DEE E 87No. 2 8. Nor 28. - j; / BULLETIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA EDUCATION: ITS RELATIONS TO THIE STATE AND TO THE INDIVIDUAL, AND ITS METHODS. A Series of Lectures delivered before the General Assembly of the Students, Tniversity of California, B c BC, B. A.,.D., MINING ENGINEER. THE NEWLY AWAKENED INTEREST IN EDUCATION AND ITS CAUSES. When those who have charge of the affairs of this generation began their active labors, thie material millenium seemed at hand; the railway had not ceased to be a novelty, the telegraph was a new wonder, and ocean steamships were just proving a success. The earth, the air and the water were each compelled to furnish hitherto unheard of facilities for intercourse, and that nothing might be wanting, California and Australia presently poured forth dollars and pounds by the hundred millions. These additional means of making the products of labor available so stimulated production that the industrial re 241 DECEMBER 1877. BULLETIN OF THE sources of every civilized nation were taxed to the utmost to execute the internal improvements justified by the condition of commerce. The general prosperity was such as never had been known, and there appeared to be no sulperior limit to its increase. Thie Cobden party sang hallelujahs over the end of strife and inaugurated international exhibitions as a seal of general concord. Since that time and at short intervals international exhibition has been followed by expositioa iitert-atiotale and war by civil strife; wonders have been developed in machinery and industrial enterprise, in manufactures and in agriculture, yet commercial panics, strikes and lock-outs, riots and communes have made the fabric of civilization tremble. This country has had its full share of these calamities and blessings. Its commerce is just now returning to life from the most prolonged swoon which has ever afflicted it. It is a healthy sign of this convalescence that from one end of the land to the other, earnest and penetrating inquiries are rife, as to the fundamental facts upon which the welfare of society is built up. Never has there been such an interest felt in the principles of the exchange of values and the functions of currency; in the theory of government, the exercise of its power and the distribution of its patronage; and in education, its scope, its aims and its methods. Nor can it be said that this interest is premature; a third of a century ago we had the vast treasures of a virgin continent to draw upon; enterprise was not lacking and nature has proved herself bountiful. Yet nation, state, county, city and town are loaded down with debt; savings banks, the last stronghold of security for the petty capitalist, are collapsing everywhere; we are told that the great obstacle in the way of the resumption of trade is the general want of confidence, or the fact that nobody will trust anybody else, as why should he when the men who have been regarded as the inflexibly upright bones of the body of the commercial world are found to have yielded before the wand of temptation like the weakest flesh. Even our sovereign states are refusing to repay the money which they have borrowed on the strength of their sovereign dignity and have spent for their own convenience and advantage; and the men who, at the solicitation of communities, have accomodated them with loans in the hour of their necessities are opprobriously designated as "bloated bondholders." We have had industrial success in full measure and the re 242 2 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. sources of the country are not yet even developed; and still we are not happy. Are industrial success and the fortunes which result from it bad things, then? On the contrary, a high order of civilization is impossible without them; but for some reason commercial prosperity in our country, instead of pro ducing a higher order of civilization, has shown itself incapable even of perpetuating itself. It has created a demand for luxuries and left communistic mass meetings of unemployed workmen; it has dotted the country with factories, mines and farms and left armies of half starving men, women and children. Have we then displayed a want ofeadaptibility to new industries? On the contrary, no people ever accomodated itself to new pursuits so readily. Have we shown lack of skill in the exercise of in dustrial callings? Unquestionably more skill would have been advantageous, but our imuprovement in this direction has been st'eady and rapid, and, moreover, thanks to the favorable cir cuinstances under which we have worked, our profits have ex ceeded those of any other nation. The cause of our unsatisfactory industrial condition must,therefore,be sought elsewhere; and if neither nature, our industry, nor our skill have been in fault, the trouble must lie in a want of symmetry in our efforts and a want of equilibrium between their results. It is not difficult to see how an unfortunate disproportion has arisen between our efforts, as well as our achievements, in different directions. The immediate effect of the application of steam to locomotion, and of electricity to communication, was to throw open the whole country to productive enterprise. The industrial development of the resources of the United States was the vastest problem of the sort any nation ever had to solve; it occupied the public attention to the exclusion of almost everything else; while it greatly increased the complexity of public affairs, it also complicated and increased the occupations of individuals, compelling them to confine most of their attention to distinct and narrow channels. The temptation was to undue specialization, and most men, yielding to it, devoted their powers exclusively to their own financial affairs, leaving themselves neither energy nor time to inquire into, or to reflect upon other matters, until indeed, from the destructive force of habit, they became incapable of doing so. Yet the period was one at which the rapid growth of the country made the careful management of its concerns exceedingly important At the same time, owing largely to the shifting character of the 213 3 i I t, BULLETIN OF THE population, money came to be regarded as the only standard of success,and success,as almost the only claim to consideration. Thus politics gradually became a trade in the lowest sense of the word; the revenues were fraudulently-or foolishly