I see," he will say, the moment he is shown to have
been in error.' Lord Palmerston acts less upon principle; still, obstinate
although he is, he always gives in when driven into a corner
by argument.'The political horizon grows darker and darker. Italy,
Greece, Spain, Portugal are in a state of ferment. I have
worked out a long Memorandum for Lord John Russell,
which I should like to show you, in which I have tried to define the position of England with reference to the moverments
of Liberalism in Europe.




348                LIBERAL MOVEMENT                    1847' In Lisbon a Ministry has at last been constructed, composed of nullities, item, they are comformable to Protocol, as
they belong neither to the Junta nor to the Cabralists proper,
and so things are kept in the right groove.... I hear that
Ferdinand is unwell, and needs the air of Cintra, and says,
if this Ministry too miscarry, he does not know what will
happen.' Ardverikie, 11th September, 184&.'
It was not without cause that the Prince expressed himself
so strongly as to the sombre aspect of the political horizon.
The immediate difficulty in Portugal had been got over in
the way indicated in this letter, but things there were still
far from being established on a basis likely to prove permanently satisfactory.  In Spain, the differences between the
young Queen and her government had reached such a crisis
that an abdication had become imminent, and was being
forced on by the partisans of the French within the country.
It is, however, due to Louis Philippe to say, that this was
wholly contrary to his wishes. Switzerland was on the brink
of a civil war. Austria was bent upon crushing the spirit of
reform which was abroad and active in Italy.
With the view of strengthening the hands of Pio Nono
in the course of reform on which he had entered, Lord Palmerston intimated a desire to send a confidential representative to Rome, and had indicated Lord Minto, then Lord
Privy Seal, for the task. On the 28th of August the Queen
was apprised of this wish by a letter from Lord John Russell.
The question thus raised was so grave, that Her Majesty and
the Prince embodied in the following Memorandum for Lord
John Russell the views which presented themselves to them
on the first blush of the proposal. It is to this Memorandum
the Prince refers in the letter just quoted. In it will be
found a fuller development of the sound principle as to the
true attitude of England towards the internal reforms of
other European States, stated by the Prince in his letter to
Baron Stockmar of the 2nd of September, above quoted.
ffiemorcncdum by th/e Prince on Italian Affaigs.2' Ardverikie, 29th August, 1847.'The progress of Liberal institutions and the establishment of Constitutional Government in Italy is (and not
2 It is scarcely necessarjto state that this Memorandum and all other papers
and correspondence addressed to English statesmen by the Prince and quoted
in this work were in English.




1847                  IN ITALY.                    349
without justice) considered by Austria as an affair of life and
death to herself, and will therefore be opposed by her almost
at any risk, and with all her might. We must not conceal
from ourselves, that sending a mission to Rome with the
avowed or apparent object of supporting and encouraging
the Pope in those measures of political reform which Austria
has reason to dread so much is a most hostile step towards
our old and natural ally.'What is it we apprehend?  That Austria might be
tempted to commit an open assault upon her neighbour, in
order to prevent her carrying out her political changes,
should advice and remonstrance not succeed in stopping them.
Is it the right remedy on our part for preventing this palpable breach of the laws of nations and the complications arising
out of it, to urge the Pope to defy Austria, and not to let
himself be intimidated? Or will it not be more to the purpose, and certainly more honest and friendly, to address ourselves to her, and to say:-" We have no hand in what is
going on in Italy; though we think the Italians are acting
wisely, we have not lent them any assistance. But we consider that every independent State has a perfect right to
manage its own internal affairs, and that if Sovereign and
people in a State are united in their determination to introduce certain reforms, and another State attempts an armed
invasion to stop these reforms, merely because it considers
them dangerous to the maintenance of its own established
system of government, we shall look upon that act as an act
of aggression upon the independence of the other State, which
Europe and the Powers who signed the Treaty of Vienna
cannot look upon with indifference.'"' This step ought to be taken as quickly and as openly as
possible, in order, first, to come in time, and, secondly, that
the whole of Europe should know that this is the straightforward, moderate, but determined line which England takes,
and which is based upon such justice and fairness that it
ought to be followed by all other countries. I should propose that a note to this effect be sent to Vienna (containing
at the same time the. full acknowledgment of the right, on
the part of Austria, to take in her own States all the precautions she pleases to maintain her own institutions), and that
copies of this note should be sent simultaneously to all Courts
of Europe.'This would be a bold course to pursue, and one pledging




350            MEMORANDUM BY PRINCE                1847
us, to a certain degree, to a future struggle for the independence of Italy, while the sending a mission to Rome commits
us to nothing. But if taken in time, this step will most likely
prevent the complication we dread, and which, when it arises,
will perhaps not allow us to remain silent spectators, whilst
the other course will be very hostile and irritating to Austria,
without holding out any prospect of preventing a collision.
The bold declaration of England for the right of independent
States to manage their own internal affairs according to their
own views, will make her most popular all over the Continent,
and particularly in Germany, where the same national improvements are arrested or impeded by the same interference
on the part of Austria. It will likewise serve as a basis to
our policy with respect to Switzerland, where the question at
issue is again the same, whilst the c~ipl)omatic szup9port given
to the Pope will give additional strength to the prevalent
accusation against us, that we are for selfish purposes trying
to disseminate disorder and anarchy in all other States under
the name of liberty, which was the course the French Jacobins
pursued, and in support of which accusation our position with
regard to Greece, Portugal, and Spain is adduced in connection with the miseries of those countries.' What will be Lord Mlinto's position at Rome? 5Will he
be a Minister accredited to the Pope, or a member of the
British Cabinet?  He will be opposed by the whole Corps
Diplomatique, at the head of which the Austrian Ambassador
is supreme, who will be supported (if only underhand) by his
French colleague. These two great Catholic Powers have
means in their hands to influence the Vatican, which we cannot dream of competing with. The probability is that Lord
Minto will have very little real influence, and will be made
responsible for every act of a doubtful nature, and of which
he may have been totally ignorant.'Has the question of sending Lord linto been considered
with reference to our internal policy? To hold communion
with the See of Rome is held to be crimninal by the law of
England. This law is absurd, and I believe public opinion to
be ripe for its repeal, but still it exists. Hitherto its evasion
has been winked at, and the diplomatic intercourse has been
carried on by the means of an Attache to the Florence Legation residing at Rome. The Lord Privy Seal of England,
however, is too great a person to be overlooked. He may be
supposed to travel as a private individual; still, a Cabinet




1847              ON ITALIAN AFFAIRS.                 351
Minister leaving his office to travel to Rome for his amusement is too improbable a story, and the great excitement the
step will cause in and out of England will materially affect
his incognito.'Lord John Russell says, "In case Lord Minto would consent to go, it will be necessary to define strictly our intentions."  It will be absolutely necessary to have these defined
intentions before one, to be able to give a final decision as to
whether the mission will be advisable or not-a question of
very grave importance.'
(Initialled)'A.
In his reply to the letter sending this Memorandum, Lord
John Russell assured Her Majesty that the views expressed in
it entirely coincided with the course of conduct which Lord'
Palmerston and himself had agreed to recommend to Her
Majesty. He also wrote to the Prince to the same effect, and
his letter elicited the following reply:Arclveilkie, 5th September, 1847.'My dear Lord John —Many thanks for your letter of the
2rndc. I am very glad that my Memorandum should coincide
so entirely with your own views on the Italian question, and
that you had in fact settled upon all that we thought desirable.
The suddenness of your proposition about Lord MSinto startled
us, and we thought it therefore right to let you know at once
our opinions, not knowing what the objects were you had in
view.'Our policy towards Italy has hitherto been a passive or
negative one, on general principles of European policy, preferring Austrian supremacy to French supremacy. We now
enter upon an independent line, and one which will not admit
of our remaining passive any longer. It is therefore desirable
that the first step, which will give the impulse and direction
to the rest for times to come should be the right one; I mean
one based upon the principles of justice and moderation, and
intelligible to all Europe. I think further, that this is the
right moment and opportunity for correcting a great many
misapprehensions existing about the object of English policy
in general and of setting this in its true light before the
world as an explanation of the past, and a declaration for the
future which will enable all governments and nations to understand what they have to expect from us.




352       LETTER BY PRINCE TO LORD RUSSELL.         1847' My notion is this: —'England has, by her own energies and the fortunate circumstances in which she has been placed, acquired a start in
civilisation, liberty, and prosperity over all other countries.
Her popular institutions are most developed and perfected,
and she has run through a development which the other
countries will yet in succession have to pass through. England's mission, duty, and interest is, to put herself at the head
of the diffusion of civilisation, and the attainment of liberty.
Let her mode of acting, however, be that of fostering and
protecting every effort made by a State to advance in that
direction, but not of pressing upon any State an advance
which is not the result of its own impulse. Civilisation and
liberal institutions must be of organic growth, and of national
development, if they are to prosper and lead to the happiness
of a people. Any stage in that development missed, any
jump made in it, is sure to lead to confusion, and to retard
that very development which we desire. Institutions not
answering the state of society for which they are intended
nmust work ill, even if these institutions should be better
than the state that society is in. Let England, therefore, be
careful (in her zeal for progress) not to push any nation
beyond its own march, and not to impose upon any nation
what that nation does not itself produce; but let her declare
herself the protector and friend of all States engaged in
progress, and let them  acquire that confidence in England,
that she will, if necessary, defend them at her own risk and
expense. This will give her the most powerful moral position
that any country ever maintained.'In Greece, Spain, and Portugal, matters have become so
complicated, and the intrigues of other countries, which we
may have been obliged to meet with similar weapons, have
led us so far, that they have made us deviate from the principle I have just laid down. The result proves that this deviation cannot take place with impunity, and that the return for
all our zeal is hatred, and the genercal belief that we are disseminating disorder in those countries for selfish purposes.
Italy and Germany are yet intact, and are of their own accord progressing in the direction of liberty and civilisation.
They are threatened openly by Austria and Russia, and behind them and underhand by France.' An open avowal of the principles above enunciated, and
this communicated to all the Courts of Europe, appears, there



1847        LETTER FROM BARON STOCKMAR.             353
fore, the step at this moment called for on the part of England, and most in character with our position and interest.
A direction should at the same time be given to our diplomatic agents, that they are to take that principle as a
guide for their conduct.'I have shown Lord Palmerston this letter, with the contents of which he says he agrees. He thinks that Lord Minto's instructions might properly contain the outlines of our
policy.'
It does not appear that the documents just cited were ever
communicated to Baron Stockmar; but they were certainly
of a kind to satisfy him that his beloved pupil had disciplined
himself to good purpose for his great position. Of this the
Baron was becoming every day more and more assured; but,
while his satisfaction breaks out in words of warm praise, he
omits no opportunity of stimulating the Prince to further
effort, and to ever higher aims. We find this well illustrated
in the following charming letter:-'My dear Prince, —I see in the papers an announcement
that the Royal travellers are about to return from Scotland
by land. This sets my imagination at rest, for we had storms
here on the 17th and 18th of this month, which must have
been frightful at sea. And now to your Royal Highness
yourself.'Your letters are continuous proofs of that inward mental
development, which is the special problem of your life. How
happy this makes me, you will easily picture, knowing what
you do of my love for you, and of my turn of mind. Let
your unceasing study, your unceasing occupation, be human
nature in all its length and breadth, and consider politics only
as the means of doing service, as far as in you lies, to the
whole human race. Never shirk industry and hard work, and
stick to the rule, WTulla dies sine lined. Strive to guard as
much as possible against too great distraction, and to recur
constantly from the petty details into which you must be
daily drawn to the breadth of view, the certainty, the productiveness, that result from guiding principles. Strive by your
own meditations to satisfy yourself —that there is no such
thing as Chance. There are but two threads on which all
things hang, whether they be clear and simple, or obscure and
intricate, or even confused. These are (1) the eternal, immu



354:         RETURN OF COURT                  1847
table law of Natural Necessity, and (2) man's Free Will,
which latter is restricted to an apparently very narrow
sphere, but yet can and does do much more than the thoughtless have any idea of. No doubt, I must admit, that the
freedom of the human will is limited to the choice between
what a man is forced to -regard as good, and what he cannot
fail to regard as evil, but in this choice he is unfettered, and
it seems to me, that the choice of the good has been made so
ddi ficult ONLY to give a higher value to man, and to the choice
he makces.'Your Royal Highness's judgment on the character of
Lord Grey seems to me very just. With natures such as his
it is impossible to establish a personal relation. You cannot
fail to secure his esteem and confidence if you show by your
acts, as time goes on, that you possess the quality of moral
earnestness, and that your own truthfulness of nature will not
permit you to make light of whatever is true, great, good, and
beautiful. For it is only the belief in a man's moral earnestness, that will gain for him credit and friends; and credit and
friends are indispensable to your Royal Highness's political
success. That God may shield and strengthen you will to my
dying hour be my ceaseless wish and prayer. And now God
bless your Royal Highness, our dear Queen, and all the Royal
Family! Whatever happens, do not forget me, but keep me
in unbroken friendly remembrance, as well as the years I
passed so happily with your Royal Highness.'20th September, 1847.'
On the 17th of September the Queen left Ardverikie on
her return to England. Prince Albert had gone to Inverness
the day before, and met Her Mlajesty at Fort William, to
which he had travelled by way of Lochness and the Caledonian
Canal. Under persistently bad weather the route homewards
was resumed, and continued by sea as far as Liverpool, and
thence by railway to London. Despite the wretched weather
the Prince had been able to get some shooting in the intervals
of work at Ardverikie, made unusually heavy by the peculiarly critical state of European politics, and the mass of communications from all sides, which claimed the close attention
of Her Majesty and himself.  But in. this, as in other things,
he was in the habit of exercising great self-denial.'Really,
when one thinks,' says the Queen, writing to her uncle
from Ardverikie on the 7th of September,'of the very dull




1817                  FRO31 SCOTLAND.                      355
life, and particularly the life of self-denial, which Albert leads,
he deserves every amusement.  And even about his amusements he is so accommodating, that I am deeply touched by it.
He is very fond of shooting, but it is all with the greatest
moderation.'
Of their stay at Ardverikie Her Majesty says in the same
letter-'I love this place dearly, and particularly the quiet,
simple, and wild life we lead here, in spite of the abominable
weather we have had.' The expression of some natural regret
at having to forego its freedom for the constraints of Court
life appears to have escaped the Queen in writing after her
return to her sister, the Princess of Hohenlohe.  How true,
how delicate in feeling and expression, is the language of the
Princess's reply!''Langenburg, 27tlh September, 1847.'i.... I well understand your having been sorry to leave
the Highlands.  Not only that style of country, but the way
of living there, was agreeable to you. I know that well from
experience, coming home after a time of delightful independence.  One feels so shut in on all sides, so tame.  By degrees
the old habits and occupations overcome that feeling.  But
there still remains a yearning after what is past, and which
seldom  comes again just so.  That is life! and makes one
feel very sad at times.  With me it is not the feeling of sadness at the running down of life, year after year, but that
everything which gives one pleasure, and is beautiful, should
pass away like everything else, leaving only recollection as a
mark of its having been there.... I am becoming very resigned to what gives me pain or pleasure. Not that I feel it
less, but I am not afraid of things that give me pain; I have
become so accustomed to it of late.'
This letter is extracted, by permission, from a volume printed by Her Majesty for strictly private circulation, entitled Letters of Feodora, Pr'incess of
Hobienlohe-Lanqcn6burq, from 1828 to 1872. 1874. The letters, which are all
in English, are exclusively addressed to Her Majesty.




CHAPTER XXI.
Memorandum by Prince on the State of Affairs in Germany-Views of Lord Pailnerston
on same Subject —Correspondence between Baron Stockmar and the Prince in regard
to the Movement for Reform and Unity in Germany.
THE condition of Germany had for some time engaged much
of the Prince's attention, and the confidential relation in
which he stood towards the King of Prussia, by whom his
judgment was held in high esteem, had led to the free interchange of ideas between them as to the measures best fitted
to satisfy the growing demand for the establishment of popular institutions, and at the same time bring about such harnony of policy and action among the numerous individual
States as would build up one great and united nation, able
to take a potential place in European Councils. While at
Ardverikie, as the Prince mentions in a letter above quoted
(sutprct p. 346), he had gone deep into the details of the
question with the late Prince Leiningen, and had put his
ideas into the form of a Memorandum, with the view of its
being submitted to the King of Prussia. Although the
problem, which then and for long afterwards occupied the
thoughts of the ablest men in Germany, has been settled,
within the last few years, by events which came in a form
and succession not one of them  could have foreseen, this
Memorandum is too valuable, as illustrating the character
of the Prince's mind, and the breadth and liberality of his
political opinions, to require any apology for its reproduction
here.
M2lemorandum on German Affairs by Prince Albert.' Ardverikie, 11th September, 1847.'It is unnecessary to enlarge upon the fact that Germany
regards her present condition as one of development and of
transition into another, of the precise nature of which few
persons form any clear idea for themselves. No one who has




1847               GERMAN AFFAIRS.                 357
followed the movements of the German press and the other
movements of the German people and politics for the last
thirty years will deny this for a moment, or hesitate at the
same time to admit, that public opinion in Germany has two
main objects in view —'1. The establishment of popular forms of government.'2. The construction of an United Germany.'Of German statesmen and politicians some will share
and countenance only the first, others only the second of
these aims, while many will condemn both, but all will
acknowledge them as actual facts, and most (whether themselves favourable or the reverse) will recognise in these inclinations of the public mind a power which will make itself
be felt, sooner or later, according as circumstances may or
may not be favourable.'I will not here dwell upon the development of the forms
of government into such as will secure to the people a larger
share in the administration of their own affairs, or, in a word,
into constitutional forms, but merely express my own conviction that this development is advancing with rapid strides,
and will very shortly become an accomplished fact, and that,
moreover, simultaneously with the establishment of popular
activity in politics, the yearning for German unity will not
merely be increased, but the means will also be provided for
its attainment.'In view of the umistakable tendency of the German
public mind it becomes German Sovereigns and German
Governments to consider how such a direction shall be given
to it, as that it may not merely not do mischief either to the
country as a whole, or to the separate individual life of the
different federal States, but be even productive of good to
both, and so this powerful current be guided to its outfall,
bearing blessings on its way.'It was only after the great disasters of 1805 and 1806 that
the unity of Germany came to be felt as an essential want by
the German people; later on, after a period of lengthened
prostration, it gave rise to an epoch of national glory, and it
is now also acknowledged by all the federal States and
Governments to be indispensable with reference to means of
defence against attacks from without. On the other hand,
as regards the political, commercial, intellectual, and, in a
word, the inner unity of Germany, the most contradictory
and hazy views prevail both as to the necessity for it, as well




358             MIEMORANDUMI BY PRINCE             1847
as how it is to be brought about, and yet the strength of
that unity towards the outside world, which is acknowledged
to be essential, will always be no more than a reflex of the
strength of this inner unity about which there is so much
dispute.' The question, then is:-'" Where are we to look for aid? By what road is this
unity to be reached? And by what means so as to be productive of permanent good?"' It may be assumed as a general principle in the solution
of all political questions, that the organic development of
what actually exists offers a better prospect for the achievement of a future really healthy condition, than the construction of a future out of some abstract and therefore arbitrary
theory, however closely such theory may approximate the
absolute ideal of perfection.' The status quo, then, in Germany shows us a multitude
of different States, complete in themselves, with their Sovereigns, Governments, Chambers, and international relations,
and with their only point of union in the German Diet,
as that was established, after the dissolution of the Empire
and of the partial Rhine-Bund, as the representative of
German nationality and unity.  Its fundamental purpose
was the individual independence and unfettered vitality of
the separate States, combined with the advancement of the
welfare of Germany as a nation. At present it is dead, a
symbol rather than a reality, disowned as an authority by
the individual States, and a byword with the German people
for its inactivity and weakness. If we seek for the causes of
the decline of this solitary German national institution, there
are two which chiefly present themselves:' 1. The mutual jealousy of the different Governments, and
the mistaken idea of the different Sovereigns, that submission
to the decrees of an active confederation might derogate from
their sovereign authority.'2.- Austria, a State composed less of German than of nonGerman elements, whose policy is governed by other than
German interests and views, and whose system of government
is so wholly based upon stagnation that it cannot hold out a
hand to progress of any kind, without shattering its own
foundations, continues, by virtue of its retaining as rulers the
old German Imperial House, to play the most influential part
in the Diet; and on account of its palpably Conservative bias




1847              ON GERMAN AFFAIRS.                359
is regarded by the smaller German States as their protection
and shield. Austria impedes and stifles every living impulse
of the Diet, and, in its disgust at this, Germany is tempted to
regard the Diet itself as the chief obstacle to German unity.
Nevertheless, if we look closely into the matter, it becomes
apparent, that it is after all within the Diet itself that the only
means are to be found for effecting this unity peacefully and
legally, and in a way to avoid the most frightful convulsions.
Let this be but adopted once and for all as a general principle,
and it will not be very difficult to carry it into effect, and at
the same time to get rid of both the obstructive agencies to
which I have referred.'The diminution of their sovereign authority, which rulers
have hitherto apprehended from the Diet, has already in a
great measure become a fact, through the development of constitutional systems, and the Princes should therefore see in
the Diet a safeguard for their sovereignty, rather than.an additional danger. At the same time, by the unconditional
recognition of a federal supremacy they would meet the
wishes of the representatives of the people, who, under the
impulse of a strong national sentiment, demand the subjection
of individual to those national German interests which are or
ought to be represented by the Diet. Moreover, the Sovereigns, for want of a German union, have already conceded
their supremacy in "one of its most important points, when
they put themselves, as they had to do, under the tutelage of
Prussia, by becoming parties to the Zollverein.  From all
these considerations it should not be difficult for the German
Sovereigns to arrive at the conclusion, that in every way, instead of losing influence and power by strengthening the Diet,
they are much more likely to gain for themselves the position
which they desire.'If the German States are agreed on this point, then Austria, and Austria alone, remains as the impediment to a development of the Diet, and in this development Austria neither
will nor can take any part. Nevertheless, the separation of
Austria from the Diet would be a dissolution of the Bund itself, and would sensibly weaken the strength of Germany as
against the rest of Europe. It therefore becomes important
to devise some plan which will combine a German development
within the Bund with the retention of Austria as a member
of it, and the protection, at the same time, of German interests against the repressive and stifling influence of Austria.




