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PICTORI AL
HISTORY OF AMERICA,
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE CLOSE OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
EMBRACING THE MOST
REMARKABLE EVENTS,
WHICH HAVE TRANSPIRED SINCE THE DISCOVERY.
INCLUDING
THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO, BY HERNAN THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR, WHICH TERMIN.
CORTES; ATED IN THE CONQUEST OF CANADA;
THE CONQUEST OF PERU, BY PIZARRO AND THE LEADING INCIDENTS OF THE AMIERIALMAGRO; CAN REVOLUTION;
rtIE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, BY DE SOTO; THE WAR OF 1812, WITH GREAT BRITAIN;
THE DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT OF THE THE WAR WITH THE FRENCH REPUBLIC;
UNITED STATES AND CANADA; TIIE SEVERAL INDIAN WARS;
KING PHILIP'S WAR; THE LATE WAR WITH MEXICO.
Q(ompileb from tlje best Qatthorities.
BY JOHN FROST, LL.D.
AUTHOR OF THE'iPICTORIAL LIFE OF WASHINGTON, "PICTORIAL HISTORY
OF GREECE,"' &C. GC.
EMBELLISHED WITH
SEVEN HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
PHILADELPHIA:
PUBLISHED BY JAS. B. SMITH & CO.,
NO. 146 CHESTNUT STREET.
18 5 7.
,NTaitLED according to act of Congress, in the year 1854, by
J. L. G-I HO N,
in the Clerk's Offike of the District Court ot' the Eastern District of Pennsylvana.
CONTENTS.
PAGR
COMMEN CEMENT OF' HOSTILITIES.................................... 7
SIEGE OF BOSTON............................................... 20
INVASION OF CANADA................................................. 27
BRITISH ATTACK UPON CHARLESTON................................ 51
L ATTLE OF LONG ISLAND.............................................. 55
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE............................. 67
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.................................... 87
TI[E CAMPAIGN OF 1777, IN THE MIDDLE STATES.................. 109
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777................................. 130
EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER IN ENGLAND............... 162
THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES.. 170
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778...................................... 189
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779............................................... 209
CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS....................................... 239
CAMPAIGN OF 1780 IN THE SOUTHERN STATES..................... 250
CAMPAIGN OF 1780, IN THE NORTHERN STATES.................... 277
MUTINY IN TIIE ARMY............................................. 297
INVASION OF VIRGINIA............................................... 303
CAMPAIGN OF 1781-OPERATIONS IN THE TWO CAROLINAS AND
GEORGIA............................................................. 307
CAMPAIGN OF 1781-OPERATIONS IN VIRGINIA-CORNWALLIS
CAPTURED-NEW LONDON DESTROYED....................... 330
COMMODORE BARRY'S VICTORY...................................... 352
CAPTAIN BARNEY'S VICTORY......................................... 356
CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.............................. 361
3
4 CONTENTS.
PAGE
FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.................... 369
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.................................... 376
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS.................................. 400
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION....................................... 408
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION........................................ 422
COUNCIL OF VINCENNES............................................... 428
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE............................................... 434
COMMENCEMENT OF THE SECOND WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN.. 446
NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812............................................. 450
OPERATIONS ON THE NORTHERN FRONTIER IN 1813............. 468
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.............................................. 483
tHE SOUTHERN WAR OF 1813.......................................... 504
CAMPAIGN OF 1814 ON THE NORTHERN FRONTIER................ 508
BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA................................................... 515
DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE................................................ 519
BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG, AND DEPREDATIONS OF THE BRITISH AT WASHINGTON............................................ 528
BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG............................................... 536
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN......................................... 541
BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS............................................ 546
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814................................................. 558
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION.......................................... 576
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS....................... 582
ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON........................... 588
ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN......................... 595
ADMINISTRATION OF WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON................ 598
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN TYLER.................................. 605
COMMENCEMENT OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK.. 611
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.......................... 613
BATTLES OF PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA............ 653
CAPTURE OF MATAMORAS............................................. 673
STORMING OF MONTEREY........................ 680
CONTENTS. b
PAGE
BATTLE OF BUEN'A VISTA........................................................................... 705
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ............................................................................ 731
BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO........................................................................ 752
AFFAIRS IN NEW MEXICO....................................................................... 765
BATTLE OF CHERUBUSCO......................................................7.................... 769
THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO........................................................................ 777
FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA............................................................ 798
DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA............................ 812
ADMINISTRATION OF ZACHARY TAYLOR AND MILLARD FILLMORE.. 828
ADMINISTRATION C F FRANKLIN PIERCE.................................. S39:Y =. s: * L.,C 5r~~. * S _-_C- _2
no,
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.
[C O N T I N U 3I D.]
iHE councils of New England were as vigorous as her mili-'K~ tary operations. On the 5th of May, the Provincial Congress
of Massachusetts published a resolution importing "th.
Gen. Gage has, by his late transactions, utterly disqualified
himself from serving this colony, either as its governor, or in
any other capacity; and that, therefore, no obedience is in
future due to him; but that, on the contrary, he ought to be considered and
guarded against as an unnatural and inveterate enemy to the country."
From this period the authority of Gage in Massachusetts reposed on the
bayonets of his soldiers, and was confined within the limits of the town
they occupied. But in the close of the same month his prospects seemed
to brighten; and his force at least gained an increase from the arrival at
Boston of a considerable accession to his troops from Britain, along with
the Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, all of whom had acquired high
military reputation in the last war. Gage, thus reinforced, prepared to
7
8 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.
act with more vigour and decision than he had latterly displayed. He began
by issuing a proclamation, which offered, in the king's name, a free pardon
to all the American insurgents who should forthwith lay down their arms,
and return to the habits and duties of peaceable subjects, "excepting only
from the benefit of such pardon Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose
offences," it was added, " are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other
consideration than that of condign punishment;" and announced the dominion of martial law in Massachusetts, "as long as the present unhappy occasion shall require." And thus, as Edmund Burke remarked, the British
commander offered mercy to those who were openly in arms and actually
besieging him in his station, while he excluded from mercy two men
who were five hundred miles from him and actually at the time (as memn
bers of the second congress) sitting in an assembly which had never by
statute been declared illegal. To signalize Adams and Hancock in this
manner was to employ the only means within his competence of endearing
these men and their principles to the Americans, whom the proclamation,
instead of intimidating or dividing, served but additionally to unite and
embolden.
From the movements visible among the British troops, and their apparent preparations for some active enterprise, the Americans were led to
believe that Gage designed to issue from Boston and penetrate into the
interior of Massachusetts; whereupon, with a view to anticipate or derange
the supposed project of attack, the Provincial Congress suggested to Putnam and Thomas, who held the chief command in the army which blockaded Boston, that measures should be taken for the defence of Dorchester
Neck, and that a part of the American force should occupy an intrenched
position on Bunker's Hill, which ascends from and commands the entrance
of the peninsula of Charlestown. Orders were accordingly communicated
to Colonel Prescott, with a detachment of a thousand men, to take possession of that eminence; but, through some misapprehension, Breed's Hill,
instead of Bunker's Hill, was nlade the site of the projected intrenchment.
By his conduct of this perilous enterprise, and the heroic valour he displayed in the conflict that ensued, Prescott honourably signalized a name
which his descendants have farther adorned with the highest trophies
of forensic and literary renown. About nine o'clock of, the evening,
[IJune 16,] the detachment moved from Cambridge, and, silently traversing Charlestown Neck, gained the summit of Breed's Hill unobserved.
This eminence is situated at the extremity of the peninsula nearest to
Boston; and is so elevated as to overlook every part of that town, and so
near it as to be within the reach of cannon-shot. The American troops,
who were provided with intrenching tools, instantly commenced their work,
which they pursued with such diligence, that, before the morning arrived,
they had thrown up a redoubt of considerable dimensions, and with such
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 9
BRITISH TROOPS LEAVING BOSTON.
deep silence, that, although the peninsula was nearly surrounded by British
ships of war and transports, their operations were only first disclosed to
the astonished army of Britain by the dispersion of the nocturnal darkness
under whose shade they had been conducted. At break of day, [June 17,]
the alarm was communicated at Boston by a cannonade, which the Lively
sloop of war promptly directed against the intrenchments and embattled
array of the Americans. A battery of six guns was soon after opened
upon them from Copp's Hill, at the north end of Boston. Under an incessant shower of bullets and bombs, the Americans firmly and indefatigably
persevered in their labour, until they completed a small breastwork,
extending from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill,
towards the river Mystic. We have remarked the mistake that occasioned
a departure from the original plan of the American enterprise, and led to
the assumption of Breed's Hill instead of the other eminence which it was
first proposed to occupy. By a corresponding mistake, the memorable
engagement which ensued has received the name of The Battle of Bunker's Hill, —a name which only vanity or pedantry can now hope or
desire to divest of its long-retained celebrity, and its animating influence
on the minds of men. It would be wiser, perhaps, to change the name
of an insignificant hill than of a glorious battle in which the prize contested was the freedom of North America.
Gage, perceiving the necessity of dislodging the Americans from thte
position they had so suddenly and daringly assumed, detached about nooz,
Vio.. I1-2
C OM M' N C E ENT OF LIOSTILITI ES.
on this service. the Generals Howe and Pigot, with ten companies of gren
adiers, ten of light-infantry, and a suitable proportion of field-artiliery.
These troops, crossing the narrow bay interjected between Boston and the
American position, landed at Moreton's Point, and immediately formed in
order of battle; but perceiving that the Americans, undaunted by this
demonstration, and with spirit erected to the utmost height, firmly waited
the attack, they refrained from advancing till the arrival of a reinforcement from Boston. Meanwhile the Americans were also reinforced by a
oody of their countrymen, commanded by Generals Warren and Pomroy;
and the troops on the open ground, tearing up some adjoining post and
rail fences, and fixing the stakes in two parallel lines before them, filled
up the space between with new-mown grass, and formed for themselves a
cover from the musketry of the enemy. Collecting all their courage, and
undepressed by the advantage which their adversaries derived from the
audacity of assault, they stood prepared for an effort which should yield
their countrymen, if not victorious liberty, at least a memorable example
of what tht lave and the free can do to achieve it.
The Britisih troops, strengthened now by the arrival of the second
detachment, and formed in two lines, moved forward to the conflict, having
the light-infantry on the right wing commanded by General Howe, and the
grenadiers on the left conducted by General Pigot; the former to attack
the American lines in flank, and the latter the redoubt in front. The
attack was begun by a heavy discharge of field-pieces and howitzers; the
troops advancing slowly, and halting at short intervals to allow time for the
artillery to produce effect on the works and on the spirits of their defend.
ers. During their advance, General Gage, who surveyed the field of
battle from Copp's Hill, caused the battery at this place to bombard and
set fire to the village of Charlestown, situated beneath the position of the
Americans, whom, from the direction of the wind, he expected to annoy
by the conflagration. Charlestown, one of the earliest settlements of the
Puritans in New England, a handsome and flourishing village, containing
about four hundred houses, built chiefly of wood, was quickly enveloped
in a blaze of destruction; but a sudden chance of the wind, occurring at
this crisis, carried the smoke to a quarter which neither sheltered the
approach of the British nor occasioned inconvenience to the Americans.
The conflagration added a horrid grandeur to the interesting scene that
was now unfolding to the eyes of a countless multitude of spectators, who,
thronging all the heights of Boston and its neighbourhood, awaited, with
throbbing hearts, the approaching battle. The American troops, having
permitted Howe's division to approach unmolested within a very short
distance of their works, then poured in upon them such a deadly and
confounding fire of small arms, that the British line was broken in an
istant, and fell precipitately back in headlong rout towards the landing
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 11
)lace. This disorder was repaired by the vigorous exertions of the officers, who again brought up the repulsed troops to the attack; but the
Americans, renewing their fire with a precision of aim derived from their
habits of life, and, unexampled, perhaps, in the conduct of any former
battle fought since the invention of gunpowder, again spread such carnage through the hostile ranks, that the British were a second time driven
back in complete confusion. At this critical juncture, General Clinton,
arriving upon the field from Boston, aided the efforts of Howe and the
other officers in rallying the disheartened troops, who with some difficulty
were a third time led on to the charge. The Americans had been but
scantily supplied with cartridges, partly from an overstrained attention to
economy in the consumption of an article urgently needed and sparingly
possessed by their countrymen, and partly in deference to the counsels of
some old provincial officers, whose ideas of battle were derived from their
experience in hunting, and in the system (very similar to that employment)
of Indian warfare, and who insisted, that, as every shot ought to kill a
man, so to give the troops any more ammunition than was absolutely neces
sary to inflict on the enemy a loss that would be tantamount to defeat, was
to tempt them to neglect accuracy of aim and throw their fire away. To
the discredit of this counsel, the powder of the Americans now began to
fail, and consequently their fire to slacken. The British at the same time
brought some of their cannons to bear upon the position of the Americans,
and raked the inside of the breastwork from end to end; the fire from the
ships, batteries, and field-artillery was redoubled; and the redoubt, attacked
on three sides at once with impetuous valour, was carried at the point of
the bayonet. Yet, so desperate was the resistance of its defenders, that,
even after their officers had commanded a retreat, they continued to fight
till the redoubt was half filled with the assailants.
During these operations, Pigot's division was attempting to force the left
point of the breastwork, preparatory to an attack on the flank of the American line; but while his troops advanced with signal intrepidity, they were
received with unyielding firmness and determination. The Americans in
this quarter, as well as at the redoubt, reserved their fire until the near approach of the enemy, and then poured in their shot with such well-directed
aim as to mow down the advancing troops in whole ranks at every volley.
But no sooner was the redoubt lost, than the breastwork also was necessarily abandoned. And now the Americans, beaten, but unsubdued, had to
perform their retreat over Charlestown Neck, which was completely raked
by the guns of the Glasgow man-of-war and of two floating batteries; but,
great as was the apparent danger, the retreat was accomplished with inconsiderable loss. The British troops were too much exhausted, and had suffered too severely, to improve their dear-bought victory by more than a
mere show of pursuit. They had brought into action about three thousand
12 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.
A-it. ~_____ ~b__ — ( —I C —-. —/,.
DEATx OF WAXRRIN.
men, and their killed and wounded amounted to one thousand and fifty-four.
The number of Americans engaged was fifteen hundred, and their killed,
wounded, and missing amounted to four hundred and fifty-three. They
lost some gallant officers, of whom the most generally known and lamented
was Joseph'Warren, a young physician of Boston, lately promoted to the
rank of general in the American army, and who, having ably and successfully animated his countrymen to resist the power of Britain, now gallantly
fell in the first battle that their resistance produced. And thus ended a
day that showed too late to the infatuated politicians of Britain how greatly
they had underrated the arduous difficulties of the contest they provoked,
and how egregiously those men had deceived them who confidently predicted that the.Americans would not fight. No other imaginable result of
the conflict could have been more unfavourable to the prospects of Britain,
whose troops, neither exhilarated by brilliant victory nor exasperated by
disgraceful defeat, were depressed by a success of which it was evident
that a few more such instances would prove their ruin.
The second Continental Congress of America had assembled, meanwhile,
at Philadelphia, on the 10th of May, when Peyton Randolph was again
elected president by his colleagues. Hancock produced to this assembly a
collection of documentary evidence, tending to prove, that, in the ski-mish
of Lexington, the king's troops were the aggressors; together with a report
of the proceedings of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts on that
_ ___ ~ In i;
3ATTlE lF BUN~'IR8 RXT~Zf
~~~~~~~~=-=== —- -:=~=
MATTLE} OF BUNK:1GE 8 MILU
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES 15
occasion. The time was now arrived when the other provinces of America
were required definitely to resolve, and unequivocally to declare, whether
they would make common cause with the New England States in actual
war, or, abandoning them and the object for which they had all so long
jointly contended, submit to the absolute supremacy of the British parliament. The congress did not hesitate which part of the alternative to embrace, but unanimously determined, [May 26,] that, as hostilities had actually commenced, and large reinforcements to the British army were bxpected, the severa.l provinces should be immediately put in a state of defence;
adding, however, that, as they ardently wished for a restoration of the
harmony formerly subsisting between the mother country and the colonies,
they were resolved, for the promotion of this desirable object, to present
once more an humble and dutiful petition to the king. Yet the members
of this body perfectly well knew that the king and his ministers and parliament not only d-nied the legality of their assemblage and their right to
represent the sentiments of America, but openly denounced them as a seditious and traitorous association; and by a great majority of the American
people the sentiments of loyalty, which they had once cherished or professed for the British crown and empire, were now extinguished, and either
lost in oblivion or remembered with disdain. But it is a general practice
of mankind, and the peculiar policy of governments, to veil the most implacable animosity and the most decisive martial purpose under a show of
professions more than ordinarily forbearing and pacific; nor can any proclamation be more ominous of violence, than that in which a kingdom or
commonwealth judges it expedient to vaunt its own moderation. Massachusetts, having informed the Congrz*. of her destitution of regular government, and solicited advice for the reniedy of'his defect, received in answer
the counsel, that the freeholders should elect the members of a representative Assembly; that these representatives should appoint counsellors; and
that the representatives and counsellors should together provisionally
exercise the powers of government. This counsel was straightway embraced. Equal efficacy attended a recommendation addressed to all the
colonies, that they should appoint committees of general safety to guard and
administer the public interest during the occasional recess of the provincial
assemblies.
Besides their second petition to the king, the Congress renewed their
applications to Canada and other places, and published an admirable
address to the inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland. In this last composition, the British people were addressed with the endearing appellations
of "Friends, Countrymen, and Brethren;" and entreated, by these ana
every other of the ties which bound the two nations together, seriously to
receive and consider the present and probably final attempt to prevent
their dissoilltion. After again recapitulating former injuries, and recount
16 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.
ing the recent acts of hostility in the wanton destruction of American life
and property, they demanded if the descendants of Britons,could tamely
submit to this? "No!" they added, "we never will! While we revere
the memory of our gallant and virtuous ancestors, we never can surrender
those glorious privileges for which they fought, bled, and conquered.
Admit that your fleets and armies can destroy our towns and ravage our
coasts; these are inconsiderable objects,-things of no moment to men
whose bosoms glow with the ardour of liberty. We can retire beyond the
reach of your navy; and, without any sensible diminution of the necessaries of life, enjoy a luxury which, from that period, you will want,-the
luxury of being free. Our enemies charge us with sedition. In what
does this sedition consist? In our refusal to submit to unwarrantable acts
of injustice and cruelty? If so, show us a period in your history in which
you have not been equally seditious. We are reproached with harbouring
the project of independence; but what have we done that can warrant
this reproach? Abused, insulted, and contemned, we have carried our
dutiful petitions to the throne; and we have applied to your justice for
relief. What has been the success of our endeavours? The clemency of
our sovereign is unhappily diverted; our petitions are treated with indignity; our prayers answered by insults. Our application to you remains
unnoticed, and leaves us the melancholy apprehension of your wanting
either the will or the power to assist us. Even under these circumstances,
what measures have we taken that betray a desire of independence? Have
we called in the aid of those foreign powers who are the rivals of your
grandeur? Have we taken advantage of the weakness of your troops,
and hasted to destroy them before they were reinforced? Have not we
permitted them to receive the succours we could have intercepted? Let
not your enemies and ours persuade you that in this we were influenced
by fear or any other unworthy motive! The lives of Britons are still dear
to us. When hostilities were commenced,-when, on a late occasion, we
were wantonly attacked by your troops, though we repelled their assaults
and returned their blows, yet we lamented the wounds they obliged us to
inflict; nor have we yet learned to rejoice at a victory over Englishmen."
After reminding the British people that the extinction of liberty in America would be only a prelude to its eclipse in Britain, they concluded in
these terms: —" A cloud hangs over your heads and ours. Ere this
reaches you, it may probably burst upon us. Let us, then, (before the
remembrance of former kindness be obliterated,) once more repeat these
appellations which are ever grateful to our ears,-let us entreat Heaven to
avert our ruin, and the destruction that threatens our friends, brethren, and
countrymen, on the other side of the Atlantic."
Aware that a great deal of discontent existed in Ireland, the Congress
conceived the hope of rendering this sentiment conducive to the multiplica
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 17
tion of their own partisans and the embarrassment of the British court; and
to this end in their address to Ireland they alluded to the past oppression
and present opportunities of this people with a politic show of sympathy
and friendship calculated at once to foment agitation among them, and to
attach to themselves the numerous bands of Irish emigrants who had
resorted and still continued to resort to the American provinces. "The
innocent and oppressed Americans," they declared, "naturally desire the
sympathy and good-will of a humane and virtuous people who themselves
have suffered under the rod of the same oppressor."
Having thus made their last appeals to the king and people of Great
Britain, the Congress proceeded to organize their military force, and issued
bills of credit to the amount of three millions of Spanish milled dollars (for
the redemption of which the confederated colonies were pledged).to defray
the expenses of the military establishments and operations. Articles of
war for the regulation of the continental army were framed; measures
were pursued for the enlistmnent of regirnents; and a declaration or manifesto was published, setting forth the causes and necessity of recourse to
arms, and withal protesting that American resistance would end as soon as
American wrongs were redressed.
A battalion of artillery was formed, and the
command of it intrusted to Henry Knox, a
native of Boston, whom the force of his genius
and the peculiar bent of his taste and studies
had already qualified to sustain the part of an
accenlmplislled master of the art of war, and
ilhc('se successful exertions in the sequel to
__, D o impr;ve the American ordnance and artillery
excited the surprise and admiration of the most
accom plished officers of Europe. In all the
provinces the enlistment of troops was promoted
G IN EA:. L r. X,.. by the operation of the late acts of parliament,
which deprived many of the inhabitants of
America of their usual employments and means of subsistence.
The nomination of a commander-in-chief of the American forces was the
next, and not the least important measure which demanded from the Congress the united exercise of its wisdomn and authority. Its choice (and
never was choice more happily directed) fell upon George Washington,
whom previous scenes have already introduced to our acquaintance, and
whose services, especially in Braddock's campaign, had been always the
more fondly appreciated by his countrymen, from the flattering contrast
they suggested between British rashness and misco6nduct, and American
skill, foresight, and energy. The deputies of the New England states,
ess acquainted with the achievements and character of' Washington than
VOL 1. — B 2
18 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.
the people of the southern provinces, and warmly admiring their own
officers, would willingly have conferred this high dignity upon one of
them; and Putnam, Ward, and several others were named as candidates;
but the partisans of these officers, perceiving that Washington possessed a
majority of suffrages, and that his was the name the most widely spread
abroad in America, forbore a vain opposition, and promoted the public confidence by uniting to render the election unanimous. [June 15.] Of the
other officers who had been proposed, some, though inhabitants, were not
natives of America; and some had distinguished themselves by undisguised and headlong zeal for American independence. None of them
possessed the ample fortune of Washington, who, in addition to this advantage and to the claim arising from previous services, was a native American; and though a firm friend of American liberty, yet moderate in his
relative views and language, and believed still to cherish the hope, or at
least the wish, of reconcilement with the parent state. In conferring the
supreme command on him, the partisans of conciliation meant to promote a
friend, and the partisans of independence hoped to gain one. Nature and
fortune had singularly combined to adapt and to designate this individual
for the distinguished situations which he now and afterwards attained, and
the arduous duties they'involved. A long struggle to defend the frontiers
of Virginia against continual incursions of the French and Indians,-the
command of a clumsy, ill-organized provincial militia, prouder of being free
citizens than effective soldiers, and among whom he had to introduce and
establish the restraints of discipline,-obliged with minute labour and constant activity to superintend and give impulsion to every department of the
service over which he presided, to execute as well as order, to negotiate,
conciliate, project, command, and endure;-there could not have been a
better preparatory education for the office of commander-in-chief of the
motley, ardent, and untrained levies that constituted at present the army
of America. His previous functions and exertions, arduous rather than
splendid, excited respect without envy, and, combined with the influence
of his character and manners, qualified him to exercise command and prepared his countrymen to brook his ascendency. The language and
deportment of this truly great man were in general remarkably exempt
from every strain of irregular vehemence and every symptom of indeliberate thought; disclosing an even tenor of steadfast propriety, an austere
but graceful simplicity, sound considerate sense and prudence, the gravity
of a profound understanding and habitual reflection, and the tranquil
grandeur of an elevated soul. Of this moral superiority, as of all human
virtue, part was the fruit of wise discipline and resolute self-control; fox
Washington was naturally passionate and irritable, and had increased
the vigour and authority of every better quality of his mind by the conquest and subjection of those rebellious elements of its composition. Calm,
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 19
modest, and reserved, yet dignified, intrepid, inflexibly firm, and persevering; indefatigably industrious and methodical; just, yet merciful and
humane; frugal and calculating, yet disinterested; circumspect, yet enterprising; serious, virtuous, consistent, temperate, and sincere,-his moral
portraiture displays a blended variety of excellence, in which it is difficult
to assign a predominant lustre to any particular grace, except perhaps a
grave majestic composure. Ever superior to fortune, he enjoyed her
smiles with moderation, endured her frowns with serenity, and showed
himself alike in victory forbearing, and in defeat undaunted. No danger
cr difficulty could disturb his equanimity, and no disaster paralyze his
energy or dishearten his confidence. The same adverse vicissitude that
would have drained an ordinary breast of all its spirit served but to call
forth new streams of vigour from Washington's generous soul. His countenance and general aspect corresponded with the impression produced by
his character. Fixed, firm, collected, and resolved, yet considerately kind,
it seemed composed for dignity and high exploit. A sound believer in the
divine doctrines of Christianity, he was punctual and devout in discharging
every public and private office of Christian piety. Perhaps there never
was another man who trod with more unsullied honour the highest sways
of glory, or whose personal character and conduct exercised an influence
so powerful and so beneficial on the destiny of a great nation. That he
was childless was, considering his situation, a fortunate circumstance, as it
obstructed the jealousies that might have impaired the public confidence,
and facilitated the disinterested purpose of declining all emolument for his
services,-a purpose declared in the modest yet firm and resolute speech
in which he accepted the commission now conferred on him by his colleagues in Congress. This assembly assured him that they would support
and adhere to him with their lives and fortunes; and, with a studied conformity to the language of the Roman Senate in seasons of public danger,
instructed him, in the discharge of the great trust he had received, to make
it his especial care that the liberties of.America receive no detriment.