expended; demagogues and fanatics were allowed to brew mischief undisturbed, and ignoramuses and interested parties to frame laws which stood in direct opposition to common sense and were certain to inflict incalculable injury on the country. At the same time the standard of financial morality sank; clever speculators who managed to keep within the law won more esteem than legitimate traders; and men who in other matters recoiled at vice, who looked with horror upon drunkenness or violence, were not ashamed to court notorious swindlers like Tweed, and others, as bad but less known. In the race to get rich, men disencumbered themselves of everything which they thought might hamper them, including their morality; including the requisite klnowledge of the road; whence they floundered headlong and by the thousand into many a green bog which they did not know enough to distinguish from dry land, or, in other words, thousands embarked in enterprises that a moderate amount of general knowledge would have warned them were hopeless from the start. We do not need to appeal to the higher principles of morality against this sauve qui peut rule of life; every man for himself, is not the principle of communities, but of the solitary barbarism which preceded them. The essence of the community is mutuality; each member enjoys the protection and the advantages of the commonwealth in return for the performance of duties to it. If he disregards these duties he becomes a public enemy, dangerous in proportion to the scale of his operations. He becomes his own enemy as well, and, if he evades the law, will receive his punishment through the injury he has inflicted on the body of which he is a part. The whole nation is now, the guilty with the innocent, suffering from the effects of this shortsighted devotion to selfish ends. We are suffering, not, let it be understood, from the pursuit of wealth, but from our long continued devotion to money-making, to the neglect of other duties. And yet we are often told that the whole object, and not, only one object, of education is to fit men to make their living. If the present state of affairs indicates anything, it is that this is a mistake. The logic of events proves, with a force which we all of us feel, whether we interpret it rightly or not, that 244 4 , I UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. that the ability to obtain wages, or to judge the condition of the prime object of education is to produce good citizens, and the market correctly, is not all that is necessary to good citizenship. What we need, is men who understand the relations of the individual to the community, and of the community to the individual. Who know enough of the principles of legislation, of finance, and of history, to take an intelligent interest in the questions they are called upon to decide at the ballot-box. Give them this, a liberal education, and they will see that they are provided with remunerative occupations and the special training requisite for the purpose. A child must be taught to -keep its balance, as well as to reach out after the good things the world offers; if this precaution is neglected, bruises, wails and general discomfort will ensue. THE RELATIONS OF THE STATE TO ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. Parallels are frequently drawn between the State and an individual; and valuable hints are often obtained from such comparisons, but to some extent they are misleading. In how far the simile is apt, a little consideration will show. We live in communities not only because it serves our private ends to do so, but because, as the word almost explains, we have intere sts in common. In order that these comnmon interests may be properly subserved, we establish, or permit some one to establish, a legislative and executive organization. The functions of this organization are not only implied in its origin, but are strictly limited by the conditions of its creation. It has no duty and no right except to foster and protect the interests of the community. From the individual we have the moral right to demand the exercise of the Christian virtues. A man who shows no charity, w ho is never obliging and self-sacrificing, who in all his actions is governed solely by self-interest, is a despicable object. But suppose that an attempt were made to contribute money from the State treasury, towards ameliorating the horrible famine now afflicting India; or that the Executive should extend an invitation to the convalescent sufferers by the late conflagration at St. Johns, to come to California and recruit at the State's expense, would not these acts, good in themselves, be a palpable violation of its duties? A State may be generous or magnanimous or charitable; but, by the terms of its existence, it can act obligingly only from interested mo 245 5 16 BULLETIN OF THE tives; in short, the government is the soulless personification of a particular side of the character of the community, and the dity of the State is what it is to the inte(rest of the State to do. The use of the term duty in connection with the State often leads to erroneous conclusions b3cauie the word suggests the possession of qualities, which the State is debarred by its con stitution from exercising or having. Let us therefore drop the term and ask:-what is the interest of the community regarding education? It can hardly be anything else than to train men to be efficient members of its body, good and capable citizens of the State. We have therefore to ask, what constitutes a good citizen. The first element of good citizenship, is a regard for the rights of the comrmunity, and the first lesson the future citizen should receive is in his obligations to it. It is one of the most valuable features of the public school system, particularly when coupled with a compulsory law, that under it the child is early brought to a personal experience of the authority, which the State exercises over him, and is taught, both systematically and practically, that of him individually is demanded industry and good behavior, and that failure to comply with these demands, is followed by reprobation and punishment. That precept may be mnade to assist in inculcating these lessons, that a child's reading and instruction should be so chosen as to impress upon him the wickedness, and not only the wickedness but the folly, of sloth and misdeeds, is a matter of course. In