360             MEMORANDUM BY PRINCE               1847
The most direct way to this end would be for the Governments to send as their representatives to the Frankfort Diet
the most eminent men of their respective dominions, so as to
concentrate in one place the quintessence of the intelligence
and practical local knowledge of each several State. In addition to this, the Governments should entrust to their representatives in Frankfort the bulk of the transactions which they
at present negotiate by sending ambassadors to each other.
It is obvious that these men would introduce greater unity
into public business, and especially, standing there as they
would do upon a German platform and face to face with the
representatives of the other federal States, they would not
readily lose sight of the bearing of questions on the general
interests of Germany, as well as upon those of particular
States. Let all Congresses, which at present are convened
and commissioned by single States, now at one place, now at
another-such as those about railways, shipping dues, coinage,
exchanges, criminal codes, public education, &c., be convened
once for all at Frankfort, and held under the direction of the
representative delegates, to whom deputies may be attached.
It is obvious at a glance that the immediate advantage of this
centralised transaction of public business will be simplicity
and economy, but the chief advantage of it will be, that this
Congress will be German, even although only a certain number of the German States take part in it, and because, having
their delegates present on the spot, it will be made easy for
the other States to take immediate cognisance of the objects
of any special Conferences, and afterwards to enter them at
any time, if so authorised, and take part in their deliberations.'The mention of this Conoress brines me to the greatest
and most important of partial unions, i.e. the Prussian-German
Zollverein. With this a beginning should be made and the
example given. Instead of the yearly Congresses in Stuttgardt, Carlsruhe, Erfurt, Leipzig, &c. &c., which have hitherto
been convened irregularly, and to which each State that belongs to the union sends its deputy (now this, now that), let
there be erected in Frankfort a permanent Zollverein Commission, composed of the delegates of the respective States,
supported, if necessary, by experts and professional men. For
these deputies may be selected from the Chambers of the different States. Let this permanent Commission deal continuously with all questions of German  excise and commerce; a




1847             ON GERMAN AFFAIRS.                361
step the importance and utility of which will be obvious to
all. Then, if all German life be concentrated in Frankfort, all
international questions between the German States will be
discussed and settled there, and thus much work will be done
that will be of the most salutary effect in Germany, in which
Austria will take no part, and by which it will not be affected.
But if any such plan of convocation becomes so general that
all the Federal States and Austria also take part in it, this
will be forthwith submitted to the Diet, and thus become a
federal law.'In this way it is made possible for individual States to
advance, united one with the other, and without check, in the
path of German development, and so soon as an onward step
in this development is generally conceded, to exchange its
character of a private convention into a resolution binding for
the entire German Confederation.' Supposing one of these unions to be incorporated into the
Bund (a railway union, for example, which appears to me
specially important and necessary), then let a Commission
established pro h]dc vice be permanently attached to the
Diet, for the purpose of dealing with the points of detail.
A good model is furnished in the Military Commission,
which has been already attached to the Diet, which is composed of experts, and is invested by the Diet with a definite
authority. The Military Commission has secured for itself
general appreciation, and as yet no State has complained of
its undue encroachments. I propose that similar Commissions
should be formed for railways, navigation, highways, weights,
measures, and currency, and also for all that relates to passports and police.'Now, if I turn to the Diet itself, which, being established
in the same immediate locality, must necessarily be affected
by these institutions, I find that there was a particular rule
laid down when it was first established, which rule has been
subsequently withdrawn, or at least fallen into disuse (and
the paralysed condition of the Diet dates from that period),
I mean the rule of giving publicity to all its transactions.
The moment this rule is again adopted-which I believe
Austria cannot prevent —the Diet will once more regain its
vitality. For it is comparatively unimportant whether certain resolutions be actually adopted or not; the public deliberation upon every important German question must exercise
an immense influence upon public opinion in Germany; so,
16




362             MEMORANDUM BY PRINCE                1847
on the other hand, this public opinion cannot fail to react
upon these deliberations, and even in the long run to compel
Austria to take a part in German development for its own
safety and welfare.'From the adoption of these propositions I look for the
following results:-'1. The German States to be rightly represented in the
Diet.' 2. All their transactions inter se to be carried on only at
the place of meeting, and by the personal constituents, of the
Diet.'3. All national German movements to be directed from
this common centre.'4. The great commercial interest especially to be permanently represented there.'5. The Diet to be put in a position to absorb within itself every individual movement which may menace its unity,
and thus to constitute itself the representative of all important interests, whereby the foundation will at the same time
be laid for a central administration.'6. The Diet to be recalled to life by restoring publicity
to its deliberations, and to be brought into reciprocal relations with the Germall people; and all this without endangering any existing interests, or impeding the development
which is everywhere demanded by the spirit of the age.' The question next arises, How to give life to this
scheme? My own view is that the political reformation of
Germany lies entirely in the hands of Prussia, and that Prussia
has only to will, in order to accomplish these results. Prussia
is next to Austria the most powerful State in Germany.
Prussia by the Legislative measures of the 3rd of February
has placed herself at the head of the development of German
popular institutions, Prussia has for many years stood at the
head of the Zollverein, and on Prussia the political expectations of all Germany are concentrated. If Prussia were
really to adopt the plan of reform here chalked out, and to
carry it out steadily and fearlessly, she would become the
leading and directing power in Germany, which other Governments and people would have to follow, and in this way
would come to be regarded as one of the most important
European powers, seeing that in the European scale she
would weigh as Prussia plus Germany. If, on the other hand,
she declines to undertake the guidance of a moderate and




1847              ON GERMAN AFFAIRS.                363
systematic German development, then the vital forces of the
nation driven onwards by the pressure of the times will find
some irregular vent for themselves, and produce convulsions
of all sorts, the final issue of which no human power can foresee.
(Signed)'ALBERT.'
The topics of this Memorandum, and also the question of
the relations of this country to Germany, seem to have been
much discussed between the Prince and Lord Palmerston,
who was the Cabinet Minister in attendance on the Queen
during the latter part of Her Majesty's stay at Ardverikie.
Lord Palmerston embodied his views in a long Memorandum,
which bears the date of'Laggan, 16th September, 1847,' a
few days later than that by the Prince. In this the advantages of a close political alliance between England and Germany are strongly recognised.'Geographical reasons,' it
states,'prevent England, and ethnical reasons prevent Germany, from aiming at territorial aggrandisement; neither,
therefore, can wish to subjugate any neighbours, but both
have a common interest in preventing any neighbour from subjugating them. Both England and Germany are threatened by
the same danger and from the same quarters. That danger
is an attack from Russia or from France separately, or from
Russia and from France united..... While Nicholas reigns
in Russia and Louis Philippe ill France, personal feelings and
political opinions, which are still stronger than traditional
policy, will prevent such an alliance; but a state of things
may be supposed in which such an alliance would be the
natural tendency of events.'
Lord Palmerston considered the danger of such a combination more serious for Germany than for England, which, by
the strength of its fleet, might defy it singlehanded, although
it must, at the same time, be much the better for the co-operation of Germany. Germany, attacked in front and rear, would
have a portentous task. Even singlehanded, he believed she
would defend herself with success, but her difficulties would
be very much diminished if she had England for an active
ally.'England and Germany, therefore, have mutually a
direct interest in assisting each other to become rich, united,
and strong, and there ought not to be, in the mind of any
enlightened man of either country, any feeling of jealousy
as to the progress made by the other country in civilisation
and prosperity.'




364                GERMAN AFFAIRS.                 1847
So far as these safe general propositions went, Lord Palmerston was quite in accord with the Prince. But there was
another side of the question, which had an obviously preponderating influence on the mind of the British- Minister. The
Zollverein, or Customs' Union, was an excellent thing, assisting as it did'the development of German industry, internal
commerce, and consequent wealth and prosperity.' But the
Zollverein maintained a system of prohibitory duties against
English manufactures, which were thereby put at a great disadvantage, and could only be smuggled into the States of the
Union, through the Northern States, which had declined to
join it. Accordingly, the Memorandum expands into an elaborate dissertation on the futilitv of all restrictive duties, the
object of which, as addressed to the Prince, who was a strong
free trader, is not very apparent. All consideration of the
gain to Germany, to Europe, or to England, from a strong
and united Germany, in intimate alliance with England, drops
out of view, and Lord Palmerston sums up his argument by
the conclusion,'that any English Ministry would be thought
to have much neglected its duty, and to have sacrificed the
commercial interests of the country, if it did not make every
proper effort to persuade the States of Northern Germany,
who have not joined the Zollverein, to continue to refrain from
doing so.' It is as though he had said to the Prince,' German
unity is a very pretty dream. Accomplish it how you can,
but if you want to do any real good, get the country persuaded to remove the prohibitory duties on our goods, or
England will do her best to keep up the existing divisions.'
"The question had, however, got beyond a point when its
issues could be determined by considerations of this kind,
In writing to Baron Stockmar on the 30th September, the
Prince had said,'I have gone deeply with Charles (Prince
Leiningen) into German affairs, and worked out a plan for
the regeneration of Germany, which I purpose laying before
the King of Prussia.' This appears to have alarmed the
Baron, with whom the realisationi of German unity had been
the cherished purpose of his life, and who dreaded any false
step that might delay its accomplishment. His student years
had fallen within the period of Germany's deepest degradation. The shame of her defeats, the petty selfishness of the
smaller principalities, the grinding domination of Napoleon
in his expressed determination'to cut the wings of the Prussians so closely as to preclude the possibility of their ever




1847        LETTER BY BARON STOCKMAR.              365
again disturbing the French,' 1 the pitiful internal divisions,
which strengthened the invader's hands, had made an indelible impression on Stockmar's heart. The time seemed now
to be approaching when something might be hoped for
towards the attainment of the great end in view. Was the
Prince, a comparative stranger to Germany for years, and
fettered as he was by ties of birth and of association, the man
to discern the trenchant remedies which alone would meet
the case? Had Baron Stockmar seen the Prince's Memorandum, his apprehensions would have been dispelled. But it is
to the honour of both, that the Baron on the one hand did not
scruple to speak out, so frankly as he does in the following
letter, his disbelief in the Prince's qualifications for the task
he had undertaken, and that the Prince on the other, as will
presently be seen, accepted his strictures without a trace of
irritation.
In reading the following letter it must be remembered
that although, such has been the rapid march of events, the
views expressed in it would now be regarded as moderate and
even reactionary, in 1847 they would have been denounced
as utter treason by most of the men in Germany in whom
political power was vested. They are now chiefly interesting
as having been addressed to the Prince, and as illustrative of
the noble frankness on which the friendship of Baron Stockmar and himself was based:' 15th October, 1847.'Your Royal Highness tells me you have worked out a
plan for the regeneration of the Fatherland, which you think
of communicating to the King of Prussia. Whilst the disposition which prompts your endeavours in this direction has
my warmest sympathy, I must nevertheless urge upon you
not to carry out your intention, except after the most mature
deliberation. A prince of your political position ought, as an
unvarying rule, to abstain from doing what is superfluous, and
consequently unnecessary, because it can do no good. But,
above all, he is bound to guard against doing anything which
may do harm. Not having seen your Royal Highness's plan,
it can of course be only on general grounds that I am apprehensive that to communicate it may involve grave consequences to yourself individually, as well as to the cause itself.
I Remark of Napoleon to a Russian officer, quoted in D)iaries and Letters of
Sir George Jack7son, vol. ii. p. 167.




366          LETTER BY BARON STOCKMAR              1847
In any case it can do no harm if I lose no time in submitting
for your consideration what strikes me on the subject.' The first aim of whoever wishes to come to a conclusive
decision on any important subject should be, to make himself
thoroughly master of it in all its bearings. To do this effectively, moreover, he ought to take up a standing point, from
which he can bring his knowledge and faculties to bear upon
the subject with the utmost freedom. Hence in this particular case it is requisite (1) to know thoroughly what really are
the wants of the German people, as these have been developed
by the course of events; and (2) the aspect, intellectual and
sentimental, in which these wants present themselves to the
mind of the people generally.'Here, then, the question arises, Does your Royal Highness possess the requisite knowledge for dealing with the
subject thoroughly and to purpose; and also such a standing
point as will enable you to give a practical application to your
theoretical views? To speak frankly, I feel bound to answer
both these questions in the negative. You left the Fatherland eight years since, and when you were very young. How
could you have gained a thorough insight into things as they
are, or into the country's present and immediately pressing
wants? The bare possibility of such knowledge was denied
you; and conversations with Prince Charles (Leiningen)
could furnish you with only very limited, and probably very
one-sided results. Not that, in my doubts as to your qualifications for this task, I amn likely to overlook the fact that,
with the great advances you have already made in the knowledge of the general political condition of Europe, you would
be in a position to form a correct judgment on German affairs
both at home and abroad (for my opinion is precisely the reverse). All I doubt is the existence of an intimate knowledge
of these affairs, while at the same time I dread your committing the mistake, which you might easily do, of applying to
Germany the standard (a just one, in its place) with which
your intimate acquaintance with Anglo-European relations
has made you familiar, without due regard to the peculiar
characteristics of the German people. With this doubt as to
your proper qualification, on the score of intimate knowledge
of the facts, goes the further apprehension that the standing
point which, as a German Prince, you cannot fail to adopt in
considering it, will present the subject to you in a cross light,
and thereby lead you to distorted views and conclusions. In




1847          ON REFORM FOR GERMANY.              367
dealing with the German question, your Royal Highness can
scarcely look at it from any other point of view than that of a
German Prince; and, however acute and accurate your observation of all details may be, still they cannot possibly be seen
by you but in the colours of German dynastic interests. And
it is just this colouring which makes me believe it improbable
your Royal Highness should rightly grasp and appreciate the
actual present condition and wants of the German people;
and still less that you are able to frame any practicable
scheme which will meet the exigencies of the case. What,
therefore, I anticipate from your Royal Highness on this subject are views and suggestions from the standing point and in
the spirit of a German sovereign of great natural gifts, who
has, for the last eight years, applied himself, with excellent
results, to the study of politics in the High School of London.'This brings me to a point at which I may with propriety
adduce a maxim, and then trace how far its inherent truth is
in accord with what I have already said; and whether, if so
it be, the doubts I have expressed are thereby confirmed or
removed. The maxim is, A statesman can only do great,
successful, and truly fertile work, by recognising clearly and
betimes the dominant thought, to which the necessary development of humanity in a given people has given birth, by
laying hold on it with genuine plastic power, and setting himself to give it real national life, national body, and national
form.'I spare your Royal Highness a dissertation from myself
on the dominant thoughts, wants, and wishes which are seething and clamouring within our people at the present time.
The subject is too vast either for my time or the limits of a
letter. But I cannot omit to put before you a personal conviction, forced upon me by an attentive observation of my
German brethren for the last five years; to wit, that the
thinking part of the people (nobility and bureaucracy apart)
have come to be of the opinion that the special and chief impediment to a genuine and necessary development of German
national life is the dynastic sentiment of our Princes. However inconvenient the existence of this opinion may be, there
it is, and it grows; and any one who wishes to help Germany
must grapple with it, and strive to appease it. He, therefore, who is desirous of giving honest counsel to our people,
must turn his attention to what is immediately necessary (for
that is what is most vital), and endeavour, above all, to solve
the problem.




368          LETTER BY BARON STOCKMAR               1847' "' In what way shall the relations of the German Princes
to their people be modified, that as much unity shall be attained in the spirit and the power of the whole people, as is required for a well-organized national existence, and its natural
development and gradual advancement."'The right solution of this problem seems to me the Alpha
of the statesman's alphabet of the day. Only after this has
been solved will it be time to consider what remedial plans
and experiments shall be tried. To dabble with these in the
first instance I can only regard as a futile attempt to treat the
great malady under which we suffer with soothing remedies,
which only touch its surface.'That the solution is very far from easy I am quite aware;
still I cannot regard it as impossible. To me the main difliculty seems to lie in the fact that the modification in question
must be an act of self-reform, if it is to be carried out safely
with advantage to all parties. But that this self-reform must
be put in practice by so many various races of princes, and in
the teeth of the coercive force of the historical traditions and
usages of three centuries, constitutes, to my mind, the chief
difficulty; and in it, more particularly, those doubts are founded
which I venture to entertain with reference to the talent of
my honoured pupil as a reformer.' None are so ignorant as our Princes of what is going on
in Germany, and hence they are deficient in just insight into
their own true interests. This ignorance makes them cling
blindly to their class prejudices and hereditary relations, and
see in what is demanded from them in the real interests of the
country only lawless desires on the part of the people, and
mischief and danger to themselves. And yet I undertake to
demonstrate to every Prince who, being of fair intelligence,
is also alive to the duties incumbent upon him as a sovereign,
that this desirable measure of self-reform might be carried
into effect under conditions which must redound to the welfare of all, and consequently to the advantage of both governors and governed. I also venture to predict that the Princes
will not gain the end they have in view by a mere obstinate
refusal to listen to the wants of the age. The regeneration
of Germany may be retarded by the will of individuals, but it
cannot be preventecl. If it is not brought about peacefully
and spontaneously from above, through a process of self-reform, it will be effected amid general confusion from below
upwards, through the pressure of urgent wants, and of the




1847           ON REFORM FOR GERMANY.               369
impulse given by these wants to public opinion. This latter
contingency, however, implies a state of fermentation in the
middle and lower classes. But this is what no true friend to
his country or mankind can contemplate without alarm; for
a general popular fermentation is in all cases a revolutionary
process, of which this alone is certain, that for a time it must
occasion nameless misery, while no one can tell whether it
may not result in brutalizing the people rather than in civilising them.'Of these views your Royal Highness will find a closer
demonstration in the following additional observations.'W Vhen I began, five-and-forty years ago, to devote myself
to the acquisition of scientific knowledge, the study of German history had little or no interest for the majority of young
men like myself. It had become the fashion to neglect, nay,
to despise it as idle (leer); and any one who went deeply into
the subject did so with some personal object, and was, in fact,.
the exception to the rule. The deep significance of this sign
of that time was noted by few, and the consequence was that
antiquated notions about the general state and policy of the
country were apt to be adopted as settled truths; although
they had been divested by the altered circumstances of the
age of any core of truth they might once have had, and so
transformed into mere prejudice and delusion. Chief among
such opinions were the axioms, that German culture was
mainly due to the  Fatherland being split up under separate
rulers, and that the sovereign rights of the German territorial
Princes were private property, transmissible, and to be dealt
with like any other property. That such opinions should be
formed in Germany, that for centuries they swayed the people
as incontrovertible truths, nay., that they should have become
the very foundation and corner-stones of our political life, is
easily to be explained. The countless governments begot
countless bureaucracies who absorbed within themselves all
that in other countries constitutes that independent middle
class, in which we uniformly find, by the nature of things, a
higher intelligence and sounder information than in any other.
That the German bureaucracies had no interest in rectifying
the opinions in question, that, on the contrary, it was for their
advantage to propagate and confirm them, and even to push
them to an extremity, is self-evident.'But out-and-out stagnation on this earth is only apparent;
and therefore, even amongst us time could not fail to bring