Departing to assume the exercise of his function, [July 2,] Washington
found, on his arrival in Massachusetts, that the British army, in two divisions, had intrenched itself on Bunker's Hill and Dorchester Neck, adjoining to Boston, where it was still blockaded by the American forces who
occupied both sides of the river Charles. About two months afterwards,
General Gage embarked for England, and the command of the Britishb
forces devolved on Sir William Howe.
SIEGE OF BOSTON.'l-~'ASHINGTON, on his arrival at the camnp, had found (he
acknowledged) the materials for a good army, but assemW~X@t|bled, rather than combined, and in a state of the crudest, " i Icomposition. Never was a military commander beset by
___ a greater or more perplexing variety of counteractions.
The troops having been separately raised by the various provincial governmnents, no uniformity existed among the regiments. Animated by the
spirit of that liberty for which they were preparing to fight, and unaccustomed to discipline, they neither felt the inclination nor appreciated the
importance of subjection to military rules. Every one was more forward
to advise and to command than to obey,-forgetful that independence must
be securely acquired before it can be safely enjoyed, and unaware that
liberty, to be gained by battle, must be preceded by submission, nearly
mechanical, to the sternest restraint of absolute authority. In many of the
regiments the officers had been elected by their troops, whose suffrages too
often were gained by a show of enthusiastic confidence which was mistaken for genius and valour, and of furious zeal for American liberty
which not less erroneously was supposed the certain test of pure honour,
generous virtue, and sound patriotism. In other cases, it proved, that
when a regiment was in process of constitution, the men elected only
those for officers who consented to throw their pay into a joint stock, from
20
SIEGE O1' BOSTON. 21
which all the members of the regimental body, officers, drummers, and
privates, drew equal shares. These defects were counterbalanced by the
ardent zeal and stubborn resolution of the troops, and the strong persuasion
they cherished of the justice and glory of their country's cause. When
the last speech of the British monarch to his Parliament was circulated in
the camp, it produced a violent burst of universal indignation, and was
publicly burned by the soldiers with the strongest demonstrations of contempt and abhorrence. They expunged at the same time from their
standards every emblem appropriate to the British crown, and adopted a
flag variegated with thirteen coloured stripes, in allusion to the number of
the confederated provinces. The difficulty of establishing a due subordination in the American camp was greatly enhanced by the shortness of
the terms for which the regiments were enlisted, none of which were to
endure for more than a few months. Nor was it long before Washington,
in addition to his other embarrassments, made the alarming discovery, that
his troops laboured under a deficiency of bayonets, and that all the powder
in his possession was barely sufficient to furnish each man with nine cartridges. By the exertion of consummate address, and with a magnanimous
sacrifice of his own reputation to his country's interest, he succeeded in
concealing these dangerous deficiencies both from the enemy and from the
general knowledge of the American people, some of whom, with audacious
absurdity and injustice, imputed to him a wilful forbearance to destroy the
British forces, for the sake of prolonging his own importance at the head
of the American army. Destitute of tents, a great portion of this army
was lodged in scattered dwellings, a circumstance unfavourable equally to
discipline and to promptitude of operation. There was no commissarygeneral, and consequently no systematic arrangement for obtaining provisions. A supply of clothes was rendered peculiarly difficult by the effect
of the non-importation agreements. There was besides a lack of engineers,
and a deficiency of tools for the construction of works. The American
States were unaccustomed to combined exertion, which was farther
obstructed by the incompact and indefinite frame of the federal league into
which their common rage and danger had driven them. Practically independent of the supreme authority of Congress, and little acquainted with
each other's condition and resources, the provincial governments respectively indulged too often a narrow jealousy of imposing on their constituents
a disproportioned share of the general burdens; and from inexperience, in
addition to other causes, their operations were so defective in harmony,
that stores of food, clothing, and implements of war, collected for the army,
sometimes perished, and were often injuriously detained ty neglect of the
means of transporting them to their appointed destination.
Washington, happily qualified to endure and overcome difficulties,
promptly adopted and patiently pursued the most judicious and ttffeitual
22 SIEGE OF BOSTON.
means to organize the troops, to fit them for combined movements and active
service, and to introduce and mature arrangements for securing a steady
flow of the necessary supplies. Next to these measures, he judged the
re-enlistment of the army the most interesting. To this essential object he
had early solicited the attention of Congress, who appointed a committee of
its members to repair to the military head-quarters at Cambridge, in order
to consult with the commander-in-chief and the magistrates of the New
England States on the most eligible mode of preserving, supporting, and
regulating a continental army. Recruiting orders were issued; but the
progress in collecting recruits was not proportioned to the public exigence.
Many Americans, firmly attached to the cause of their country, indulged
their reluctance to the toil and hardship of military life under the shelter
of a fond credulity which still lingered in contemplation of an adjustment
of the dispute with Britain without farther bloodshed. At the close of the
last year, when all the original troops not engaged on the new establishment were disbanded, there had been enlisted for the army of 1776 little
more than nine thousand men. An earnest recommendation of Washington to try the influence of a bounty was at length acceded to by the
Congress, [January, 1776,] and during the winter the number of recruits
was considerably augmented. Soon after his assumption of the supreme
command, Washington engaged as his secretary and aid-de-camp, Joseph
Reed, a distinguished lawyer in Pennsylvania, and latterly a determined
advocate of American independence, who had resigned a lucrative forensic
practice at Philadelphia, in order to serve as a volunteer in the continental
army in Massachusetts. In his new functions Reed displayed so much
valour and ability, that, on the promotion of Gates in the present year to a
command directed against the British forces in Canada, he was appointed
to succeed to tle post thereby
" ~/> >~ ~.._ e —~~ vacated of adjutant-general of the
American army.! B EFORE this army received its proper military organization,:'.:'~] = or discipline had strengthened the hands of the officers, they;y'j~~~iWi~ g were obliged to supply their defective power by the influence
of their own example and the authority of their personal character.
Passion and zeal had collected the first levies of men. But passions
spend themselves, and zeal declines, while habits of discipline abide,
and though they render the character of an army much less romantic and
interesting, they mightily increase its steadiness and vigour as an effective
machine. After the first ardour of the American troops was somewhat
spent, considerable vices and disorders broke out among them. The virtue,
(and it was very great) that still manifested itself in their ranks was the
nore creditable from its superiority to the contagious influence of evil
SIEGE OF BOSTON. 23
example, and as arising purely from natural character and sentiment, a Id
not from that professional sense of honour educated by the habits of civilized schools of war. Great disadvantage has accrued to the reputation of
the American troops from the almost intolerable pressure of the distress
and privations to which they were exposed; and in some of the works that
record their campaigns, the virtue they long exerted in resisting temptations to mutiny and disorder is obscured by the acts of pillage and desertion
to which the extremity of suffering did in the end occasionally impel them.
Never before had there arisen in the world a war so universally interesting
to mankind as the revolutionary warfare between Britain and America.
Unlike prior wars, its incidents were instantly recorded by numerous pens
and extensively circulated with the minutest detail. Harsh lines and features were thus preserved, which would have escaped or been softened in
a more distant survey; and circumstances both melancholy and disgusting,
the concomitants of every war, have by many writers and readers been
regarded as almost, if not entirely, peculiar to the war of the American
Revolution.
The'conflicts of Lexington and Bunker's Hill, and other similar encounters that signalized the commencement of hostilities, tended to delude the
Americans with very exaggerated notions of the efficacy of their militia,
which had been exhibited in situations peculiarly favourable to a force of
this description. They entertained a rooted prejudice against troops of the
line, and, appreciating the example of Braddock as erroneously as that unfortunate commander had appreciated his own position, they cherished the
chimerical hope of organizing every year a new militia force capable of
withstanding the attack of a regular army. The prevalence and the dangerous consequences of this delusion were strikingly illustrated by the
general panic and consternation that followed the first victories of the disciplined troops of Britain in the close of the present year. It was a
more surprising and more honourable trait in the character of the Ameri.
can troops and people, that even in such trying circumstances they were
never tempted to withdraw the generous confidence which they reposed in
their commanders, but invariably displayed a noble superiority to those
mean suspicions of treachery which rage and vanity so readily suggest to
nations irritated by reverses after having been intoxicated by success. A
numerous party in the Congress, however, continued long to resist the formation of a regular army; and even when this could no longer be avoided,
they jealously opposed the measures that were necessary to the improvement of its military habits and discipline. " God forbid," they exclaimed,
"that the civic character should be so far lost in the soldiers of our army, that
they should cease to long for the enjoyments of domestic happiness. Let
frequent furloughs be granted, rather than the endearments of wives and children should cease to alure the individuals of our army from camps to farms."
24 SIEGE OF BOSTON.
During the winter, the British troops that occupied Boston, suffered
great privations from scarcity of food and of fuel. An armament, which
their commander despatched in quest of provisions to Savannah, in Georgia, was opposed by the militia of this province, and, after some sharp en.
counters, finally repulsed. Washington had hitherto found ample scope
for his most strenuous activity within the limits of his own encampment;
but desirous now by some grand and important achievement to elevate the
spirits of his army and country, he conceived the project of attacking Boston-as soon as the circumstances of his situation might seem to justify an
effort so critical and adventurous. Towards the middle of February, the
coldest portion of the season having begun, and the ice becoming sufficiently firm to support the troops, he was disposed to undertake that enterprise; but deferred it with reluctance in consequence of the almost unanimous disapprobation of his council of war. The effective regular force of
the Americans: in this quarter now amounted to upwards of fourteen thousand men, —in addition to which, the corlmander-in-chief called into active
service about six thousand of the militia of Massachusetts; and with these
forces he determined to take possession of the Heights of Dorchester,
whence he would possess the poxwer of inflicting severe annoyance on the
British soldiery and shipping in the town and harbour of Boston. By
assuming this position, from which an attempt to dislodge him by the enemy
was certain, he expected to bring on a general action, during which he intended to cross with a part of his forces from the Cambridge side of the
river and attack the town of Boston; counting, doubtless, on being aided
by a simultaneous insurrection of the citizens. To conceal his design, by
diverting the attention of the British army, a heavy bombardment of their
lines was commenced one evening [March 2] and continued during the
two following nights. On the third evening, [March 4,] immediately after
the firing began, a strong detachment of the American forces under the
command of General Thomas, proceeding from Roxbury, took silent possession of Dorchester Heights. The ground was almost impenetrably hard,
but the night was mild; and by labouring with great diligence, the troops
before morning advanced their works so far as to cover themselves in a
great measure from the shot of the enemy. When the British, at break
of day, [March 5,] discovered these works, magnified to their view by the
intervention of a hazy atmosphere, they were struck with astonishment,
and gloomily anticipated a repetition of the carnage of Bunker's Hill.
"The rebels have done more in one night," said General Howe, " than my
whole army would have done in a month."
Nothing now remained. but to abandon the town or instantly to dislodge
the Americans from Dorchester Heights. Howe, with more enterprise and
energy than isually characterized his military,policy, decided to venture
arn attack; and took measures for the embarkation on the same evening of
SIEGE OF BOSTON. 2b
SIEGEE OF BOSTON.
two thousand chosen troops on this important and hazardous service. The
Americans, remarking this demonstration, prepared to abide the encounter
with a lively valour, which was inflamed to the utmost eagerness by Washington's seasonable remark to therm, that this was the anniversary of the
Boston massacre, and that the day of vengeance for their slaughtered
countrymen had arrived. But the royal troops were hardly embarked in
the transports, when a tremendous storm arose, and the fury of the elements, intercepting human strife, rendered the execution of Howe's design
impracticable. A British council of war was assembled the next morning,
[March 6,] and recommended the evacuation of Boston with all possible
speed. Whether from the numerous preparations which were requisite, or
from a lingering sentiment of shame in the breast of the British commander
some delay occurred before this measure was carried into effect. Meanwhile,
the Americans were actively engaged in strengthening and extending their
works; and on the morning of the 17th of March, the British discovered
a breastwork which had been constructed by their enemies during the night
at Nook's Hill, on Dorchester Peninsula, and completely commanded Boston Neck, and the southern quarters of the town. Delay was no longer
consistent with safety. A flag of truce was sent by the selectmen of the
town to Washington, intimating that Howe was making preparation to retire,
and that he was willing to leave the town undamaged, provided his own
retreat were unmolested. Washington declined to give any pledge to this
VoL. II-4 C
26 SIEGE OF BOSTON.
effect, but expressed himself in terms that tranquillized his countrymen and
the British commander. At four o'clock the next morning, [March 15,]
the discomfited British army, amounting to about ten thousand men, and
attended by all the inhabitants of Boston who were attached to the royal
cause, began to embark; and in a few hours they were under sail for Ialifax, in Nova Scotia. As the British rear-guard embarked, Washington. at
the head of his successful forces, marched into Boston, whose remaining
inhabitants hailed their deliverance and deliverer with triumphant joy. A
considerable quantity of valuable military stores fell into the possession of
the victors; and a British vessel, arriving at Boston soon after, with a tardy
reinforcement to the fugitive army, was forced to surrender the troops she
conveyed as prisoners of war. The American Congress testified their satisfaction with this exploit by a formal resolve, " That thanks be presented to
General Washington, and the officers and soldiers under his command, for
their wise and spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of Boston, and
that a medal of gold be struck in commemoration of this great event and
presented to his Excellency." Shortly after the departure of the British
troops from the town, the fortification of its harbour was undertaken and
accomplished by the zeal of the people of Boston, and of the neighbouring
districts. Many persons (clergymen as well as laymen) aided as volunteers
in this important service; and only the poorest of the inhabitants who took
a share in it, received wages for their labour.
Q E B C O.
INVASION OF CANADA.
OLONEL ARNOLD having begun his military career with a series of successes, was
urged by his native impetuosity to' project
more extensive operations. He wrote a letter
to Congress, strongly urging an expedition
into Canada, and offering with two thousand
men to reduce the whole province. In his
ardent zeal to oppose Great Britain, he had
advised the adoption of offensive war, even
before Congress had organized an army or
appointed a single military officer. His importunity was at last successful,
as shall hereafter be related, but not till two months had elapsed subsequent
to his first proposition of conducting an expedition against Canada. Such
was the increasing fervour of the public mind in 1775, that what, -in the
27
28 INVASION OF CANADA.
early part of the year, was deemed violent and dangerous, was in its pro.
gress pronounced both moderate and expedient.
Sir Guy Carleton, the king's governor in Canada, no sooner heard that
the Americans had surprised Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and obtained
the command of Lake Champlain, than he planned a scheme for their recovery. Having only a few regular troops under his command, he endeavoured to induce the Canadians and Indians to co-operate with him, but
they both declined. He established martial law that he might compel the
inhabitants to take arms. They declared themselves ready to defend the
province, but refused to march out of it, or to commence hostilities on their
neighbours. Colonel Johnston had, on the same occasion, repeated conferences with the Indians, and endeavoured to influence them to take up
the hatchet, but they steadily refused. In order to gain their co-operation,
he invited them to feast on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood. This, in
the Indian style, meant no more than to partake of a roasted ox and a pipe
of wine, at a public entertainment, which was given on design to influence
them to co-operate with the British troops. The colonial patriots affected
to understand it in its literal sense. It furnished, in their mode of explication, a convenient handle for operating on the passions of the people.
These exertions in Canada, which were principally made with a view to
recover Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and the command of Lake Champlain,
induced Congress to believe that a formidable invasion of their north-western
frontier was intended, from that quarter. The evident tendency of the Quebec act favoured this opinion. Believing it to be the fixed purpose of the
British ministry to attack the united colonies on that side, they conceived
that they would be inexcusable if they neglected the proper means for
warding off so terrible a blow. They were also sensible that the only
practicable plan to effect this purpose, was to make a vigorous attack upon
Canada, while it was unable to resist the unexpected impression. Their
success at Ticonderoga and Crown Point had already paved the way for
this bold enterprise, and had broken down the fences which guarded the
entrance into that province. On the other hand, they were sensible that
by taking this step, they changed at once the whole nature of the war.
From defensive it became offensive, and subjected them to the imputation
of being the aggressors. They were well aware that several who had
espoused their cause in Britain, would probably be offended at this measure, and charge them with heightening the mischiefs occasioned by the
dispute. They knew that the principles of resistance, as far as they had
hitherto acted upon them, were abetted by a considerable party even in
Great Britain; and that to forfeit their good opinion, might be of great
disservice. Considerations of this kind made them weigh well the import.
ant step before they ventured upon it. They, on the other hand, reflected
that the eloquence of the minority in parliament, and the petitions and re
INVASION OF CANADA. 29
monstrances of the merchants in Great Britain, had produced no solid ad.
vantages in their favour; and that they had no chance of relief, but from
the smiles of Heaven on their own endeavours. The danger was pressing.
War was not only inevitable, but already begun. To wait till they were
attacked by a formidable force at their backs, in the very instant when their
utmost exertions would be requisite, perhaps insufficient, to protect their cities
and seacoast against an invasion from Britain, would be the summit of folly.
The laws of war and of nations justified the forestalling of an enemy. The
colonists argued that to prevent known hostile intentions, was a matter of
self-defence; they were also sensible they had already gone such lengths
as could only be vindicated by arms; and that if a certain degree of success
did not attend their resistance, they would be at the mercy of an irritated
government, and their moderation in the single instance of Canada would
be an unavailing plea for indulgence. They were also encouraged to proceed, by certain information that the French inhabitants of Canada, except
the noblesse and the clergy, were as much discontented with their present
system of government as even the British settlers. It seemed therefore
probable, that they would consider the provincials rather as friends than
as enemies. The invasion of that province was therefore determined upon,
if found practicable, and not disagreeable to the Canadians.
Congress had committed the management of their military arrangements,
in this northern department, to General Schuyler and General Montgomery.
While the former remained at Albany, to attend an Indian treaty, the latter
was sent forward to Ticonderoga, with a body of troops from New York
and New England. Soon after reaching Ticonderoga, he made a movement down Lake Champlain. General Schuyler overtook him at Cape la
Motte; from thence they moved on to Isle aux Noix. About this time
General Schuyler addressed the inhabitants, informing them "that the only
views of Congress were to restore to them those rights which every subject
of the British empire, of whatever religious sentiments he may be, is entitled to; and that in the execution of these trusts he had received the most
positive orders to cherish every Canadian, and every friend to the cause of
liberty, and sacredly to guard their property."'Trle Americans, about one
thousand in number, effected a landing at St. John's, which being the first
British post in Canada, lies only one hundred and fifteen miles to the
northward of Ticonderoga. The British piquets were driven into the fort.
The environs were then reconncitred, and the fortifications were found to
be much stronger than had been suspected. This induced the calling of
a council of war, which recommended a retreat to Isle aux Noix, twelve
miles south of St. John's, to throw a boom across the channel, and to erect
works for its defence. Soon after this event, an extreme bad state of health
induced General Schuyler to retire to Ticonderoga, and the command de.
volved op General Montgomery.
c2
30 INVASION OF CANADA.
This enterprising officer in a few days
returned to the vicinity of St. John's, and
opened a battery against it. Ammunition
was so scarce that the siege could not be
carried on with any prospect of speedy
success. The general detached a small
body of troops, to attempt the reduction of
Fort Chamblee, only six miles distant. Success attended this enterprise. By its surrender six tons of gunpowder were obtained,,~(~~ -~ — which enabled the general to prosecute the
siege of St. John's with vigour. The garrison, though straitened for provisions, persevered in defending themselves with unabated fortitude.
While General Montgomery was prosecuting this siege, the governor of
the province collected at Montreal about eight hundred men, chiefly militia
and Indians. He endeavoured to cress the river St. Lawrence with this
force, and land at Lonqueil, intending to proceed thence to attack the
besiegers; but Colonel Warner, with three hundred green mountain boys,
and a four pounder, prevented the execution of the design. The governor's party was suffered to come near the shore, but was then fired upon
with such effect as to make them retire after sustaining great loss.
An account of this affair being communicated to the garrison in St.
John's, Major Preston, the commanding officer, surrendered on receiving
honourable terms of capitulation. By these it was agreed, that the garrison should march out with the honours of war, that the officers and privates should ground their arms on the plain —the officers keep their sidearms, and their firearms be reserved for theln, and that the people of the
garrison should retain their effects. About five hundred regulars and a
hundred Canadians became prisoners to the provincials. They also
acquired thirty-nine pieces of cannon, seven mortars, and two howitzers,
and about eight hundred stand of arms. Among the cannon were
many brass field-pieces, an article of which the Americans were nearly
destitute.
While the siege of St. John's was pending, Colonel Allen, who was
returning with about eighty men from a tour on which he had been sent
by his general, was captured by the British near Montreal, loaded with
irons, and in that condition sent to England. Major Brown proposed that
Colonel Allen should return to Lonqueil, procure canoes, and cross the
river St. Lawrence, a little to the north of Montreal, while he with a force
of about two hundred men crossed a little to the south of it. The former
crossed in the night, but the latter by some means failed on his part.
(,>/onel Allen found himself the next morning unsupported, and expose&
to immediate danger, but, nevertheless, concluded on maintaining his
INVASION OF CANADA. 31
groiund. General Carleton, knowing his weakness, marched out against
him with a superior force. The colonel defended himself with his wonted
bravery, but being deserted by several of his party, and having lost fifteen
of his men, 1e was compelled to surrender with the remainder, amounting to thirty-eight.
After the reduction of St. John's, General Montgomery proceeded
towards Montreal. The few British forces there, unable to stand their
ground, repaired for safety on board the shipping, in hopes of escaping
down the river; but they were prevented by Colonel Easton, who was
stationed at the point of Sorel river, with a number of continental troops,
some cannon, and an armed gondola. General Prescot, who was on board,
with several officers, and about a hundred and twenty privates, having no
chance of escape, submit'ed to be prisoners on terms of capitulation.
Eleven sail of vessels, wil.h all their contents, consisting of ammunition,
provision, and intrenchirlg tools, became the property of the provincials.
Governor Carleton W7p, rbout this time, conveyed in a boat with muffled
paddles, by a secret'rj' to the Three Rivers, and from thence to Quebec
in a few days.
When Montretl rTas evacuated by the troops, the inhabitants applied to
General Montgecrery for a capitulation. He informed them, that as they
were defenceless, they could not expect such a concession; but he engaged
upon his honour to maintain the individuals and religious communities of
the city, in the peaceable enjoyment of their property, and the free exercise of their religion. In all his transactions, he spoke, wrote, and acted
with dignity and propriety, and in particular treated the inhabitants with
liberality and politeness.
Montreal, which at this time surrendered to the provincials, carried on
an extensive trade, and contained many of those articles, which, from the
operation of the resolutions of Congress, could not be imported into any of
the united colonies. From these stores the American soldiers, who had
hitherto suffered fronm the want of suitable clothing, obtained a plentiful
supply.
General Montgomery, after leaving some troops in Montreal, and sending detachments into different parts of the province to encourage the Canadians, and to forward provisions, advanced towards the capital. His little
army arrived with expedition before Quebec. Shccess had hitherto
crowned every attempt of General Montgomery, but, notwithstanding, his
situation was very embarrassing.-Much to be pitied is the officer, who
having been bred to arms, in the strict discipline of regular armies, is
afterwards called to command men who carry with them the spirit of free
dom into the field. The greater part of the Americans, officers as well
as soldiers, having never seen any service, were ignorant of their duty
and but feebly impressed with the military ideas of union, subordination.