addition to a thorough realization of the fact that morality and industry are demanded of him, no one will deny that an elementary education comprising "the three R's," is indispensable to a proper discharge of the duties of citizenship. Under the arrangements (f modern civilization, it is impossible that anyone should vote intelligently unless he can read, and this amount of education ought consequently to be obligatory; the lack of it creates a strong probability that the voter will become the tool, unwittingly perhaps, of better informed and designing men, and thus do the community an injury. Furthermore, at least a portion, and if possible all citizens, must receive more extended education than mere reading and writing, in order that their influence may be not only not injurious, but positively beneficial in its effects upon public affairs. When we come to ask what studies have the first claim after the, fundamental branches, we step upon disputed ground; 216 6 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. yet, if it be steadily kept ill mind that the purpose is to pro duce men fitted to discharge their duties to the State, the problem seems to admit of a definite solution. What are voters cailed upon to do? What questions are submitted to them at the polls? At the last election we were asked to decide whether the State Constitution should be revised. Suppose such a question were submitted to a single individ ual, how would he p])roceed to determine his answer. He would probably be obliged to begin by reading our Constita tion, and then, in order to judge of the probabJe effect of changes in it, he would need to inquire how its provisions came to be what they are. That is to say, to study the consti tutional and political history of the United States; moreover, to understand the bearing of the provisions on the welfare of the people, hlie would have to lknow something of the genieral character of the state and its inhabitants, and of the laws which govern production and trade; or in other words, lie would require some knowledge of geography and political economy. If we examine the bearings of other public questions that have been, or are to be decided at the ballot box, such as the choice between free trade and protection, between' hard money' and'soft money;' the right of the political victors to despoil the country; subsidies to transportation companies; the Chinese question and many more, it will be found that each and all of them imply, in varying proportions, a knowledge of the same branches. It would seem, then, that upon these studies the weight of the instruction in the secondary schools shQuld be laid, in order to educate truly intelligent -voters. A sufficient amount of attention is already paid to geography; while history, and especially the constitutional side of the subject, might profitably have more time allotted to it than it at present receives in our public schools. The study of political economy has not yet been pursued, but there seems to be no sufficient objection to its introduction. It is true that political economy, taken as a whole, is a very recondite subject, but thent so is every science. Our high schools can never turn out finished political economists, any more than they can turn out geographers like Maury and Petermann. It is also true that there are points upon which good politico-economical authorities do not agree, as is and must be the case in all branches of human learning. But the disagreement is rather upon applications than upon principles and it is certain that an amount 247 7 BULLETIN OF THE of elementary instruction, within the comprehension of boys of fifteen, could be given in the doctrines of supply and demand, rents, wages, values, exchange, the principles of banking without touching on disputed points, which would wor assist them as voters, in conmprehending public questi might preserve the State from committing many a dis. mistake. France has very recently taken a step in this direc and henceforward no one in that country can become a ms trate or even a notary,without having studied and been examineu in this science. In this country a very large portion of those who have more than a primary school education, hold some office at some time, and all are called upon from time to -ime,to exercise a knowledge of economical science whether they possess it or \ not. If it is considered best to introduce-the study, the ques tion of text books need cause no difficulty; there are books already in existence which would answer the purpose, and treatises especially adapted to our needs would be forthcoming if there were a call for them. None of the United States have, so far as my iilormation goes, as yet introduced tbhis feature into the curricula of their public schools. Let California set the rest an example of enlightened self-interest, and be the first to give her sons public instruction, in the social principles which underlie the production and distribution of the material resources of the community. Should the whole attention of scholars in the public schools be confined to "the three R's," political and constitutional history, geography and political economy? So close a limit ation of the subjects of study is neither necessary or desirable. It is not necessary because, unless the subjects were presented m or e rapidly t han th e minds of children could properly assim ilate them, the pupils would have time and energy to spare. It is not desirable because there are other, though less direct, methods of increasing the capacity of the youth of the country to act as efficient citizens. The broader a man is mentally and morally, the better will he be fitted to act as joint manager of the affairs of State, or to do anything else, and the narrower he is, the less capable will he be of comprehending the relations of any subject, or object, to others fromnt which it is insepar able. This has long been accepted as a truism; but para doxes are in fashion just now, and of late the assertion has frequently been made, even by writers of a national reputa tion, that people ma y b e and are over-educated. The state 248 8 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. ment needs no serious refutation; the whole course of modern history proves the opposite. If the evil really existed, we should hear something of it from the afflicted. To test the d;n, suppose we inquire of those who complain that