370               BARON STOCKMAR                  1847
progress and change.  When the French Revolution had
annihilated the old state of things in France, it at the same
time paved the way for the downfall of what was antiquated
in the adjoining countries. The wars with France had made
Germany its vassal, and reduced the number of German
governments from 300 to 30. Napoleon's insane arrogance,
and the shame and despair of those whom he had trodden
under foot, ultimately brought about a peace, and with it the
spiritual and material transformation of Germany. Animated
as they were by one conviction, the German populations had,
by united strength and purpose, contributed to the accomplishment of a great historical act; and their consciousness of this
fact had become the germ of a new national life. The people
had come to know that hitherto they had had no Fatherland,
and from that hour they had cherished the resolve to have one.
To this end their observation, their desire, their activity,
were directed. At the same time, German ability and industry turned the peace to account in its own way, and created the
primary elements of a middle class; and this is growing daily,
and is continually opening out and onwards its own peculiar
path.'It is not merely men of culture and brains, but all who
are animated by a warm feeling for the Fatherland, who now
cultivate that field of German history which had so long lain
waste.  And what were they likely, what were they sure to
find there? A ghastly popular decay, spiritual and material,
which had been going on for more than two centuries; and
this unmistakably due simply to the splitting up of the country under so many territorial governments. They read, in
characters not to be mistaken, how out of this severance had
grown the extreme weakness of the country as a whole, and
with it a prevailing servility of spirit; while these, again, had
engendered a slavish subjection to foreign rule: the whole resulting in well-deserved and ignominious wretchedness. They
also read how the territorial sovereignty of our Princes, which
had grown to be quite unlimited, had its origin, not in loyal
adherence to, but in positive infractions of the original constitutions; and the conviction inevitably followed that the rights
of sovereignty which are nowadays claimed and exercised by
our rulers, when seen in the light of history and of law, have
no higher sanction than use and wont following on what at
first was arbitrary usurpation.'Do not wonder, therefore, my dear Prince, if knowledge




1847          ON REFORM FOR GERMANY.             371
of this kind, wrested from  experience and history, has
wrought a mighty change in the views and opinions, the
mind and feelings of our people, and produced a general
distrust in, and dissatisfaction with, what is, or is likely to
be, regarded in the Fatherland as a dynastic disposition or
tendency. It is not to be denied that public opinion among
the middle classes in Germany is now anti-dynastic, and it is
the existence of this opinion which creates the wants, and
suggests the warning, which I have made bold to express.
For, in my opinion, no plans of regeneration, however wellmeant, can lead to good, unless they be substantially in
harmony with the spirit and tendency of the age. Without
this your cleverest plans would not only be as chaff, but they
would place yourself in a most undesirable personal conflict
with public opinion, which might be fraught with mischief
to you everywhere, and nowhere, perhaps, more than in
England.'
The heart of the good Baron must have been touched
by the spirit in which the reply to this letter showed that
the observations personal to the Prince himself had been
taken:-'I have duly received your two letters of the 15th and
20th October, and I thank you for them with all my heart.
As to the former and the views expressed in it on the subject
of my German project, I quite understand that my announcement of a plan of regeneration has alarmed you, and I must
acknowledge the weight of the reasons which you adduce as
to my qualifications for calling such a plan into existence,
only I think you have been misled by the expression "Regeneration Plan."'' The papers sent to the King consisted of a letter of mine
to Bunsen, in which I sent my paper to him to look through
as a German and a faithful servant of his Sovereign,-a
letter from Charles to me, depicting to me the extremely
precarious state in which he finds Germany at the present
juncture —a long Memorandum of Charles's, in which he
looks at the position of affairs altogether from the popular as
opposed to the dynastic point of view, predicts the downfall
of dynasticism, and indicates the steps in advance which are
desired by Liberal institutions in Germany, and the danger
should Prussia not go frankly forward with its reforms. On
these follows my Memorandum, in which I recognise the




372                LETTER BY PRINCE.                  1847
truth of what Charles says, but confine myself strictly to the
practical question, "How is the Diet, which at present is a
mere sham, to be raised into something true and efficient? "
This suggests its being quickened into life by means of a
Prussia emancipated from the deadening influence of Austria.
My aim was, in the first place, to bring indirectly under the
notice of the King of Prussia a plain unvarnished picture of
the state of Germany by a German Prince, who has taken a
personal part in German politics, and is in a position to understand them, and then, by suggesting a practical solution,
to elicit propositions for dealing with the question in a practical way.' In accordance with this view I sent your objections to
Bunsen immediately I received them, and begged him to
keep back his courier until I should have an opportunity of
discussing the subject with you here; but it was too late;
the courier had started that morning. I enclose copy of
Bunsen's letter.'Windsor Castle, 29th October, 1847.'




CHAPTER XXII.
Great Commercial and Financial Distress in England and Scotland-Alarming Increase of
Crime in Ireland-Measures of Repression-Disturbed State of Affairs in Switzerland,
Italy, and France —Critical Condition of France —Correspondence between Prince and
Baron Stockmar-The Hampden Controversy-Insurrection in Sicily-Progress of
Liberal Movement in Italy —Death of Dowager Duchess of Gotha —Revolution in Paris
-Flight of King Louis Philippe and his Family to England-Birth of Princess Louise.
IF the state of affairs in the early part of 1847 was gloomy,
still more gloomy was the aspect which they presented as
the year advanced. So great had become the monetary confusion owing to a concurrence of circumstances, each serious in itself, but most disastrous in their combination, that
the trade and  enterprise of the country were for a time
paralysed.  Each day brought tidings of gigantic failures.
In Lancashire alone, between July and October, these were
stated by Lord Stanley to have amounted to close on
16,000,0001.1 Liverpool, Birmingham, Glasgow, and the other
great towns, had the same tale to tell. The wild speculation
in railway shares of the preceding years had absorbed much
of the capital which, in other circumstances, would have been
available for the general industry of the country. Great
bodies had no alternative but to sell out; and yet to do so,
except at a ruinous loss, had become impossible. The immense fall in the price of corn, consequent on the fine harvest,
brought ruin upon many of the largest houses. Consols fell
from  93~  to 79, and every species of property suffered a
corresponding decline. Several considerable banks stopped
payment. The pressure on all sides had become intolerable,
and the panic reached a crisis when it was found that, on the
21st October, the reserve in the Bank of England had sunk
to 1,600,0251., a sum not equal to the amount of balances
belonging to other banks, which were then held by it on
deposit. Credit was suspended, and the whole trade of the
country seemed upon the verge of being brought to a
standstill.
1 Parliamentary Debate, 2nd December, 1S47. Hanssard, vol. xcv. 495.




374              STATE OF AFFAIRS.               1847
In this emergency, yielding to the pressure brought upon
them by the great London banking houses, the Government,
on the 25th October, on the ground'that the time had
arrived when they ought to attempt, by some extraordinary
and temporary measure, to restore confidence to the mercantile and manufacturing community,' authorised the Bank to
issue notes beyond the limits prescribed by the Bank Charter
Act of 1844. In enlarging their discounts, however, the
Bank were to charge 8 per cent. interest. The measure had
the desired effect. Confidence was restored; gold began to
pour in; merchants no longer found difficulty in getting their
paper discounted. So completely successful was the step
somewhat tardily taken by the Government, that the Bank
of England had no occasion to act upon their recommendation; and, by the end of January, 1848, the rate of interest
had fallen from 8 to 4 per cent.
In some parts of Ireland crime had increased to an
appalling extent. Bitterly were the Government now compelled to expiate their vote on the Coercion Bill, by which
the Peel Ministry had been overthrown. Without the power
which they had themselves helped to withhold, they found
themselves unable to grapple with the outrages upon life
and property, which had made the state of the country in
many places worse, to use the language of Lord Stanley
(S]peech on the Address, 29th November),'than that of civil
war. One by one the best members of society fall victims of
assassination; and it is now an admitted fact, that it is
safer in that island to violate than to obey the law.' Adequate powers to cope with this state of things could no longer
be delayed.
The new Parliament met on the 23rd November; and on
the 29th Sir George Grey, the Home Secretary, introduced a
Coercion Bill, with a statement which left no doubt as to the
necessity for some stern means of repression. Assassination
(' assassination in the open day, encouraged by the entire impunity with which it was perpetrated'), incendiarism, robberies
of arms, were the crimes to be struck at.  In the month of
October the total number of these had been 195. 139 had occurred in the counties of Clare, Limerick, and Tipperary; but
King's County, Roscommon, and Fermanagh, shared in the
opprobrium. It was impossible to resist the effect produced
by the catalogue of crimes by which Sir George Grey enforced
his argument. There were not, of course, wanting members




1847          STATE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.            375
to denounce coercion in every shape, and to remind the
Ministry that, if they were right in the policy which they now
urged upon the House, they owed some reparation to Sir
Robert Peel. But again did that true statesman come to their
rescue. For him the day of party conflict or party triumph
had gone by; and he carried the warm sympathy of the House
with him when he declared that'now the best reparation that
could be made to the last, was to assist the present Government in passing into a law the measure they had brought
forward.' By the 10th of December the Bill passed through
the House of Commons, supported by overwhelming majorities
at every stage; and it was carried through the House of Lords
without a division.
On the 20th of December Parliament was adjourned to the
3rd of February, 1848. In the meantime events had been
moving rapidly on the Continent.
In Switzerland the dispute between the seven Catholic
cantons of the Sonderbund and the other fifteen cantons had
resulted in an appeal to arms. Fribourg had capitulated to
the forces of the Diet under General Dufour, upon the 13th
November. On the 22nd his army appeared before Lucerne,
the capital of the Sonderbund, and, after a gallant but futile
resistance, the forces of the Sonderbund were dispersed, and
the city surrendered at discretion. The remaining cantons of
the Separatist League soon afterwards sent in their submission.
By this time the Cabinets of Engoland, France, Russia, Austria,
and Prussia, had agreed to tender their joint offices as mediators to prevent the effusion of blood. But the movements of
diplomatists, each jealous of the other, had been too tardy.
Lucerne had been taken, and the contest was at an end on the
24th of November, two days before the adhesion of Lord
Palmerston was given to the collective note of the Continental
Powers. When, therefore, this note was presented to the
Diet on the 4th. December, one of the parties to the dispute
had been crushed, and the offer of mediation was declined.
The great end had, however, been gained of a settlement of
the internal divisions of the cantons without the armed intervention of Austria, which would in all likelihood have precipitated a European war.
In Italy, Austria had by this time full occupation for the
thoughts of her statesmen.  The liberal movement there,
commencing in local reforms, was rapidly assuming a character
of menace to the very existence of Austria in Italy. The con



376              CONDITION OF FRANCE.               1847
trol of the movement was steadily passing out of the hands of
Pio Nono, and the other princes of the country, who had
followed his example in liberalising their institutions. The
mission of Lord iMinto, the great object of which had been to
assist in securing' the independence of each state within the
proper limits, and the perfect liberty of each sovereign to
undertake any reform he pleased,' had a much wider construction put upon it by the heated imaginations of a people new
to liberty. Wherever he went he was regarded as an emissary
sent by the British Government to proclaim its sympathy with
the movement for a united and independent Italy. Every opportunity was taken to foment this idea by the revolutionists
of all countries, with whom the Italian peninsula was swarming; and, by inflaming at the same time the animosity against
the Austrians to the uttermost, to force on an open conflict
with that power.
In France the political atmosphere was charged with
electricity. The murder of the Duchess of Praslin by her
husband had given fresh point to the denunciations of vice
in high places, which in periods of popular discontent are
never wanting. Great suffering existed among the working
classes, and socialist doctrines had become widely spread.
Disaffection towards the Government pervaded nearly every
class. In the law courts frequently revelations had been made
of gross corruption in men high in office and in rank, of
contracts procured by bribery, connivance at spoliation of the
public stores, the shameless sale of honours. The public
finances were in disorder; the annual deficit, with which the
country had been too long familiar, was greater than ever.
The Government majority at the recent elections was believed to have been secured by an expenditure unusually
profligate.  The Government, and not the nation, it was
everywhere said, were represented in the Chambers; 2 and the
whole forces, both of the Opposition and of the revolutionary
party, were combined to raise throughout the country a cry
for reform. Alienated from England, the Government had
been casting about, without success, to secure alliances elsewhere. In Spain, in Portugal, their policy had been a
failure; in Italy they were distrusted by the party of progress, at the same time that they were regarded with
2 A significant placard appeared this summer on the walls in Paris.'A
ndtoyer, deuax Chambres et u.ne Coeur.'




1847         UNSETTLED STATE OF FRANCE.            377
jealousy, not merely by Austria, but also by the Papal'
Government.
With so much on the political chart to bewilder and
alarm, who might undertake to cast the horoscope of Europe?
The Prince longed to have near him the experience and
sagacity which had often stood him in such good stead; and
on the 30th of September he wrote to Baron Stockmar, urging
him again to take up his stay at the English Court.'So
far,' he says,' are you personally concerned in what concerns
us, that I will begin with myself, and tell you how much I
long to have you here, and to go up with you into the
political observatory, which at this moment offers to view the
most important and noteworthy phenomena in the heaven of
the political world —rightly to note and construe which, is of
the greatest moment for me.'
In another letter to the Baron, about the same time, the
Prince expresses the apprehensions as to the state of affairs
in France which were general in men's minds towards the
close of 1847:-'In foreign politics the state of France is the most critical.
The proceedings in the law Courts have laid bare a state of
internal corruption that is frightful, and the effect of these
revelations on the mass of the people will be immense.
Communism is in the ascendant, and a Parliamentary reform
will probably be carried through before long; if it be possible
for the French to do anything without tumult and insurrection.... Happy he who at the close of his days can say to
himself, that the divine laws of Morality and Reason were
the guiding principles of his actions! However scanty the
fruits they may have borne, those fruits cannot be other than
good.'
At Osborne, where the Court resided during the short
autumn Session of Parliament, the Prince found a pleasant
distraction from the many topics of a disquieting kind, by
which his thoughts were now so closely occupied. The work
of laying out the grounds was resumed under his personal
superintendence; and, with the artist's imaginative skill, he
was making those changes in the terraces and slopes, and
planting that rich variety of well-selected trees, which in
future years were to present a picture of rare beauty to the
eye. The approach of Christmas brought back the Court to
Windsor. In the mention of that to him always sacred time,
the Prince's wonted cheerfulness breaks out in his letters.




378         CHRISTMAS AT WINDSOR CASTLE.            1847
Welcome, indeed, was a season which brought so many tokens
of affection from those whom he held in deepest regard,- so
much gratefulness of heart for the happiness which surrounded him in his home. With his children strong and full
of glee around him, his thoughts glance back to his own boyhood, which he sees reflected in their happy faces and their
merry quips. Thus he writes to the Dowager Duchess of Coburg:'These pleasant festivities always bring me doubly into
contact in spirit with your loved ones in the Home-land, where
you were ever so dear to me. I must now seek in the children
a reflex of what Ernest and I were in the old time, of what we
felt and had experience of (dcarbten); and their delight in the
Christmas-trees is not less than ours used to be. You really
should, some day, take courage to trust yourself to the unstable
element of the sea, were it only to have a peep at our little
folks. When we are in the Isle of Wight, where we are not
surrounded by a Court and its formalities, our life is so quiet
and simple, that it would not fatigue you.
Windsor Castle, 26th December.'
The state of affairs in Germany, which rendered Baron
Stockmar's presence there of importance, as well as his feeble
health, prevented him from complying with the Prince's wish
that he should spend this winter in England. Frequent communications passed between them. Owing probably to their
very confidential character, several of the Prince's letters appear to have been destroyed. Among them are those to which
the two following letters by Baron Stockmar are in answer.
These are, however, so admirable in themselves, and reflect so
much light on the Prince's character, that the absence of the
letters which gave occasion to them is the less to be regretted.
The first, which is without date, appears to have been written
about the middle of December:-' Your Royal Highness's gracious dispatch of the 15th inst.
has just reached me. It seems to me composed in that kind
of serious mood, into which we are.naturally led by the contemplation and experience of the imperfection of men and
things. And yet it is only by grappling with or undergoing
actual experiences of a grave kind that the powers of the
soul are developed and strengthened. For it is through them




1847         LETTER FROM BARON STOCKMAR.               379
we learn the art of bearing what is, in the course of nature,
inevitable, with calm submission; an art hard to learn, but,
at the same time, the most useful of all human arts, because,
Reason being its guiding principle, our life, as resulting from
it, is consequently in accordance with Reason. Practise
yourself, then, my beloved Prince, sine irad aut stuio, in the
contemplation of human weaknesses, in the art of bearing
them with humane gentleness, without allowing them to exert
an injurious influence upon your own ways of thinking and
acting.' Very, very justly have you felt and said to mne, that even
although you were, contrary to your own judgment and conviction, to adopt the views of others for your practical guidance, such is the force of the laws by which absolute truth is
directed, that you could not do so without mischief both to the
special matter dealt with, and to your own nature. And so,
in fact, it would be; a surrender of your own convictions to the
dictation of others would do good to no one, but rather operate
as a new element injurious to the business in hand, to others,
and to yourself.'I was interrupted, and in the interval I have become still
more fully alive to the significance of the contents of the
letter which your Royal Highness has received from B. All
that can be said as to a third person inevitably seeing things
in a different light, has been said, as I have often remarked
to you, in Lafontaine's AMouche dcu. Goche.  It is not merely
that Lca loueche, or the vain self-conceited man, has, as he
represents, done, and is alone able to'do everything himself,'
but, for this very reason, other people are incapable, and what
they have done has been done wrong. Do not allow yourself
to be shaken from your convictions, but remain constant to
yourself, and then everything that depends on you will go
well, or at least will be carried through with honour.'
In the following letter, written a few days later, Baron
Stockmar recurs to the same subject:-'Weary as I am in body, and indeed in mind, lame too in
my hand, I have been so pleasantly excited by the receipt of
your Royal Highness's letter, that I grapple resolutely with
s See the fable of Le Coe7Le et Ta Mfouche, the 9th of the 7th book of Lafontaine's Fables, which has given rise to the proverbial expression used in the
text.




380           LETTER FROM BARON STOCKMAR.                 1847
what is always an uphill task to me, that of writing. In the
front rank let me put the urgent entreaty of an old and tried
friend: " Do not be shaken from your convictions! " As God
is my help, you are on the right path! Keep on it evermore,
and advance upon it with no misgiving or doubt, but with
courage and assurance, to the end of your days.  On this
path shall my prayer go with you, so long as I have power to
pray; and I will pray in the spirit of your own noble words,
that HBe may lend you strength to abide truly and conscientiously in the service of truth and reason even unto death.4
And so truly as this world is guided by an eternal and moral
law, so truly will you hold your placte with honour in the
sight of men, and in yourself uphold the highest, the noblest
of all mortal possessions, the consciousness of having recognised betimes, and conscientiously fulfilled, your duty towards
your Creator and Hfis creatures.'That between my good Prince and myself there is a great
similarity in our modes both of thought and feeling seems to
me to be shown by what you tell me of the impressions produced on you by what has taken place in B., L —,
W, and Coburg.  And otherwise it cannot be!  He who
resolves to act in accordance with reason and truth, however
pure his intentions, may be sure he will be misunderstood and
maligned. Nevertheless a man, conscious of the purity of
his purpose, should lose neither confidence in his own worth,
nor in what springs naturally from it. The stupidity and ingratitude of those to whom  your Royal Highness has given
proofs of a true and friendly disposition, cannot convert what
that disposition has made you do into something opposite, and
they will continue to operate as services of true friendship,
long after the mists have been dispersed in which stupidity
and ingratitude have endeavoured to obscure them.  Hold
fast, then, despite all bitter experiences, by the motto which
I suggested to your Royal Highness not many years ago,
"Great thoughts and a pure heart!"'Of the state of things in England, which to me at a distance wear a very unpleasant aspect, I would fain learn more
4 The allusion here is to the following passage in a letter from the Prince of
12th December, 1847, where, in reference to his having been misunderstood by
a relation, he says:'I must console myself by the consciousness which has
always sustained you under similar circumstances, that from my heart I mean
well to them all-that I have never done them aught but gool, and take my
stand on truth and reason, the worship of which becomes daily more and more
a matter of conscience with me.'