32 INVASION OF CANADA.
and discipline. The army was continental in name and pay, but in uo
other respect. Not only the troops of different colonies conceived them
selves independent of each other, but, in some instances, the different regi
ments of the same colony were backward to submit to the orders of
officers in a higher grade of another line. They were also soon tired of
a military life.-Novelty and the first impulse of passion had led them to
camp; but the approaching cold season, together with the fatigues and
dangers incident to war, induced a general wish to relinquish the service.
Though by the terms of their enlistment, they were to be discharged in a
few weeks, they could not brook an absence from their homes for that
short space of timne. The ideas of liberty and independence, which
roused the colonists to oppose the claims of Great Britain, operated
against that implicit obedience which is necessary to a well-regulated
army.
Even in European states, where long habits have established submission
to superiors as a primary duty of the common people, the difficulty of
governing recruits, when first led to the field from civil occupations, is
great i but to exercise discipline over fieemen, accustomed to act only fronm
the impulse of their own minds, required not only a knowledge of human
nature, but an accommodating spirit, and a degree of patience which is
rarely found among officers of regular armies. The troops under the immediate command of General Montgomery, were, from their usual habits,
averse to the ideas of subordination, and had suddenly passed from domestic
ease, to the numberless wants and distresses which are incident to marches
through strange and desert countries. Every difficulty was increased by
the short term for which they were enlisted. To secure the affections of
the Canadians, it was necessary for the American general to restrain the
appetites, and control the licentiousness of his soldiery, while the appearance of military harshness was dangerous, lest their good will might be
forfeited. In this choice of difficulties, the genius of Montgomery surnounted many obstacles. During his short but glorious career, he conducted with so much prudence, as to make it doubtful whether we ought
to admire most, the goodness of the man, or the address of the general.
About the same time that Canada was invaded, in the usual route from
New York, a considerable detachment from the American army at Cambridge was conducted into that royal province by a new and unexpected
passage. Colonel Arnold, who successfully conducted this bold undertaking, thereby acquired the name of the American Hannibal. He was detached
[September 13] with a thousand men, from Cambridge, to penetrate into
Canada, by ascending the river Kennebeck, and descending by the Chaundiere to the river St. Lawrence. Great were the difficulties these troops
had to encounter in marching by an unexplored route three hundred miles
through an uninhabited country. In ascending the Kennebeck, they were
INVASION OF CANADA. 33
constantly obliged to work upwards against an impetuous current. They
were often compelled, by cataracts or other impediments, to land and to
haul their batteaux up rapid streams, and over falls of rivers. Nor was
their march by land more eligible than this passage by water. They had
deep swamps, thick woods, difficult mountains, and craggy precipices
alternatively to encounter. At some places they had to cut their way
for miles together through forests, so embarrassed that their progress was
only four or five miles a day. The constant fatigue caused many men to
fall sick. One-third of the number which set out, were, from want of necessaries, obliged to return; the others proceeded with unabated fortitude
and constancy. Provisions grew at length so scarce that some of the men
eat their dogs, cartouch-boxes, breeches, and shoes. When they were a
hundred miles from any habitation or prospect of a supply, their whole
store was divided, which yielded four pints of flour for each man. After
they had baked and eaten their last morsel, they had thirty miles to travel
before they could expect any farther supply. The men bore up under
these complicated distresses with the greatest fortitude. They gloried in
the hope of completing a march which would rival the fame of similar expeditions undertaken by the heroes of antiquity. Having spent thirty-one
days in traversing a hideous wilderness, without ever seeing any thing
human, they at length reached the inhabited parts of Canada. They were
there well received, and supplied with every thing necessary for their
comfort. The Canadians were struck with amazement when they saw
this armed force emerging from the wilderness. It had never entered their
conceptions that it was possible for human beings to traverse such immense
wilds. The most pointed instructions had been given to this corps, to
conciliate the affections of the Canadians. It was particularly enjoined
upon them, if the son of Lord Chatham, then an officer in one of the British
regiments in that province, should fall into their hands, to treat him with
all possible attention, in return for the great exertions of his father in
behalf of American liberty. A manifesto subscribed by General Washington, which had been sent from Cambridge with this detachment, was circulated among the inhabitants of Canada. In this tb',y were invited to
arrange themselves under the standard of general lit rty; and they were
informed that the American army was sent into the province, not to plunder
but to protect them.
While General Montgomery lay at Montreal, Colonel Arnold lay at
Point Levy, opposite Quebec. [November 8.] Such was the consternation of the garrison and inhabitants at his unexpected appearance,
that had not the river intervened an immediate attack in the first sur.
prise and confusion might have been successful. The bold enterprise of one American army marching through the wilderness, at a time
when success was crowning every undertaking of another invading in a
VOL. 11.-5
34 INVASION OF CANADA.
dfierent directic n, struck terror into the breasts of those Canadians wno
were unfriendly to the designs of Congress. The embarrassments of the
garrison were increased by the absence of Sir Guy Garleton.. That gallant
officer, on hearing of Montgomery's invasion, prepared to oppose him in
the extremes of the province. While he was collecting a force to attack
invaders in one direction, a different corps, emerging out of the depths of
an unexplored wilderness, suddenly appeared from another. In a few
days after Colonel Arnold had arrived at Point Levy, he crossed the river
St. Lawrence, but his chance of succeeding by a coup-de-main was in that
short space greatly diminished. The critical moment was past. The
panic occasioned by his first appearance had abated, and solid preparations
for the defence of the town were adopted. The inhabitants, both English
and Canadians, as soon as danger pressed, united for their common defence.
Alarmed for their property, they were "t their own request, embodied for
its security. The sailors were taken from the shipping in the harbour,
and put to the batteries (,n shore. As Colonel Arnold had no artillery,
after parading some days on the heights near Quebec, he drew off his
troops, intending nothing more until the arrival of Montgomery, than to cut
off supplies from entering the garrison.
So favourable were the prospects of the united colonies at this period,
that General Montgomery set on foot a regiment of Canadians, to be in the
pay of Congress. James Livingston, a native of New York, who had long
resided in Canada, was appointed to the command thereof, and several
recruits were engaged for the term of twelve months. The inhabitants on
both sides of the river St. Lawrence were very friendly. Expresses in
the employ of the Americans went without molestation backwards and
forwards, between Montreal and Quebec. Many individuals performed
signal services in favour of the invading army. Among a considerable
number, Mr. Price stands conspicuous, who advanced 50001. in specie, for
their use.
Various causes had contributed to attach the inhabitants of Canada,
especially those of the inferior classes, to the interest of Congress, and to
alienate their affer tions from the government of Great Britain. The contest was for liberty. and there is something in that sound, captivating to
the mind of man in a state of original simplicity. It was for the colonies,
and Canada was also a colony. The objects of the war were therefore
supposed to be for their common advantage. The form of government
lately imposed on them by act of parliament, was far from being so free as
the constitutions of the other colonies, and was in many respects particularly oppressive. The common people had no representative share in
enacting the laws by which they were fo be governed, and were subjected
to the arbitrary will of persons, over whom they had no constitutional cont-ol. Distinctions so degrading were not unobserved by the native Cana
INVASION OF CANADA. 35
dians, but were more obvious to those who had known the privileges enjoyed in the neighbouring provinces. Several individuals educated in New
England and New York, with the high ideas of liberty inspired by their
free constitutions, had in the interval between the peace of Paris, 1763,
and the commencement of the American war, migrated into Canada. Such
sensibly felt the difference between the governments they had left, and the
arbitrary constitution imposed on them, and, both from principle and affection, earnestly persuaded the Canadians to make a common cause with the
united colonies.
Though motives of this kind induced the peasantry of the country to
espouse the interest of Congress, yet sundry individuals, and some whole
orders of men, threw the weight of their influence into the opposite scale.
The legal privileges which the Roman Catholic clergy enjoyed made them
averse to a change, lest they should be endangered by a more intimate
connection with their Prott sta t neighbours. They used their influence
in the next world, as an engin to operate on the movements of the present. They refused absolution t) such of their flocks as abetted the Americans. This interdiction of the joys of heave n, by those who were supposed to hold the keys of it, operated powerfully on the opinions and practices of the superstitious multitude. The seigneurs had also immunities
unknown in the other colonies. Such is the fondness for power in every
human breast, that revolutions are rarely favoured by any order of men
who have reason to apprehend that their future situation will, in case of a
change, be less pre-eminent than before. The saga:ious General Montgomery, no less a man of the world than an officer, discovered great address
in accommodating himself to these clashing interests. Though he knew
the part the popish clergy had acted in opposition to him, yet he conducted
towards them as if totally ignorant of the matter; and treated them and
their religion with great respect and attention. As far as he was authorized to promise, he engaged that their ecclesiastical property should be
secured, and the free exercise of their religion continued. To all he held
forth the flattering idea of calling a convention of representatives, freely
chosen, to institute by its own will such a form of government as they
approved. While the great mind of this illustrious man was meditating
schemes of liberty and happiness, a military force was collecting and
training to oppose him, which in a short time put a period to his valuable life.
At the time the Americans were before Montreal, General Carleton, as
has been related, escaped through their hands and got safe to Quebec.
His presence was itself a garrison. The confidence reposed in his talents
inspired the men under his command to make the most determined resistance. Soon after his arrival, he- issued a proclamation, setting forth.
"That all persons liable to do militia duty, and residing in Quebec, who
refused to arm in conjunction with the royal army, sb )uld in four days quit
36 INVASION OF CANADA.
GENERAL CARLETO O N.
Quebec with their families, and withdraw themselves from the limits of
the district by the first of December. on pain of being treated afterwards
as spies or rebels." All who were unwilling to co-operate with the British army being thus disposed of, the remaining inhabitants, though unused
to arms, became in a little time so far acquainted with them as to be very
useful in defending the town. They supported fatigues and submitted
to command with a patience and cheerfulness that could not be exceeded
by men familiarized to the hardships and subordination of a military life.
General Montgomery having effected, at Point aux Trembles, a junction
with Colonel Arnold, commenced the siege of Quebec. Upon his arrival
before the town, he wrote a letter to the British governor, recommending
an immediate surrender, to prevent the dreadful consequences of a storm.
Though the flag which conveyed this letter was fired upon, and all communication refused, General Montgomery found other means to convey a
letter of the same tenor into the garrison, but the inflexible firmness,f the
governor could not be moved either by threats or dangers. The Americans
INVASION OF CANADA. 37
soon after commenced a bombardment with five small mortars, but with
very little effect. In a few days General Montgomery opened a six-gun
battery, at the distance of seven hundred yards from the walls, but his
metal was too light to make any impression.
The news of General Montgomery's success in Canada had filled the
colonies with expectations that the conquest of Quebec would soon add
fresh lustre to his already brilliant fame. He knew well the consequences
of popular disappointment, and was besides of opinion that unless somEthing decisive was immediately done, the benefit of his previous acquisitions would in a great degree be lost to the American cause. On both
accounts, he was strongly impelled to make every exertion for satisfying
the expectations and promoting the interest of a people, who had honoured
him with so great a share of their confidence. The government of Great
Britain, in the extensive province of Canada, was at that time reduced to
the single town of Quebec. The astonished world saw peaceable colonists
suddenly transformed into soldiers, and these marching through unexplored
wildernesses, and extending themselves by conquests, in the first moment
after they had assumed the profession of arms. Towards the end of the
year, the tide of fortune began to turn. Dissensions broke out between
Colonel Arnold and some of his officers, threatening the annihilation of
discipline. The continental currency had no circulation in Canada, and
all the hard money furnished for the expedition was nearly expended.
Difficulties of every kind were daily increasing. The extremities of fatigue
were constantly to be encountered. The American general had not a sufficient number of men to make the proper reliefs in the daily labours they
underwent; and that inconsiderable number, worn down with toil, was
constantly exposed to the severities of a Canada winter. The period for
which a great part of his men had enlisted, being on the point of expiration, he apprehended that they who were entitled to it would insist on
their discharge. On the other hand, he saw no prospect of staggering the
resolution of the garrison. They were well supplied with every thing
necessary for their defence, and were daily acquiring additional firmness.
The extremity of winter was fast approaching. From these combined
circumstances, General Montgomery was impressed with a conviction, that
the siege should either be raised, or brought to a summary termination.
To storm the place was the only feasible method of effecting the latter
purpose. But this was an undertaking, in which success was but barely
possible. Great minds are seldom exact calculators of danger. Nor do
they minutely attend to the difficulties which obstruct the attainment of
their objects. Fortune, in contempt of the pride of man, has ever had an
influence in the success or failure of military enterprises. Some of the
greatest achievements, of that kind, have owed their success to a nobler
contempt of common forms.
D
38 INVASION OF CANADA.
The upper part of Quebec was surrounded with very strong works,
and the access from the lower town was excessively difficult, from its
almost perpendicular steepness. General Montgomery, from a native
intrepidity, and an ardent thirst for glory, overlooked all these dangers,
and resolved at once either to carry the place or perish in the attempt.
Trusting much to his good fortune-confiding in the bravery of his troops,
and their readiness to follow whithersoever he should lead-and depending
somewhat on the extensiveness of the works, he determined to attempt the
town by escalade.
The garrison of Quebec at this time consisted of about fifteen hundred and
twenty men, of which eight hundred were militia, and four hundred and fifty
were seamen, belonging to the king's frigates, or merchant ships in the
harbour. The rest were marines, regulars, or Colonel Maclean's new
raised emigrants. The American army consisted of about eight hundred
men. Some had been left at Montreal, and near a third of Arnold's
detachment, as has been related, had returned to Cambridge.
General Montgoinery having divided this little force into four detachments, ordered two feints to be made against the upper town, one by
Colonel Livingston, at the head of the Canadian's, against St. John's Gate;
and the other by Major Brown, against Cape Diamond, reserving to himself and Colonel Arnold the two principal attacks against the lower town.
At five o'clock in the morning, [December 31,] General Montgomery
advanced against the lower town. He passed the first barrier, and was
just opening to attack the second, when he was killed, together with his
aide-de-camp, Captain John McPherson, Captain Cheesman, and some
others. This so dispirited the men, that Colonel Campbell, on whom the
command devolved, thought proper to draw them off. In the mean time
Colonel Arnold, at the head of about three hundred and fifty men, passed
through St. Roques, and approached near a two-gun battery, without being
discovered. This he attacked, and though it was well defended, carried
it, but with considerable loss. In this attack ColonelArnold received a
wound, which made it necessary to carry him off the field of battle. His
party, nevertheless, continued the assault, and, pushing on, made themselves masters of a second barrier. These brave men sustained the force
of the whole garrison for three hours, but, finding themselves hemmed in,
and without hopes either of success, relief, or retreat, they yielded to numbers, and the advantageous situation of their adversaries. The loss of the
Americans in killed and wounded was about a hundred, and three hundred were taken prisoners. Among the slain were Captain Kendricks,
Lieutenant Humphries, and Lieutenant Cooper. The behaviour of the
provincial troops was such as might have silenced those who had reproached them for being deficient in courage. The most experienced
reTerans could not have exceeded the firmness they displayed in their las'
INVASION OF CANADA. 39
attack. The issue of this assault relieved the garrison of Quebec from
all apprehensions for its safety. The provincials were so much weakened,
as to be scarcely equal to their own defence. However, Colonel Arnold
had the boldness to encamp within three miles of the town, and had the
address, even with his reduced numbers, to impede the conveyance of
refreshments and provisions into the garrison. His situation was
extremely difficult. He was at an immense distance from those parts
where effectual assistance could be expected. On his first entrance into
the province, he had experienced much kind treatment from the inhabitants. The Canadians, besides being fickle in their resolutions, are apt to
be biased by success. Their disposition to aid the Americans became,
therefore, daily more precarious. It was even difficult to keep the provincial troops from returning to their respective homes. Their sufferings
were great. While their adversaries were comfortably housed in Quebec,
they were exposed in the open air to the extreme rigour of the season.
The severity of a Canada winter was far beyond any thing with which
they were acquainted. The snow lay above four feet deep on a level.
This deliverance of Quebec may be considered as a proof of how much
may be done by one man for the preservation of a country. It also
proves that soldiers may in a short time be formed out of the mass of
citizens.
The conflict being over, the ill will that had subsisted, during the siege,
between the royal and provincial troops, gave way to sentiments of humanity. The Americans who surrendered were treated with kindness.
Ample provisions were made for their wounded, and no unnecessary
severity shown to any. Few men have ever fallen in battle, so much
regretted, by both sides, as General Montgomery. His many amiable
qualities had procured him an uncommon share of private affection, and
his great abilities an equal proportion of public esteem. Being a sincere
lover of liberty, he had engaged in the American cause from principle,
and quitted the enjoyment of an easy fortune and the highest domestic
felicity, to take an active share in the fatigues and dangers of a war, instituted for the defence of the community of which he was an adopted
member. His well-known character was almost equally esteemed by the
friends and foes of the side which he had espoused. In America he was
celebrated as a martyr to the liberties of mankind; in Great Britain as a
misguided good man, sacrificing to what he supposed to be the rights of
his country. His name was mentioned in parliament with singular
respect. Some of the most powerful speakers in that illustrious assembly
displayed their eloquence in sounding his praise and lamenting his fate.
Those in particular who had been his fellow-soldiers in the late war, expatiated on his many virtues. The minister himself acknowledged his
worth while he reprobated the cause for which he fell. He concluded an
40 INVASION OF CANADA.
involuntary panegyric, by saying, "Curse on his virtues, they have
mindone his country."
Though the invasion of Canada was finally unsuccessful, yet the advantages which the Americans gained in the months of September and Octooer, gave fresh spirits to their army and people. The boldness of the
enterprise might have taught Great Britain the folly of persisting in the
design of subjugating America. But instead of preserving the union,
and restoring the peace of the empire by repealing a few of her laws,
she, from mistaken dignity, resolved on a more vigorous prosecution of
the war.
The tide of good fortune, which in the autumn of 1775 flowed in upon
General Montgomery, induced Congress to reinforce the army under his
command. Chamblee, St. John's, and Montreal having surrendered to the
Americans, a fair prospect opened of expelling the British from Canada,
and of annexing that province to the united colonies. While they were in
imagination anticipating these events, the army in which they confided was
defeated, and the general whom they adored was killed. The intelligence
transmitted from General Montgomery, p-revious to his assault on Quebec,
encouraged Congress to resolve that nine battalions should be kept up and
maintained in Canada. The repulse of their army, though discouraging,
did not extinguish the ardour of the Americans. It was no sooner known,
at head-quarters in Cambridge, than General Washington convened a council of war, by which it was resolved, " That as no troops could be spared
from Cambridge, the colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut and New
Hampshire, should be requested to raise three regiments and forward them
to Canada. Congress also resolved to forward the reinforcements previously
voted, and to raise four battalions in New York, for the defence of that
colony, and to garrison Crown Point, and the several posts to the southward of that fortress. That the army might be supplied with blankets for
this winter expedition, a committee was appointed to procure from householders, such as could be spared from their families. To obtain a supply
of hard money for the use of the army in Canada, proper persons were
employed to exchange paper money for specie. Such was the enthusiasm
of the times that many thousand Mexican dollars were freely exchanged at
par, by individuals, for the paper bills of Congress. It was also resolved
to raise a corps of artillery for this service, and to take into the pay of the
colonies one thousand Canadians, in addition to Colonel Livingston's regiment. Moses Hazen, a native of Massachusetts, who had resided many
years in Canada, was appointed to the command of this new corps.
Congress addressed a letter to the Canadians in which they observed,
"Such is the lot of human nature, that the best of causes are subject to
vicissitudes; but generous souls, enlightened and warmed with the fire of
liberty beconle more resolute as difficulties increase." They stated to
INVASION OF CANADA. 41
them, "that eight battalions were raising to proceed to their province, and
that if more force was necessary it should be sent." They requested them
to seize with eagerness the favourable opportunity then offered to co-operate
in the present glorious enterprise, and they advised them to establish associations in their different parishes, to elect.deputies for forming a provinciae assembly, and for representing them in Congress.
The cause of the Americans had received such powerful aid from many
patriotic publications in their gazettes, and from the fervent exhortations
of popular preachers, connecting the cause. of liberty with the animating
principles of religion, that it was determined to employ these two powerful
instruments of revolution, printing and preaching, to operate on the minds
of the Canadians. A complete apparatus for printing, together with a
printer and a clergyman, were therefore sent into Canada.
Congress also appointed Dr. Franklin, Mr. Chase and Mr. Carroll, the
two first of whom were members of their body, and the last a respectable
gentleman of the Roman Catholic persuasion, to proceed to Canada, with
the view of gaining over the people of that colony to the cause of America,
and authorized them to promise on behalf of the united colonies, that Canada
should be received into their association on equa' terims, and also that the
inhabitants thereof should enjoy the free exercise of tneLr religion, and the
peaceable possession of all their ecclesiastical property.
The desire of effecting something decisive in Canada, before the appreaching spring would permit relief to ascend the river St. Lawrence,
added to the enthusiasm of the day, encountered difficulties, which, in less
animated times, would be reckoned. insurmountable. Arthur St. Clair,
who was appointed.colonel of one of the Pennsylvania regiments, received
his recruiting orders on the 10th of January, and notwithstanding the
shortness of the period, his regiment was not only raised, but six companies of it had, in this extreme cold season, completed their march from
Pennsylvania to Canada, a distance of several hundred miles, and on the
eleventh of April following, joined the American army before Quebec.
Though Congress and the states made great exertions to support the war
in Canada, yet from the fall of Montgomery their interest in that colony
daily declined. The reduction of Quebec was an object to which their
resources were inadequate. Their unsuccessful assault on Quebec made
an impression both on the Canadians and Indians unfavouirable to their
views. A woman infected with the small-pox had either been sent
out, or voluntarily came out of Quebec, and by mixing with the American soldiers propagated that scourge of the new world, to the great diminution of the effective force of their army. The soldiers inoculated
themselves, though their officers issued positive orders to the contrary
By the first of May so many new troops had arrived that the American
army, in name, amounted to three thousand, but from the prevalence
VOL. II.-6 D 2
42 INVASION OF CANADA.
of the small-pox there were only nine hundred fit for duty. The in
creasing number of invalids retarded their military operations, and discouraged their friends, while the opposite party was buoyed up with the
expectation that the advancing season would soon bring them relief. To
these causes of the declining interest of Congress, it must be added that the
affections of the Canadians were alienated. They had many and well.
founded complaints against the American soldiers. Unrestrained by the
terror of civil law and refusing obedience to a military code, the hope of
impunity and the love of plunder, led many of the invading army to practices not less disgraceful to themselves, than injurious to the cause in which
they had taken arms. Not only the common soldiers but the officers of
the American army deviated, in their intercourse with the Canadians, from
the maxims of sound policy. Several of them having been lately taken
from obscure life were giddy with their exaltation. Far from home, they
were unawed by those checks which commonly restrain the ferocity of
man.
The reduction of Chamblee, St. John's, and Montreal, together with the
exposed situation of Quebec, being known in England, measures were
without delay adopted by the British ministry to introduce into Canada, as
soon as possible, a force sufficient for the double purpose of recovering
what they had lost, and of prosecuting offensive operations from that quarter
against the revolted colonies. [May 5.] The van of this force made good
its passage, very early in the spring, through the ice up the river St
Lawrence. The expectation of their coming had for some time damped
the hopes of the besiegers, and had induced them to think of a retreat.
The day before the first of the British reinforcements arrived, that measure
was resolved upon by a council of war, and arrangements were made for
carrying it into execution.
INVASION OF CANADA. 43
Governor Carleton was too great a proficient in the art of war, to delay
seizing the advantages which the consternation of the besiegers, and the
arrival of a reinforcement afforded. A small detachment of soldiers and
marines from the ships which had just ascended the river St. Lawrence,
being landed and joined to the garrison in Quebec, he marched out at their
head to attack the Americans. On his approach, he found every thing in
confusion. The late besiegers abandoning their artillery and military stores,
had in great precipitation retreated. In this manner, at the expiration of
five months, the mixed siege and blockade of Quebec was raised. The
fortitude and perseverance of the garrison reflected honour on both officers
and privates.
The reputation acquired by General CarletGn in his military character,
for bravely and judiciously defending the province committed to his care,
was exceeded by the superior applause, merited from his exercise of the
virtues of humanity and generosity. Among the numerous sick in the
American hospitals, se -eral incapable of being moved were left behind.
The victorious general proved himself worthy of success by his treatment
of these unfortunate men; he not only fed and clothed them, but permitted
them when recovered to return home. Apprehending that fear might make
some conceal themselves in the woods, rather th.an by applying for relief
make themselves known, he removed their doubts by a proclamation,
[May 10,] in which he engaged, " that as soon as their health was restored,
they should have free liberty of returning to their respective provinces."
This humane line of conduct was more injurious to the views of the leaders
in the American councils, than the severity practised by other British
commanders. The truly politic, as well as humane, General Carleton,
dismissed these prisoners, after liberally supplying their wants, with a
recommendation "to go home, mind their farms, and keep themselves and
their neighbours from all participation in the unhappy war."