1847           THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY.                  381
and in a more authentic shape, than is possible for me here.
In ecclesiastical matters fanaticism and hypocrisy have reached
a pitch which make reaction and conflict inevitable.  I fear
this conflict will be both obstinate and protracted. Its beginning seems to me close at hand, but how and when it
will terminate, I will not venture to predict. People and
Parliament will take part in the warfare which has hitherto
been carried on between the hierarchy and religious parties.
Probably in course of time the masses will be brought by
agitation to bear upon this question, as through Cobden's
influence they have done upon that of the Corn Laws. Then,
and not till then, will Parliament take courage out of fear,
that is, the timorous hypocrites will be afraid of continuing
to uphold orthodox folly against the rights of Reason and.
Conscience.'28th December, 1847.'
The concluding paragraph of this letter, the prophetic
sagacity of which we are now in a position to appreciate, has
reference to the warm theological discussions then raging,
which had their origin in the nomination of Dr. Lee and Dr.
Hampden to the respective sees of Manchester and Hereford,
To both appointments vehement opposition was made. Exception was taken to Dr. Lee on the ground of alleged personal misconduct-a charge which rested on the slanderous
assertion of a Birmingham  surgeon, who was subsequently
tried for the libel and convicted. Dr. Hampden, on the other
hand, had made himself obnoxious to a section of the Clergy
by the publication of opinions which they regarded as heretical.  On his appointment, eleven years before, by Lord Melbourne, to the office of Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford,
his book had been censured by a formal vote of the majority
of the Convocation of the University there. His nomination
to the Bishopric of Hereford was the signal for a storm of
theological controversy. An urgent protest against the appointment was forwarded to Lord John Russell by a large
body of the Clergy, with the Bishops of London and Winchester at their head. It was met by an answer couched in terms
of characteristic firmness:'I observe that your Lordships do not state any wanlt of confidence on
your part in the soundness of Dr. Haampde;'s doctrine. Your Lordships
refer me to a decree of the University of Oxford passed eleven years ago, and
founded upon lectures delivered fifteen years ago.' After alluding to the facts,




382              THE HAMPDEN  CONTROVERSY.                       1847
that Dr. Hampden had since the date of that decree acted as the Regius
Professor of Divinity-that his certificates had been accepted in the case of
candidates for ordination by the University and by many Bishops-that his
sermons had been spoken of with approbation by distinguished prelates, and
that the Archbishop of Canterbury had intimated no disapproval of the
proposed appointment, Lord John concludes:-e'In these circumstances it
appears to me that, should I withdraw my recommendation of Dr. Hampden,
which has been sanctioned by the Queen, I should virtually assent to a
doctrine, that a decree of the University of Oxford is a perpetual bar of
exclusion against a clergyman of eminent and irreproachable life, and that,
in fact, the supremacy which is now by law vested in the Crown is to be
transferred to a majority of the members of one of the Universities, nor should
it be forgotten, that many of the most prominent of that majority have since
joined the communioz of t/he Church of Rome.'
Undaunted by this reply, Dr. Merryweather, the Dean of
Hereford, wrote, on the 22nd of December, to Lord John
Russell, that, if the appointment were persevered with, he
should brave the consequences of a prcemunzre, which by law
attached to his resistance, and vote in the Chapter against the
election of Dr. Hampden to the Bishopric.'I have had the
honour to receive your letter of the 22nd inst.,' was Lord John
Russell's significant reply,''in which you intimate your intention of violating the law. I have the honour to be,' &c.
The Dean persevered, but, being supported by only one other
member of the Chapter, the election was completed, and he
escaped the pains and penalties which he would otherwise
have incurred.   Further resistance was made by Dr. IIampden's opponents, and it only ceased after an unsuccessful appeal to the Court of Queen's Bench.
A passage in a letter of the Chevalier Bunsen's from
Woburn  Abbey, on the 31st of December, 1847, shows the
warmth of the interest then prevalent in what was known as
the Hampden Controversy:-'Yesterday was a day of satisfaction for the house of Russell, the news
having arrived of Dr. Hampden's election. Lord John had been much vexed
in the latter days by the unreasonableness of the people he had to deal
with-but yesterday at three o'clock, when we were collected in expectation
and talking against time, in came Little Johnny (now Viscount Amberley)
escorted by his aunt-like sister, and stationed himself at the entrance of the
library, distinctly proclaiming, like a herald, "Dr. Hampden-a Bishop."
We cheered him, and some one asked him, whether he liked Dr. H.-" I
don't mind," was his answer, "for I don't know him! "  His father came in
afterwards, radiant with satisfaction. After dinner I suggested as a toast,
"The Chapter of Hereford," adding motto voce to Lord John, "and he who
has managed them."  Milnes and Strafford gave "The Dean" in opposition,
and we were just divided, like the Chapter, two against fifteen.'-Bunsen's
Life, ii. 155.




1848    CORRESPONDENCE WITH BARON STOCKMAR.    383
Returning to our extracts from the Prince's correspondence with BarQn Stocknlar,-on the 10th January, 1848, the
Baron writes:-'I have to thank your Royal Highness for two letters.
All good wishes for the new year I renew with a true and
glowing heart. Your Royal Highness writes, "the children
have formed the most excellent resolutions, and, I may say,
we no less."  In joyful emotion, and with confidence that it
will be heard, I add to them my " Amen!"  There is great
force in a man's firm will, and its true source is an earnest
disposition.'The day before yesterday I finished a book, the perusal
of which has given me real satisfaction and strength, as I
found in it most of my own views of life, which had long
since been arrived at by myself (and by a wholly different
road), confirmed by a man of acknowledged powers of thought
and judgment. It is called "Letters of W. von Humboldt to
a Female Friend."  He says, " Frivolity, however, undermines
all morality, and suffers no deep thought, and no pure and
deep feeling to germinate. It may, no doubt, be combined
with an amiable and gentle disposition, but in such a soul so
constituted nothingy can emanate from principle, and selfconquest and self-sacrifice are out of the question."  I should
be greatly pleased if your Royal Highness would read this
book soon; and, as a further recommendation, being written
specially for ladies, it is admirably fitted for the Queen's
reading,.'We have for some days had very boisterous weather, with
cutting east-winds. For two months I have scarcely left my
room, and I still suffer from sore throat, which makes me
dread an attack of the very serious complaint which I have
so often had in Coburg.
10th January, 1848.'
Tle Prince to -Baron Stockmar.
i'My uncle is right in his regret that Radical tendencies
and modern reforms bring all things to one level (Alles nivelliren), destroy much national and local'individuality, mould
everything upon one last (alles tiber einenz Leist schlagen),
and thereby prepare the way for French absorption, against
which a national character is the strongest safeguard. But
he forgets that epochs have a physiognomy, as well as coun



384    CORRESPONDENCE WITH BARON STOCKMAR.            1848
tries and peoples, and that the transition from one epoch to
another, though it may destroy what we formerly regarded
as individual and essential, does not at the same time necessarily destroy nationality. It is so even with the matter of
dress. The alteration of the Coburg peasant's dress (the
men's for example) will seem, as far as feelings go, to be a
decline of individuality, but what gave that costume individuality was only the fact, that it dates from the last century;
then, however, it was universal, and simply a copy of the
dress of the upper classes, and this dress of the upper classes
is what the peasantry of the present day are bent on assuming
at once.'Combe has written another excellent pamphlet on Education, proceeding from  the stand-point, " Does God govern
the world? If He does, does He govern it according to fixed
laws? If so, are these laws discernible by man? If they are,.
is it not the duty of man to abstract them, and make them
the rule of his conduct?  If so, is not this the real mission of
science and education?"  This, too, people say is "infidel"
to the last degree, because he reasserts that dogmas are of no
use in forwarding, nay, that they actually stand in the way
and retard the attainment of God's purpose, to let man grow
up in harmony with His will and with Nature.'The Hampden controversy is not yet at an end. One
article upon it cites a passage from Dr. Johnson, which will
delight you, if you do not already know it: " A dogmatist is
not far from a bigot, and runs great danger to become a
bloody persecutor."  How very true!'Windsor Castle, 31st January, 1848.'
Bcaron Stockmnar to the Prince.'Your Royal Highness, in your political argument, uses
the phrase "Conservative"' several times. Conservative, in
a strict sense, is Nature and Nature only, which maintains,
uninterruptedly and in continuous action, Ca portion of the
old, rejects a portion of what has grown too old, and in its
stead creates and establishes a portion that is new. If our
statesmen would in their own department imitate this process
of Nature as closely as possible, then I would not dispute
their right to call themselves Conservative. These gentlemen
must, however, at the same time not overlook the fact, that
to the art of preserving a productive faculty is essential, want



1848            INSURRECTION IN SICILY.            385
ing which there can be but the semblance of preservation.
As, however, the so-called Conservative policy of our day has
either no productive faculty at all, or, if it has, practises and
applies it either not at all, or only to the very smallest extent,
I am inclined to feel very great distrust both of the phrase
and its professors.'The standing-point taken by.Combe in his pamphlet
seems to me the only right one. To subvert the power of
dogma, as it now exists in England, and to adapt it to the
wants and spirit of the age, will require great courage and
perseverance, combined with great gifts. And yet Enoland
will have to take her share, along with the rest of Europe, in
resolving this problem of the age.'Be so kind as to furnish me with some authentic intelligence as to the present state of affairs in Sicily and Naples.
One must own the way things have been going of late in the
world threatens to make old Metternich's last days anxious
and unpleasant. It is a lesson, that the happiest of men, for
such Metternich has hitherto been in a singular degree, should
hold himself ready to be put to the test of reverses, so long
as the final limit of his days has not been reached.' 7th February, 1848.'
Well, indeed, might Baron Stockmar apply to Prince Metternich the adage,'Call no man happy till his death!' The
downfall had commenced of the fabric of Austrian domination,
which his life had been devoted to uphold. Throughout the
whole north of Italy the cry for independence had been
raised; and now from the Government of Sicily and Naples
-the most despotic in Europe-was to come an impulse that
was destined to quicken the flames of liberal aspirations into
a fiercer heat.
Scared by the spirit of innovation which pervaded the
northern part of the Italian peninsula, the King of the Two
Sicilies had set his face against the loud demand for reforms,
which the tidings of what had taken place in the north had
awakened throughout his dominions. On the 12th of January,
1848, political disturbances broke out in Palermo. The Royal
troops within the town made scarcely a show of resistance,
and an expedition of 6,000 men was sent from Naples to reinforce the local garrison. Meanwhile, the island broke into
open revolt, and the cry became general for'The Constitution
of 1812,' which had been given to the Sicilians by Lord
17




386                KING OF NAPLES.                  1848
rVilliam Bentinck, and for the immediate convocation of the
Sicilian Parliament at Palermo.
When the tidings reached the King of the failure of his
expedition, he despatched to the island certain decrees of a
liberal character, one of them appointing Count d'Aquila, his
brother, Lieutenant-General of Sicily, with a special Administrative Council. But these concessions came too late. The
Constitution of 1812 and a Parliament in Palermo would alone
satisfy his Sicilian subjects. By this time the King had become seriously alarmed, the more so that in Naples the popular feeling in favour of the insurgents had been unmistakably
shown. His Ministry was dismissed, and a new Ministry
appointed, composed of men well known for their liberal opinions. This was followed by a decree on the 28th of January,
by which he promised to grant a Constitution to his subjects.
On the 1st of February this Constitution was made public, and
a general amnesty declared for political offenders.
Naples was in transports. But the Sicilians were not so
easily appeased. The new Constitution by no means came up
to the standard of that of 1812, and they determined to continue the struggle. The services of Lord Minto, as a mediator
between their Sovereign and themselves, were subsequently
called into play, but without effect.
The tidings of the concessions made by the King of Naples
were received with enthusiasm by the central and northern
States of Italy, and gave fresh force to the demands for liberal
institutions. Fresh measures of administrative reform were
adopted by the Pope; while Tuscany and Sardinia followed
the example of the King of the Two Sicilies by forthwith granting new and very liberal Constitutions.
Such was the position of affairs in Italy when the Prince
returned the following answers to Baron Stockmar's inquiry:-'Political matters are in a strange state. The perverse
obstinacy (Hfalsstarrigkeit) of the King of Naples has brought
on a crisis which will drive all his colleagues in Italy to go
much further with their reforms than a short time ago would
have been necessary, or may now perhaps be expedient. Ah,
if other monarchs would take a lesson by this! But they
think enough has been done, when they have ascribed insurrection to " English agency."' Buckingllam Palace, 13th February, 1] 848.'




1848            ITALIAN AND FRENCH AFFAIRS.                    387'... Now  to  your question  about Italy.  Italy, like
every other part of Europe, is bent on progress (will vorwairts),
on being politically active and n7ational.  The Pope is the
counterpart of the King of Prussia, great impulsiveness, halfdigested political ideas, little acuteness of intellect, with a
great deal of cultivated intelligence (Geist), and accessibility
to outward influences. The rock on which both split is the
belief that they can set their subjects in motion, and keep the
direction and spread of the movement entirely in their own
hands, nay, that they alone possess the right to control the
movement, because it emanates from them. Lord Minto is
charged with the task of confirming the Pope and the other
Italian Princes in the resolution themselves to undertake the
most necessary reforms, and not to be afraid of their subjects,
to preach to the people confidence in the government and the
intentions of their rulers, and to assure both of the moral protection of England against foreign disturbance in the necessary but ticklish process of regeneration.'This had been completely successful in getting over the
awkward affair of Ferrara; 5 but the hostile demeanour of the
King of Naples has led to an outbreak in Sicily, and afterwards
in Naples, and n w the stream  has burst its bounds, and the
torrent threatens to sweep away the other Italian governments.
A new dam will have to be built much farther back to keep
the masses in check, and, feeling this, people are already passing from liberal reforms direct to Constitutions, and I believe
the leap is now inclispezscable, however detrimental it may be
to an organic development.'I may not conceal from you the fact that Paris at this
moment is causing us exttreme anxiety.6  Louis Philippe and
Guizot show  great political boldness, but they have taken
their stand  entirely upon the  old Bourbon  terrain,    The
s The occupation by Austrian troops, in August, 1847, of the town of Ferrara.
By the Treaty of Vienna Austria was authorisecd to maintain a garison in Ferrara.
This had always been construed as confined to the citadel. But when Austria,
alarmed by the spread of liberal opinions within the Papal States, resolved to
put pressure upon Pio Nono, it extended its military occupation to the town of
Ferrara, and even threatened to place an Austrian guard at the entrance of the
Legate's palace there. Besides protesting against this invasion of his territries, the Pope wrote to the Kincg of Sardinia, as the only other independent
Italian sove reign, to request that a Sardinian man-of-wa~r should be sent to
CivitR Vecchia, as it was the purpose of Ilis Holiness to take refuge in Sardinia,
if his territory were invaded-a request to which a favourable answer was forthwithl returnedl.
6 The question of the Reform Banquets had by this time passed into a most
critical phase.




388         OVERTHROW OF LOUIS PHILIPPE.           1848
beginning of the change, and it may be the determining
momentum, I still hold to have been (bleibt wieder) the Spanish marriage.'Buckingham Palace, 16th February, 1848.'
The apprehensions as to what might be impending in
Paris, expressed at the close of this letter, were soon to be
fulfilled. By the 26th of the month the Orleans dynasty had
been overthrown, a Republic had been proclaimed, and King
Louis Philippe, his Queen, and family, were hurrying by
different routes to England; broken in fortunes, and haunted
by the terrible sights and sounds of revolutionary fury.
Simultaneously with these tidings, news had reached the
Prince of the unexpected death of the Dowager Duchess of
Gotha, to his affection for whom frequent reference has already
been made.'It is impossible to have known her,' says the
Princess of Hohenlohe, in writing of her death to the Queen,'and not to have loved and venerated her; but I also know
what she was to dearest Albert, and how he will lament
her loss.' So, too, his old friend at Coburg's first thought,
when he hears of her death, is of what the Prince will
suffer:'Yesterday,' he writes,'I had the pleasure of receiving
letters from your Royal Highness, and to-day the sad tidings
have reached me of the death of dear good grandmama. I
think I told you, soon after my last visit to Gotha, that I had
found her much altered both in mind and body. Although I
was therefore prepared not to see the excellent lady again, still
I have been most painfully and deeply moved by the fulfilment
of my fears. She was, as it was fit sle should be, a Princess:
true, honourable, and of a benevolence that came from the
heart. Honour and love to her memory! Peace to her ashes!
Fromn my very heart I bewail your loss.'Being more than usually upset by this melancholy piece
of news, writing is peculiarly trying to me to-day.  I will
avail myself of the first hour I feel better to write to your
Ployal Highness about business. God take the Queen, your
Royal Highness, and all your children into his keeping!
With the warmest wishes for the welfare of your R;)yal
Highness, both spiritual and bodily, I am, with loving
attachment and truth,
(Signed)' STOCKIrn.''24th February, 1848.'




1848         DEATH OF DUCHESS OF GOTHA.              389'Think,' says Her Majesty, in a letter on the 28th of
February to the King of the Belgians, after speaking of the
events in Paris,'think, that in the midst of all this terrible
anxiety, we received yesterday the news of the death of our
dearly beloved grandmother!  My poor Albert is quite
beaten down with all this, and is so pale and sad it breaks
nmy heart.'
The Prince's own words,. in the following letter to the
Dowager Duchess of Coburg, complete the touching picture:-'Alas! the news you sent were heavy news indeed. The
dear, good grandmama! She was an angel upon earth; and
to us ever so good and loving. That none of her grandchildren should have closed her eves! Yet it was a boon to us
that we were together7 when the news came.' What dismal times are these! I cannot give full way to
my own grief, harassed as we both are with the terrible present. You also will be in deep distress. Augustus, C16mentine,
Nemours, and the Duchess of Montpensier, have come to us
one by one like people shipwrecked; Victoire, Alexander, the
King, the Queen, are still tossing upon the waves, or have
drifted to other shores: we know nothing of them. France is
in flames; Belgium  is menaced.  We have a Ministerial,
money, and tax crisis; and Victoria is on the point of being
confined. My heart is heavy.
Two days before the Prince had sent a despairing request
to Baron Stockmar to come over to aid him with his counsel
and support, unaware that, in a letter then on its way to
him, his friend had written:'For the last six weeks I have
been again more than usually unwell. My chief malady is
an increasing derangement of the liver, which will assuredly
soon put a period to my days. I lose flesh and strength
daily.' If anything could have roused Baron Stockmar to
make the journey, the following appeal would have had that
effect:-'The posture of affairs is bad. European war is at our
doors, France is ablaze in every quarter, Louis Philippe is
wandering about in disguise; so is the Queen; Nemcurs and
Clementine have found their way to Dover; of Augustus,
7 The Prince's brother the Duke of Coburg and his Duchess were then on a
visit to the Queen and Prince.




390           BIRTH CF PRINCESS LOUISE.            1848
Victoire, Alexander Wiirtemberg, and the others, all we
know is, that the Duchess of Montpensier is at Treport under
another name; Guizot is a prisoner, the Republic declared,
the army ordered to the frontier, the incorporation of Belgium
and the Rhenish provinces proclaimed. Here they refuse to
pay the income.tax, and attack the M1inistry; Victoria will
be confined in a few days; our poor, good grandmama is taken
from this world. I am not cast down, still:I have need of
friends and of counsel in these heavy times. Come, as you
love me, as you love Victoria, as you love zzcle Leopold, as
you love your German Fatherland.'
In a few days the Prince was able to assure his friend that
his anxiety about the Queen was at an end:-'Dear Stockmar,-I have good news for you to-day. Victoria was safely delivered this morning, and, though it be a
daughter, still my joy and gratitude are very great, as I was
often full of misgiving, because of the many moral shocks
which have crowded upon Victoria of late. V. and the baby
are perfectly well.'I Siss you monoe tkhciz ever.'Buckinghain Palace, 18th 3March, 1S48.
The same day the Prince accompanies the announcement
to the Dowager Duchess of Coburg of the addition of
another Princess (now the Princess Louise) to his home circle
with the words:'Just now one is so completely surrounded
by what is perplexing and painful, that this event brings
quite a spot of light for us into the dark, gloomy time.
Alas [ my despatches home have now shrunk down to twoErnest and yourself; yet, I thank God, that good grandmama
has not lived to witness these stormy times, which would have
torn her heart in twain.'
Cast down, indeed, by all that was going on around him,
the Prince was not. The events at home and abroad, which
were crowded into the first few months of this year, were of
a kind to rouse the highest qualities of a nature so truly
heroic. The time had come to put to the proof the results of
the severe discipline under which he had trained himself since
1839. Not in vain had he made the forces, by which society,
throughout Europe as well as at home, was agitated, the




1848                PRINCE PREPARED.                  391
subject of his anxious study.  When the storm  broke, it
found him prepared.
In rising to meet the difficulties of the hour, the Prince
found the best support in the cheerful courage of the Queen.'From the first,' as Her Majesty wrote to King Leopold on
the 4th of April,'I heard all that passed; and my only
thoughts and talk were politics. But I never was calmer
and quieter, or less nervous. Great events make me calm;
it is only trifles that irritate my nerves.'








APPENDICES.








APPENDIX A.
2~lcmzoreandtm  as to t]he  influence of H.R.1H-. THE PrINiCE
CONSORT U1o0n  bJsical Taste in England.
TnH love of music and the arts may be said to have been hereditary in the Coburg family. The Duke Emil Leopold Augustus of
Saxe-Gotha, the lifelong friend and patron of Carl Maria von Weber,
was himself a poet and musical composer of very considerable accomplishment. Of this he gave proof by his' Kyllenion, a Year in Arcadia,' with musical accompaniments by himself, and by his ArtRomance,'Pandenone,' both of which were composed by him at
Reinhardtsbrunn in 1804. The late King of the Belgians had also
a great love and knowledge of music and sang well. He had been
thoroughly trained in the best style of Italian singing, and used his
fine baritone voice with a skill far beyond that of ordinary amateurs.
Prince Albert's brother, the reigning Duke of Coburg, is known as a
composer, and his opera of' Casilda' has been performed with success in the principal theatres of Germany.
It has been already shown, that even while at Bonn Prince Albert
was regarded by his fellow-students as a musician of no ordinary
gifts and attainments. I-e took great interest in the study, and engaged actively in the proceedings of the Choral Union of Gotha.
Thus we find him, on the 23rd of July, 1839, sending from Dresden to
Concert Master Spaeth, as part of his contribution to their library,
the full score and parts of Beethoven's famous Preis der Tonkunst,
and begging to be informed of the progress of the Society's rehearsals
of Handel and Nannini (Early Years, p. 210). In Florence, as we
have seen, his organ-playing commanded admiration; and the letters
of Lady Lyttelton, quoted in the text, show that it was distinguished
by the qualities which are only to be found in players of a genuine
musical gift.
The Prince's taste had been modelled upon the works of the best.
masters; music, therefore, was to him not merely a delightful solace
and recreation, but an art, in which the whole world of emotion
and aspiration finds. tile most varied, and often the highest expression.  He brought with him  to England an extensive knowledge
of the works of the greatest composers; and, small as the leisure
was which he could command for the purpose, he was at pains




396                      APPENDIX A.
to keep himself well informed of all that was being done either
to enrich the already accumulated store of works of genius, or to
raise the standard of general culture in the art. In furtherance of
this object he lost no opportunity of bringing into public notice every
new production which seemed likely to elevate or refine the public
taste.
Previous to, and for some time after, his arrival in England, the
Queen's Private Band was composed entirely of wind instruments.
It is obvious that such a band could never satisfy a taste so broad and
so highly educated as that of the Prince. Accordingly, he very soon
had it reorganized as a string band; and as such its first performance
took place in Windsor Castle on the 24th of December, 1840. What
the Prince aimed at in the frequent Concerts by this band before the
Members of the Court, and the Royal guests, may be at once divined
fromn the fact, that in the Programmes are to be found the masterworks of Beethoven, Mozart, Haydn, Spohr, Weber, Lindpaintner,
Marsehner, Schubert, Auber, 3Meyerbeer, Mendelssohn, and others.
Thus, for example, the great C Major Symphony of Schubert, which
hadl not previously been publicly given in this country, Beethoven's'Fidelio,' the finest Symphonies of lfozart and others, Wagner's'Lohengrin,' and other now familiar works, were given in the Drawing Room at Windsor Castle; while on many occasions members of
the band performed the Quartetts and Septett of Beethoven, and the
Quartetts and Ottett of Mendelssohn,  The Prince made the selection
of music for these performances the subject of his special care, and
found in the performances themselves a never-failing source of delight. As every year brought a heavier strain upon his thoughts and
energies, his pleasure in them appeared to increase. They seemed to
take him into a dream-world, in which the anxieties of life were for
the moment forgotten. He would often stand apart in the Drawing
Room, while some great work of Beethoven, Mozart, or Mendelssohn
was being performed, rapt in reverie, but with a look in his face,
which those could best understand, and most loved to see, who knew
bly it, that the pressure of a brain often too severely taxed was for
the moment removed.
Of modern composers, Mendelssohn appears to have been his
favourite. Mendelssohn was introduced to the Prince'in June, 1842;
and in that month he played at Buckingham Palace, where his works,
with which both the Queen and Prince were well acquainted, had
already become familiar by their frequent recurrence in the performances of the Private Band. On that occasion Her Majesty's Journcal records:' He played several of his celebrated Lieder, and other
pieces of his composition, and then asked the Queen and Prince to
give him a Themna on which he would improvise, which he did most
wonderfully and beautifully.'
In a letter fiom Frankfort to his mother (19th July, 1842), Mendelssohn gives a charming account of the incidents of this meeting:-'I must tell you,' he writes,'all the details of my last visit at Buckingham
Palace.... It is, as G. says, the one really pleasant andLthoroughly coml'orta



PRINCE'S MUSICAL TASTE.                      397
ble English house, where one feels a sonm aise. Of course I do know a few
others, but yet on the whole I agree with him. Joking apart, Prince Albert
had asked me to go to him on Saturday at two o'clock, so that I migoht try his
organ before I left England; I found him alone, and as we were talking away,
the Queen came in, also alone, in a simple morning dress. She said she was
obliged to leave for Claremont in an hour, and then suddenly interrupting herself, exclaimed, " But goodness, what a confusion! " for the wind had littered
the whole room, and even the pedals of the organ (which, by the way, made a
very pretty feature in the room) with leaves of imusic from a large portfolio that
lay open. As she spoke she knelt down and began picking up the music,
Prince Albert helped, and I too was not idle. Then Prince Albert proceeded
to explain the stops to me, and she said that she would meanwhile put things
straight.'I begged that the Prince would first play me something, so that, as I said,
I might boast about it in Germany; and he played a Chorale, by heart, with
the pedals, so charmingly, and clearly, and correctly, that it would have done
credit to any professional; and the Queen, having finished her work, came and
sat by him and listened, and looked pleased. Then it was my turn, and I bean my chorus from " St. Paul "-" How lovely are the messengers."  Before
got to the end of the first verse they both joined in the chorus, and all the
time Prince Albert managed the stops for me so cleverly-first a flute, at the
forte the great organ, at the D major part the whole, then he made a lovely
diminuendo with the stops, and so on to the end of the piece, and all by heart
-that I was really quite enchanted. Then the young Prince of Gotha came in,
and there was more chatting; and the Queen asked if I had written any new
songs, and said she was very fond of singing my published ones. " You should
sing one to him," said Prince Albert: and, after a little begging she said she
would try the " Fruhlingsliedl   in B Aat-"' If it is still here," she added, "for
all my music is packed up for Claremont." Prince Albert went to look for it,
but came back, saying it was already packed. " But one might perhaps unpack
it," said I. " We must send for Lady -—," she said. (I did not catch the
name.) So the bell was rung, and the servants were sent after it, but without
success; and at last the Queen went herself, and while she was gone Prince
Albert said to me, " She begs you will accept this present as a remembrance,"
and gave me a little case with a beautiful ring,. on which is engraved " V. R.
1842."'Then the Queen came back and said, " Laxly    is gone, and has taken
all my things with her. It really is most annoying.  (You can't think how
that amused me.) I then begged that I might not be made to suffer for the
accident, and hoped she would sing another song  After some consultation
with her husband, he said, " She will sing you something of Gltick's."  Meantime the Princess of Gotha had come in, and we five proceeded through various
corridors and rooms to the Queen's sitting-room. The Duchess of IRent came
in too, and while they were all talking I rummaged about amongst the music,
and soon discovered my first set of sonmgs. So, of course I begged her rather to
sing one of those than the Glick, to which she very kindly consented; and
which did she choose?-" Schoner und schiner schmnickt sich! " sang it quite
charmingly, in strict time and tune, and with very good execution. Only in
the line "]Der Prosa Lasten und Mliuh," where it goes down to D, and then
comes up again chromatically, she sang D sharp each time, and as I gave her
the note both times, the last time she sang D, and there it ought to have been
ID sharp. But with the exception of this little mistake it was really charming,
and the last long G I have never heard better, or purer, or more natural from
any amateur. Then I was obliged to confess that Fanny had written the song
(which 1 found very hard, but pride must have a fall) and to beg her to sing
one of my own also. If I would give her plenty of help she would gladly try,
she said, and then she sang the Pilgerspruch' Lass dich nur," really quite faultlessly, and with charming feeling and expression. I thought to myself, one
must not pay too many compliments on such an occasion, so I merely thanked
her a great many times; upon which she said' " Oh, if only I had not been so




398                          APPENDIX  A.
frightened; generally, I have such long breath."  Then I praised her heartily,
alnd with the best conscience in the world; for just that part with the long G at
the close she had done so well, taking the three following and connecting notes
in the same breath, as one seldom hears it done, and therefore it amused me
doubly that she herself should have begun about it.'After this Prince Albert sang the Erntelied, "Es ist ein Schnitter;"
and then he said I must play him something before I went, and gave me as
themes the Chorale which he had played on the organ and the song he had
just sung. If everything had gone as usual, I ought to have improvised most
dtreadfully badly, for it is almost always like that with me when I want it to go
well, and then I should have gone away vexed with the whole morning. But,
just as if I was to keep nothing but the pleasantest, most charming recollection of it, I never improvised better; I was in the best mood for it, and played
a long time, and enjoyed it myself, so that besides the two themes I brought in
the songs that the Queen had sung, naturally enough; and it all went off so
easily that I would gladly not have stopped; and they followed me with so
smluch intelligence and attention that I felt more at my ease than I ever did in
ilprovising to an audience. The Queen said several times she hoped I would
soon come to England again and pay them a visit, and then I took leave; and
down below I saw the beautiful carriages waiting, with their scarlet outriders,
and in a quarter of an hour the flag was lowered, and the Court Circular announced,'11Her Majesty left the Palace at twenty minutes past three."'
On the 7th of June, 1844, the Prince was present when Mendelssohn conducted the performance of his own'St. Paul' by the
Sacred Harmonic Society.  He was again present,-and this time
with the Queen, —when the same Oratorio was given by the Society,
under Mendelssohn's superintendence, on the 2nd of June in the
following year.  When the' Elijah' was performed in its completed
form by the same Society on the 23rd of April, 1847, the Queen and
Prince were present.  The inscription, already well known among
musical amateurs, which was written by the Prince, upon his copy
of the words of the Oratorio, immediately after the performance,
may find a place here:-' To the Noble Artist, who, surrounded by the Baal-worship of debased
art, has been able by his genius and science, like another Elijah, faithfully to
preserve the worship of true art, and once more to accustom our ear, amid the
whirl of empty frivolous sounds, to the pure tones of sympathetic feeling and
legitimate harmony; to the Great Master who brings home to us the unity of
his conception through the whole maze of his creation from the soft whispering
to the mighty raging of the elements: Inscribed in grateful remembrance by'ALBERT.'' Buckingham Palace,'April 24, 1847.
We are informed by Sir Julius Benedict, that the Prince's warm
appreciation of Blendelssohn's grand work'gave an unmistakable
stimulus to the highest branch of composition-" the Oratorio "-in
this country.
Before this time the Prince had testified his appreciation of this
great master by arranging the Reading at Windsor Castle on the 1st
of January, 1847, of'Athalie,' accompanied by all  Mendelssohn's
choral and orchestral music. The reader upon this occasion was
MI. Brasseur.  This was the first time this fine work had been heard
in England.  The'Antigone' was performed on the 10th of Febru



PRINCE'S MUSICAL TASTE.                      399
ary, 1846, Mr. Charles Kemble reading the text, and again on the 1st
of January, 1848, when Mr. Bartley was the reader.  It was by this
time well known in this country, through its performance at Covent
Garden, as well as in Dublin and Edinburgh.  But it was left for the
Queen and Prince to introduce the' CEdipus at Colonos" to England.
A specially abridged version of this play was prepared for them by
Mr. Bartholomew, the adapter of the'Antigone,' and read by Mr'.
Bartley at Buckingham Palace on the 10th of February, 1848, and
again on the 1st of January, 1852, with the accompaniment of Mendelssohn's choral and orchestral mnusic. On the 1st of January, 1853,
the same composer's'Lobgesang,' with portions of his'Christus'
and'Loreley,' were given at Windsor Castle. Others of his works
formed important features of the Concerts at the Palace.  Thus his'WXalpurgis Night' was given on the 10th of February, 1854, his
Cantata'Praise Jehovahll' on the 10th of February, 1857, and a
selection from his' Midsummer Night's Dream' on the 10th of February, 1859. A selection firom his' St. Paul' was given on the 28th
of June, 1861, memorable as being the last of the Concerts arranged
by the Prince.  On all these occasions no pains were spared to
ensure the music being given with thorough completeness, -vocal,
choral, and instrumental.
Besides these great choral works, among the records of the Concerts at the Palace are to be found performances of such works as
Bach's'Passions-Mlusik' (The Mlattheus), Beethoven's'Praise of
/Music,' and portions of his M3ass in C, Me'hul's'Joseph,' Haydn's'Passion,' Weber's'Praise Jehovah,' portions of Mendelssohn's' St.
Paul,' Romberg's'Song of the Bell,' and Sir Sterndale Bennett's
Cantata,'The May Queen.'
The late Mir. Robert Bowley, who by what he had himself done
for choral music in Englanid had earned the right to speak with
authority on the subject, in writing (18th October, 1868) to Mr. W.
G. Cusins, the Master of the Queen's Music (to whole we are indebted
for many of the materials for this Memorandum), says:'Looking through the list of Choral Concerts at the Palace, one cannot
help being struck with the varied and excellent selections made from time
to time by H.R.HI. the Prince Consort. That these selections had a marked
influence on the performances of Choral Music in England, I am thoroughly
convinced; and it has always been a source of regret with me, that while in
various notices of His Royal Highness much attention has been paid to his
association with painting and sculpture and science generally, little or no
notice has been taken of the interest he took, and the influence his example
had, on the production in England of much that was of the highest class of
musical art.'If to what came under my notice at the Palace is added much more played
by the Private Band, when no chorus was assembled, also various performances at The Antient Concerts, and the Philharmonic Society, and doubtless
much heard in the quiet domestic circle, it will be seen that, apart from the
knowledge and example of the Prince Consort as evinced by his own compositions,-which now ouoht to be more generally known,-he ought to be credited
with effecting very great good to music:-in fact, I think, even more than by
his judicious encouragement of' the other Fine Arts. I am convinced, that the
more this is looked into, the more it will be felt.'




400                      APPENDIX A.
To aid in the performance of Oratorios a new and larger organ
was erected, under the Prince's instructions, in St. George's Hall,
Windsor Castle, and another in the New Concert Room at Buckingham Palace.
The Prince also patronised the Leipzig Bach and Hindel Societies for the publication of the works of those great masters in a
complete and worthy form.
When State Performances were given at the Opera, the command
was sure to include some work of the highest class, such as the'Fidelio' of Beethoven, the'Flauto Magico' of MIozart,-always a
supreme favourite with the Prince-or'Les Huguenots' or'Le
Prophete' of Meyerbeer.
The Prince's life, after he canme to England, was too crowded to
admit of his indulging fieely his love of musical composition. The
Muses are exacting mistresses, and will not send their best inspiration to a merely casual worshipper. But he produced enough to
entitle him to a very high rank among amateur composers. His
compositions include a Choral Service, and an Anthem  for the
Church, many German Songs, some Chorales, which are now printed
in all the new collections of Hymns, and a piece, entitled'L' Invocazione all' Armonia,' which was performed *with success at the
Birmingham Festival of 1859, and has also been heard at the State
Concerts in Buckingham Palace, and at the laying of the Foundation
Stone of the Royal Albert Hall.
A complete list of the Prince's printed compositions is annexed.
Many of his songs are full of charm-the charm of real feeling, and
of graceful form,-and some —the Hlcage der Liebe, for examlplewhile conspicuous for great delicacy and pathos in the imelody, show
no small originality as well as constructive skill in the treatment of
the accompaniments.'In these,' Her Majesty writes,'the Queen
constantly helped him in the final arrangement of the music. There
was no occupation which gave her greater pleasure. But the cares
of their large family, and still more the overwhelmning amount of
business, put a stop to this wholesome relaxation.'
List of the Prirnted lrusical VTYorks of H.R.H.
TIRE PRINCE CONSORT.
LIEDER UIND ROMANZEN. I. fHeft.
Author of Words.
No. 1. Abendruhe.v. Schiitz.
2. Gruss aus der Ferne.           Ernst Pr. v. S. Hi. G.
3. Morgengebet   i..                chendoff.
4. Stiindchen...           rnst Pr.',v. S. E1. G.
5. Trauerlied.. ]       Riickert.
6, Schmerz der Liebe                 Ernst Pr. V. S. ]. G.
7. Die letzten Worte eines Barden'Ernst Pr.'v. S. I. G.




PRINCE'S MUSICAL WORKS.                      401
LIEDER UND ROMANZEN. II. tIeft.
No. 1. Staindchen
2. Lebensregel.. C. eBirde.
3. Mein Lebewohl                       A. E. Pr.'v. S. C. G.
LIEDER EUND ROTMANZEI.  2IL. Heft.
No. 1. Gruss an den Bruder                  E.. Ernst _Pr. v. S. C. G.
2. Vereinigung...       l L Beer.
3. An einen Boten..         (Altdeutsch).
4. Sehnsucht nach dem Tode.       Birde.
5. Klage der Liebe (Italian text).   Albert Pr. v. S. C. G.
6. Der Ungeliebte. F. JRickert.
7. Der Bettler...   Schubert.
LIEDER UND ROMKaNZEN. IV. Heft.
No. 1. Vergissmeinnicht..C. von Xleist acf l~eegen.
2. Einsamkeit.   C. von Ki'leist auf Leegen.
3. Der Zauber der Erinnerung.. Ernst Pr. v. S. C. G.
4. Dem Fernen
5. Der Orangenzweig                    E.   rnst Pr. v. S. C. G.
NOTE.-All the preceding pieces have been printed in Germany. Those which
follow have been printed in England.
LIEDEn R IND ROMANZEN.  V. Heft.
No. 1. Reiterlied (with Chorus)..   Ernst H. zu S. C. and G.
2. Sonntags-Klange... Reineck.
3. Aus Wilhelm Meister..   Githe.
4. Pretty Baby...    Viscount Fordwich.
5. Choral...   (Stunden der Andacht).
6. Nichts Schdneres... Reineck.
(Lieder und Bilder).
7. Das kranke Madchen..             eineckc.
(Lieder und Bilder).
Te iDeum..   in C.
Jubilate... in A.
Sanctuzs...                in C.
Responses to the Commandments. in A minor.
Anthemr-' Out of the Deep.' Ps. cxxx. vv. 1, 2, 3, 4, 6.
L' Invocazione all' Armonia.
(Coro con Soli.)
Christmas Hymn-' Hark the herald angels sing.'
Chorale-' In life's gay morn.'
(This is the tune known as Gotha.)




402                     APPENDIX A.
So important in the Prince's view was music as an instrument of
education, that he often expressed a wish that tuition in it should be
macle universal in public schools, and he spared no pains to let his
opinions on this subject le known. Public opinion is now rapidly
maturing in the same direction.  The love of music is nowhere
stronger than in England. Systematic education in its theory and
practice is alone wanting to guide and elevate the taste, and to make
its gratification a necessary part of our everyday life. Bad teaching
and low standards have hitherto, in music, as in the other arts,
caused a pitiable waste of the popular instinct for what appeals to
all that is best and deepest in our emotional nature.
It is impossible better to indicate how much the Prince knew
about music of the highest class, and how earnestly he strove to
raise the level of public taste in England, than by reproducing the
Programmes which he drew up for The Antient Concerts, over which
he presided as Director, together with a list of the works selected by
him for performance at the Concerts of the Philharmonic Society.
These selections, while they show the refinement and purity of his
taste, indicate a wide range of knowledge, which would have been
remarkable even in the case of an amateur with unlimited time at
his command for the cultivation of musical study.
List of Mfusic selected by H.R.H. THE PRINCE CONSORT for
performeance at TiE ANTIENT CONCERTS, at which he presided as Director.
NOTE.-Every work in the following List except in the case of the Concert of
April 29th, 1840, was performed at The Antient Concerts for the first tfime
on the dates given.
APRIL 29TH, 1840.
National Anthem-' God Save the Queen'
Selection from the'Creation'..  Haydn.
_Duetto-' Quando corpus' (Stabat Mater).. Pergolesi.
Recitative-' Such, Jephthah, was'    )
-Recitative-' Sound thenthe last alarm'  (Jephthah) Hdndel.
Chorus-' When his loud voice'  )
Duetto-' Cala sposa' (La Creazione del Alondo). Haydn.
Aria-' O Cara immagine' (Die Zauberflite).    bozart.
Aria-' Si tra i ceppi' (Berenice)..        Hdel.
Quintetto (Double Choir)-' Sanctus Dominus' }
Chorus —' Osanna in excelsis'
Recitative-' Sposa! Euridice    (
Aria-' Che far6 senza'           (Ofeo)          GlicE.
Recitative -'But bright Cecilia' )
Solo and Cthorus-' As from the' (Dryden's Ode). Hdndel.
Chorus-' The dead shall live'  )




PROGRAMMdi ES OF ANTIENT CONCERTS.                403
Overture-' Anacreon'.                              Che rubini.
Opening of the' Grand Te Deum'.... Graczn.
Recitative-' Ye twice ten hundred' i (Indian Queen) Purcell
Air-' By the croaing'een) Purcell.
3fottetto-' 0 God, when thou appearest"..  l3ozart.
Song-' Water parted from the sea' (Artaxerxes). Dr. Arne.
Song-' Let the bright seraphim' (Samson)..  Hirndel.
Selection from' The;Mount of Olives'..      13Beethoven.
Glee-' Here, in cool grot'                T..   The Earl of Mornington.
Chorus-' 0 sing praises' (Fugue)..        Sebastian Bach.
Quasrtetto and Chorus-' Nella tua maln'        t   Ign.
Chorus-' L' uom' Dio mo'i'
MAY 1Y TII 1843.
Overture-' Armida..             G.iCck.
Terzetto-' Perfida Clori'.. Cherubini.
Selection from Mhass in E b.....    itmncl.'Te Deum'....J?ydn.
Air from'Armida'.                                  Gliiclo.
Gregorian Htymn (A.D. 570)
Corcale (A.D. 1586).......LcasOsanaler.
Chorus-' Gli Orazzi ed i Curiazzi'.             Cimarosa.
Recitative and Air-' Iphigenia in Tauride'. Glieck.
(Sung by Signor MARIO.)
Hymn from' Joseph...  Mh7ul.
Air fiom'Der Tod Jesu'.. Graun.
Gloria fi'om Mass in C..              Clierubini.
lfarch and Chorus-' Die Zauberfiote'... Mozart.
-MAY 31sT, 1843.
JKyrie fiorn Mass in C......      zerubini.
Gregorian H1ymn (A.D. 570)
Qu intett from'Joseph' I...I,7ul.
Selection from' Die ZauberflOte'                  Mo. M lozart.
Selection from E b Mass.... Humnel.
A[isereIe (A.D. 1660)...        Tommaso Bai.
Selection from Mass in D.. Haydn.
Overture-' Coriolanus'..Beethoven.
Quintett and Chorus-' Salvator Mundi' (1569). Palestrina.
Terzetto —' Faniska'...              Cherubini.
Selection-  Armida'..                  Glick.
Selection from? Cantata-'C The Praise of Music'.  Beethoven.