The small force which arrived at Quebec early in May, was followed by
several British regiments, together with the Brunswick troops, in such a
rapid succession, that in a few weeks the whole was estimated at 13,000
men.
The Americans retreated forty-five miles before they stopped. After a
short halt, they proceeded to the Sorel, at which place they threw up some
slight works for their safety. They were there joined by some battalions
coming to reinforce them. About this time General Thomas, the commander-in-chief in Canada, was seized with the small-pox and died; having
forbidden his men to inoculate, he conformed to his own rule, and refused
to avail himself of that precaution. On his death, the command devolved
at first on General Arnold, and afterwards on General Sullivan. It soon
became evident, that the Americans must abandon the whole province of
Canada.
44 INVASION OF CANADA.
From a desire to do something which might counter-balance, in the
minds of the Canadians, the unfavourable impression which this farther
retreat would communicate, General Thomson projected an attack on the
British post at the Three Rivers. This lies about half-way between Quebe
and Montreal, and is so called from the vicinity of one of the branches of a
large river, whose waters are discharged through three mouths into the
St. Lawrence. With this view a detachment of six hundred men was put
under the command of Colonel St. Clair. At their head he advanced to
the village of Nicolette. When every thing was ready for the enterprise,
intelligence was received that six transports escorted by two frigates from
Quebec had arrived and brought a large addition to the late force at the
Three Rivers. This caused some new movements, and a delay till more
troops could be brought forward. General Thomson then came on with
a reinforcement and took the command of the whole. It was determined
to make the proposed attack in four different places at the same time. One
division, commanded by Colonel Wayne, was to gain the eastern extremity
of the town. One, commanded by Colonel Maxwell, was to enter from the
northward about the centre, and the other two divisions, commanded by
Colonels St. Clair and Irvine, were to enter from the westward. The
whole having embarked at midnight, landed at the Point du Lac, about
three hours before day. At some distance from this point, there are two
ways of approaching Three Rivers, one by a road that leads along the
banks of the St. Lawrence, the other by a road almost parallel, but at a
considerable distance. It had been determined to advance on the last.
Intelligence was brought to General Thomson, soon after his landing, that
a party of three or four hundred men were posted at three miles' distance.
The troops were instantly put in motion to dislodge them. The intelligence proved to be false, but it had carried the detachment some distance
beyond the point where the roads separated. To have returned, would
have consumed time that could not be spared, as the day was fast approaching. It was therefore resolved to proceed in a diagonal direction towards
the road they had left. After being much retarded by very difficult
grounds, they arrived at a morass which seemed impassable. Here the
day broke, when they were six miles from their object. General Thomson,
suspecting the fidelity of his guides, put them under arrest, reversed the
order of his march, and again reached the road by the river. He had
advanced but a small distance before he was fired upon by two armed vessels. All expectation of succeeding by surprise was now at an end. It
was therefore instantly determined to make an open attack. The sun was
rising. The drums were ordered to beat, and the troops moved on with
the greatest alacrity. Having advanced three miles farther, the ships of
war began to fire on them. The American officer who led the advance,
struck into a road on the left, which also led to the town, and waes covered
INVASION OF CANADA. 45
from the fire of the ships. This last road was circuitous, and led through
a vast tract of woodland, at that season almost impassable. He nevertheless entered the wood, and the rest of the detachment followed. After
incredible labour, and wading a rivulet breast-deep, they gained the open
country north of the village. A party of the British were soon discovered
about a mile to the left of the Americans, and between them and the town.
Colonel Wayne, ardent for action, immediately attacked them. The onset
was gallant and vigorous, but the contest was unequal. The Americans
were soon repulsed and forced to retreat. In the beginning of the action
General Thomson left the main body of his corps to join that which was
engaged. The woods were so thick, that it was difficult for any person in
motion, after losing sight of an object, to recover it. The general therefore
never found his way back. The situation of Colonel St. Clair, the next in
command, became embarrassing. In his opinion a retreat was necessary,
but not knowing the precise situation of his superior officer, and every
moment expecting his return, he declined giving orders for that purpose.
At last when the British were discovered on the river road, advancing in a
direction to gain the rear of the Americans, Colonel St. Clair, in the
absence of General Thomson, ordered a retreat. This was made by treading back their steps through the same dismal swamp by which they had
advanced. The British marched directly for the Point du Lac, with the
expectation of securing the American batteaux. On their approach, Major
Wood, in whose care they had been left, retired with them to the Sorel. At
the Point du Lac, the British halted and took a very advantageous position. As soon as it was discovered that the Americans had retired, a party
of the British pursued them. When the former arrived near the place of
their embarkation, they found a large party of their enemies posted in their
front, at the same time that another was only three-quarters of a mile in
their rear. Here was a new and trying dilemma, and but little time left
for consideration. There was an immediate necessity, either to lay down
their arms, or attempt by a sudden march to turn the party in front and get
into the country beyond it. The last was thought practicable. Colonel
St. Clair having some knowledge of the country from his having served in
it in the preceding war, gave them a route by the Acadian village, where
the river de Loups is fordable. They had not advanced far when Colonel
St. Clair found himself unable to proceed, from a wound, occasioned by a
root which had penetrated through his shoe. His men offered to carry
him, but this generous proposal was declined. He, and two or three
officers, who, having been worn down with fatigue, remained behind with
him, found an asylum under cover of a large tree which had been blown
up by the roots. They had not been long in this situation when they
heard a firing from the British in almost all directions. They nevertheless
lay still, and in the night stole off from the midst of surrounding foes.
46 INVASION OF CANADA.
They were now pressed with the importunate cravings of hunger, for they
were entering on the third day without food. After wandering for some
time, they accidentally found some peasants, who entertained them with
great hospitality. In a few days they joined the army at Sorel, and had
the satisfaction to find that the greatest part of the detachment had arrived
safe before them. In their way through the country, although they might
in almost every step of it have been made prisoners, and had reason to fear
that the inhabitants, from the prospect of reward, would have been tempted
to take them, yet they met with neither injury nor insult. General Thomson was not so fortunate. After having lost the troops, and falling in with
Colonel Irwine, and some other officers, they wandered the whole night in
thick swamps, without being able to find their way out. Failing in their
attempts to gain the river, they had takes refuge in a house, and were
there made prisoners.
The British forces having arrived, and a considerable body of them
having rendezvoused at the Three Rivers, a serious pursuit of the American army commenced. Had Sir Guy Carleton taken no pains to cut off
their retreat, and at once attacked their post, or rather their fortified camp
at Sorel, it would probably have fallen into his hands; but either the bold,
though unsuccessful attack at the Three Rivers, had taught him to respect
them, or he wished to reduce them without bloodshed. In the pursuit he
made three divisions of his army, and arranged them so as to embrace the
whole American encampment, and to command it in every part. The
retreat was delayed so long that the Americans evacuated Sorel, only about
two hours before one division of the British made its appearance.
While the Americans were retreating, they were daily assailed by the
remonstrances of the inhabitants of Canada, who had either joined or
befriended them. Great numbers of Canadians had taken a decided part
in their favour, rendered them essential services, and thereby incurred the
heavy penalties annexed to the crime of supporting rebellion. These,
though Congress had assured them, but a few months before, "that they
would never abandon them to the fury of their common enemies," were,
from the necessity of the case, left exposed to the resentment of their provincial rulers. Several of them, with tears in their eyes, expostulated
with the retreating army, and, bewailing their hard fate, prayed for support. The only relief the Americans could offer, was an assurance of
continued protection, if they retreated with them, but this was a hard
alternative to men who had wives, children, and immovable effects. They
generally concluded, that it was the least of two evils to cast themselves
on the mercy of that government against which they had offended.
The distresses of the retreating army were great. The British were
close on their rear, and threatening them with destruction. The unfurbished state of the colonies in point of ordnance imposed a necessity of
INVASION OF CANADA. 47
preserving their cannon.'me men were obliged to drag their loaded
batteaux up the rapids by mere strength, and when they were to the
middle in water. The retreating army was also encumbered with great
numlbers labouring under the small-pox and other diseases. Two regiments, at one time, had not a single man in health. Another had only
six, and a fourth only forty, and two more were in nearly the same condition.
To retreat in face of an enemy is at all times
hazardous; but on this occasion it was attended
with an unusual proportion of embarrassments.
General Sullivan, who conducted the retreat,
nevertheless acted with so much judgment and
propriety, that the baggage and public stores
were saved, and the nu-merous sick brought off.
The American army reached Crown Point on
X"~ M the first of July, and at that place made their
—'~ i) ) ~ first stand.
A short tioie before the Americans evacuated ho province of Canada,
General Arnold convened the merchants of Montrea., and proposed to them
to furnish a quantity of specified articles, for the use of the army in the
service of Congress. While they were deliberating on the subject, he placed
sentinels at their shop doors, and made such arrangements, that what was
at first only a request, operated as a command. A great quantity of goods
were taken on pretence that they were wanted for the use of the American army, but in their number were many articles only serviceable to
women, and to persons in civil life. His nephew soon after opened a
store in Albany, and publicly disposed of goods which had been procured
at Montreal.
The possession of Canada so eminently favoured the plans of defence
adopted by 0ongress, that the province was evacuated with great reluctance. The Americans were not only mortified at the disappointment of
their favourite scheme, of annexing it as a fourteenth link in the chain of
their confederacy, but apprehended the most serious consequences from
the ascending of the British power in that quarter. Anxious to preserve
a footing there, they had persevered for a long time in stemming the tide
of unfavourable events.
General Gates was, about this time, [June 17,] appointed to command
in Canada, but on coming to the knowledge of the late events in that province, he concluded to stop short within the limits of New York. The
scene was henceforth reversed. Instead of meditating the re-commencement of offensive operations, that army which had lately excited so much
terror in Canada, was called upon to be prepared for repelling an invasion
threatened from that province.
48 INVASION OF CANADA.
The attention of the Americans being exclusively fixed on plans of
defence, their general officers commanding in the northern department
were convened to deliberate on the place and means most suitable for that
purpose. To form a judgment on this subject, a recollection of the events
of the late war between France and England was of advantage. The
same ground was to be fought over, and the same posts to be again contended for. On the confines of Lake George and Lake Champlain, two
inland seas which stretch almost from the sources of Hudson's river to the
St. Lawrence, are situated the famous posts of Ticonderoga and Crown
Point. These are of primary necessity to any power which contends for
the possession of the adjacent country, for they afford the most convenient
stand either for its annoyance or defence. In the opinion of some American officers, Crown Point, to which the army on the evacuation of Canada
had retreated, was the most proper place for erecting works of defence,
but it was otherwise determined by the council convened on this occasion.
It was also, by their advice, resolved to move lower down, and to make the
principal work on the strong ground east of Ticonderoga, and especially,
by every means, to endeavour to maintain a naval superiority, in Lake
Champlain. In conformity to these resolutions, General Gates, with about
twelve thousand men which had been collected in the course of the summer, was fixed in command of Ticonderoga, and a fleet was constructed at
Skenesborough. This was carried on with so much rapidity, that in a
short time there were afloat in Lake Champlain, [August 22,] one sloop,
three schooners, and six gondolas, carrying in the whole, fifty-eight guns,
eighty-six swivels, and four hundred and forty men. Six other vessels
were also nearly ready for launching at the same time. The fleet was
put under the command of General Arnold, and he was instructed by
General Gates to proceed beyond Crown Point, down Lake Champlain,
to the Split Rock; but most peremptorily restrained from advancing any
farther, as security against an apprehended invasion was the ultimate end
of the armament.
The expulsion of the American invaders from Canada was but a part of
the British designs in that quarter. They urged the pursuit no farther
than St. John's, but indulged the hope of being soon in a condition
for passing the lakes, and penetrating through the country to Albany, so
as to form a communication with New York. The objects they had in
ilew were great, and the obstacles in the way of their accomplishment
equally so. Before they could advance with any prospect of success, a
fleet superior to that of the Americans on the lakes was to be constructed.
The materials of some large vessels were, for this purpose, brought from
England, but their transportation, and the labour necessary to put them together, required both time and patience. The spirit of the British commanders rose in proportion to the difficulties which were to be encown
INVASION OF CANA:DA. 49
tercd Nevertheless it was so late as the month of October, before their
fleet was prepared to face the American naval force, on Lake Champlain.
The former consisted of the ship Inflexible, mounting eighteen twelvepounders, which was so expeditiously constructed, that she sailed from St.
John's twenty-eight days after laying her keel; one schooner mounting
fourteen and another twelve six-pounders. A flat-bottomed radeau carryng.six twenty-four and six twelve-pounders, besides howitzers, and a gondola with seven nine-pounders. There were also twenty smaller vessels
with brass field-pieces, from nine to twenty-four pounders, or with howitzers. Some long boats were furnished in the same manner. An equal
number of large boats acted as tenders. Besides these vessels of war,
there was a vast number destined for the transportation of the army, its
stores, artillery, baggage and provisions. The whole was put under the
command of Captain Pringle. The naval f~rte of the Americans, from the
deficiency of means, was far short of what was brought against them.
Their principal armed vessel was a.-lonuer, which mounted only twelve
six and four-pounders, and their whole f eet in addition to this consisted of
only fifteen vessels of inferior force.
No one. step could be taken towards &-.complishing the designs of the
British,. on the northern frontiers of New York, till they had the command
of Lake Champlain. With this view their fleet proceeded up the lake, and
engaged the Americans. [Oct. B1.] The wind was so unfavourable to the
British, that their ship Inflex i!,L, and some other vessel of force, could not
be brought to action. This..-:,esed L itnequality between the contending
fleets so much, that the prirclmai c(ar.age sustained by the Americans, was
the loss of a schooner and gondol;..At the approach of night the action
was discontinued. The vanquis.ed took the advantage which the darkness afforded, to make their escape. This was effected by General Arnold,
with great judgment and ability. By the next morning the whole fleet
under his command was out of eight. The British pursued with all the sail
they could crowd. The wind having become more favourable, they overtook
the Americans, and brought them to action near Crowns Point. [Oct. 13.] A
smart engagement ensued, and was well supported on both sides for about
two hours...Some of the American vessels which were most ahead escaped
to Ticonderoga. Two galleys and five gondolas remained and resisted an
unequal force, with a spirit approaching to desperation. One of the galleys
struck and was taken. General Arnold, though he knew that to escape
was impossible, and to resist unavailing, yet instead of surrendering, determined that his people should not become prisoners, nor his vessels a reinforcement to the British. This spirited resolution was executed with a
judgment equal to the boldness with which it had been adopted. He ran
the Congress galley, on board of which he was, together with the five gondolas, on shore, in such a position, as enabled him to land his met, and
VOL. II.-7 E
50 INVASION OF CANADA.
blow up the vessels. In the execution of this perilous enterprise, he paid
a romantic attention to a point of honour. He did not quit his own galley
till she was in flames, lest the British should board her, and strike his flag.
The result of this action, though unfavourable to the Americans, raised the
reputation of General Arnold higher than ever. In addition to the fame of
a brave soldier, he acquired that of an able sea-officer.
T'he American naval force being nearly destroyed, the British had undisputed possession of Lake Champlain. On this event a few continental
troops, which had been at Crown Point, retired to their main body at Ticonderoga. General Carleton took possession of the ground from which they
had retreated, and was there soon joined by his army. He sent out seveAi
reconnoitering parties, and at one time pushed forward a strong detachment
on both sides of the lake, which approached near to Ticonderoga. Some
British vessels appeared at the same time, within cannon shot of the American works at that place. It is probable he had it in contemplation, if
circumstances favoured, to reduce the post, and that the apparent strength
of the works restrained him from making the attempt, and induced his return to Canada.
Such was the termination of the northern campaign in 1776. Though
after the surrender of Montreal, evacuations, defeats, and retreats, had almost uninterruptedly been the portion of the Americans, yet with respect to
the great object of defence on the one side, and of conquest on the other, a
whole campaign was gained to them and lost to their adversaries.
The British had cleared Canada of its invaders, and destroyed the
American fleet on the lakes, yet, from impediments thrown in their way,
they failed in their ulterior designs. The delays contrived by General
Gates retarded the British for so great a part of the summer, that by the
time they had reached Ticonderoga, their retreat on account of the approaching winter became immediately necessary. On the part of the
Americans some men and a few armed vessels were lost, but time was
gained, their army saved, and the frontier of the adjacent states secured
from a projected invasion. On the part of the British, the object of a cam
paign, in which thirteen thousand men were employed, and near a inillio,f money expended, was rendered in a great measure abortive.
ADMIRAL PARKER.
BRITISH ATTACK UPON CHARLESTON.
ARLIAMENTARY sanction for carrying on the war
against the colonists, as against alien enemies, being obtained, it became necessary to fix on a commander of the
royal forces to be employed on this occasion. This, as a
matter of right, was, in the first instance, offered to General
Oglethorpe, as being the first on the list of general officers.
To the suirprise of the minister, th-qt respectable veteran
readily accepted the comomand, on condition of his being properly supported.
A numerous well-appointed army and a powsr'ul fleet were promised him,
i II s~~~~~~~
52 BRITISH ATTACK UPON CHARLESTON.
to which he replied, "I will undertake the business without a man or a
ship of war, provided you will authorize me to assure the colonists on my
arrival among them, that you will do them justice." He gadded farther,
" I know the people of America well, and am satisfied, that his majesty has
not, in. any part of his dominions, more obedient or more loyal subjects.
You may secure their obedience by doing, them justice, but you will never
subdue them by force of arms." These opinions, so favourable to the
Americans, proved General Oglethorpe to be an improper person for the
purpose intended by the British ministry. He was therefore passed over,
and the command given to Sir William. Howe.
It was resolved to open the campaign with such a powerful force as
"would look down all opposition, and effectuate submission without bloodshed," and to direct its operations to the accomplishment of three objects.
The first was the relief of Quebec, and the recovery of Canada, which also
included a subsequent invasion of the north-western frontiers of the adjacent
provinces. The second was a strong impression on some of the southern
colonies. The third and principal, was to take possession of New York,
with a force sufficiently powerful to keep possession of Hudson's River,
and form a line of communication with the royal army in Canada, or to
overrun the adjacent country.
The partial success of the first part of this plan has been in the preceding chapter explained. The execution of the second part was committed
to General Clinton and Sir Peter Parker. The former, with a small force,
having called at New York, and also visited in Virginia Lord Dunmore, the
late royal governor of that colony, and finding that nothing could be done at
e.cher place, proceeded to Cape Fear river. At that place he issued a proclamation from on board the Pallas transport, offering free pardon to all
such as should lay down their arms, excepting Cornelius Hasnett and
Robert Howe; but the recent defeat of the regulators and Highlanders
restrained even their friends from paying any attention to this act of
grace.
At Cape Fear, a junction was formed between Sir Henry Clinton and
Sir Peter Parker, the latter of whom had sailed with his squadron directly
from Europe. They concluded to attempt the reduction of Charleston, as
being of all places within the line of their instructions, the object at which
they could strike with the greatest prospect of advantage. They had two
thousand eight hundred land forces, which they hoped, with the co-operation of their shipping, would be fully sufficient.
For some months past every exertion had been made to put the colony
of South Carolina, and especially its capital Charleston, in a respectable
posture of defence. In subserviency to this view, works had been erected
on Sullivan's island, which is situated so near the channel leading up to
the town, as to be a convenient post for annoying vessels approaching it.
BRITISH ATTACK UPON CHARLESTON. 53
Sir Peter Parker attacked the fort on that island [June 28] with two fiftygun ships, the Bristol and Experiment, four frigates, the Active, Aceton, Solebay and Syren, each of twenty-eight guns; the Sphynx of twenty guns, the
Friendship armed vessel of twenty-two guns, Ranger sloop, and Thunder
bomb, each of eight guns. On the fort were mounted twenty-six cannon,
twenty-six eighteen and nine-pounders. The attack commenced between
ten and eleven in the forenoon, and was continued for upwards of ten
hours. The garrison, consisting of three hundred and seventy-five regulars
and a few militia, under the command of Colonel Moultrie, made a most
gallant defence. They fired deliberately, for the most part took aim, and
seldom missed their object. The ships were torn almost to pieces, and the
killed and wounded on board exceeded two hundred men. The loss of the
garrison was only ten men killed, and twenty-two wounded. The fort being built of Palmetto, was little damaged. The shot which struck it were
ineffectually buried in its soft wood. General Clinton had some time before
the engagement landed with a number of troops on Long Island, and it was
expected that he would have co-operated with Sir Peter Parker, by crossing over the narrow passage which divides the two islands, and attacking
the fort in its unfinished rear; but the extreme danger to which he must
unavoidably have exposed his men induced him to decline the perilous
attempt. Colonel Thomson with seven or eight hundred men was stationed
at the east end of Sullivan's island, to oppose their crossing. No serious
attempt was made to land either from the fleet, or the detachment commanded by Sir Henry Clinton. The firing ceased in the evening, and
soon after the ships slipped their cables. Before morning they had retired
about two miles from the island. Within a few days more the troops reembarked, and the whole sailed for New York. The thanks of Congress
were given to General Lee, who had been sent on by Congress to take the
command in Carolina, and also to Colonels Moultrie and Thomson, for
their good conduct on this memorable day. In compliment to the commanding officer the fort from that time was called Fort Moultrie.
During the engagement the inhabitants stood with arms in their hands
at their respective posts, prepared to receive the enemy wherever they
might land. Impressed with high ideas of British power and bravery,
they were apprehensive that the fort would be either silenced or passed,
and that they should be called to immediate action. They were cantoned
in the various landing places near Charleston, and their resolution was
fixed to meet the invaders at the water's edge, and dispute every inch of
ground, trusting the event to Heaven.
By the repulse of this armament the southern states obtained a respite
from the calamities of war for two years and a half. The defeat the British
met with at Charleston seemed in some measure to counterbalance the unfavorable impression made, by their subsequent su"cesses, to the north
E2
54 BRITISH ATTACK UPON CHARLESTON.
ward. Throughout the whole summer, and till the close of the year, (Congress had little else than the victory on Sullivan's island, to console them
under the various evacuations, retreats and defeats, to which, as shall hereafter be related, their armies were obliged to submit in every other part of
the union. The event of the expedition contributed greatly to establish the
cause which it was intended to overset. In opposition to the bold assertions of some, and the desponding fears of others, experience proved that
America might effectually resist a British fleet and army. Those who,
from interested motives, had abetted the royal government, ashamed of
their opposition to the struggles of an infant people for their dearest rights,
retired into obscurity.
The effects of this victory, in animating the Americans, were much
greater than could be warranted, by the circumstances of the action. As
it was the first attack made by the British navy, its unsuccessful issue inspired a confidence which a more exact knowledge of military calculations
would have corrected. The circumstance of its happening in the early
part of the war, and in one of the weaker provinces, were happily instrumental in dispelling the gloom which overshadowed the minds of many of
the colonists, on hearing of the powerful fleets and numerous armies which
we-e coming against them.
BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND.
HE command of the force which
was designed to operate against
New York in this campaign, was
given to Admiral Lord Howe, and
his brother Sir William, officers who,
as well from their personal characters, as the known braverry of their
family, stood high in the confidence
of the British nation. To this service was allotted a very powerful
army, consisting of about thirty
thousand men. This force was far
superior to any thing that America
- AhI!4 @10 i1 | had heretofore seen. The troops
were amply provided with artillery,
Do-~jr~~t~P~ 7; military stores, and warlike materials of every kind, and were supported by a numerous fleet. The
admiral and general, in addition to their military powers,,were appointed
commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies.
General Howe having in vain waited two months at Halifax for his
brother, and the expected reinforcements from England, impatient of farther delays, sailed from that harbour, with the force which he had previously commanded in Boston, and directing his course towards New York,
arrived in the latter end of June, off Sandy-Hook. Admiral Lord Howe,
with part of the reinforcement from England, arrived at Halifax soon after
his brother's departure. Without dropping anchor he followed, and soon
after joined him near Staten Island. The British general, on his approach,
fciund every part of New York island, and the most exposed parts of Long
55
56 BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND.
Island fortified and well defended by artillery. About fifty British transports anchored near Staten Island, which had been not so much the object
of attention. The inhabitants thereof, either from fear, policy, or affection,
expressed great joy on the arrival of the royal forces. General Howe was
there met by Tryon, late governor of the province, and by several:of the
loyalists, who had taken refuge with him in an armed vessel. He was also
joined by about sixty persons from New Jersey, and two hundred of the
inhabitants of Staten Island were embodied, as a royal militia. From thzse
appearances, great hopes were indulged that as soon as the army was in.a
condition to penetrate into the country, and protect the loyalists, such numhers would flock to their standard as would facilitate the attainnioent of the
objects of the campaign.