404                         APPENDIX  A.
MIAY 8TH, 1844..lottetto-' Si iniquitates'.. Cherubini.
(Original MS. lent by II.PR.H. PRINCE ALBERT.)
Aria from an Oratorium.. e  rozart (1766).
(Sung by Signor MARIO. Original MS. lent by 1i. R. H. PRINCE ALBERT.)
Chorale (1544) harmonized by....      J. S. Bach.
Duett-' Stabat Mater'...        H,laydn.
Quaartetto e Solo-' La Passione'., Grcaun.
Aria —' Eja ergo'.                                    Pergolesi.
Aria-' Fra caligni profonde' (Orlando)... edlndel.
(Sung by Signor LABL &CHE.)
Selection from' Iphigenia in Tauride'.                  l. cGlicE.
Qutartett —'Das unterbrochene Opferfest'.. WTin ter.
MI-AY 29TH, 1844.
Miottetto...          e        Him mel.
Aria-' Quis non posset' (Stabat Aiater).     l-Iaydn.
Hymn —' Alla Trinit' (1545)..   Arcadelt.
Selection from Mass in B flat...     Jliozart.
Air-' Das unterbrochene Opferfest'.      Winter.
Overture-' Das unterbrochene Opferfest'.  Winter.
Aria -' Les deux Journees'                             Ch.  erubini.
(Sung by Signor LABLACHE.)
Chorus and Soli-' Ifigenia in Aulide'     Gli.cE.
Quacrtetto-' Gerusalemme Liberata'                       ighini.
Second Finale —' Don Giovanni'.                       l ozart.
(With the Composer's original ending.)
APRIL 16TH, 1845.
Overture —c' Gabrielle d'Estr6es...,         7.l ul.
Recitative and Air-' Faniska'..           Cherubini.
Concerto for many ancient instruments (A.D. 1600)
Emilio del Cavaliere.
(Lent by XM. FETIs, of Brussels.)
Quartetto-' La Villanella rapita'.  M3ozart.
Selection frtom'Cythbre Assiege'..  Glic7k.
Overture-' La Villanella rapita'...   liozart.
Scena —  Orontea' (1649).,    Cesti.
Chorus-' God is our Refuge (1764)..            lozart.
(MOZART was nine years old when this was composed, and in England.)
Spanish Villancico, six-voice parts (1520).           Soto di Puebla.
(Accompanied by six guitars.)
Arietta-' Se nel ben' (1680).,.        Stradella.
Chorus-' King Stephen' e...    Beethoven.




PROGRAMMES OF ANTIENT  CONCERTS.                     405
MA.Y 28TH, 1845.
Selection from an Oratorio-' Das Weltgericht'         F.  Schneider.
(Sung by Herr STAUD1GL.)
Preghiera-' Eterno Iddio!' (Faniska).    Cherubini.
Quartetto —  Or, muoja' (Fidelio)....Beethoven.
Chorus-' Gloria in Excelsis'.                       Cherubini.
Overture and Introduction-(Don Giovanni).. xozart.
Sestetto-' Le Nozze de Figaro'..                 Mozart.
Scene-' Iphigenia in Aulis'...               Glicck.
(Sung by Herr PISCIIEK.)
Aria-' La serva Padrona'....                  Pac isiello.
IDuetto and Chormus-' Faniska'.                    Cherubini.
(Sung by Herren PISciE.x and STAUDIGL.)
APRIL 29THr, 1846.
Chorus and Solos —' Domine, Jesu Christe,' from Requiem in C minor.                                 Cherubini.
Anthem-' 0 Lord, the Maker of all Things'.   King Henry VIII.
Offertorium-' Christus natus est nobis'               Abbe Vogler.
Chorale.                         Benno, bishop of Aieissen, A.D. 1107.
Chanson de Roland-' Soldats Frangois'
(Sung by Signor MARIO.)
Overture-' King Stephen...        Beethoven.
Duo-'Richard Ccour de Lion' e..    Greity.
Ronmance Proveniale...  Thibaut, king of Navarare.
(Sung by Signor MARIo.)
Duetto from'La Cosa rara'..           V.  artini.
Chorus and lSolos —' A  Bascia'  (I1 Seraglio)..    MJlozart.
Terzetto-' I1 Direttore della Commedia'..    Alozart.
MAAY 5Tr, 1847.
Gregorian RHymn (A.D. 590)
Mlottetto —':Io canter6 le lodi'..    O..   arcello.
Prelude and Fugue on the namne of Bach..    Bach.
(Organ-Dr. F. IrENDELSSOHN-BARTIHOLDY.)
Fincale to the first Act-' Il Flauto NMagico'..  Mozart.
Overture —Fuato...                     Mozart.
Romcance —' Le Devin du Village'                      J. J. Rousseau.
The Eacster Iymn-asceribed to Henry Carey.
-Duetto-' Das unterbrochene Opferfest'..    Winter.
Air-' Le D6serteur'...                    onsigny.`Duetto —  La Capricciosa corretta'...    Guglielmi.
Romance and C(horus...                 Martini.




406                      APPENDIX A.
MAY 10TH, 1848.'The fMount of Olives' (complete).    Beethoven.
Coro-' Agrippina'..... Iiandel.
Sestetto-' La Cosa rara'....             2ftini.
])uetto-' I1 Seraglio'...                    ozat.
Ioomanza-' Anacreon'....    Grtry.
Terzetto-' Nina'.Paisiello.
Fincale to the first Act-' Le Nozze de Figaro'.    iJlozart.
Zist of 2llusic selected by HI.R.H. PRINCE ALBERT for performance at the CONCERTS of the PHILHARMONIC SOCIETY.
EXTRAP CONCERT, JULY 10TH, 1843.
Sherzo and second part of Beethoven's Choral Symphony.
Overtulre-' The Isles of Fingal'....         l][en2delssohn.
Overture-' Der Freischlitz'                   W. e  eber.
Conductor.              D1. SPonn.
JUNE 10THI 1844.' Midsummer Night's Dream' Music.
Overture-' Fierabas'-S-chubert.  (First performance in England.)
Beethoven's C Minor Symphony.
Conductor.Dr. MENDELSSOIN-BARTHOLDY.
APRIL 14TI, 1845.' Walpurgis-Nacht' —lfencdelssohn. A Major Symphony-Beethovens
Overture-' Euryanthe'..    ebeer.
Conductor                    Sir I1ENRY BIsuoP.
MARCH 30TH, 1846.
Pastoral Symphony-Beethoven.
Overture-' Mlelusina' -...  endelssohn.
Conductor                   M.. Mr. COSTA.




PHILHARMIONIC SOCIETY'S CONCERTS.               407
JUNE 26TH, 1848.
Italian Symphony....                iendelssohn.
C Minor Symphony, and Overture'Leonora'..    Beethoveno
Conductor...   Mr. COSTA.
MARCHi 26TH, 1849.'Athalie' (first public performance in England)..  lIendelssohn.
Symphony in B flat.. Beethoven.
Conductor...  e   Mr. COSTA.
APRIL 28TH, 1851.
Overture —  Struensee' —Aeyerbeer.  Symphony No. 5.-Beethoven.
Symphony in A. M   endelssohn.
Conductor..o                   Mr. COSTA.
MARcHt 29TH, 1852.
Pastoral Symphony..   Beethoven.
Overture-' Meeresstille'.... endelssohn.
(Generally fine programme.)
Conductor...   iMr. COSTA.
EXTRA CONCERT, JuLY 4TII, 1853.' Midsummer Night's Dream' Music-Mendelssohn.
Overture —' Egmont' and Symphony in A.               eethoven.
Conductor.                r. CosTA.
JUNE 5TH, 1854.
First performance in England of Schumann's B flat Symphony.
Overture —' Leonora'-Beethoven.
Conductor...   Mr. COSTA.
JUNE 11TH, 1855.
Symphony-' Jupiter'-Mozart.  Overture-'  Tannhliuser'- Tceyzcr.
Symphony in F —Beethoven.
Conductor..   Herr RICIARD WAGN:ER,




408                      APPENDIX A.
JUNE 23RD, 1856.
First performance of Schumann's Cantata,'Paradise and the Peri.'
(Madame LIND-GOLDSCHMIDT sang the principal part.)
Conductor         Prof. STERNDALE BENNETT.
JUNE 21ST, 1858.
Ozerture —' Leonora' and Symphony in B flat —Beethoven.
Overture-' Tannhbuser'- Wagner.
Joachim played two Concertos-Spohr and Mendelssohn.
Conductor         Prof. STERNDALE BENNETT.
JUNE 4TEI, 1860.
Overture-' Ruy Blas,' and Italian Symphony.. Jendelssohn.
Symphony-' Eroica'.. Beethoven.
Conductor.   Prof. STERNDALE BENNETT.




APPENDIX 13.
I sa6 3Jiceste Ica Reine de Grande Bretagne.
Neuilly, 8 Septembre, 1846.
AMadame,-Confiante dans cette precieuse  amiti6 dont votre
TMIajest' nous A donne tant de preuves, et dans l'aimable int(eret
que vous avez toujours t6moigne8   tous nos enfants, je m'empresse
de vous annoncer la conclusion du mariage de notre fils Montpensier avec l'Infante Louise Fernande.  Cet evenement de famille
nous comble de joie, parceque nous esp6rons qu'il assurera le bonheur de notre fils cheri, et que nous retrouverons dans lI'nfante
une fille de plus, aussi bonne, aussi aimable que ses ain6es, et qui
ajoutera A notre bonheur int6rieur, le seul vrai dans ce monde, et
que vous, Madame, savez si bien appr6cier.  Je vous demande
d'avance votre amiti6 pour notre nouvelle enfant, sAre qu'elle partagera tous les sentiments de dvouemnent et d'affection de nous
tous pour vous, pour le Prince Albert, et pour toute votre chore
famille.... Le Roi me charge de vous offfir ses tendres et respectueux
hommages, ainsi que ses amities au Prince Albert; il espere que vous
aurez reQu ses lettres et que les peches soient arrivees A bon port.
Tous mes enfants me chargent aussi de vous offrir leurs hommages.
Veuillez offiir mes amiti6s au Prince Albert. Emlbrassez pour moi
vos si chers enfants, et recevez l'expression de la tendre et inalterable amiti6 avec laquelle         Je suis,
MSladame,
De votre Majest6 la toute devou6e Sceur et Armie,
MARIE AMET.IE.
II.
2 sa ]icjeste la Reinze des F2rantCiats.
Osborne, 10 Septenibre, 1846.
NMadame,-Je viens de recevoir la lettre de votre Majeste du 8me
de ce mois, et je m'empresse de vous en remercier.  Vous vous
18




410                       APPENDIX B.
souviendrez peut-etre de ce qui s'est pass6 t Eu entre le Roi et moi;
vous connaissez l'importance que j'ai toujours attach6e au maintien
de notre entente cordiale et le zele avec lequel j'y ai travaill6; vous
avez appris sans doute que nous nous sommes refuses d'arranger le
mariage entre la Reine d'Espagne et notre cousin Leopold (que les
deux Reines avaient d6sir6 vivement), dans le seul but de ne pas nous
eloigner d'une marche qui serait plus agreable au Roi, quoique nous
ne pouvions consid6rer cette marche comme la meilleure. Vous
pourrez done aisement comprendre que l'annonce soudaine de cc
double mariage ne peut nous causer que de la surprise et un bien vif
regret.
Je vous demande pardon, Madame, de vous parler de politique
dans ce moment, mais j'aime pouvoir me dire que j'ai toujours 6t6
sincere avec vous.
En vous priant de pr6senter mes hommages au Roi,
Je suis,
MIadame,
De votre Majeste la toute devou6e Scour et Amie,
VICTorIA IR.
III..1 sa cJiajest e Ic  oeine dces Belges.
Neuilly, 14 Sqptembre, 1846.
Ma chero bonne Louise,-La Reine vient de recevoir une lettre,
ou plut6t une reponse de la Reine Victoria, a celle que tu sais qu'elle
lui avait 6crite, et cette r6ponse me fait une vive peine. Je suis port6
e croire quo notre bonne petite Reine a eu presque autant de chagrin
a 6crire cette lettre que moi a la lire. 3Mais enfin, elle ne voit maintenant les choses que par la lunette de Lord Palmerston, et cette lunette
les fausse et les denature trop souvent.  C'est tout simple. La grande
diff6rence entre la lunette de cot excellent Aberdeen et celle de Lord
Palmerston provient de la difference de leur nature.  Lord Aberdeen
aimait a 6tre bien avec seos amis; Lord Palmerston, je le crains, aimo
a so quereller avec eux.  C'est la, ma.chere Louise, ce qui causait
mes alarmes sur le maintien de notre entente cordiale, lorsque Lord
Palmerston a repris la direction du Foreign Office. Notre bonno
Reine Victoria repoussait ces alarmes, et m'assurait qu'il n'y aurait
de change que des hommes. Mais ma vielle experience me faisait
craindre que, par l'influence du caractere de Lord Palmerston, plut6t
peut-etre que de ses intentions, les allures politiques de l'Angleterre
ne subissent une modification, graduelle on brusque, et malheureusement les affaires d'Espagne viennent d'en Wtre l'occasion.
Dans le premier moment qui a suivi la lecture de la lettre de la
Reine Victoria, j'etais tente de lui ecriro directement, et j'ai m6me




CORRESPONDENCE ON SPANISH MARRIAGES.                 411
commence une lettre pour faire appel a son cceur et a seos souvenirs,
et lui demander d'etre jug6 par elle plus equitablement, et surtout
plus affectuesement; mais la crainte de l'embarrasser m'a arr6te, et
j'aime mieux l'6crire A toi, a qui je puis tout dire, pour te donner
toutes les explications, n6cessaires to felclace the things in their true
light, et pour nous preserver de ces odieux soupgons, deont je puis
dire, en toute sincierite, que ce n'est pas a nous qu'on pourrait les
adresser.
Je reprendrali done avec toi les choses au commencement, et je
remonterai a l'origine des mariages Espagnols.
Tu sais, ma chere amie, que pendant sa Regence, et longtemps
avant son exiulsion, la Reine Christine nous demandait sans cesse de
conclure les mariages de nos deux fils cadets, les Dues d'Aumale et
de Montpensier, avec ses deux filles, la Reine Isabelle II. et l'Infante
Louise Ferdinande. Nous lui avons constamment repondu que, quant
a la Reine, quelque flattes que nous fussions d'une pareille alliance,
il n'y avait pas a y penser, et que nous avions sur cola un parti bien
arrit6; mais que, quant a l'Infante, nous nous en occuperions quand
elle serait nubile, on, comm.e on dit en Angleterre, marriageable, et
que, pourvu qu'il y eCLt bonne chance qu'elle ne devint pas Reine, et
qun'elle restat Infante, c'etait une alliance qui nous conviendrait beaucoup, et que nous la feorions contracter avec plaisir au Duc de Montpensier.
_ mesure que les succes militaires de tous mes fils donnaient uno
nouvelle impulsion a cette opinion favorable qui se developpait de
toutes parts sur leur compte, et que le glorieux combat d'Ain Taguin,
oil le Duc d'Aumale commandait, et oh il parvint a s'emparer doe
tout le camp (autrement dit la Smnala) d'Abd-el-Kadcr, entourait son
nom de ce prestige qui entraine toujours leos hommes de tons les pays,
il s'elevait en Espagne un cri que je pourrais dire presque universel,
pour exprimer le vceu quo le Due d'Aumale devint l'6poux de la
Reine Isabelle II. Mais je continuai a 6tre aussi sourd a ce vceu quo
je l'avais ete a ceux qui m'avaient 6t6 adresses successivement pour
placer le Duc de Nemours sur les trBnes de Belgique et de Grece, et
pour lui faire 6pouser la Reine de Portugal.  Mes refus furent nets et
positifs. Je n'ai jamais trompe personne. Je l'ai dit aux Portugais
comme aux Belges. Je n'ai laiss6 aucune illusion ni a ceux qui craignaient, ni'ceux qui desiraient, et apres que ma loyaute, dans le intentions que je proclamais de ne pas accepter la main de la Reine d'Espagne
pour le Due d'Aumale, avait 6t0 prouvee avec tant d'6clat par son mariage avec une princesse de Naples, il est inconcevable que Lord Palmerston parle auj ourd'hui au Comte de Jarnac, mon charge d'affaires a Londres, dans un billet 6crit de sa main, de cette ambition ccache, qu'il juge
a propos de considerer comme le mobile de ma conduite relativement
au mariage du Duc de ]Mkontpensier avec l'Infante Louise Ferdinande.
Avant meme que la Reine Christine vint a Paris, et depuis, dans
les nombreuses conversations que j'ai cues avec elle pendant son
sijour aupr6s de nous, j'avais toujours repondu a son insistance pour
que l'6poux de la Roeine, sa fille ftt un de mes fils, en lui manifestant




412                       APPENDIX B.
l'opinion dans laquelle je n'ai jamais varie, et qui est aujourd'hui confirmee par l'assentiment a peu pres unanime de l'Espagne, que l'epoux
de la Reine devait, au contraire, etre choisi parmi les princes descendants de Philippe V. dans la ligne masculine, clause qui excluait tous
nies fils, puisqu'ils ne descendent de Philippe V. et de Charles III.
que dans la ligne feminine par la Reine mon 6pouse cherie et bienainm6e, mais qui comprenait, en princes alors mariables, trois fils de
Don Carlos, deux fils de Don Franqois de Paule, deux Princes de
Naples et un Prince de Lucques. Mon gouvernement, partageant
entierement cette opinion, avait meme charge un de nos agents diplomatiques (M. Pageot) de la developper aux trois cours de Londres,
de Vienne, et de Berlin. Cette mission fut sans resultat; cependant
Lord Aberdeen en fut tellement frapp6, qu'en consid6rant les difficult6s des uns et des autres, son premier mouvement fut de dire que
le Comte d'Aquila, frere du Roi de Naples et de la Reine Christine,
serait le choix qui en presenterait le moins.  Ce Prince ayant bient6t
apres epous6 la Princesse du Br6sil, Dona Januaria, la pr6f6rence de
la Reine Christine entre ces Princes passa a son frere le Comte de
Trapani, et c'est cela (et non aucune lr(6f6rence personelle de ma
part) qui a amen6 ce qu'on a appele sa candidature, et deont on a fait
depuis un si malheureux usage.
On ne s'occupait nullement alors du mariage de l'Infante, qui
n'avait que dix ans, et on ne pensait, d'un c6t6, qu'n  m'arracher le
mariage du Due d'Aumale, et de l'autre, qu'a l'empecher. Ce fut au
milieu de cette lutte qu'on mit en avant, n'importe par qui, n'importe
comment, l'id6e de donner pour epoux A la Reine d'Espagne le Prince
L6opold de Saxe-Cobourg, neven du Roi dles Belges, cousin germain
de la Reine Victoria et du Prince Albert, frere du Roi de Portugal,
de la Duchesse de Nemours et du Prince Auguste, mon gendre.
Cette candidature fut un incident bien fAcheux. Elle a faussd
toutes les positions, la nienne surtout, par l'opposition que j'ai cru
de mon devoir d'y apporter; et je vois encore, par les termes mnmes
de laa ettre de la Reine Victoria, a quel point on se trompe et on est
injuste de son co6t dans l'appreciation qu'on fait des motifs qui ont
dicte cette opposition.  Ces motifs etaient puis~s autant dans la sincbre amitie que je porte aux Princes de Cobourg (et dont je crois
leur avoir donne plus d'une preuve dans la part que j'ai prise a faciliter les nouvelles illustrations de leur maison) que dans les mrunes
considerations politiques qui me portaient A ecarter mes propres
enfants de cette candidature. J'etais convaincu, et je le suis plus que
jamais, quo le succes de la candidature du Prince Leopold n'aurait
servi qu',a attirer des malheurs sur la tete de ce jeune Prince et aussi
sur celle de ]a Reine elle-meme (si elle l'avait epouse) en amenant le
renversement de leur trAne et en plongeant l'Espagne dans cette
anarchie dont il est toujours difficile de la preserver.  Tu sais, ma
bonne Louise, a quel point j'ai developpe cette opinion taut dans
mes conversations avec ton excellent Roi que dans les lettres que je
lui ai ecrites, et tu dois te rappeler tons ]es arguments dont je me
suis servi pour. la motiver.  Je ne les repeterai donc pas dans cette




CORRESPONDENCE ON SPANISH  MARRIAGES.               413
lettre dejA si longue; mais je te rappelerai combien j'ai constamment
regrette que l'exemple que j'ai donne en prononqant moi-meme l'exelusion de mes fils n'ait pas 6te suivi, et que cette candidature, dont
le succes me paraissait devoir etre un malheur pour tous, n'ait pas
6et  formellement repouss6e et 6cart6e  des l'abord par ceux qui
avaient autorite pour le faire, ce qui aurait probablement evit6 aux
uns un grand et inutile desappointement,a  moi un des plus p6nibles
chagrins que j'aie 6prouves (et Dieu sait que je n'en ai pas manqu6
dans le cours de ma longue vie!) et A tous nos pays et au monde
entier le danger des malheurs qui les accableraient necessairement, si
la tourmente actuelle ne se terminait pas, comme j'en ai pourtant la
ferme confiance, par le maintien et la consolidation de cette pr6cieuse
entente cordiale, qui pout seule les en preserver.
Je te parlerai a present du marlage de Montpensier avec l'Infante.
I1 n'en a pas 6t6 dit un seul mot, ni quand la Reine Victoria est venue
a Eu en 1843, ni quand j'ai 6t6 a Windsor, en 1844; ce n'est qu'en
1845 que Lord Aberdeen en parla a Gunizot et a moi pour la premiere
fois. Notre r6ponse fut la mgme. Jo dis a Lord Aberdeen que jo
d6sirais vivement que Montpensier epousat l'Infante Louise Ferdinande; mais que je ne desirais pas plus qu'il epousat In Reine Louise
que la Reine Isabelle, et qu'il pouvait mSme ntre certain que mon fils
n'epouserait l'Infante que quand la Reine serait mari6e.  Lord Aberdeen ajouta:'Et quand elle aura eu un enfant?'-' Soit,' repris-je,'je ne demande pas mieux; car si la Reine devait rester sterile l'Infante deviendrait l'heritibre necessaire ou inevitable, et cela ne ferait
pas plus mon compte que le v6tre: mais pourtant il faut un peu de
r6ciprocite dans cette affaire, et si je vous donne vos securit6s, il est
juste qu'en retour vous me donniez les miennes. Or, les miennes sont
que vous ferez ce que vous pourrez tacher que ce soit parmi les
descendants de Philippe V. que la Reine Isabelle choisisse son epoux,
et que la candidature du Prince L6opold de Saxe-Cobourg soit
ecart6e.' —' Soit,' me repondit Lord Aberdeen;'nous pensons, comme
vous, quo le mieux serait que la Reine prit son epoux parmi les descendants de Philippe V. Nous ne pouvons pas nous mettre en avant
sur cette question, comme vous l'avez fait, mais nous vons laisserons
faire; nous nous bornerons a vous suivre, et, dans tous les cas, a ne
rien faire contre vous.  Quant a la candidature du Prince Leopold de
Saxe-Cobourg, vou pouvez 6tre tranquille sur ce point; je reponds
qu'elle ne sera ni avou6e ni appuyee par l'Angleterre, et qu'elle ne
vous gbnera pas.'
Guizot, a qui jo viens de faire iire ce r6cit, en a reconnu la parTaite exactitude, et je suis s-ir du meme temoignage de la part de Lord
Aberdeen, si je pouvais le lui faire lire Agalenlent.
Cependant, quelle que soit la loyaut6 que Lord Aberdeen ait
voulu apporter dans la direction de ses agents en Espagne, leur
nmarche ne repondit ni A son attente ni t la n6tre.  On out recours a
toutes sortes de moyens pour decolorer la candidature du (Comte de
Trapani, parcequ'on n'ignorait pas que c'etait celle qui avait alors le
plus de chances de succs aupres de la Reine Christine et de la Reine




414                       APPENDIX  B.
sa fille, qui disait sans cesse a ses ministres,' Quiero Trapani'(je veux
Trapini).  On repr6sentait ce jeune prince comme un cretin, ce qu'il
n'est nullement; comme un 6tre chetif, ce qu'il n'est pas davantage,
car il est grand, il a une jolie tournure, il monte q cheval a merveille,
il a meme remporte tous les prix d'6quitation dans les tournois de
Naples; puis on insistait sur sa naissance en Italie, pour faire oublier
sa qualit6 de petit-fils dans la ligne masculine de Philippe V. et de
Charles III.; sur son education au counvent des J~suites de Rome, pour
le repr6senter comme bigot, superstitieux, fanatique etc.  Ce travail,
dirig6 par les journaux du parti progressiste, quni, malheureusement, a
toujours joui de la faveur des agents Anglais en Espagne, parvint a
entourer le pauvre Trapani d'une veritable impopularit6.  Ce fut alors
quo, par une 6tonnante manceuvre sortie du palais de Madrid, on imagina, pour couvrir la transition de la Reine Christine & la candidature du Prince de Cobourg, de deverser sur moi l'impopularite de la
candidature de Trapani, en faisant retentir les journaux de l'etonnante
absurdite que c'etait moi, Louis Philippe, qui avais voulu imposer
Trapani aux Reines et,~ l'Espagne; moi, qui n'avais ni ne pouvais
avoir d'autre predilection pour lui que celle qui resultait de co que je
savais qu'il etait celui des descendants de Philippe V. auquel les deux
Reines accordaient leur prefrenee; moi, bion connu, j'ose le dire,
pour le soin minutieux avec lequel j'ai constamment veill8 i ce quo
mon gouvernement s'abstint de toute ingerence quelconque dans les
affaires interieures des autre pays, en Espagne comme en Belgique,
comme en Suisse, comme partout: moi, enfin, qui ai bris6 le ministere
de Thiers, en 1836, pour arriter l'invasion imminente des arm6es
Francaises en Espagne! I1 est vraiment suprenant qu'en face de tant
de faits, de tant de preuves de mon respect pour l'independance de
tous les IPtats et de tous les gouvernements, j'aie 6t6 expos6 A voire
reproduire cette accusation dirigde contre moi personnellement dans
l'article r6cernment publi6 dans le Timnzes, avec le titre, en grosses lettres, de JFrench D)ictation in Spain.
Toutes ces mancouvres amenerent la ddmarche a laquelle Ia Reinoe
Christine se laissa entrainer, en exp6diant un agent secret porteur
d'une lettre d'elle pour le Duc de Cobourg, a l'effet de lui demander
la main de son cousin le Prince Leopold de Saxe-Cobourg pour la
Reine sa fille. La loyaut6 de Lord Aberdeen le porta a' nous donner
immediatement connaissance de cette demarche, qui nous avait ete
cachee A Madrid, et il y ajouta l'assurance que ni la Reine Victoria,
ni le Prince Albert, ni le gouvernement de sa Majeste ne donneraient
ni appui, ni encouragement quelconque a la demande de la Reine
Christine.  Nous lui representatmes que, d'aprgs cc qui s'etait pass6
entre nous sur ce cllapitre, nons avions droit de reclamer de lui une
repression plus positive de la part que des agents Anglais avaient prise
aux intrigues qui avaient amen6 cette d~marclhe de la Reine Christine;
et en effet, Lord Aberdeen adressa une severe r6primande A M.
Bulwer, qui fut snr le point, dit-on, de donner sa d6mission; mais
n6anmoins il rosta a  Madrid.
Tel etait l'6tat des choses, lorsque Lord Aberdeen quitta le




CORRESPONDENCE ON SPANISH MARRIAGES.                 415
ministere, et y fut remrnplace par Lord Palmerston.  Peu apres son
installation au Foreign Office, Lord Palmerston comnimuniqua au
Comte de Jarnac la nouvelle instruction qu'il avait adress6e a M.
Bulwer sur les affaires d'Espagne, et qui  6tait d6ja expediee depuis
plusicurs jours, sans qu'on eut juge a propos de nous en donner connaissance prealable, proce6d  qui n'etait guere conforme
a notre entente cordiale, et a ce a quoi nous 6tions habitues par nos
rapports de confiance reciproque avec Lord Aberdeen.  Dans cette
instruction, Lord Palmerston limnitait a trois les Princes dont l'Angleterre admettait la candidature f la main de la Reine d'Espagne
Isabelle II., savoir,
1. Le Prince Leopold de Saxe-Cobourg;
2. Don Franuois d'Assise, Duc de Cadix;
3. Don Enrique, Duc de Seville.
En voyant le nom du Prince de Cobourg place sur cette liste
et place en tate, en premiere ligne, le Comte de Jarnac en fut
stup6fait.  I1 dit a Lord Palmerston  que c'etait contraire aux
assurances que Lord Aberdeen avait constamment don6es, et qu'il
demandait que cette candidature ftt retranchee de la liste.  Lord
Palmerston repondit que cola serait impossible de toutes manibres,
puisque l'instruction 6tait d"jt partie; que d'ailleurs cette muesure
ayant e6t  adoptee  dans le Cabinet, il ne pouvait plus y faire de
changements A lui seul, et qu'il ne so sentait pas dispose a en proposer
aucun an Cabinet.
Le reste de l'instruction ne pouvait pas nous paraltre plus
satisfaisant. Elle etait sur un tout autre ton et dans une direction
tres-diffdrente de cellos de Lord Aberdeen.  I1 n'y avait ni indice, ni
recommendation de bon accord entre nous; et la tendance de touto
l'instruction 6tait d'assurcr le concours et l'appui de l'Angleterre A
ce parti progressiste, qui n'est au fond, du moins a mes yeux, que le
mnme parti e'rvolutionnaire dont l'ascendant a produit en Espagne
tant dce deplorables ev6nements, soit dans les affaires de la Granja,
soit en soumettant et abandonnant la jeune Reine au joug de la
regence d'Espartero.
De semblables instructions devaient faire craindroe le renouvellement de ces scenes dclsastreuses; et, en effet, elles r6pandirent
l'alarme dans le palais de Madrid aussitot qu'elles y furent connues.
Il y out utn revirement imlm6diat, la Reine Christine en tete de ceuxli m~mes qui l'avaient entraln6e a faire la proposition au Due de
Cobourg, et tous, craignant dclja le renouvellement de l'insurrection
progressiste rocemment terminee en Galice, et qui avait donne lieu,i
l'expulsion de Don Enrique, se tournerent vers nous, en demandant
de faire imlmeddiatemenrt et simultanement les deux mariages de la
Reine avec Don Franqois d'Assise et de l'Infante avec Montpensier.
Cette simultaneite 6tait non-seulement le sine qud non de la Reine
Christine poor accepter Don Fran9ois d'Assise, qu'elle n'avait pas
desir6 jusqu'alors, mais le vmu du ministe'oe et de tous les Espagnols
qui regardaient la promplte conclusion des deux marriages comme
le seul tooyen de mettre un terme alux incertitudes sur lesquelles se




416                       APPENDIX B.
fondaientles esperances des hommes qui preparaient de nouvelles
insurrections.
En voyant ce revirement soudain, les agents Anglais, plus d'un
mois apres les instructions de Lord Palmerston, qui avaient admis
la candidature du Prince Leopold de Cobourg, s'efforcerent de faire
prevaloir la candidature de Don Enrique. Rien ne pouvait Btre plus
intempestif, puisqu'il n'6tait que trop notoire que Don Enrique 6tait
le chef, ou plutot l'agent de toutes les nuances de r6volutionnaires, et
Lord Palmerston a acheve de le rendre tout i fait impossible, en recommandant sa candidature dans des documents officiels.
I1 est, je crois, incontestablement evident, par ce long expos6,
que, du cot6 de l'Angleterre, on ne s'est pas du tout maintenu sur la
ligne dont on 6tait convenu avec moi; qu'on a positivement accepte
la candidature du Prince Leopold de Cobourg, en la plagant en tete de
celles auxquelles le gouvernement Anglais ne faisait aucune objection;
qu'on a ainsi rendu probables, et meme imminentes, des combinaisons
absolument contraires A celles dans lesquelles nous 6tions tomb6s
d'accord de nous renfermer; et qu'on m'a ainsi mis en droit et plac6
dans la n6cessit6 d'user de ma libert6 pour 6chapper I ces combinaisons, comme mon gouvernement avait toujours annonce qu'il le ferait,
s'il y 6tait reduit.  Ce n'est done point moi qui ai pris l'initiative et
donne l'exemple de la d6viation de nos conventions premieres. Je
n'ai fait que subir la necessite de cette deviation commencee ailleurs,
et contre mon attente.
Cola pose, je vais dire netteluent en quoi consiste la deviation de
mon c6t6. Elle consiste en ce que j'aurais conclu et fait le mariage
du Duc de Montpensier, non pas avant le mariage de la Reine d'Espagne, car elle sera mariee au Due de Cadix au moment oi mon fils
sera marie a l'Infante, mais avant quo la Reine ait eu un enfant.
VoilA toute la deviation, rien de plus, rien de moins. Je veux maintenant l'apprecier & sa juste valeur, en entrant dans des d6tails que
tu feras connaitre, comme tu pourras, a la Reine Victoria; car je les
croit utiles a' la complete elucidation de l'affaire, et on ne se laisse
pas arreter par de petits menagements, quand, apres une vie comme
la mienne, on se trouve, pour la premiere fois, expose au soupgon, ou
mIme a l'accusation d'cavoir mnanqi de pdarole.
Je l'ai dit plus haut, et c'est un fait notoire, il n'a tenu qu'o moi,
que mon fils, soit Aumale, soit Mlontpensier, epousat la Reine d'Espagne; je ne l'ai pas voulu, et j'ai su resister A toutes les instances
dent j'ai ete entour6 pour m'y faire consentir.  Ainsi, en desirant,
comme je l'ai toujours fait, que mon fils 6pousht l'Infante, parceque
cette alliance de famille me convenait sous tous les rapports, et qu'elle
convenait egalement a la Reine et a tous les miens, je ne voulais la
contracter qu'autant que l'Infante no deviendrait pas necessairement
la Reine d'Espagne, et je voulais me donner A cet 6gard anutant doe
garanties que le comportaient la situation rapprochee du tr6ne oil se
trouvait l'Infante, et les incertitudes de la vie humaine. Lord Aberdeen se montrait satisfait de cette disposition; mais il voulait une
garantie contre la possibilite de la sterilite de la Reine: et comme




CORRESPONDENCE ON SPANISH MARRIAGES.                 417
cela entrait 6galement dans mes vues, cela n'eprouva pas d'objection
de ma part.  Cependant, en y adhbrant, je devais considerer comme
entendu qu'il n'y aurait plus d'objections de la part de l'Angleterre,
ni de ses agents, A ce quie mon fils epousAt l'Infante; et il n'est que
trop notoire qu'il y en a eu par anticipation, de toutes les couleurs,
de tous les degres.
En Septembre, 1845, lorsque Lord Aberdeen me parla pour la
premiere fois au Chateau d'Eu du mariage de Montpensier avec l'Infante, la Reine Isabelle II., quoique agee de quinze ans moins un
mois, n'6tait pas encore nubile, et je puis dire en toute since'ite, que
tant que cet etat de santW  de la Reine aurait dure, il aurait forme
pour moi, meme sans mes pourparlers avec Lord Aberdeen, un obstacle absolu A ce que le Due de Montpensier epousat l'Infante sa
sceur. Mais la Reine etant devenue nubile dans le courant de l'hiver,
et se trouvant, selon les assurances qui nous en ont 6t6 donnees, dans
la meilleure condition de nubilite, cet obstacle disparaissait, et ii ne
restait plus qu'A savoir si l'bpoux qu'elle choisissait pr6sentait luimbme une bonne condition de virilit'.  Il me paralt certain, d'apres
les informations, meme trbs-minutieuses, qui ont kte recueillies a Madrid sur Don Franois d'Assise, qu'il se trouve dans cette condition, et
que par consequent toutes les probabilites se reunissent pour faire
esperer que leur mariage aura lignee. La diff6rence entre se contenter de la celebration du mariage de la Reine avec Don Francois
d'Assise pour celebrer celui du Duc de Montpensier, ou attendre la
naissance de leur premier enfant, se reduit done A ce qu'il y ait deux
vies az lieu d'une seule entre l'Infante et la succession au trBne.
NBanmoins je puis dire, et encore en toute sincerite, que j'aurais
pref6re attendre cetto naissance, s'il ne m'avait etB demontre que ce
delai aurait pour consequence de faire manquer a la fois ce mariage et
celui de la Reine avec le Due de Cadix, de prolonger en Espagne cet
6tat d'incertitude et d'agitation qui presente d'aussi grands dangers,
et enfin de rendre, non-seulement possibles, mais probables et presque
in6vitables, des combinaisons qui auraient mari6 la leine Isabelle,
soit au Prince L6opold de Cobourg, soit A quelque autre Prince
Stranger aux descendants de Philippe V., contrairement A la politique
que j'ai constamllent annonc6e  et pratiqu6e, et aux arrangements
convenus entre ]e gouvernement Anglais lui-mlume et le mien.
Actuellement, ma chere bonne Louise, c'est A la Reine Victoria
et a ses 5ministres qu'il appartient de peser les consequences du parti
qu'ils vont prendre et de la marche qu'ils suivront.  De notre c6b,t
ce double mariage n'operera dans la n6tre d'autres changements que
ceux auxquels nous selions contraints par la nouvelle ligne que le
gouvernement Anglais jugerait a propos d'adopter. Il n'a a redouter
de notre part aucune ingbrence dans les affaires interieures de l'Espagne. Nous n'avons point d'interet A le faire, et nous avons une
volonte tres-decidbe de nous en abstenir.  Nous continuerons A respecter religieusement son independance, et A veiller, autant que cela
dependra de nous, A ce qu'elle soit egalement respectee par toutes les
autres puissances. Nous ne voyons aucun interet, aucun motif, ni




418                        APPENDIX  B.
pour l'Angleterre, ni pour nous, A co que notre entente cordiale soit
bris6e, et nous en voyons dl'immenses, la bien garder et la maintenir.
C'est 1U mon veou, c'est celui de mon gouvernement.  Celui que je te
prie d'exprimer de ma part A la Reine Victoria et au Prince Albert,
c'est qu'ils me conservent, dans leur cceur, cette amitie et confiance
auxquelles il m'a toujours ete8 si doux de repondre par la plus sincere
reciprocit6, et que j'ai la conscience de n'avoir jarlais cess8 de meriter de leur part.
IV.
_ sa Jfcljeste lct Beie des Belges.
J'ai lu et relu avec la plus grande attention l'explication du Roi
sur les derniers 6venements et son expose des motifs. qui ont dirige la
marche du gouvernement Franqais dans cette malheureuse affaire
d'Espagne, et je suis peinee de devoir avouer que cette lecture n'a
chang6 en rien l'opinion que je m'etais formee i ce stjet, ni la douleur
que j'eprouve de ce que ces 6venements soient venus troubler notre
entente cordiale, si utile et si prdcieuse. Le Roi m'accuse de ne plus
voir les affaires que par la nnmette de Lord Palmerston.  Cette accusation m'a profond6ment affligoe, parceque j'avais le droit de l'esp6rer
que le Roi connaissait assez mon amitie sincere pour lui pour i   tre
conviaincu que cette amiti6 m'inspirerait le d6sir le plus vif, je dirai
meme l'anxi6t7, de voir les choses comme elles sont, et de leur donner
l'interpr6tation la plus favorable.  Ce n'est pas le moindre de mes
chagrins devoir reconnaitre envers tout le monde que la conduite de
la France est tout a fait contraire a l'esprit de notre entente cordiale,
et C nos stipulations ant6rieures.  Je sais que Lord Aberdeen partage
entierement notre maniere de voir et je crois qu'il s'en est expliqu6
avec  I. Guizot.
Le simple fait qui donmine toute cette affaire est que le Roi a
declar6 qu'il ne donnerait pas un de ses fils A la Reine d'Espagne,
et qu'il a bas8 sur cette declaration le droit de limiter le choix de la
Reine a la famille des Bourbons descendants de Philippe V. Nous
avons contest6 et ni6 le droit, mnais nous avons consenti A ce choix et.
mnme promis ~ le recommander A l'Espagne.  Et c'est ce que nous
avons fait le plus scrupuleusement et le plus r6ligieusement, sans la
iiloindre deviation.  Ce que le Roi a d6sir6 est arriv6; la Reine
epouse un descendant de Philippe V., et mnmee celui qu'il savait que
nous considerons commle le moins eligible.  Le m6me jour le Roi
donne son fils a l'heritiere pr6sonmptive de la couronne, non-seulement
sans accord pr6alable avec nous, mais contrairement a la parole qu'il
m'a donn6e A Eu l'automne dernier, oh pour la premiere fois il a
m616' la question du mariage de la Reine celle du mariage de l'Infante.  Cette parole 6tait:' Qu'il ne penserait pas a cette union aussi