On the fourth day after the British transports appeared off Sandy-Hook,
Congress, though fully informed of the numbers and appointment of the
force about to be employed against the colonies, ratified their famous declaration of independence. This was publicly read to the American army,
and received by themwith unfeigned acclamations of joy. Though it was
well known that Great Britain had employed a force of fifty-five thousand
men, to war upon the new formed states, and that the continental army
was not near equal to half that number, and only engaged for a few months,
and that Congress was without any assurance of foreign aid, yet both the
American officers and privates gave every evidence of their hearty approbation of the decree which severed the colonies from Great Britain, and submitted to the decision of the sword, whether they should be free states, or
conquered provinces. Now, said they, " we know the ground on which we
stand. Now we are a nation. No more shall the opprobrious term of
rebel, with any appearance of justice, be applied to us. Should the fortune of war throw us into the hands of our enemies, we may expect the
treatment of prisoners, and not the punishment of rebels. The prize for
which we contend is of such magnitude that we may freely risk our lives
to obtain it."
It had early occurred to General Washington, that the possession of New
York would be with the British a favourite object. Its central, situation
and contiguity to the ocean enabled them to carry with facility the war to
any part of the seacoast. The possession of it was rendered still more
valuable by the ease with which it could be maintained Surrounded on
all sides by water, it was defensible by a small number of British ships,
against adversaries whose whole navy consisted only of a few frigates.
Hudson's river, being navigable for ships of the largest size to a great
distance, afforded an opportunity of severing the eastern from the more
southern states, and of preventing almost any communication between
them.
From these well-known advantages, it was presumed by the Americans,
BATr LE OF LONG ISLAND. 57
that the British would make great exertions to effect the reduction of New
York. General Lee, while the British were yet in possession of the capital of Massachusetts, had been detached from Cambridge,- to put Long
Island and New York into a posture of defence. As the departure of the
British from Boston became more certain, the probability of their instantly
going to New York, increased the necessity of collecting a force for its safety.
It had therefore beet agreed in a council of war, [March 13,] that five regiments, together: with a rifle battalion, should march without delay to New.
York, and that the states of New York and New Jersey should be requested
to furnish the former two thousand, and the latter one thousand men for its
immediate defence. General Washington soon: followed, and early in
April fixed his head-quarters in that city. A new distribution, of the
American army took place. Part was left in Massachusetts. Between
two and three thousand were ordered to Canada: but the greater part rendezvoused at New York.
Experience had taught the Americans the difficulty of attacking an
army, after it had effected a lodgment... They therefore made strenuous
exertions to prevent, the British from enjoying the advantages in New
York, which had resulted from their having been permitted to land and
fortify themselves in Boston. The sudden commencement of hostilities in
Massachusetts, together with the previous undisturbed landing of the royal
army, allowed no time for deliberating on a system of war. A change of
circumstances indicated the propriety of fixing on a plan for conducting the
defence of the new-formed states. On this occasion, General Washington,
after much thought, determined on: a war of posts. This mode of conducting military operations gave confidence to the.Americans, and besides,
it both retarded and alarmed their adversaries. The soldiers in the American army were new levies, and had not yet learned to stand uncovered,
before the instruments of death. Habituating them to the sound of firearms, while they were sheltered from danger, was one step towards inspiring them, with a portion of mechanical courage. The British remembered
Bunker Hill,:and had no small reverence: for even slight fortifications,
when defended by freemen. From views of this kind, workswere erected
in and about New York, on Long Island, and the Heights of Haerlem.
These, besides batteries, were field redoubts, formed of earth with a parapet and ditch. The former were sometimes fraised, and the latter palisadoed, but they were in no instance formed to sustain a siege. Slight as:hey were, the campaign was nearly wasted away before they were so far
reduced, as to permit the royal army to penetrate into the country.
The war having taken a more important turn than in the preceding year
had been foreseen, Congress, at the opening of the campaign, found themselves destitute of a force sufficient for their defence. They, therefore, il
June determined on a plan to reinforce their continental army, by bringing
Vor.. II. —8
58 BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND
into the field a new species of troops, that would be more permanent -hax
the common militia, and yet more easily raised than regulars. With thli
view they instituted a flying camp, to consist of an intermediate corps,
between regular soldiers and militia. Ten thousand men were called for
[June 3] from the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware, to be
in constant service to the first day of the ensuing December. Congress as
the same time called for thirteen thousand eight hundred of the common
militia from Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey.
The men for forming the flying camp were generally procured, but there
were great deficiencies of the militia, and many of those who obeyed their
country's call, so far as to turn out, manifested a reluctance to submit to
the necessary discipline of camps.
The difficulty of providing the troops with arms while before Boston,
was exceeded by the superior difficulty of supplying them in their new
position. By the returns of the garrison at Fort Montgomery, in the
Highlands, in April, it appeared that there were two hundred and eight
privates, and only forty-one guns fit for use. In the garrison at Fort Constitution, there were a hundred and thirty-six men, and only sixty-eight
guns fit for use. Flints were also much wanted. Lead would have been
equally deficient, had not a supply for the musketry been obtained by
stripping dwelling-houses.
The uncertainty of the place where the British would commence their
operations, added much to the embarrassment of General Washington.
Not only each colony, but each seaport town, supposed itself to be the
object of the British, and was ardent in its supplications to the commanderin-chief for his peculiar attention. The people of Massachusetts were
strongly impressed with an idea, that the evacuation of Boston was only a
feint, and that the British army would soon return. They were, for that
reason, very desirous that the continental troops should not be withdrawn
from their state. The inhabitants of Rhode Island urged, in a long petition, that their maritime situation exposed them to uncommon danger,
while their great exertions in fitting out armed vessels had deprived them
of many of their citizens. They, therefore, prayed for a body of continental soldiers, to be stationed for their constant and peculiar defence. So
various were the applications for troops, so numerous the calls for arms,
that a decided conduct became necessary to prevent the feeble Americar
force, and the deficient stock of public arms from being divided and subd'
vided, so as to be unequal to the proper defence of any one place.
In this crisis of particular danger, the people of New York acted with
spirit. Though they knew they were to receiver the first impression of
the British Army, yet their convention resolved, "that all persons residing
within the state of New York, and claiming protection from its laws, owea
it allegiance, and that any person owing it allegiance and levying war
BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 59
against the state, or being an adherent to the king of Great Britain, should
be deemed guilty of treason and suffer death." They also resolved that
one-fourth of the militia of West Chester, Dutchess, and Orange counties
should be forthwith drawn out for the defence of the liberties, property,
wives and children of the good people of the state, to be continued in service till the last day of December," and "that, as the inhabitants of King's
county had determined not to oppose the enemy, a committee should be
appointed to inquire into the authenticity of these reports, and to disarm
and secure the disaffected, to remove or destroy the stock of grain, and,
if necessary, to lay the whole country waste."
The two royal commissioners, Admiral and General Howe, thought pro.
per, before they commenced their military operations, to try what might
be done in their civil capacity, towards effecting a re-union between Great
Britain and the colonies. It was one of the first acts of Lord Howe, to
send on shore a circular letter to several of the royal governors in America,
informing them of the late act of parliament, " for restoring peace to the
colonies, and granting pardon to such as should deserve mercy," and
desiring them to publish a declaration which accompanied the same. In
this he informed the colonists of the power with which his brother and he
were intrusted, " of granting general or particular pardons to all those who,
though they had deviated from their allegiance, were willing to return to
their duty," and of declaring " any colony, province, county or town, port,
district or place, to be at the peace of his majesty." Congress, impressed
with a belief, that the proposals of the commissioners, instead of disuniting the people,would have a contrary effect, ordered them to be speedily
published in the several American newspapers. Had a redress of grievances, at this late hour, been offered, though the honour of the states was
involved in supporting their late declaration of independence, yet the love
of peace, and the bias of great numbers to their parent state, would, in all
probability, have made a powerful party for rescinding the act of separation,
and for re-uniting with Great Britain. But when it appeared that the
power of the royal commissioners was little more than to grant pardons,
Congress appealed to the good sense of the people, for the necessity of adhering to the act of independence. The resolution for publishing-the circular letter, and the declaration of the royal commissioners, assigned as a
reason thereof, "that the good people of the United States may be informed
of what nature are the commissioners, and what the terms,-with expectation of which the insidious court of Great Britain had endeavoured to
amuse and disarm them, and that the few who still remain suspended by a
hope, founded either in the justice or moderation of their late king, may
now at length be convinced that the valour alone of their country is to
save its liberties."
About the same time flags were sent ashore by Lord Howe, with a letter
60 BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND.
GRNERAL ASiTOORESIGT' OR NSL.. _ -
GENERAL W.AS IE N qTO RPEFU-SI NG TO R ECC IV'E LORD 0if s TS LE'TI'C R.
directed to George Washington, Esq., which he refused to receive as no
being addressed to him with the title due to his rank. In his letter ta
Congress on this subject, he wrote as follows: "I would not on any occa
sion sacrifice essentials to punctilio, but in this instance I deem it a duty tc
my country and appointment, to insist on that respect which, in any other
than a public view, I would willingly have waived." Congress applauded
his conduct in a public resolution, and at the same time directed that nc
letter or message should be received on any occasion whatever, from the
enemy, by the commander-in-chief, or others the commanders of the
American army, but such as were directed to them in the characters they
severally sustained."
Some time after, Adjutant-General Patterson was sent to New York by
General Howe, with a letter addressed to George Washington, &c. &c. &c.
On an interview, the adjutant-general, after expressing his high esteem for
the person and character of the American general, and declaring that it
was not intended to derogate from the respect due to his rank, expressed
his hopes that the et ceteras would remove the impediments to their correspondence. General Washington replied, " That a letter directed to any
person in a public character should have some description of it, otherwise
it woula appear a mere private letter. That it was true the et cei ras
BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 61
implied every thing, but they also implied any thing, and that he should
therefore decline the receiving any letter directed to him as a private person, when it related to his public station." A long conference ensued, in
which the adjutant-general observed, that "the commissioners were armed
with great powers, and would be very happy in effecting an accommodation." He received for answer, "that from what appeared, their powers
were only to grant pardon; that they who had committed no fault wanted
no pardon." Soon after this interview, a letter from Howe, respecting
prisoners, which was properly addressed to Washington, was received.
While the British, by their manifestoes and declarations, were endeavouring to separate those who preferred a reconciliation with Great Britain
from those who were the friends of independence, Cbngress, by a similar
policy, was attempting to detach the foreigners who had come with the
royal troops from the service of his Britannic majesty. Before hostilities
had commenced, the following resolution was adopted and circulated among
those on whom it was intended to operate: "Resolved, That these States
will receive all such foreigners who shall leave the armies of his Britannic
majesty in America, and shall choose to become members of any of these
States, and they shall be protected in the free exercise of their respective
religions, and be invested with the rights, privileges, and immunities of
natives, as established by the laws of these States, and moreover, that this
Congress will provide for every such person fifty acres of unappropriated
lands in some of these States, to'be held by him and his heirs as absolute
property."
The numbers which were prepared to oppose the British when they
should disembark, made them for some time cautious of proceeding to their
projected land operations, but the superiority of their navy enabled them
to go by water whithersoever they pleased.
A British forty-gun ship, with some smaller vessels, [July 12,] sailed up
North River without receiving any damage of consequence, though fired upon
from the batteries of New Yorl, Paules Hook, Red-bank, and Governor's
Island. An attempt was made, not long after, with two fire ships, to
destroy the British vessels in the North River, but without effecting any
thing more than the burning of a tender. They were also attacked with
row galleys, but to little purpose. After some time the Phoenix and Rose
men of war came down the river and joined the fleet. Every effort of the
Americans from their batteries on land, as well as their exertions on the
water, proved ineffectual. The British ships passed with less loss than
was generally expected, but nevertheless the damage they received was
such as deterred them from frequently repeating the experiment. In two
or three instances they ascended the North River, and in one or two the
East River; but those which sailed up the former speedily returned, and
F
62 BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND.
by their return a free communication was opened through the upper part
of the State.
The American army in and near New York amounted to seventeen
thousand two hundred and twenty-five men. These were mostly new
troops, and were divided in many small and unconnected posts, some of
which were fifteen miles removed from others. The British force before
New York was increasing by frequent successive arrivals from Halifax,
South Carolina, Florida, the West Indies, and Europe. But so many
unforeseen delays had taken place, that the month of August was far
advanced before they were in a condition to open the campaign.
When all things were ready, the British commanders resolved to make
their first attempt on Long Island. This was preferred to New York, as
it abounded with those supplies which their forces required.
The British landed, without opposition, between two small towns,
Utrecht and Gravesend. The American works protected a small peninsula
having Wallabout Bay to the left, and stretching over to Red look on the
right, and the East River being in their rear. General Sui van, with a
strong force, was encamped within these works at Brooklyn. From the
east side of the Narrows runs a ridge of hills covered with thick wood,
about five or six miles in length, which terminates near Jamaica. There
were three passes through these hills, one near the Narrows, a second on
the Flatbush road, and a third on the Bedford road, and they are all
defensible. These were the only roads which could be passed from the
south side of the hills to the American lines, except a road which led
round the easterly end of the hills to Jamaica. The Americans had eight
hundred men on each of these roads, and Colonel Miles was placed with
his battalion of riflemen to guard the road from the south of the hills to
Jamaica, and to watch the motions of the British.
General de Heister, with his Hessians, took post at Flatbush in the
evening, Aug. 26. In the following night the greater part of the British army,
commanded by General Clinton, marched to gain the road leading round
the easterly end of the hills to Jamaica, and to turn the left of the Americans. He arrived about two hours before day within half a mile of this
road. One of his parties fell in with a patrol of American officers, and took
them all prisoners, which prevented the early transmission of intelligence.
Upon the first appearance of day, General Clinton advanced and took possession of the heights over which the road passed. General Grant, with
the left wing, advanced along the coast by the west road, near the Narrows;
but this was intended chiefly as a feint.
The guard which was stationed at this road fled, without' making any
resistance. A few of them were afterwards rallied, and Lord Stirling
advanced with fifteen hundred men, and took possession of a hill, about two
miles from the American camp, and in front of General Grant.
BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 63
An attack was made very early in the nlorning by the- Hessians from
Flatbush, [August 27,] under General de Heister, and by General Grant
on the coast, and was well supported for a considerable time by both sides.
The Americans who opposed General de Heister were first informed of the
approach of General Clinton, who had come round on their left. They
Immediately began to retreat to their camp, but were intercepted by the
right wing under General Clinton, who got into the rear of their left, and
attacked them with his light infantry and dragoons, while returning to their
lines. They were driven back till they were met by the Hessians. They
were thus alternately chased and intercepted between General de Heister
and General Clinton. Some of their regiments nevertheless found their
way to the camp. TheAmericans under Lord Stirling, consisting of Colonel Miles's two battalions, Colonel Atlee's, Colon-el Smallwood's, and
Colonel Hatche's regiments, who were engaged with General Grant, fought
with great resolution for about six hours. They were uninformed of the
movements made by General Clinton, till some of the troops under his
command had traversed the whole extent of country in their rear. Their
retreat was thus intercepted, but several, notwithstanding, broke through
and got into the woods. Many threw themselves into the marsh, some
were drowned, and others perished in the mud; but a considerable number
escaped by this way to,'eir lines.
The king's troops disI layed great valour throughout the whole day.
The var. ety of the ground occasioned a succession of small engagements,
pursuits and slaughter, which lasted for many hours.'British discipline,
in every instance, triumphed over the native valour of raw troops, who had
never been in action, and whose officers were unacquainted with the stratagems of war.
The loss of the British and Hessians was about four hundred and fifty.
T.-e killed, wounded, and prisoners of the Americans, including those who
wele drowned or perished in the woods or mud, considerably exceeded a
thousand. Among the prisoners of the latter were two of their general
officers, Sullivan and Lord Stirling; three colonels, four lieutenant-colonels, three majors, eighteen captains, forty-three lieutenants, and eleven
ensigns. Smallwood's regiment, the officers of which were young men of
the best families in the state of Maryland, sustained a loss of two hundred
and fifty-nine men. The British after their victory were so impetuous,
that it was with difficulty they could be restrained from attacking the
American lines.
In the time of, and subsequent to the engagement, General Washington
drew over to Long Island the greatest part of his army. After he had
collected his principal force there, it was his wish and hope, that Sir
William Howe would attempt to storm the works on the island. These,
though insufficient to stand a regular siege, were strong enough to resist u
64 BATTI'LE OF LONG ISLANID.
RETREAT FROM LON G ISLAND.
coup de main. The remembrance of Bunker Hill, and a desire to spare
his men, restrained the British general from making an assault. On the
contrary, he made demonstrations of proceeding by siege, and broke
ground within three hundred yards to the left at Putnam's redoubt.
Though General Washington wished for an assault, yet being certain that
his works would be untenable, when the British batteries should be fully
opened, he called a council of war, [August 30,] to consult on the measures proper to be taken. It was then determined that the objects in
view were in no degree proportioned to the dangers to which, by a continuation on the island, they would be exposed. Conformably to this
opinion, dispositions were made for an immediate retreat. This commenced soon after it was dark from two points, the upper and lower
ferries, on East river. General McDougal regulated the embarkation at
one, and Colonel Knox at the' other. The intention of evacuating the
island had been so prudently concealed from the Americans, that they
knew not whither they were going, but supposed to attack the enemy.
The field artillery, tents, baggage, and about nine thousand men, were conveyed to the city of New York over East River, more than a mile wide, in
less than thirteen hours,; and without the knowledge of the British, though
not six hundred yards distant. Providence, in a remarkable manner,
favoured the retreating army. Fcr some time after the Americans began
BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 65'o cross, the state of the tide and a strong north-east wind made it impossible for them to make use of their sail boats, and their whole number of
row-boats was insufficient for completing the business in the course of the
night. But about eleven o'clock the wind died away, and soon after sprung
up at south-east, and blew fresh, which rendered the sail-boats of use, and
at the same time made the passage from the island to the city, direct, easy
and expeditious. Towards morning an extreme thick fog came up, which
hovered over Long Island, and by concealing the Americans, enabled them
to complete their retreat without interruption, though the day had begun
to dawn some time before it was finished. By a mistake in the transmission of orders, the American lines were evacuated for about three-quarters
of an hour before the last embarkation took place; but the British, though
so near that their working parties could be distinctly heard, being enveloped in the fog, knew nothing of the matter. The lines were repossessed
and held till six o'clock in the morning. When every thing, except some
heavy cannon, was removed, General Mifflin, who commanded the rearguard, left the lines, and under the cover of the fog got off safe. In about
half an hour the fog cleared away, and the British eAtered the works
which had been just relinquished. Had the wind not shifted, the half of
the American army could not have crossed; and even as it was, if the fog
had not concealed their rear, it must have been discovered, and could
hardly have escaped. General Sullivan, who was taken prisoner on Long
Island, was immediately sent on parole, with the following verbal message
from Lord Howe to Congress, "that though he could not at present treat
with them in that character, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of the members, whom he would consider as private
gentlemen; that he, with his brother the general, had full powers to compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America, upon terms
advantageous to both-that he wished a compact might be settled, at a time
when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could say it was
compelled to enter into such agreement-that were they disposed to treat,
many things which they had not yet asked might and ought to be granted,
and that if upon conference they found any probable ground of accommodation, the authority of Congress would be afterwards acknowledged to render
the treaty complete." Three days after this message was received, General Sullivan was requested to inform Lord Howe, "that Congress being
the representatives of the free and independent states of America, they
cannot with propriety send any of their members to confer with his lordship in their private characters; but that ever desirous of establishing
peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body, tc
know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorized by
Congress for that purpose, on behalf of America, and what that authority
is; and to hear such propositions as lie shall think fit to make respecting
VOL. II.-9 F 2
66 BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND.
the same." They elected Dr. Franklin, John Adams. and Edward Rutledge, their committee for this purpose. In a few days they met Lord
Howe on Staten Island, and were received with great politeness. On their
return they made a report of their conference, which they summed up by
saying, "It did not appear to your committee that his lordship's commission contained any other authority than that expressed in the act of parliament-namely, that of granting pardons, with such exceptions as the commissioners shall think proper to make, and of declaring America. or any
part of it, to be in the king's peace, on submission: For as to the power
of inquiring into the state of America, which his lordship mentioned to us.
and of conferring and consulting with any persons the commissioners
might think proper, and representing the result of such conversation to the
ministry, who, provided the colonies would subject themselves, might after
~all, or might not, at their pleasure, make any alterations in the former
instructions to governors, or propose in parliament any amendment of the
acts complained of, we apprehended any expectation from the effect of
such a power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied
on by America, hlad she still continued in her state of dependence." Lord
Howe had ended the conference on his part, by expressing his regard for
America, and the extreme pain he would suffer in being obliged to distress
those whom he so much regarded. Dr. Franklin thanked him for his
regards, and assured him, "that the Americans would show their gratitude,
by' endeavouring to lessen as much as possible all pain he might feel on
their account, by exerting their utmost abilities in taking good care of
themselves."
The committee in every respect maintained the dignity of Congress.
Their conduct and sentiments were such as became their character. The
friends to independence rejoiced that nothing resulted from this interview
that might disunite the people. Congress, trusting to the good sense of
their countrymen, ordered the. whole to be printed for their information.
All the states would have then rejoiced at less beneficial terms than they
obtained about seven years after. But Great Britain counted on the certainty of their absolute conquest, or unconditional submission. Her offers
therefore, comported so little with the feelings of America, that they neither
caused demur nor disunion among the new-formed states.
The unsuccessful termination of the action on the 27th, led to conse
quences more seriously alarming to the Americans than the loss of their
men. Their army was universally dispirited. The militia ran off by
companies. Their example infected the regular regiments. The loose
footing on which the militia came to camp, made it hazardous to exercise
over them that discipline, without which an army is a mob. To restrain
one part of an army, while another claimed and exercised the right of
doing as th', pleased, was no less impracticable than absurd.
i L -
I='-.
INDEPENDENCRB HALL.
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
__________ _= - N former ages it was common for a part of a
I = =_ ~community to migrate, and erect themselves
into an independent society. Since the
I; earth has been more fully peopled, and
especially since the principles of union have
_I=~~~ ~been better understood, a different policy
has prevailed. A fondness for planting
colonies has, for three preceding centuries,
given full scope to a disposition for emigra-~~ ~tion, and at the same time the emigrants have
been retained in a connection with their parent state. By these means
Europeans have made the riches both of the east and west subservient to
their avarice and ambition. Though they occupy the smallest portion of
the four quarters of the globe, they have contrived to subject the other three
to their influence or conmmand.
67
~;~~_~-_~ —— r-~;~-~~ —_-J
68 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
The circumstances under which New England was planted, would a
few centuries ago have entitled them, from their first settlement, to tne privileges of independence. They were virtually exiled from their native
country, by being denied the rights of men-they set out on their own
expense, and after purchasing the consent of the native proprietors, im
proved an uncultivated country, to which, in the eye of reason and philoso
phy, the king of England had no title.
If it is lawful for individuals to relinquish their native soil, and pursue
their own happiness in other regions, and under other -oDlitical associations,
the settlers of New England were always so far independent as to owe no
obedience to their parent state, but such as resulted from their voluntary
assent. The slavish doctrine of the divine ight of kings, and the corruptions of Christianity, by undervaluing heathen titles, favoured an opposite
system. What for several centuries after the Christian era would have
been called the institution of a new government, was by modern refinement
denominated only an extension of the old, in the form of a dependent colony.
Though the prevailing ecclesiastical and political creeds tended to degrade
the condition of the settlers in New England, yet there was always a party
there which believed in their natural right to independence. They recurred to first principles, and argued, that as they received from government
nothing more than a charter, founded on ideal claims of sovereignty, they
owed it no other obedience than what was derived from express or implied
compact. It was not till the present century had more than half elapsed,
that it occurred to any number of the colonists, that they.had an interest in
being detached from Great Britain. Their attention was first turned to this
subject, by the British claim of taxation. This opened a melancholy prospect, boundless in extent, and endless in duration. The Boston Port Act,
and the other acts, passed in 1774 and 1775, which have been already the
subject of comment, progressively weakened the attachment of the colonists
to the birth place of their forefathers. The commencement of hostilities on
the 19th of April, 1775, exhibited the parent state in an odious point of
view, and abated the original dread of separating from it. But nevertheless, at that time, and for a twelve-month after, a majority of the colonists
wished for no more than to be re-established as subjects in their ancient
rights. Had independence been their object even at the commencement of
hostilities, they would have rescinded these associations which have been
already mentioned, and imported more largely than ever. Common sense
revolts at the idea, that colonists, unfurnished with military stores, and
wanting manufactures of every kind, should at the time of their intending
a serious struggle for independence, by a voluntary agreement, deprive
themselves of the obvious means of procuring such foreign supplies as their
circumstances might make necessary. Instead of pursuing a line of conduct which might have been dictated by a wish for independence, they
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 69
continued their exports for nearly a year after they ceased to import. This
not only lessened the debts they owed to Great Britain, but furnished additlonal means for carrying on the war against themselves. To aim at independence, and at the same time to transfer their resources to their enemies,
could not have been the policy of an enlightened people. It was not till
some time in 1776, that the colonists began to take other ground, and contend that it was for their interest to be for ever separated from Great Britain.