CORRESPONDENCE ON SPANISH  MARRIAGES.              419
longtemps qu'elle serait une affaire politique, et pas avant que la
Reine ne flit mari6e et qu'elle n'eut des enfcnts.'
Le Roi cherche de justifier cette deviation de la marche convenue
entre nous, en supposant que nous avons pouss6 A la candidature de
notre cousin Leopold, ce qui etait contraire aux engagements pris
envers le Roi.
JE NIE COMPLETEMENT que L6opold ait jamais 6t0 mis en avant
comme notre candidat, soit par le gouvernement Anglais, soit par
aucuan membre de la famille de Cobourg. Le fait est, que Ldopold
n'a 6t6 transform6 en candidat que par l'Espagne et par la Reine
Christine elle-meme, qui, soit qu'elle agit spontan6ment et de bonne
foi, soit qu'elle ne tendit qu'un piege au ministre Anglais de Madrid,
a fait de nombreuses d6marches pour amener cette combinaison,
qu'elle n'a abandonn6e qu', la dlerniere minute. Dans ces circonstances notre conduite a 6tB invariablement la m6me; nous n'avons
point favoris6 ce projet, et nous avons donn6 A la Reine le conseil de
chercher parmi les descendants de Philippe V. un candidat qui fct a
son gr6.
J'affirme done, que telle a ete la ligne de conduite que nous avons
suivie; elle a et6 d'une droiture et d'une probite inattaquable.
L'empressement avec lequel nous avons donne connaissance au
gouvernement Frangais de la d6marche faite par la Reine Christine
aupres de notre freiee aurait dA 6tre une preuve assez evidente do
notre sincerit6. Que si le Roi avait des soupqons A cet 6gard, pourquoi n'a-t-il pas cherchi A les eclaircir avant d'agir comme il l'a fait?
A. quoi bon parler d'entente cordiale, si en cas de besoin on ne devait
point s'entendre prealablement et cordialement?
Quant a la note de Lord Palmerston  l M. Bulwer du 19me Juillet,
1846, des termes de laquelle le Roi s'efforce de d6duire un droit de
s'ecarter de ses engagements anterieurs pris par lui relativement au
mariage du Due de Montpensier, je l'ai de nouveau examin8 attentivement, et il m'en resulte:
1. Que Lord Palmerston a envoye8 lv. Bulwer aux dernieres instructions qu'il avait recues de Lord Aberdeen, dans lesquelles est
affirme de la maniere la plus explicite et la plus positive le droit
incontestable de la Roine d'Espagne de se marier A un Prince quel
qu'il soit et bien qu'il ne soit pas un descendant de Philippe V., en
ajoutant ce que je donne dans les propres paroles-' That we ventured, although without any English candidate or English preference, to point out Don Henrique as the Prince who appeared to be
the most eligible, because the most likely to prove acceptable to the
people of Spain.'
2. Que Lord Palmerston fait mention de L6opold parmi les candidats purement comme d'un fait publiquement connu et d toute
l'Euroope.
3. Que Lord Palmerston conclAt sa note en exprimant de la
part du gouvernenment Anglais le vceu, que le choix de la Reine
tombe sur un Prince qui offrirait le plus de chances pour garantir




420                       APPENDIX B.
le bonheur domestique de la Reine et la prosperite de la Nation
Espagnole.
Maintenant, ma bonne Louise, pour metamorphoser ces simples
faits en des preuves que Lord Palmerston s'6tait 6carte de l'entente
6tablie entre le gouvernement Frangais et Lord Aberdeen, il faut
faire violence a ces faits d'une maniere A laquelle mes sentiments de
justice ne se- prateront jamais.
J'ai done tout -bien conside6r par moi-m'me, et en voyant de mes
propres yeux, et il m'est impossible de reconnaitre que le Roi soit
degage de sa parole.
Rien au monde de plus p6nible n'eot pu m'arriver que ce triste
d6saccord, et parcequ'il a un caractere si personnel et parcequ'il
m'impose le devoir de m'opposer au mariage d'un Prince auquel jo
porte ainsi qu'a' toute sa famille une amiti6 aussi vive.
Ma seule consolation est, que ce projet ne pouvant se realiser
sans produire de graves eomplicatio82s, et sans exposer m6me cette
famille cherie a beaucoup de dangers, elle reculera encore devant
l'exscution.
Pour la vie,
Ta toute devouee,
VICTORIA R.
WINDSOR CASTLE, September 27, 1846.
END OF VOLUME I.




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" All the chemists in the country will enjoy its perusal. and many will seize upon it
as a thing longed for. For, to those advanced students who have kept well abreast of
the chemical tide, it offers a calm philosophy. To those others, youngest of the class,
who have emerged from the schools since new methods have prevailed, it presents a
generalization, drawing to its use all the data, the relations of which the newly-fledged
fact-seeker may but dimly perceive without its aid.  To the old chemists, Prof.
Cooke's treatise is like a message from beyond the mountain. They have heard of
changes in the science; the clash of the battle of old and new theories has stirred them
from afar. The tidings, too, had come that the old had given way; and little more than
this they knew.... Prof. Cooke's'New Chemistry' must do wide service in bringing
to close sight the little known and the longed for.... As a philosophy it is element
tary, but, as a book of science, ordinary readers will find it sufficiently advanced."U/tican Morning- Herald.
D. APPLETON  & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y.




Opinzions of the Press on the " International Scienti.ic Series."
vii.
VII.
The Conservation of Energy.
By BALFOUR STEWART, LL. D., F. R. S.
Itith an ApAensdix treating of the Vital and Iicenlal Aj.tlicat/ons of the Doctrnze.
I vol., I2mo.  Cloth.  Price, $1.50.
"The author has succeeded in presenting the facts in a clear and satisfactory manner,
using simple language and copious illustration in the presentation of facts and principles, confining himself, however, to the physical aspect of the subject. In the Appendix the operation of the principles in the spheres of life and mind is supplied by
the essays of Professors Le Conte and Bain."-Ohio Ftarmer.
"Prof. Stewart is one of the best known teachers in Owens College in Manchester.
"The volume of THE INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC SERIES now before us is an excellent illustration of the true method of teaching, and will well compare with Prof.
Tyndall's charming little book in the same series on'Forms of Water," with illustrations enough to make clear, but not to conceal his thoughts, in a style simple and
brief."-Chrzristian Register, Bostonz.
" The writer has wonderful ability to compress much information into a few words.
It is a rich treat to read such a book as this, when there is so much beauty and force
combined with such simplicity.-Eastersn Press.
VIII.
Animal Locomotion;
Or, WALKING, SWIMMING, AND FLYING.
Withl a Disserlation on A S-roznautics.
By J. BELL PETTIGREW, M. D., F. R. S., F. R. S. E.,
F. R. C. P. E.
I vol., I2mo....  Price, $I.75.
"This work is more than a contribution to the stock of entertaining knowledge,
though, if it only pleased, that would be sufficient excuse for its publication. But Dr.
Pettigrew has given his time to these investigations with the ultimate purpose of solving the difficult problem of Aironautics. To this he devotes the last fifty pages of his
book. Dr. Pettigrew is confident that man will yet conquer the domain of the air."NV. Y. 3ournal of Commzzerce.
"Most persons claim to know how to walk, but few could explain the mechanical
principles involved in this most ordinary transaction, and will be surprised that the
movements of bipeds and quadrupeds, the darting and rushing motion of fish, and the
erratic flight of the denizens of the air, are not only anologous, but can be reduced to
similar formula. The work is profusely illustrated, and, without reference to the theory
it is designed to expound, will be regarded as a valuable addition to natural history."
-Omaha Reszublic.
D. APPLETON  & CO., PUBLISHERS, 549 & 55i Broadway, N. Y,




5Opinions of the Press on the "International Scientific Series."
IX.
Responsibility in Mental Disease.
By HENRY MAUDSLEY, M. D.,
Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians; Professor of Medical Jurisprudence
in University College, London.
I vol., I2mo.  Cloth...  Price, $1.50.
"Having lectured in a medical college on Mental Disease, this book has been a
feast to us. It handles a great subject in a masterly manner, and, in our judgment, the
positions taken by the author are correct and well sustained."-Pastor and Peop'e.
" The author is at home in his subject, and presents his views in an almost singularly clear and satisfactory manner.... The volume is a valuable contribution to one
of the most difficult, and at the same time one of the most important subjects of investigation at the present day." —N. Y. Observer.
" It is a work profound and searching, and abounds in wisdom."-PiItsburg Coam-,mercial.
" Handles the important topic with masterly power, and its suggestions are practical and of great value."-Providence Press.
x.
The Science of Law.
By SHELDON AMOS, M. A.,
Professor of Jurisprudence in University College, London; author of "A Systematic
View of the Science of Jurisprudence," " An English Code, its Difficulties
and the Modes of overcoming them," etc., etc.
I vol., x2mo.  Cloth.....  Price, $I.75.
"The valuable series of'International Scientific' works, prepared by eminent specialists, with the intention of popularizing information in their several branches of
knowledge, has received a good accession in this compact and thoughtful volume.  It
is a difficult task to give the outlines of a complete theory of law in a portable volume,
which he who runs may read, and probably Professor Amos himself would be the last
to claim that he has perfectly succeeded in doing this. But he has certainly done much
to clear the science of law from the technical obscurities which darken it to minds which
have had no legal training, and to make clear to his'lay' readers in how true and high a
sense it can assert its right to be considered a science, and not a mere practice."-Tht
Christiaz Register.
"The works of Bentham and Austin are abstruse and philosophical, and Maine's
require hard study and a certain amount of special training. The writers also pursue
different lines of investigation, and can only be regarded as comprehensive in the departments they confined themselves to. It was left to Amos to gather up the result
and present the science in its fullness. The unquestionable merits of this, his last book,
are, that it contains a complete treatment of a subject which has hitherto been handled
by specialists, and it opens up that subject to every inquiring mind..   To do justice
to'The Science of Law' would require a longer review than we have space for. We
have read no more interesting and instructive book for some time. Its themes concern
every one who renders obedience to laws, and who would have those laws the best
possible. The tide of legal reform which set in fifty years ago has to sweep yet higher
if the flaws in our jurisprudence are to be removed. The process of change cannot be
better guided than by a well-informed public mind, and Prof. Amos has done great
service in materially helping to promote this end."-Bzffado Courier.
D. APPLETON & CO., PUBLISIlERS 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y.




Oj2inions of the Press on the' International Scientft6c Series."
XI.
Animal Mechanism,,4 Treatise on Terrestrial and Aizrial Locomotion.
By E. J. MAREY,
Professor at the College of France, and Member of the Academy of Medicine.
With 117 Illustrations, drawn and engraved under the direction of the author.
vol., I2mo. Cloth.                 Price, $I.75
"We hope that, in the short glance which we have taken of some of the most important points discussed in the work before us, we have succeeded in interesting our
readers sufficiently in its contents to make them curious to learn more of its subjectmatter. We cordially recommend it to their attention.
" The author of the present work, it is well known, stands at the head of those
physiologists who have investigated the mechanism of animal dynamics-indeed, we
may almost say that he has made the subject his own. By the originality of his conceptions, the ingenuity of his constructions, the skill of his analysis, and the perseverance of his investigations, he has surpassed all others in the power of unveiling the
complex and intricate movements of animated beings." —Poulanr Science ifonlhly.
XII.
History of the Conflict between
Religion and Science.
By JOHN WILLIAM DRAPER, M. D., LL. D.,
Author of "The Intellectual Development of Europe."
I vol., 2mo........  Price, $1.75.'This little' History' would have been a valuable contribution to literature at any
time, and is, in fact, an admirable text-book upon a subject that is at present engrossing the attention of a large number of the most serious-minded people, and it is no
small compliment to the sagacity of its distinguished author that he has so well gauged
the requirements of the times, and so adequately met them by the preparation of this
volume. It remains to be added that, while the writer has flinched from no responsibility in his statements, and has written with entire fidelity to the demands of truth
and justice, there is not a word in his book that can give offense to candid and fairminded readers."-1N. Y. Evening Post.
" The key-note to this volume is found in the antagonism between the progressive
tendencies of the human mind and the pretensions of ecclesiastical authority, as developed in the history of modern science. No previous writer has treated the subject
from this point of view, and the present monograph will be found to possess no less
originality of conception than vigor of reasoning and wealth of erudition..   The
method of Dr. Draper, in his treatment of the various questions that come up for discussion, is marked by singular impartiality as well as consummate ability. Throughout his work he maintains the position of an historian, not of an advocate. His tone is
tranquil and serene, as becomes the search after truth, with no trace of the impassioned
ardor of controversy. He endeavors so far to identify himself with the contending
parties as to gain a clear comprehension of their motives, but, at the same time, he
submits their actions to the tests of a cool and impartial examination." —V. Y. Tr-i~bune.
D. APPLETON  & CO., PUBLISHERS, 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y.




"An Interesting, a Truthful, and a Wholesome Book."
LONDON ATHENAEUM.
WILKES, SHERIDAN, FOX.
THE PPPOSITION UNDER HEORGE THE THIRD.
By WV. F. RAE.
8vo. Cloth.....  Price, $2.00.
"A book which embraces vigorous sketches of three famous men
like John Wilkes, Richard Brinsley Sheridan, and Charles James Fox,
is truly worth having. The author is in evident sympathy with all three
of his subjects, and yet does not in either case betray an undue partiality. Although in no instance condoning the private vices and personal
shortcomings of the characters he has to deal with, he does not allow
their faults to influence his estimate of the virtues, the talents, and the
public services, which entitle each of these celebrated men to the admiration and gratitude of their country. " —Chicago Tribune.
"The volume is interesting to Americans particularly, as it speaks
of men who represented largely English sentiments during our struggle
for independence; and the opposition of Fox to war in this country, as
represented in these pages, shows out clearly the love of liberty which
filled the minds of this man and his worthy colleagues Wilkes and Sheridan at that time. "-Albany Exjpress.
"All who relish a fine portrayal of good sayings, courageous acts,
and laudable endeavor, will want to see this work."-Boston Commonwealth.
"The reading public owe a debt of gratitude to Mr. Rae for reviving the acts and deeds of this triple combination of political giants."Pziladelphia Age.
" The work bears the marks of care, and reflects credit upon Mr.
Rae in giving new attraction to old subjects so desirable to students of
biographical history. "-Pittsburg Co(mmercial.
" We not only agree with Mr. Rae's conclusions, but we are grateful to him for an interesting, a truthful, and a wholesome book."Londolz A thenzeum.
D. APPLETON &  CO., Publishers,
549 & 551 BROADWAY, N. V.




da thoughLful and valuable contribution to the best religious literature
of the day.
RELIGION AND SCIENCE.
A Series of Sunday Lectures on the Relation of Natural and Revealed
Religion, or the Truths revealed in Nature and Scripture.
By JOSEPH LE CONTE,
PROFESSOR OF GEOLOGY AND NATURAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
12mo, clothz. Price, $1.50.
OPINIXOIS OPF TtZHE PRESS.
" This work is chiefly remarkable as a conscientious effort to reconcile
the revelations of Science with those of Scripture, and will be very useful to teachers of the different Sunday-schools."-Detroit Union.
"It will be seen, by this resume' of the topics, that Prof. Le Conte
grapples with some of the gravest questions which agitate the thinking
world. He treats of them all with dignity and fairness, and in a manner so clear, persuasive, and eloquent, as to engage the undivided attention of the reader. We commend the book cordially to the regard
of all who are interested in whatever pertains to the discussion of these
grave questions, and especially to those who desire to examine closely
the strong foundations on which the Christian faith is reared."-Bosfcst
yoournaL.
" A reverent student of Nature and religion is the best-qualified man
to instruct others in their harmony.  The author at first intended his
work for a Bible-class, but, as it grew under his hands, it seemed well to
give it form in a neat volume.  The lectures are from a decidedly religious stand-point, and as such present a new method of treatment."
— Philadelphia Age.
"This volume is made up of lectures delivered to his pupils, and is
written with much clearness of thought and unusual clearness of expression, although the author's English is not always above reproach.
It is partly a treatise on natural theology and partly a defense of the
Bible against the assaults of modern science.  In the latter aspect the
author's method is an eminently wise one.  He accepts whatever science has proved, and he also accepts the divine origin of the Bible.
Where the two seem to conflict he prefers to await the reconciliaticn,
which is inevitable if both are true, rather than to waste time and w oli Cs
in inventing ingenious and doubtful theories to force them into seemirg
accord. Both as a theologian and a man of science, Prof. Le Conte's
opinions are entitled to respectful attention, and there are few who will
not recognize his book as a thoughtful and valuable contribution to the
best religious literature of the day."-New  York IVMorld.
D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Broadway, N. Y.




"A   rich  list of fruitfzl topics."
BOSTON COMMONWEALTH.
HEALTH AND EDUCATION,
By the  REV. CHARLES  KINGSLEY, F. L. S., F. G. S.,
CAVNON OF WVESTMINISTER.
I2mo.  Cloth.......   Price, $1.75.
"It is most refreshing to meet an earnest soul, and such, preeminently, is Charles
Kingsley, and he has shown himself such in every thing he has written, from' Alton
Locke' and'Village Sermons,' a quarter of a century since, to the present volume, which
is no exception. Here are fifteen Essays and Lectures, excellent and interesting in
different degrees, but all exhibiting the author's peculiar characteristics of thought
and style, and some of them blending most valuable instruction with entertainment,
as few living writers can." —]artford Post.
"That the title of this book is not expressive of its actual contents, is made manifest by a mere glance at its pages; it is, in fact, a collection of Essays and Lectures,
written and delivered upon various occasions by its distinguished author; as such it
cannot be otherwise than readable, and no intelligent mind needs to be assured that
Charles Kingsley is fascinating, whether he treats of Gothic Architecture, Natural
History, or the Education of Women. The lecture on Thrift, which was intended for
the women of England, may be read with profit and pleasure by the women of
everywhere."-St. Louis Democrat.
" The book contains exactly what every one needs to know, and in a form which
every one can understand."-Boslon 7ouranal.
" This volume no doubt contains his best thoughts on all the most important topics
of the day." —Detroit Post.'
"Nothing could be better or more entertaining for the family library."-Zion's
IHerald.
" For the style alone, and for the vivid pictures frequently presented, this latest
production of Mr. Kingsley coinmends itself to readers. The topics treated are
mostly practical, but the manner is always the manner of a master in composition.
Whether discussing the abstract science of health, the subject of ventilation, the
education of the different classes that form English society, natural history, geology,
heroic aspiration, superstitious fears, or personal communication with Nature, we
find the same freshness of treatment, and the same eloquence and affluence of language
that distinguish the productions in other fields of this gifted author."-Boston7 Gazette.
D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers,
549 & 551 BROADWAY, N. Y.




A New Magazine for Students and Cultivated Readers.
THE
POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY,
CONDUCTED BY
Professor E. L. YOUMANS.
THE growing importance of scientific knowledge to all classes of the
community calls for more efficient means of diffusing it. THE POPULAR
SCIENCE MONTHLY has been started to promote this object, and supplies a
want met by no other periodical in the United States.
It contains instructive and attractive articles, and abstracts of articles,
original, selected, and illustrated, from the leading scientific men of different countries, giving the latest interpretations of natural phenomena, explaining the applications of science to the practical arts, and to the operations of domestic life.
It is designed to give especial prominence to those branches of science
which help to a better understanding of the nature of man; to present the
claims of scientific education; and the bearings of science upon questions
of society and government. How the various subjects of current opinion
are affected by the advance of scientific inquiry will also be considered.
In its literary character, this periodical aims to be popular, without being superficial, and appeals to the intelligent reading-classes of the community. It seeks to procure authentic statements from men who know their
subjects, and who will address the non-scientific public for purposes of exposition and explanation.
It will have contributions from HERBERT SPENCER, Professor HUXLEY,
Professor TYNDALL, Mr. DARWIN, and other writers identified with speculative thought and scientific investigation.
THE POPULAR SCIENCE AJIONTHL Y is publislhed in a lcrge
octavo, handsomely printed on clear type.  Terms, Five Dollars per annum,
or Eifty Cenls jer copy.
OPINION, S OF THE PRESS.
"Just the publication needed at the present day." —Afontreal Gazelle.
" It is, beyond comparison, the best attempt at journalism of the kind ever made in this
country." —forme 7zourzal.
"'?he initial number is admirably constituted."-E-Zvenzingg  az'ill.
"In our opinion, the right idea has been happily hit in the plan of this new monthly."
-Bzuffalo Courier.
" A journal which promises to be of eminent value to the cause of popular education in
this country."-N-. I. Tribunze.
IMPORTANT TO CLUBS.
THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY will be supplied at reduced rates with any periodi
cal published in this country.
Any person remitting Twenty Dollars for four yearly subscriptions will receive an ex.
tra copy gratis, or five yearly subscriptions for $20.
THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY and APPLETONS' JOURNAL (weekly), per annum, $8.oo
&    Paymaent, in all cases, mezlst be it advance.
Remittances should be made by postal money-order Dr check to the Publishers,
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