In favour of this opinion it was said, that in case of their continuing subjects, the mother country, though she redressed their present grievances,
might at pleasure repeat similar oppressions: that she ought not to be
trusted, having twice resumed the exercise of taxatior, after it had been
apparently relinquished. The favourers of separation also urged, that Great
Britain was jealous of their increasing numbers, and rising greatness-that
she would not exercise government for their benefit, but for her own; that
the only permanent security for American happiness, was to deny her the
power of interfering with their government or commerce. To effect this
purpose they were of opinion, that it was necessary to cut the knot which
connected the two countries, by. a public renunciation of all political connections between them.
The Americans about this time began to be influenced by new views.
The military arrangements of the preceding year-their unexpected union,
and prevailing enthusiasm, expanded the minds of the leaders, and elevated
the sentiments of the great body of their people. Decisive measures, which
would have been lately reprobated, now met with approbation.
The favourer3 of subordination under the former constitution urged the
advantages of a supreme head, to control the disputes of interfering colonies, and also the benefits which flowed from union; that independence
was untried ground, and should not be entered upon, but in the last extremity.
They flattered themselves that Great Britain was so fully convinced of
the determined spirit of America, that if the present controversy was compromised, she would not, at any future period, resume an exercise of her
supremacy. They were therefore for proceeding no farther than to defend
themselves in the character of subjects, trusting that ere long the present
hostile measures would be relinquished, and the harmony of the two countries re-established. The favourers of this system were embarrassed, and
all their arguments weakened, by the perseverance of Great Britain in her
schemes of coercion. A probable hope of a speedy repeal of a few acts of
parliament, would have greatly increased the number of those who were
advocates for reconciliation. But the certainty of intelligence to the contrary gave additional force to the arguments of the opposite party. Though
new weight was daily thrown into the scale, in which the advantages of
independen e were weighed, yet it did not preponderate till about that time
70 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
in 1776, when intelligence reached the colonists of the act of parliament
passed in December, 1775, for throwing them out of British protection, and
of hiring foreign troops to assist in effecting their conquest. Respecting the
first it was said, "that protection and allegiance were reciprocal, and that
the refusal of the first was a legal ground of justification for withholding
the last." They considered themselves to be thereby discharged from their
allegiance, and that to declare themselves independent was no more than
to announce to the world the real political state in which Great Britain
had placed them. This act proved that the colonists might constitutionally
declare themselves independent, but the hiring of foreign troops to make
war upon them, demonstrated the necessity of their doing it immediately.
They reasoned that if Great Britain called in the aid of strangers to crush
them, they must seek similar relief for their own preservation. But they
well knew this could not be expected, while they were in arms against
their acknowledged sovereign. They had therefore only a choice of difficulties, and must either seek foreign aid as independent states, or continue
in the awkward and hazardous situation of subjects, carrying on war from
their own resources, both against their king ana sach mercenaries as he
chose to employ for their subjugation. Necessity, not choice, forced them
on the decision. Submission without obtaining a redress of their grievances
was advocated by none who possessed the public confidence. Some of the
popular leaders may have secretly wished for independence from the beginning of the controversy, but their number was small, and their sentiments were not generally known.
HILE the public mind was balancing on this eventful sub-' ~ ject, several writers placed the advantages of independence in various points of view. Among these, Thomas
D b q^~i ~ Paine, in a pamphlet, under the signature of Common
Sense, held the most distinguished rank. The style,
manner, and language of this performance were calculated to interest the
passions, and to rouse all the active powers of human nature. With the
view of operating on the sentiments of a religious people, Scripture was
pressed into his service, and the powers, and even the name of a king
were rendered odious in the eyes of the numerous colonists who had read
and studied the history of the Jews, as recorded in the Old Testament.
The folly of that people in revolting from a government, instituted by Heaven itself, and the oppressions to which they were subjected in consequence
of their lusting after kings to rule over them, afforded an excellent handle
for prepossessing the colonists in favour of republican institutions, and prejudicing them against kingly government. Hereditary succession was
turned into ridicule. The absurdity of subjecting a great continent to a
small island on the other side of the globe, was represented in such strik
ng language, as to interest the honour and pride of the colonists in re
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 71
nounclng the government of Great Britain. The necessity, the advantages,
and practicability of independence, were forcibly demonstrated. Nothing
could be better timed than this performance. It was addressed to freemen,
who had just received convincing proof, that Great Britain had thrown
them out of her protection, had engaged foreign mercenaries to make war
upon them, and seriously designed to compel their unconditional submission
to her unlimited power. It found the colonists most thoroughly alarmed
for their liberties, and disposed to do and suffer any thing that promised
their establishment. In union with the feelings and sentiments of the
people, it produced surprising effects. Many thousands were convinced,
and were led to approve and long for a separation from the mother country.
Though that measure, a few months before, was not only foreign from their
wishes, but the object of their abhorrence, the current suddenly became so
strong in its favour that it bore down all opposition. The multitude was
hurried down the stream, but some worthy men could not easily reconcile
themselves to the idea of an eternal separation from a country, to which
they had been long bound by the most endearing ties. They saw the
sword drawn, but could not tell when it would be sheathed. They feared
that the dispersed individuals of the several colonies would not be brought
to coalesce under an efficient government, and that after much anarchy
some future Cwesar would grasp their liberties, and confirm himself in a
throne of despotism. They doubted the perseverance of their countrymen
in effecting their independence, and were also apprehensive that in case of
success, their future condition would be less happy than their past. Some
respectable individuals whose principles were pure, but whose souls were
not of that firm texture which revolutions require, shrunk back from the
bold measures proposed by their more adventurous countrymen. To submit without an appeal to Heaven, though secretly wished for by some, was
not the avowed sentiment of any. But to persevere in petitioning and resisting was the system of some misguided honest men. The favourers of
this op;n;on were generally wanting in that decision which grasps at great
objects, and influenced by that timid policy which does its work by halves.
Most of them dreaded the power of Britain. A few, on the score of interest or an expectancy of favours from royal government, refused to concur with the general voice. Some of the natives of the parent state who,
having lately settled in the colonies, had not yet exchanged European for
American ideas, together with a few others, conscientiously opposed the
measures of Congress: but the great bulk of the people, and especially of
the spirited and independent part of the community, came with surprising
unanimity into the project of independence.
The eagerness for independence resulted more from feeling than reasoning. The advantages of an unfettered trade, the prospect of honours and
emoluments in administering a new government, were of themselves insuf.
72 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
ficient motives for adopting this bold measure. But what was wanting
from considerations of this kind, was made up by the perseverance of Great
Britain, in her schemes of coercion and conquest. The determined resolution of the mother country to subdue the colonists, together with the plans
she adopted for accomplishing that purpose, and their equally determined
resolution to appeal to Heaven rather than submit, made a declaration of
independence as necessary in 1776 as was the non-importation agreement
of 1774, or the assumption of arms in 1775. The last naturally resulted
from the first. The revolution was not forced on the people by ambitious
leaders grasping at supreme power, but every measure of it was forced on
Congress by the necessity of the case and the voice of the people. The
change of the public mind of America respecting connection with Great
Britain is without a parallel. In the short space of two years, nearly three
millions of people passed over from the love and duty of loyal subjects, to
the hatred and resentment of enemies.
The motion for declaring the colonies free and independent was first
made in Congress, by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia. He was warranted
in making this motion by the particular instructions of his immediate constituents, and also by the general voice of the people of all the states.
When the time for taking the subject under consideration arrived, much
knowledge, ingenuity, and eloquence were displayed on both sides of the
question. The debates were continued for some time, and with great animation. In these, John Adams and John Dickinson took leading and
opposite parts. The former began one of his speeches, by an invocation
of the god of eloquence, to assist him in defending the claims and in enforcing the duty of his countrymen. He strongly urged the immediate
dissolution of all political connection of the colonies with Great Britain,
from the voice of the people, from the necessity of the measure in order to
obtain foreign assistance, from a regard to consistency, and from the prospects of glory and happiness, which opened beyond the war, to a free and
independent people. Mr. Dickinson replied to this speech. He began by
observing, that the member from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams) had introduced his defence of the declaration of independence by invoking a hea
then god, but that he should begin his objections to it, by solemnly invoking
the Governor of the Universe, so to influence the minds of the members of
Congress, that if the proposed measure was for the benefit of America,
nothing which he should say against it might make the least impression.
He then urged that the present time was improper for the declaration of
independence, that the war might be conducted with equal vigour without
it, that it would divide the Americans, and unite the people of Great Britain against them. He then proposed that some assurance should be obtained of assistance from a foreign power, before they renounced their con.
nection with Great Britain, and that the declaration of independence should
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 73
be the condition to be offered for this assistance. He likewise stated the
disputes that existed between several of the colonies, and proposed that
some measures for the settlement of them should be determined upon, before they lost sight of that tribunal which had hitherto been the umpire
of all their differences.
After a full discussion, the measure of declaring the colonies free and
independent was approved,-by nearly an unanimous vote. The anniversary of the day on which this great event took place, has ever since been
consecrated by the Americans to religious gratitude and social pleasures.
It is considered by them as the birthday of their freedom.
The act of the united colonies for separating themselves from the government of Great Britain, and declaring their independence, was expressed
in the following words:
"When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with
another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and
equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them,
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should
declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights,
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.-That to
secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their
just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of
government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to
alter or to abolish it, and to institute anew government, laying its foundation
on such principles, and organizing its! porwer in such form as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed,
will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light
and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that
mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to
right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.
But when a long train -of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the
same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it
is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide
new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains
them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the
present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct obiect the establishment of an absolute tyranny
over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.
" He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary
for the public good.
VOL. II.-10 G
74 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
"He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing
importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be
obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to
them.
"He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to
tyrants only.
" He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant froin the depository of their public records, for the sole
purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
"He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with
manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.
"He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others
to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation,
have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the danger of invasion from without,
and convulsions within.
" He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for that
purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to
pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions
of new appropriations of lands.
"He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent
to laws for establishing judiciary powers.
"He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their
offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
" He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of
officers to harass our people and eat out their substance.
" He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the
consent of our legislatures.
"He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to,
the civil power.
"He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to
our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to
their acts of pretended legislation:
" For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
" For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states:
"For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:
"For imposing taxes on us without our consent:'For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:
"For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences:
" For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neignbouring pro.
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 75
vincus, Pstablishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its
boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for
Introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies:
"For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and
altering fundamentally the forms of our governments:
"For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested
with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
"He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us.
" He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and
destroyed the lives of our people.
"He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to
complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with
circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.
"He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas,
to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their
friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
"He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured
to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages,
whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages,
sexeb and conditions.
"In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the
most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by
repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act
which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
"Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We
have warned them from time to time of attempts made by their legislature,
to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them
of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have
appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured
them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations,
which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.
They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We
must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in
peace, friends.
"We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in
General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world
for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the
good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these
United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE and INDEPENDENT
STATES; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown
76 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Bri.
tain is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as free and independent
states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances,
establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent
states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm
reliance -on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to
each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour.
"JOHN HANCOCK, President.
New Hampshire. JAMES SMITH,
JOSIAH BARTLETT, GEORGE TAYLOR,
WILLIAM WHIPPLE, JAMES WILSON,
MATTHEW THORNTON. GEORGE ROSS.
Massachusetts Bay. Delaware.
SAMUEL ADAMS, CAESAR RODNEY,
JOHN ADAMS, GEORGE READ,
ROBERT TREAT PAINE, THOMAS MCKEAN.
ELBRIDGE GERRY. Maryland.
Rhode Island, _c. SAMUEL CHASE,
STEPHEN HOPKINS, WILLIAM PACA,
WILLIAM ELLERY. THOMAS STONE,
Connecticut. CHARLES CARROLL of Carrollton.
ROGER SHERMAN, Virginia.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON GEORGE WYTHE,
WILLIAM WILLIAMS, RICHARD HENRY LEE,
OLIVER WOLCOTT. THOMAS JEFFERSON,
New York. BENJAMIN HARRISON,
WILLIAM FLOYD, THOMAS NELSON, Jr.
PHILIP LIVINGSTON, FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE,
FRANCIS LEWIS, CARTER BRAXTON.
LEWIS MORRIS. North Carolina.
New Jersey. WILLIAM HOOPER,
RICHARD STOCKTON, JOSEPH HEWES,
JOHN WITHERSPOON, JOHN PENN.
FRANCIS HOPKINSON, South Carolina
JOHN HART, EDWARD RUTLEDGE,
ABRAHAM CLARKE. THOMAS HEYWARD, Jr.
Pennsylvania. THOMAS LYNCH, Jr.
ROBERT MORRIS, ARTHUR MIDDLETON.
BENJAMIN RUSH, Georgia.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, BURTON GWINNETT,
JOHN MORTON, LYMAN HALL,
GEORGE CLYMER, GEORGE WALTON."
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 77
From the promulgation of this declaration, every thing assumed a new
fcrm. The Americans no longer appeared in the character of subjects in
arms against their sovereign, but as an independent people, repelling the
attacks of an invading foe. The propositions and supplications for reconciliation were done away. The dispute was brought to a single point.
whether the late British colonies should be conquered provinces, or free
and independent states.
The declaration of independence was read publicly in all the states, and
was welcomed with many demonstrations of joy. The people were
encouraged by it to bear up under the calamities of war, and viewed the
evils they suffered only as the thorn that ever accompanies the rose. The
army received it with particular satisfaction. As far as it had validity, so
far it secured them from suffering as rebels, and held out to their view an
object, the attainment of which would be an adequate recompense for the
toils and dangers of war. They were animated by the consideration that
they were no longer to risk their lives for the trifling purpose of procuring
a repeal of a few oppressive acts of parliament, but for a new organization
of government, that would for ever put it out of the power of Great Britain
to oppress them. The flattering prospects of an extensive commerce, freed
from British restrictions, and the honours and emoluments of office in
independent states, now began to glitter before the eyes of the colonists,
and reconciled them to the difficulties of their situation. What was supposed in Great Britain to be their primary object, had only a secondary
influence. While they were charged with aiming at independence from
the impulse of avarice and ambition, they were ardently wishing for a
reconciliation. But after they had been compelled to adopt that measure,
these powerful principles of human actions opposed its retraction, and
stimulated to its support. That separation which the colonists at first
dreaded as an evil, they soon gloried in as a national blessing. While the
rulers of Great Britain urged their people to a vigorous prosecution of the
American war, on the idea that the colonists were aiming at independence,
they imposed on them a necessity of adop -ng that very measure, and
actually effected its accomplishment. By repeatedly charging the Americans with aiming at the erection of a new government, and by proceeding on that idea to subdue them, predictions which were originally false
eventually became true. When the declaration of independence reached
Great Britain, the partisans of the ministry triumphed in their sagacity.
"The measure," said they, "we have long foreseen, is now come to pass."
They inverted the natural order of things. Without reflecting that their
own poiicy had forced a revolution contrary to the original design of the
colonists, the declaration of independence was held out to the people of
Great Britain as a justification of those previous violences, which were its
efficient cause.
G2
78 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
The act of Congress for dissevering the colonies from their parent state
was the subject of many animadversions.
The colonists were said to have been precipitate in adopting a measure,
from which there was no honourable ground of retreating. They replied,
that for eleven years they had been incessantly petitioning the throne for
a redress of their grievances. Since the year 1765, a continental Congress had at three sundry times stated their claims, and prayed for their
constitutional rights. That each Assembly of the thirteen colonies had
also, in its separate capacity, concurred in the same measure. That from
the perseverance of Great Britain in her schemes for their coercion, they
had no alternative, but a mean submission, or a vigorous resistance; and
that as she was about to invade their coasts with a large body of mercenaries, they were compelled to declare themselves independent, that they
might be put into an immediate capacity for soliciting foreign aid.
The virulence of those who had been in opposition to the claims of the
colonists, was increased by their bold act in breaking off all subordination
to the parent state., Great Britain," said they,, has founded colonies at
great expense-has incurred a load' of debt by wars on their account-has
protected their commerce, and raised them to all the consequence they
possess, and now in the insolence of adult years, rather than pay their
proportion of the common expenses of government, they ungratefully
renounce all connection with the nurse of their youth, and the protectress
of their riper years." The Americans acknowledged that much was due
to Great Britain for the protection which her navy procured to the coasts
and the commerce of the colonies, but contended that much was paid by
the latter, in consequence of the restrictions imposed on their commerce
by the former. "The charge of ingratitude would have been just," said
they, "had allegiance been renounced while protection was given, but
when the navy, which formerly secured the commerce and seaport towns
of America, began to distress the former, and to burn the latter, the previous obligations to obey or be grateful were no longer in force."
That the colonists paid nothing and would not pay to the support of
government, was confidently asserted, and no credit was given for the sums
indirectly levied upon them, in consequence of their being confined to the
consumption of British manufactures. By such ill-founded observations
were the people of Great Britain inflamed against their fellow-subjects in
America. The latter were represented as an ungrateful people. refusing
to bear any part of the expenses of a protecting government, or to pay
their proportion of a heavy debt, said to be incurred on their account.
Many of the inhabitants of Great Britain, deceived in matters of fact, con
sidered their American brethren as deserving the severity of militaiy coercion. So strongly were the two countries riveted together, that if the
whole truth had be.n known to the people of both, their separation would
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 79
have been scarcely possible. Any feasible plan by which subjection to
Great Britain could have been reconciled with American safety, would, at
any time previous to 1776, have met the approbation of the colonists.
But while the lust of power and of gain blinded the rulers of Great Britain, misstated facts and uncandid representations brought over their people
to second the infatuation. A few honest men, properly authorized, might
have devised measures of compromise, which, under the influence of truth,
humility, and moderation, would have prevented a dismemberment of the
empire; but these virtues ceased to influence, and falsehood, haughtiness,
and blind zeal usurped their places. Had Great Britain, even after the
declaration of independence, adopted the magnanimous resolution of declaring her colonies free and independent states, interest would have prompted
them to form such a connection as would have secured to the mother
country the advantages of their commerce, without the expense or trouble
of their governments. But misguided politics continued the fatal system
of coercion and conquest. Several on both sides of the Atlantic have
called the declaration of independence, "a bold, and, accidentally, a lucky
speculation," but subsequent events proved that it was a wise measure.
It is acknowledged that it detached some timid friends from supporting
the Americans in their opposition to Great Britain, but it increased the
vigour and union of those who possessed more fortitude and perseverance.
Without it, the colonists would have had no object adequate to the dangers
to which they exposed themselves, in continuing to contend with Great
Britain. If the interference of France was necessary to give success to
the resistance of the Americans, the declaration of independence was also
necessary, for the French expressly founded the propriety of their treaty
with Congress on the circumstance, "that they found the United States in
possession of independence."
All political connection between Great Britain and her colonies being
dissolved, the institution of new forms of government became unavoidable.
[May 15.] The necessity of this was so urgent that Congress, before the
declaration of independence, had recommended to the respective Assemblies and Conventions of the United States, to adopt such governments as
should, in their opinion, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their
constituents. During more than twelve months the colonists had been
held together by the force of ancient habits, and by laws under the simple
style of recommendations. The impropriety of proceeding in courts of
justice by the authority of a sovereign, against whom the colonies were in
arms, was self-evident. The impossibility of governing, for any length of
time, three millions of people, by the ties of honour, without the authority of
-aw, was equally apparent. The rejection of British sovereignty, therefore, drew after it the necessity of fixing on some other principle of government The genius of the Americans, their republican habits and
80 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
sentiments, naturally led them to substitute the majesty of the people, irt
lieu of discarded royalty. The kingly office was dropped, but in most of
the subordinate departments of government, ancient forms and names were
retained. Such a portion of power had at all times been exercised by the
people and their representatives, that the change of sovereignty was
hardly perceptible, and the revolution took place without violence or convulsion. Popular elections elevated private citizens to the same offices
which formerly had been conferred by royal appointment. The people
felt an uninterrupted continuation of the blessings of law and government
under old names, though derived from a new sovereignty, and were scarcely
sensible of any change in their political constitution. The checks and
balances which restrained the popular Assemblies under the royal government, were partly dropped, and partly retained, by substituting something
of the same kind. The temper of the people would not permit that any
one man, however exalted by office. or distinguished by abilities, should
have a negative on the declared sense of a majority of their representatives, but the experience of all ages had taught them the danger of lodging all power in one body of men. A second branch of legislature, consisting of a few select persons, under the name of senate, or council, was
therefore constituted in eleven of the thirteen states, and their concurrence
made necessary to give the validity of law to the acts of a more numerous
branch of popular representatives. New York and Massachusetts went
one step farther. The former constituted a council of revision, consisting
of the governor and the heads of judicial departments, on whose objecting
to any proposed law, a reconsideration became necessary, and unless it
was confirmed by two-thirds of both houses, it could have no operation.
A similar power was given to the governor of Massachusetts. Georgia
and Pennsylvania were the only states whose legislature consisted of only
one branch. Though many in these states, and a majority in all the
others, saw and acknowledged the propriety of a compounded legislature,
yet the mode of creating two branches out of a homogeneous mass of
people was a matter of difficulty. No distinction of ranks existed in the
colonies, and none were entitled to any rights, but such as were common
to all. Some possessed more wealth than others, but riches and ability
were not always associated. Ten of the eleven states, whose legislatures
consisted of two branches, ordained that the members of both should be
elected by the people. This rather made two co-ordinate houses of repre
sentatives, than a check on a single one by the moderation of a select few
Maryland adopted a singular plan for constituting an independent senate.
By her constitution, the members of that body were elected for five years,
while the members of the house of delegates held their seats only for one.
The number of senators was only fifteen, and they were all elected indisnriminately from the inhabitants of any part of the state, excepting that
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 81
nine of them were to be residents on the west, and six on the east side of
the Chesapeake Bay. They were elected not immediately by the people,
but by electors, two from each county, appointed by the inhabitants for
that sole purpose. By these regulations the Senate of Maryland consisted
of men of influence, integrity, and abilities, and such as were a real and
beneficial check on the hasty proceedings of a more numerous branch of
popular representatives. The laws of that state were well digested, and
its interest steadily pursued with a peculiar unity of system; while elsewhere it too often happened in the fluctuation of public assemblies, and
where the legislative departmrent was not sufficiently checked, that passion
and party predominated over principle and public good.
ENNSYLVANIA, instead of a legislative council or
~. (~ ~ senate, adopted the expedient of publishing bills after
the second reading, for the information of the inhabitants. This had its advantages and disadvantages. It
prevented the precipitate adoption of nsow regulations,
and gave an opportunity of ascertaining the sense of
the people on those laws by which they were to be
bound; but it carried the spirit of discussion into every
corner, and disturbed the peace and harmony of neighbourhoods. By
making the business of government the duty of every man, it drew off the
attention of many from the steady pursuit of their respective businesses.
The state of Pennsylvania also adopted another institution peculiar
to itself, under the denomination of a council of censors. These were
to be chosen once every seven years, and were authorized to inquire whether the constitution had been preserved-whether the legislative and executive branc), of government had performed their duty, or assumed to
themselves, or exercised other or greater powers, than those to which they
were constitutionally entitled. To inquire whether the public taxes had
been justly laid and collected, and in what manner the public moneys had
been disposed of, and whether the laws had been duly executed. However excellent this institution may appear in theory, it is doubtful whether
in practice it will answer any valuable end. It most certainly opens a door
for discord, and furnishes abundant matter for periodical altercation. Fither
from the disposition of its inhabitants, its form of government, or some
other cause, the people of Pennsylvania have constantly been in a state of
fermentation. The end of one public controversy has been the beginning
of another. From the collision of parties, the minds of the citizens were
sharpened, and their active powers improved, but internal harmony has
been unknown. They who were out of place so narrowly -watched those
who were in, that nothing injurious to the public could easily be effected;
but from the fluctuation of power, and the total want of permanent system.
nothing great or lasting could with safety be undertaken, or prosecuted: to
VOL. II.-11
F82 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCIP
effect. Under all these disadvantages, the state flourished, and from thi
industry and ingenuity of its inhabitants acquired an unrivalled ascendency
in arts and manufactures. This must in a great measure be ascribed to the
influence of habits of order and industry, that had long prevailed.
The Americans agreed in appointing a supreme executive head to each
state, with the title either of governor or president. They also agreed in
deriving the whole powers of government, either mediately or immediately,
from the people. In the Eastern States, and in New York, the governors
were elected by the inhabitants, in their respective towns or counties, and
in the other states by the legislatures: but in no case was the smallest tittle
of power exercised from hereditary right. New York was the only state
which invested its governor with executive authority without a council.
Such was the extreme jealousy of power which pervaded the American
states, that they did not think proper to trust the man of their choice with
the power of executing their own determinations, without obliging him in
many cases to take the advice of such counsellors as they thought proper
to nominate. The disadvantages of this institution far outweighed its advantages. Had the governors succeeded by hereditary right, a council
would have been often necessary to supply the real want of abilities, but
when an individual had been selected by the people as the fittest person
for discharging the duties of this high department, to fetter him with a
council was either to lessen his capacity of doing good, or to furnish him
with a screen for doing evil. It destroyed the secrecy, vigour and despatch,
which the executive power ought to possess, and by malking governmental
acts the acts of a body, diminished individual responsibility. In some
states it greatly enhanced the expenses of government, and in all retarded
its operations. w:thout any equivalent advantages.
EVW YORK, in another particular, displayed
political sagacity superior to her neighbours. This was in her council of appointment, consisting of one senator from
each of her four great election districts,
authorized to designate proper persons for
filling vacancies in the executive departments of government. Large bodies are
far from being the most proper depositaries
of the power of appointing to offices.
The assiduous attention of candidates is
too apt to bias the voice of individuals in
popgna assemblies. Besides, in such appointments, the responsibility for
the corl uct of the officer is in a great measure annihilated. The concurrence ct a silect few on the nomination of one, seems a more eligible mode
for seculii.; a proper choice, than appointments made either by one, or by
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 83
a numerous b3dy. In the former case there would be danger of favouritism,
in the latter that modest unassuming merit would be overlooked, in favour
of the forward and obsequious.
A rotation of public officers made a part of most of the American constitutions. Frequent elections were required by all, but several went still
farther, and deprived the electors of the power of continuing the same
office in the same hands, after a specified length of time. Young politicians suddenly called from the ordinary walks of life, to make laws and
institute forms of government, turned their attention to the histories of ancient republics and the writings of speculative men on the subject of government. This led them into many errors, and occasioned them to adopt
sundry opinions unsuitable to the state of society in America, and contrary
to the genius of real republicanism.
The principle of rotation was carried so far, that, in some of the states,
public officers in several departments scarcely knew their official duty, till
they were obliged to retire and give place to others as ignorant as they had
been on their first appointment. If offices had been instituted for the
benefit of the holders, the policy of diffusing these benefits would have
been proper, but instituted as they were for the convenience of the public,
the end was marred by such frequent changes. By confining the objects
of choice, it diminished the privileges of electors, and frequently deprived
them of the liberty of choosing the man who, from previous experience,
was of all men the most suitable. The favourers of this system of rotation
contended for it, as likely to prevent a perpetuity of office and power in
the same individual or family, and as a security against hereditary honours.
To this it was replied, that free, fair and frequent elections were the most
natural and proper securities for the liberties of the people. It produced
a more general diffusion of political knowledge, but made more smatterers
than adepts in the science of government.
As a farther security for the continuance of republican principles in the
American constitutions, they agreed in 2rohibiting all hereditary honours
and distinction of ranks.
It was one of the peculiarities of these new forms of government, that
all religious establishments were abolished. Some retained a constitutional
distinction between Christians and others, with respect to eligibility to
office, but the idea of supporting one denomination at the expense of others,
or of rais.ng any one sect of Protestants to a legal pre-eminence, was universally reprobated. The alliance between church and state was comp!etely broken, and each was left to support itself, independent of the
other.
The far-famed social compact between the people and their rulers did
not apply to the United States. The sovereignty was in the people. In
their sovereign capacity by their representatives, they agreed on forms of
84 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
government for their own security, and deputed certain individuals as their
agents to serve them in public stations agreeably to constitutions which
they prescribed for their conduct.
The world has not hitherto exhibited so fair an opportunity for promot
ing social happiness. It is hoped for the honour of human nature, that
the result will prove the fallacy of those theories, which suppose that mankind are incapable of self-government. The ancients, not knowing the
doctrine of representation, were apt, in their public meetings, to run into
confusion, but in America this mode of taking the sense of the people is
so well understood, and so completely reduced to system, that its most populous states are often peaceably convened in an assembly of deputies, not
too large for orderly deliberation, and yet representing the whole in equal
proportions. These popular branches of legislature are miniature pictures
of the community, and from the mode of their election are likely to be influenced by the same interests and feelings with the people whom they
represent. As a farther security for their fidelity, they are bound by every
law they make for their constituents. The assemblage of these circumstances gives as great a security that laws will be made, and government
administered for the good of the people, as can be expected from the imperfection of human institutions.
In this short view of the formation and establishment of the American
constitutions, we behold-our species in a new situation. In no age before,
and in no other country, did man ever possess an election of the kind of
government under which he would choose to live. The constituent pait
of the ancient free governments were thrown together by accident. The
freedom of modern European governments was, for the most part, obtained
by the concessions or liberality of monarchs, or military leaders. In
America alone reason and liberty concurred in the formation of constitu
tions. It is true, from the infancy of political knowledge in the United
States, there were many defects in their forms of government. But in one
thing they were all perfect. They left in the people the power of altering
and amending them whenever they pleased. In this happy peculiarity
they placed the science of politics on a footing with the other sciences, by
opening it to improvements- from experience and the discoveries of future
ages. By means of this power of amending American constitutions, the
friends of mankind have fondly hoped that oppression will one day be no
more, and that political evil will at least be prevented or restrained with as
much certainty, by a proper combination or separation of power, as natural
evil is lessened or prevented by the application of the knowledge or ingenuity of man to domestic purposes. No part of the history of ancient or
modern Europe can furnish a single fact that militates against this opinion,
since in none of its governments have the principles of equal representation and checks been applied, for the preservation of freedom. On these
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 85
two pivots are suspended the liberties of most of the states. Where they
are wanting, there can be no security for liberty; where they exist, they
render any farther security unnecessary.
The rejection of British sovereignty not only involved a necessity of
erecting independent constitutions, but of cementing the whole United
States by some common bond of union. The act of independence did not
hold out to the world thirteen sovereign states, but a common sovereignty
of the whole in their united capacity. It therefore became necessary to
run the line of distinction between the local legislatures and the assembly
of the states in Congress. A committee was appointed for digesting articles
of confederation between the states or united colonies, as they were then
called, at the time the propriety of declaring independence was under debate, and some weeks previously to the adoption of that measure, but the
plan was not for sixteen months after so far digested as to be ready for
communication to the states. Nor was it finally ratified by the accession
of all the states, till nearly three years more had elapsed. In discussing
its- articles, many difficult questions occurred. One was to ascertain the
ratio of contributions from each state. Two principles presented themselves-numbers of people, and the value-of lands. The last was preferred
as being the truest barometer of the wealth of nations, but from an apprehended impracticability of carrying it into effect, it was soon relinquished,
and recurrence had to the former. That the states should be represented
in proportion to their importance, was contended for by those who had
extensive territory, but they who were confined to small dimensions, replied, that the states confederated as individuals, in a state of nature, and
should therefore have equal votes. From fear of weakening their exertions against the common enemy, the large states for the present yielded
the point, and consented that each state should have an equal suffrage.
It was not easy to define the power of the state legislatures, so as to prevent a clashing between their jurisdiction and that of the general government. On mature deliberation it was thought proper, that the former
should be abridged of the power of forming any other confederation or
alliance-of laying on any imposts or duties that might interfere with treaties made by Congress-or keeping up any vessels of war, or granting
letters of marque or reprisal. The powers of Congress were also defined.
Of these the principal were as follows: To have the sole and exclusive
right of determining on peace and war —of sending and receiving wnbassadors-of entering into treaties and alliances-of granting letters of marque
and reprisal in times of peace-to be the last resort on appeal, in all disputes between two or more states-to have the sole and exclusive right of
regulating the alloy and value of coin, of fixing the standard of weights
and measures-regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians-establishing and regulating post-offices-to borrow money or emit
H
86 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENC E.
bills on the credit of the United States-to build and equip a navy.-co
agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each
state for its quota of men, in proportion to the number of its white inhabitants.
No coercive power was given to the general government, nor was it invested with any legislative power over individuals, but only over states in
1heir corporate capacity. As at the time the articles of confederation were
proposed for ratification, the Americans had little or no regular commercial
intercourse with foreign nations, a power to regulate trade or to raise a
revenue from it, though both were essential to the welfare of the union,
made no part of the federal system. To remedy this and all other defects,
a door was left open for introducing farther provisions, suited to future circumstances.
The articles of confederation were proposed at a time when the citizens
of America were young in the science of politics, and when a commanding sense of duty, enforced by the pressure of a common danger, precluded the necessity of a power of compulsion. The enthusiasm of the
day gave such credit and currency to paper emissions, as made the raising
of supplies an easy matter. The system of federal government was therefore more calculated for what men then were, under these circumstances,
than for the languid years of peace, when selfishness usurped the place of
public spirit, and when credit no longer assisted in providing for the exigencies of government.
The experience of a few years after the termination of the war proved
-tat a radical change of the whole system was necessary to the goc(i goernment of the United States.
CLOSS. OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
FTER the retreat of the American army from
Long Island, a council of war recommended to
act on the defensive, and not to risk the army
for the sake of New York. To retreat, subjected the commander-in-chief to reflections painAll < Go mful to bear, and yet impolitic to refute. To
stand his ground, and by suffering himself to
be surrounded, to hazard the fate of America on
one decisive engagement, was contrary to every rational plan of defending
the wide extended states committed to his care. A middle line between
abandoning and defending was therefore for a short time adopted. The
public stores were moved to Dobbs' Ferry, about twenty-six miles from New
York. Twelve thousand men were ordered to the northern extremity of
New York island, and four thousand five hundred to remain for the defence
of the city; while the remainder occupied the intermediate space, with
orders either to support the city or Kingsbridge, as exigencies might require. Before the British landed, it was impossible to tell what place
would be first attacked. This made it necessary to erect works for the
defence of a variety of places, as well as of New York. Though every
thing was abandoned when the crisis came that either the city must be
relinquished, or the army risked for its defence, yet from the delays, occa
sioned by the redoubts.and other works, which had been erected on the
idea of making the defence of the states a war of posts, a whole campaign
was lost to the British and sat ed to the Americans. The year began with
88 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
hopes that Great Britain would recede from her demands, and therefore
every plan of defence was on a temporary system. The declaration of in
dependence, which the violence of Great Britain forced the colonies to
adopt in July, though neither foreseen nor intended at the commencement
of the year, pointed out the necessity of organizing an army, on new terms,
correspondent to the enlarged objects for which they had resolved to contend. Congress accordingly determined to raise eighty-eight battalions, to
serve during the war. Under these circumstances, to wear away the campaign with as little misfortune as possible, and thereby to gain time for
raising a permanent army against the next year, was to the Americans a
matter of the last importance. Though the commander-in-chief abandoned
those works which had engrossed much time and attention, yet the advantage resulting from the delays they occasioned, far overbalanced the expense
rftcurred by their erection.
The same short-sighted politicians who had before censured General
Washington for his cautious conduct in not storming the British lines at
Boston, renewed their clamours against him for adopting this evacuating
and retreating system. Supported by a consciousness of his own integrity,
and by a full conviction that these measures were best calculated for securing the independence of America, he, for the good of his country, voluntarily subjected his fame to be overshadowed by a temporary cloud.
General Howe having prepared every thing for a descent on New York
island, [Sept. 15,] began to land his men under cover of ships of war, between
Kepps's bay and Turtle bay. A breast-work had been erected in the vicinity,
and a party stationed in it to oppose the British in case of their attempting to
land. But on the first appearance of danger, they ran off in confusion.
The commander-in-chief came up, and in vain attempted to rally them.
Though the British in sight did not exceed sixty, he could not either by
example, entreaty, or authority, prevail on a superior force to stand their
ground and face that inconsiderable number. Such dastardly conduct
raised a tempest in the usually tranquil mind of General Washington.
Having embarked in the American cause from the purest principles, he
viewed with infinite concern this shanmeful behaviour as threatening ruin to
his country. He recollected the many declarations of Congress, of the
army, and of the inhabitants, preferring liberty to life, and death to dishonour, and contrasted them with their present scandalous flight. His soul
was harrowed up with apprehensions that his country would be conquered.her army disgraced, a nd her liberties destroyed. He anticipated, in imagination, that the Americans would appear to posterity in the light of high
sounding boasters, who blustered when danger was at a distance, but
shrunk at the shadow of opposition. Extensive confiscations and numerous
attainders presented themselves in full view to his agitated mind. He,aw, in imagination, new formed states, with the means of defence:n their
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 89
hands, and the glorious prospects of liberty before them, levelled to the
dust, and such constitutions imposed on them as were likely to crush the
vigour of the human mind, while the unsuccessful issue of the present
struggle would for ages to come deter posterity from the bold -design of
asserting their rights. Impressed with these ideas he hazarded his person
for some considerable time in rear of his own men, and in front of the
enemy with his horse's head towards the latter, as if in expectation that by
an honourable death he might escape the infamy he dreaded from the dastardly conduct of troops on whom he could place no dependence. His aids
and the confidential friends around his person, by indirect violence, compelled him to retire. In consequence of their address and importunity, a
life was saved for public service, which otherwise, from a sense of honour,
and a gust of passion, seemed to be devoted to almost certain destruction.
On the day after this shameful flight of part of the American army, a
skirmish took place between two battalions of light infantry and Highlanders
commanded by Brigadier Leslie, and some detachments from the Ametican
army, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Knowlton of Connecticut,
and Major Leitch of Virginia. The colonelwas killed and the major badly
wounded. Their men behaved with great bravery, and fairly beat their
adversaries from the field. Most of these were the same men who had
disgraced themselves the day before, by running away; struck with a sense
of shame for their late misbehaviour, they had offered themselves as volunteers, and requested the commander-in-chief to give them an opportunity to
retrieve their honour. Their good conduct, at this second engagement,
proved an antidote to the poison of their example on the preceding day. It
demonstrated that Americans only wanted resolution and good officers to
be on a footing with the British, and inspired them with hopes that a little
more experience would enable them to assume, not only the name and
garb, but the spirit and firmness of soldiers.
The Americans having evacuated the city of New York, a brigade of
the British army marched into it. They had been but a few days in possession, when a dreadful fire, most probably occasioned by the disorderly
conduct of some British sailors, who had been permitted to regale themselves on shore, broke out, and consumed about a thousand houses. Dry
weather and a brisk wind spread the flames to such an extent, that had it
not been for great exertions of the troops and sailors, the whole city must
have shared the same fate. After the Americans had evacuated New
York, they retired to the north end of the island on which that city is
erected. In about four weeks General Howe began to execute a plan for
zutting off General Washington's communication with the Eastern States,
and enclosing him so as to compel a general engagement on the island.
With this view, the greater part of the royal army passed through Hellgate, entered the Sound, and landed on Frog's Neck, in West Chester
VOL. I. —12 n 2
90 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
county. Two days after they made this movement, General Lee arrived
from his late successful command to the southward. He found that there
wvas a prevailing disposition among the officers in the American army for
remaining on New York island. A council of war was called, in which
General Lee gave such convincing reasons for quitting it, that they resolved immediately to withdraw the bulk of the army. He also pressed
the expediency of evacuating Fort Washington, but in this he was opposed
by General Greene, who argued that the possession of that post would
divert a large body of the enemy from joining their main force, and in conjunction with Fort Lee would be of great use in covering the transportation
of provisions and stores up the North River for the service of the American
troops. He added farther, that the garrison could be brought off at any
time by boats from the Jersey side of the river. His opinion prevailed.
Though the system of evacuating and retreating was in general adopted,
an exception was made in favour of Fort Washington, and near three thousand men were assigned for its defence.
The royal army, after a halt of six days at Frog's Neck, advanued near
to New Rochelle. On their march they sustained a considerable loss by a
party of Americans whom General Lee posted behind a wall. After three
days General Howe moved the right and centre of his army two mniles to
the northward of New Rochelle, on the road to the White Plains, and
there he received a large reinforcement.
ENERAL Washington, while retreating from New York
island, was careful to make a front towards the British,
/- ~ll 1; > from East Chester almost to White Plains, in order to
K~ f i secure the march of those who were behind, and to defend the removal of the sick, the cannon, and stores of
his army. In this manner his troops made a line of small detached
and intrenched camps, on the several heights and strong grounds,
from Valentine's hill on the right, to the vicinity of the White
Plains on the left.
The royal army moved in two columns, and took a position with
the Brunx in front, upon which the Americans assembled their main force
at White Plains behind intrenchments. A general action was hourly expected, and a considerable one took place, in which several hundreds fell.
The Americans were commanded by General McDougal, and the British
by General Leslie. While they were engaged, the American baggage
was moved off, in full view of the British army. Soon after this, General
Washington changed his front, his left wing stood fast, and his right fell
back to some hills. In this position, which was an admirable one in a military point of view, he both desired and expected an action; but General
Howe declined it, and drew off his forces towards Dobbs' ferry. The
Americans afterwards retired to North Castle.
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 91
General Washington, with part of his army, crossed the North River,
and took post in the neighbourhood of Fort Lee. A force of about seven
thousand five hundred men was left at North Castle, under General Lee.
The Americans having retired, Sir William Howe determined to improve
the opportunity of their absence, for the reduction of Fort Washington.
This, the only post the Americans then held on New York island, was
under the command of Colonel Magaw. The royal army made four attacks
upon it. The first on the north side, was led on by General Knyphausen.
The second on the east by General Matthews, supported by Lord Cornwallis. The third was under the direction of Lieutenant-colonel Stirling,
and the fourth was commanded by Lord Percy. The troops under Knyphausen, when advancing to the fort, had to pass through a thick wood
which was occupied by Colonel Rawling's regiment of riflemen, and suffered very much from their well-directed fire. During this attack, a body
of the British light infantry advanced against a party of the Americans
who were annoying them from behind rocks and trees, and obliged them to
disperse. Lord Percy carried an advance work on his side, and Lieutenant-colonel Stirling forced his way up a steep height and took one hundred and seventy prisoners. Their outworks being carried, the Americans
left their lines and crowded into the fort. Colonel Rahl, who led the right
column of Knyphausen's attack, pushed forward and lodged his column
within a hundred yards of the fort, and was there soon joined by the left
column-the garrison surrendered on terms of capitulation, by which the
men were to be considered as prisoners of war, and the officers to keep
their baggage and side-arms. The number of prisoners amounted to two
thousand seven hundred. The loss of the British, inclusive of killed and
wounded, was about one thousand two hundred. Shortly after Fort Washington had surrendered, [Nov. 18,] Lord Cornwallis, with a considerable
force, passed over to attack Fort Lee, on the opposite Jersey shore.
The garrison was saved by an immediate evacuation, but at the expense
of their artillery and stores. General Washington, about this time, retreated to Newark. Having abundant reason, from the posture of affairs,
to count on the necessity of a farther retreat, he asked Colonel Reed" Should we retreat to the back parts of Pennsylvania, will the Pennsylvanians support us?" The colonel replied, "If the lower counties are
subdued and give up, the back counties will do the same." The general
replied, "We must retire to Augusta county, in Virginia. Numbers will
be obliged to repair to us for safety, and we must try what we can do in
carrying on a predatory war, and if overpowered, we must cross the Al..
legheny mountains."
While a tide of success was flowing in upon General Howe, he and his
brothers, as royal commissioners, issued a proclamation, in which they
commanded " All persons assembled in arms against his rajesty's govern
92 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
ment to disband, and all general or provincial congresses to desist from their
treasonable actings and to relinquish their usurped power." They also
declared, " that every person who, within sixty days, should appear before
the governor, lieutenant-governor, or commander-in-chief of any of his
majesty's colonies, or before the general or commanding officer of his majesty's forces, and claim the benefit of the proclamation, and testify his
obedience to the laws by subscribing a certain declaration, should obtain a
full and free pardon of all treasons by him committed, and of all forfeitures
and penalties for the same." Many who had been in office, and taken an
active part in support of the new government, accepted of these offers and
made peace by submission. Some who had been the greatest blusterers in
favour of independence, veered round to the strongest side. Men of fortune generally gave way. The few who stood firm were mostly to be
found in the middle ranks of the people.
The term of time for which the American soldiers had engaged to serve
-ended in November or December, with no other exception than that of
two companies of artillery, belonging to the state of New York!, which
were engaged for the war. The army had been organized at the close of
the preceding year, on the fallacious idea that an accommodation would
take place within a twelve-month. Even the flying camp, though instituted after the prospect of that event had vanished, was enlisted only till
the first of December, from a presumption that the campaign would terminate by that time.
When it was expected that the conquerors would retire to winter quarters, they commenced a new plan of operations, more alarming than all
their previous conquests. ~The reduction of Fort Washington, the evacuation of Fort Lee, and the diminution of the American army by the departure of those whose time of service had expired, encouraged the British,
notwithstanding the severity of the winter, and the badness of the roads,
to pursue the remaining inconsiderable continental force, with the prospect
of annihilating it. By this turn of affairs, the interior country was surprised into confusion, and found an enemy within its bowels withouta sufficient army to oppose it. To retreat, was the only expedient left. This
having commenced, Lord Cornwallis followed and was close in the rear of
General Washington, as he retreated successively to Newark, to Brunswick, to Princeton, to Trenton, and to the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware. The pursuit was urged with so much rapidity, that the rear of the
one army, pulling down bridges, was often within sight and shot of the v'an
of the other, building them up.
Tnls retreat into and through New Jersey was attended with almost
every circumstance that could occasion embarrassment and depression of
spirits. It commenced in a few days after the Americans had lost two
thousand seven hundred men in Fort Washington. In fourteen days after
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 93
RETREAT OF TOtE AMERICAN ARMY TBHROUG NEW JERSEY.
that event, the whole flying camp claimed their discharge. This was folJowed by the almost daily departure of others, whose engagements terminated nearly about the same time. A farther disappointment happened to
General Washington at this time. Gates had been ordered by Congress to
send two regiments from Ticonderoga to reinforce his army. Two Jersey
regiments were put under the command of General St. Clair, and forwarded
in obedience to this order, but the period for which they were enlisted
was expired, and the moment they entered their own state they went off
to a man. A few officers, without a single private, were all that General
St. Clair brought of those two regiments to the aid of the retreating American army. The few who remained with General Washington were in a
most forlorn condition. They consisted mostly of the troops which had
garrisoned Fort Lee, and had been compelled to abandon that post so suddenly that they commenced their retreat without tents or blankets, and
without any utensils to dress their provisions. In this situation they performed a march of about ninety miles, and had the address to prolong it to
the space of nineteen days. As the retreating Americans marched through
the country, scarcely one of the inhabitants joined them, while numbers
were daily flocking to the royal army, to make their peace and obtain protection They saw on the one side a numerous, well-appointed, and full
clad army dazzling their eyes with the elegance of uniformity; on the
other a few poor fellows, who from their shabby clothing were called raga-.
muffins, fleeing for their safety. Not only the common people changed
sides in this gloomy state of public affairs, but some of the leading men in
New Jersey and Pennsylvania adopted the same expedient. Among these
Mr. Galloway and the fanlily of the Aliens of Philadelphia were mos
94 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
DS UORZ T OZ 1 RHODE I SLA D.
dlstinguished The former, and one of the latter, had been members
oi Congress. In this hour of adversity they came within the British lines,
and surrendered themselves to the conquerors, alleging in justification of
their conduct, that though they had joined with their countrymen in seek
ing for a redress of grievances in a constitutional way, they had never ap.
proved of the measures lately adopted, and were in particular, at all times,
a terse to independence.
On the day General Washington retreated over the Delaware, the British took possession of Rhode Island without any loss, and at the same time
blocked up Commodore Hopkins' squadron and a number of privateers at
Providence.
In this period, when the American army was relinquishing its generalthe people giving up the cause, some of their leaders going over to the
enemy, and the British commlanders succeeding in every enterprise, General Lee was taken prisoner at Baskenridge, by Lieutenant Colonel Harcourt. This caused a depression of spirits among the Americans, far exceeding any real injury done to their essential interests. He h ad been
repeatedly ordered to come forward with his division and join General
Washington, but these orders were not obeyed. This circumstance, and
the dangerous crisis of public affairs, together with his being alone at some
distance from the troops which he commanded, begat suspicions that he
chose to fall into the hands of the British. Though these apprehensions
were without foundation, they produced the same extensive mischief as if
they had been realities. The Americans had reposed extravagant confi.
dence in is military talents and experience of regular European war.
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 95
Merely to have lost such an idol of the states at any time would have been
distressful, but losing him under circumstances which favoured an opinion
that, despairing of the American cause, he chose to be taken a prisoner,
was to many an extinguishment of every hope.
By the advance of the British into New Jersey, the neighbourhood of
Philadelphia became the seat of war. This prevented that undisturbed
attention to public business which the deliberations of Congress required.
They therefore adjourned themselves to meet in eight days at Baltimore,
resolving at the same time, " that General Washington should be possessed
of full powers to order and direct all things relative to the department, and
the operations of war."
The activity of the British in the close of the campaign seemed in some
measure to compensate for their tardiness in the beginning of it.
Hitherto they had succeeded in every scheme. They marched up and
down the Jersey side of the river Delaware, and through the country,
without any molestation. All opposition to the re-establishment of royal
government seemed to be on the point of expiring. The Americans had
thus far acted without system, or rather feebly executed what had been
tardily adopted. Though the war was changed from its first ground, a
redress of grievances to a struggle for sovereignty, yet some considerable
time elapsed before arrangements conformable to this new system were
adopted, and a much longer before they were carried into execution.
With the year 1776, a retreating, half-naked army, was to be dismissed,
and the prospect of a new one was both distant and uncertain. The recently assumed independence of the states was apparently on the verge
of dissolution. It was supposed by many, that the record of their existence
would have been no more than that "a fickle people, impatient of the restraints of regular government, had in a fit of passion abolished that of
Great Britain, and established in its room free constitutions of their own;
but these new establishments, from want of wisdom in their rulers, or of
spirit in their people, were no sooner formed than annihilated. The leading men, in their respective governments, and the principal members of
Congress, (for by this name the insurgents distinguished their supreme
council,) were hanged and their estates confiscated. Washington, the gallant leader of their military establishments-worthy of a better fate-deserted by his army-abandoned by his country-rushing on the thickest
battalions of the foe, provoked a friendly British bayonet to deliver him
from an ignominious death."
To human wisdom it appeared probable, that such a paragraph would
have closed some small section in the history of England, treating of tile
American troubles; but there is in human affairs an ultimate point of elevation or depression, beyond which they neither grow better nor worse, but
turn back in a contrary course.
96 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
In proportion as difficulties increased, Congress redoubled their exertions
to oppose them. They addressed the states in animated language, calcu
lated to remove their despondency —renew their hopes —and confirm their
resolutions.
They at the same time despatched gentlemen of character and influence
to excite the militia to take the field. General Mifflin was, on this occasion, particularly useful. He exerted his great abilities in rousing his fellow-citizens, by animated and affectionate addresses, to turn out in defence
of their endangered liberties.
Congress also recommended to each of the United States, "to appoint a
day of solemn fasting and humiliation, to implore of Almighty God the forgiveness of their many sins, and to beg the countenance and assistance
of his providence, in the prosecution of the present just and necessary
war."
In the dangerous situation to which every thing dear to the friends
of independence was reduced, Congress transferred extraordinary powers
to General Washington, by a resolution expressed in the following
words:
[December 27.] "The unjust, but determined purpose of the British
court to enslave these free states, obvious through every delusive insinuation to the contrary, having placed things in such a situation that the very
existence of civil liberty now depends on the right execution of military
powers; and the drigorous decisive conduct of these being impossible to
distant, numerous and deliberative bodies-This Congress, having maturely considered the present crisis, and having perfect reliance on the
wisdom, vigour, and uprightness of General Washington, do hereby
"Resolve, That General Washington shall be, and he is hereby vested
with full, ample, and complete powers, to raise and collect together, in the
most speedy and effectual manner, from any or all of these United States,
sixteen battalions of infantry, in addition to those already voted. by Congress; to appoint officers for the said battalions of infantry; to raise, officer, and equip three thousand light horse, three regiments of artillery, and
a corps of engineers, and to establish their pay; to apply to any of the
states for such aid of the militia as he shall judge necessary; to form
such magazines of provisions, and in such places as he shall think proper:
to displace and appoint all officers under the rank of brigadier-generar,
and to fill up all vacancies in every other department in the American armies;
to take, wherever he may be, whatever he may want, for the use of the
army, if the inhabitants will not sell it, allowing a reasonable price for the
same; to arrest and confine persons who refuse to take continental currency, or are otherwise disaffected to the American cause; and return to
the states, of which they are citizens, their names, and the nature of their
offences, together with the witnesses to prorLe them: That the foregoing
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 9'I
powers be vested in General Washington, for and during the term of six
months, from the date hereof, unless sooner determined by Congress."
In this hour of extremity, the attention of Congress was employed in
devising plans to save the states from sinking under the heavy calamities
which were bearing them down. It is remarkable, that, neither in the
present condition, thrtgh trying and severe, nor in any other since the
declaration of independence, was Congress influenced either by force, distress, artifice, or persuasion, to entertain the most distant idea of purchasing peace, by returning to the condition of British subjects. So low were
they reduced in the latter part of 1776, that some members, distrustful of
their ability to resist the power of Great Britain, proposed to authorize
their commissioners at the court of France (whose appointment shall be
hereafter explained) to transfer to that country the same monopoly of their
trade which Great Britain had hitherto enjoyed. On examination it was
found, that concessions of this kind would destroy the force of the many
arguments heretofore used in favour of independence, and, probably, disunite their citizens. It was next proposed to offer a monopoly of certain
enumerated articles of produce. To this the variant interests of the different states were so directly opposed as to occasion a speedy and decided
negative. Some proposed offering to France a league offensive and defensive, in case she would heartily support American independence; but
this was also rejected. The more enlightened members of Congress
argued, "Though the friendship of small states might be purchased, that
of France could not." They alleged, if she would risk a war with Great
Britain, by openly espousing their cause, it would not be so much from
the prospect of direct advantages, as from a natural desire to lessen the
overgrown power of a dangerous rival. It was therefore supposed, that
the only inducement likely to influence France to an interference, was an
assurance that the United States were determined to persevere in refusing
a return to their former allegiance. Instead of listening to the terms of
the royal commissioners, or to any founded on the idea of their resuming
the character of British subjects, it was, therefore, again resolved, to abide
by their declared independence, and proffered freedom of trade to every
foreign nation, trusting the event to Providence and risking all consequences. Copies of these resolutions were sent to the principal courts. of
Europe, and proper persons were appointed to solicit their friendship to
the new-formed states. These despatches fell into the hands of the British, and were by them published. This was the very thing wished for
by Congress. They well knew, that an apprehension of their making up
all differences with Great Britain was the principal objection to the interference of foreign courts, in what was represented to be no more than a
domestic quarrel. A resolution adopted in the deepest distress, and the
worst of times, that Congress would listen to no terms of re-union with
VOL [IT-13
98 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
their parent state, convinced those who wished for the dismemberment or
the British empire, that it was sound policy to interfere, so far as would
prevent the conquest of the United States.
These judicious determinations in the cabinet were accompanied with
vigorous exertions in the field. In this crisis of danger fifteen hundred of
the Pennsylvania militia embodied to reinforce the continental army. The
merchant, the farmer, the tradesman and the labourer, cheerfully relinquished the conveniencies of home, to perform the duties of private soldiers, in the severity of a winter campaign. Though most of them were
accustomed to the habits of a city life, they slept in tents, barns, and sometimes in the open air, during the cold months of December and January.
There were, nevertheless, only two instances of sickness, and only one of
death in that large body of men, in the course of six weeks. The delay so
judiciously contrived on the retreat through Jersey, afforded time for these
volunteer reinforcements to join General Washington. The number ot
troops under his command at that time fluctuated between two and three
thousand men. To turn round and face a victorious and numerous foe
with this inconsiderable force was risking much; but the urgency of the
case required that something should be attempted. The recruiting business for the proposed new continental army was at a stand, while the British were driving the Americans before them. The present regular soldiers could, as a matter of right, in less than a week claim their discharge
and scarce a single recruit offered to supply their place. Under these
circumstances, the bold resolution was formed of re-crossing into the state
of Jersey, and attacking that part of the enemy which was posted at
Trenton.
When the Americans retreated over the Delaware the boats in the vicinity were removed out of the way of their pursuers-this arrested their progress: but the British commanders in the security of conquest cantoned
their army in Burlington, Bordentown, Trenton, and other towns of New
Jersey, in daily expectation of being enabled to cross into Pennsylvania, by
means of ice, which is generally formed about that time.
Of all events, none seemed to them more improbable than that their late
retreating, half-naked enemies, should, in this extreme cold season, face
about and commence offensive operations. They indulged themselves in a
degree of careless inattention to the possibility of a surprise, which in the
vicinity of an enemy, however contemptible, can never be justified. It has
been said that Colonel Rahl, the commanding officer in Trenton, being
under some apprehension for that frontier post, applied to General Grant
for a reinforcement, and that the general returned for answer, " Tell the
colonel, he is very safe; I will undertake to keep the peace in New Jers j
with a corporal's guard."
In the evening of Christmas day, General Washington made arrange.
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 99
IK__________________________' __
III; i
<I
BATTLZ OF TRENTON.
ments for re-crossing the Delaware in three divisions; at McKonkey's
ferry, at Trenton ferry, and at or near Bordentown. The troops which
were to have crossed at the two last places, were commanded by Generals
Ewing and Cadwalader; they made every exertion to get over, but the
quantity of ice was so great that they could not effect their purpose. The
main body, which was commanded by General Washington, crossed at McKonkey's ferry, but the ice in the river retarded their passage so long that
it was three o'clock in the morning before the artillery could be got over.
On their landing in Jersey, they were formed into two divisions, commanded by Generals Sullivan and Greene, who had under their command
Brigadiers Lord Stirling, Mercer, and St. Clair: one of these divisions was
ordered to proceed on the lower, or river road, the other on the upper or
Pennington road. Col. Stark, with some light troops, was also directed to
advance near to the river, and to possess himself of that part of the town,
which is beyond the bridge. The divisions having nearly the same distance to march, were ordered immediately on forcing the out-guards to
push directly into Trenton, that they might charge the enemy-before they
had time to form. Though they marched different roads, yet they arrived
at the enemy's advanced post within three minutes of each other, The
out-guards of the Hessian troops at Trenton' soon fell back, but kept up a
constant retreating fire. Their main body being hard pressed by the
Americans, who had already got possession of half their artiliery, attempted
to file off by a road leading towards Princeton, but were checked by a body of
troops thrown in their way. Finding they were surrounded, they laid
down their arms. The number which submitted, was twenty-three officers
and eight hundred and eighty-six men. Between thirty and forty of the
100 CLOSE OF THE C AM PAIGN OF 1776.
Hessians were killed and wounded. Colonel Rahl was among the formei,
and seven of his officers among the latter. Captain Washington, of tho
Virginia troops, and five or six of the Americans were wounded. Two
were killed, and two or three were frozen to death. The detachment in
Trenton consisted of the regiments of Rahl, Losberg, and Knyphausen,
amounting in the whole to about fifteen hundred men, and a troop of
British light-horse. All these were killed or captured, except about six
hundred, who escaped by the road leading to Bordentown.
The British had a strong battalion of light infantry at Princeton, and a
force yet remaining near the Delaware, superior to the American army.
General Washington, therefore, in the evening of the same day, thought it
most prudent to re-cross into Pennsylvania with his prisoners.
The effects of this successful enterprise were speedily felt in recruiting the
American army. About fourteen hundred regular soldiers, whose time of service was on the point of expiring, agreed to serve six weeks longer, on a promised gratuity of ten paper dollars to each. Men of influence were sent to different parts ofthe country to rouse the militia. The rapine and impolitic conduct of
the British operated more forcibly on the inhabitants, to expel them from the
state, than either patriotism or persuasion to prevent their overrunning it.
The Hessian prisoners taken on the 26th being secured, General Washington re-crossed the Delaware, and took possession of Trenton. The detachments which had been distributed over New Jersey, previous to the capture of the Hessians, immediately after that event assembled at Princeton,
and were joined by the army from Brunswick under Lord Cornwallis
From this position they came forward towards Trenton in great force, hoping by a vigorous onset to repair the injury their cause had sustained by
the late defeat. Truly delicate was the situation of the feeble American
army. To retreat was to hazard the city of Philadelphia, and to destroy
every ray of hope which had begun to dawn from their late success. To
risk an action with a superior force in front, and a river in rear, was dangerous in the extreme. To get round the advanced party of the British,
and by pushing forwards to attack their rear, was deemed preferable to
either. The British on their advance from Princeton, about 4 P. m.,
attacked a body of Americans which were posted with four field-pieces a
little to the northward of Trenton, and compelled them to retreat. The
pursuing British, being checked at the bridge over Sanpink creek, which
runs through that town, by some field-pieces, which were posted on the
opposite banks of that rivulet, fell back so far as to be out of reach of the
cannon, and kindled their fires. The Americans were drawn up on the
other side of the creek, and in that position remained till night, cannonading
the enemy and receiving their fire. In this critical hour, two armies, on
which the success or failure of the American revolution materially depended, were crowded into the small village of Trenton, and only separated
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 101
by a creek, in many places fordable. The British, believing they had all
the advantages they could wish for, and that they could use them when
they pleased, discontinued all farther operations, and kept themselves in
readiness to make the attack next morning. Sir William Erskine is
reported to have advised an immediate attack, or at least to place a strong
guard at a bridge over Sanpink creek, which lay in the route the Americans took to Princeton, giving for reason that, otherwise, Washington, if a
good general, would make a move to the left of the royal army, and attack
the post at Princeton in their rear. The next morning presented a scene
as brilliant on the one side as it was unexpected on the other. Soon after
it became dark, General Washington ordered all his baggage to be silently
removed;and having left guards, for the purpose of deception, marched
with his whole force by a circuitous route to Princeton. This manceuvre
was determined upon in a council of war, from a conviction that it would
avoid the appearance of a retreat, and at the same time the hazard of an
action in a bad position, and that it was the most likely way to preserve
the city of Philadelphia from falling into the hands of the British. General
Washington also presumed, that from an eagerness to efface the impressions made by the late capture of the Hessians at Trenton, the British commanders had pushed forward their principal force, and that of course the
remainder in the rear at Princeton was not more than equal ta ais own.
The event verified this conjecture. The more effectually to disguise the
departure of the Americans from Trenton, fires were lighte] up in front of
their camp. These not only gave an appearance of going to rest, but, as
flame cannot be seen through, concealed from the British what was transacting behind them. In this relative position they were a pillar of fire to
the one army, and a pillar of cloud to the other. Providence favoured this
movement of the Americans. The weather had been for some time so
warm and moist, that the ground was soft and the roads so deep as to be
scarcely passable: but the wind suddenly changed to the north-west, and
the ground in a short time was frozen so hard, that when the Americans
took up their line of march, they were no more retarded than.if they had
been upon a solid pavement.
General Washington reached Princeton early in the morning, and would
have completely surprised the British, had not a party which was on their
way to Trenton descried his troops when they were about two miles distant, and sent back couriers to alarm their unsuspecting fellow-soldiers in
their rear. These consisted of the seventeenth, the fortieth, and fifty-fith
regiments of British infantry, and some of the royal artillery, with two fieldpieces and three troops of light dragoons. The centre of the A mericans,
consisting of the Philadelphia militia, while on their line of march, was
briskly charged by a party of the British, and gave way in disorder. The
moment was critical. General Washington pushed forward, and placed
102 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
Ri,
BATTLE OF PRINCETON.
himself between his own men and the British, with his horse's head front.
ing the latter. The Americans, encouraged by his example and exhortations, made a stand, and returned the British fire. The general, though
between both parties, was providentially uninjured by either. A party of
the British fled into the college, and were there attacked with field-pieces,
which were fired into it. The seat of the muses became for some time the
scene of action. The party which had taken refuge in the college, after
receiving a few discharges from American field-pieces, came out and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. In the course of the engagement
sixty of the British were killed, and a greater number wounded, and about
three hundred of them were taken prisoners. The rest made their escape,
some by pushing on towards Trenton, others by returning towards
Brunswick. The Americans lost onlyv a few, but Colonels -Haslet and
Potter, and Captain Neal, of the artillery, were among the slain. General
Mercer received three bayonet wounds, of which he died in a short time.
He was a Scotchman by birth, but from principle and affection had engaged
to support the liberties of his adopted country with a zeal equal to that of
any of its native sons. In private life he was amiable, and his character
as an officer stood high in the public esteem.
While they were fighting in Princeton, the British in Trenton were
under arms, and on the point of making an assault on the evacuated camp
tf the Americans. With so much address had the movement to Princeton
CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 103
been conducted, that though, from the critical situation of the two annies,
every ear may be supposed to have been open, and every watchfulness to
have been employed, yet General Washington moved completely off the
ground with his whole force, stores, baggage, and artillery, unknown to
and unsuspected by his adversaries. The British in Trenton were so
entirely deceived, that when they heard the report of the, artillery at
Princeton, though it was in the depth of winter, they supposed it to be
thunder.
That part of the royal army which, having escaped from Princeton,
retreated towards New Brunswick, was pursued for three or four miles.
Another party, which had advanced as far as Maidenhead, on their way to
Trenton, hearing the frequent discharge of firearms in their rear, wheeled
round and marched to the aid of their companions. The Americans, by
destroying bridges, retarded these, though close in their rear, so long as to
gain time for themselves to move off in good order to Pluckemin.
So great was the consternation of the British at these unexpected movements, that they instantly evacuated both Trenton and Princeton, and
retreated with their whole force to New Brunswick. The American
militia collected, and forming themselves into parties, waylaid their enemies, and cut them off whensoever an opportunity presented. In a few
days they overran the Jerseys. General Maxwell surprised Elizabethtown,
and took near one hundred prisoners. Newark was abandoned, and the
late conquerors were forced to leave Woodbridge. The royal troops were
confined to Amboy and Brunswick, which held a water communication
with New Yosk. Thus, in the short space of a month, that part of Jersey,
which lies between New Brunswick and Delaware, was both overrun by
the British and recovered by the Americans. The retreat of the continental
army, the timid policy of the Jersey farmers, who chose rather to secure
their property by submission than defend it by resistance, made the British
believe their work was done, and that little else remained but to reap a
harvest of plunder as the reward of their labours. Unrestrained by the
terrors of civil law, uncontrolled by the severity of discipline, and elated
with their success, the soldiers of the royal army, and particularly the
Hessians, gave full scope to the selfish and ferocious passions of human
nature. A conquered country, and submitting inhabitants, presented easy
plunder equwal to their unbounded rapacity. Infants, children, old men and
women, were stripped of their blankets and clothing. Furniture was
burnt or otherwise destroyed. Domestic animals were carried off, and the
people robbed of their necessary household provisions. The rapes and
brutalities committed on women, and even on very young girls, would
shock the ears of modesty, if particularly recited. These violences were
perpetrated on inhabitants who had remained in their houses, and received
printed protections, signed by order of the connmander-in-chief. It was in
104 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
vain that they produced these protections as a safeguard. The Hessiara
could not read them, and the British soldiers thought they were entitled to
a share of the booty, equally with their foreign associates.
Such, in all ages, has been the complexion of the bulk of armies, that
immediate and severe punishments are indispensably necessary to keep
them from flagrant enormities. That discipline, without which an army
is a band of armed plunderers, was, as far as respected the inhabitants,
either neglected, or but feebly administered in the royal army. The soldiers, finding they might take, with impunity, what they pleased, were
more strongly urged by avarice than checked by policy or fear. Had
every citizen been secured in his rights, protected in his property, and
paid for his supplies, the consequences might have been fatal to the hopes
of those who were attached to independence. What the warm recommendations of Congress and the ardent supplications of General Washington could not effect, took place of its own accord, in consequence of the
plunderings and devastations of the royal army.
The whole country became instantly hostile to the invaders. Sufferers
of all parties rose as one man, to revenge their personal injuries. Those
who, from age or infirmities, were incapable of bearing arms, kept a strict
watch on the movements of the royal army, and, from time to time, communicated information to their countrymen in arms. Those who lately
declined all military opposition, though called upon by the sacred tie of
honour pledged to each other on the declaration of independence, cheerfully embodied, when they found submission to be unavailing for the security of their estates. This was not done originally in consequence of the
victories of Trenton and Princeton. In the very moment of these actions,
or before the news of them had circulated, sundry individuals, unknowing
of General Washington's movements, were concerting private insurrections, to revenge themselves on the plunderers. The dispute originated
about property, or, in other words, about the right of taxation. From the
same source, at this time it received a new and forcible impulse. The
farmer, who could not trace the consequences of British taxation, nor of
American independence, felt the injuries he sustained from the depredation
of licentious troops. The militia of New Jersey, who had hitherto behaved
most shamefully, from this time forward redeemed their character, and
throughout a tedious war performed services with a spirit and discipline,
in many respects, equal to that of regular soldiers.
The victories of Trenton and Princeton seemed to be like a resurrection from the dead, to the desponding friends of independence. A melancholy gloom had, in the first twenty-five days of December, overspread the
United States; but from the memorable era of the 26th of the same
month, their prospects began to brighten. The recruiting service, which
for some time had been at a stand, was successfully renewed, and hopes
(ILOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776 10i
were soon indulged, that the commander-in-chief would be enaoled to take
the field in the spring, with a permanent regular force. General Washington retired to Morristown, that he might afford shelter to his suffering
army. The American militia had sundry successful skirmishes with detach.
ments of their adversaries. Within four days after the affair at Princeton,
between forty and fifty Waldeckers were killed, wounded or taken, by an
equal number of the same New Jersey militia, which, but a month before,
suffered the British to overrun their country without opposition. This
enterprise was conducted by Colonel Spencer, whose gallantry, on the
occasion, was rewarded with the command of a regiment.
During the winter movements, which have been just related, the soldiers
of both armies underwent great hardships, but the Americans suffered by
far the greater. Many of them were without shoes, though marching
over frozen ground, which so gashed their naked feet, that every step was
marked with blood. There was scarcely a tent in their whole army.
The city of Philadelphia had been twice laid under contribution, to provide them with blankets. Officers had been appointed to examine every
house, and after leaving a scanty covering for the family, to bring off the
rest for the use of the troops in the field; but, notwithstanding these exertions, the quantity procured was far short of decency, much less of
comfort.!
The officers anrd soldiers of the American army were, about this time,
inoculated in their cantonment at Morristown. As very few of theIn had
ever had the small-pox, the inoculation was nearly universal. The disorder had previously spread amnong them in the natural way, and proved
mortal to many: but after inoculation was introduced, though whole regiments were inoculated in.a day, there was little or no mortality from the
small-pox, and the disorder was so slight that from the beginning to the
end of it there was not a single day in which they could not, and, if
called upon, would not have turned out and fought the British. To induce
the inhabitants to accommodate officers and soldiers in their houses, while
under the small-pox, they and their families were inoculated gratis by the
military surgeons. Thus, in a short time, the whole army and the inhabitants in and near Morristown were subjected to the small-pox, and with
very little inconvenience to either.
Three months, which followed the actions of Trenton and Princeton,
passed away without any important military enterprise on either side.
Major-general Putnam was directed to take post at Princeton, and cover
the country in the vicinity. He had only a few hundred troops, though
he was no more than eighteen miles distant from the strong garrison
of the British at Brunswick. At one period he had fewer men for duty
than he had miles of frontier to guard. The situation of General Washington, at Morristown, was not more eligible. His force was trifling, when
VOL. II.-14
106 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.:compared with that of the British, but the enemy, and his own countrymen, believed the contrary. Their deception was cherished, and artfully
continued by the specious parade of a considerable army. The American
officers took their station in positions of difficult access, and kept up a constant
communication with each other. This secured them from insult and surprise. While they covered the country, they harassed the foraging parties
-of the British, and often attacked them with success. Of a variety of these,
the two following are selected as most worthy of notice. [January 20.]
General Dickinson, with four hundred Jersey militia, and fifty of the
Pennsylvania riflemen, crossed Millstone river, near Somerset court-house,
and attacked a large foraging party of the British with so much spirit that
they abandoned their convoy and fled. Nine of them were taken prisoners. Forty wagons, and upwards of one hundred horses, with a considerable booty, fell into the hands of the general. While the British
were loading their wagons, a single man began to fire on them from the
woods. He was soon joined by more of his neighbours, who could not
patiently see their property carried away. After the foragers had been
annoyed for some time by these unseen marksmen, they fancied, on the
appearance of General Dickinson, that they were attacked by a superior
force, and began a precipitate flight.
In about a month after the affair of Somerset court-house, [February 18,]
Colonel Nelson, of Brunswick, with a detachment of one -hundred and
fifty militia-men, surprised and captured at Lawrence's Neck a major and
fifty-nine privates, of the refugees, who were in British pay.
Throughout the campaign of 1776, an uncommon degree of sickness
raged in the American army. Husbandmen, transferred at once from the
conveniencies of domestic life, to the hardships of a field encampment,
could not accommodate themselves to the sudden change. The southern
troops sickened from the want of salt provisions. Linen shirts were too
generally worn in contact with the skin. The salutary influence of flannel,
in preventing the diseases of camps, was either unknown or disregarded.
The discipline of the army was too feeble to enforce those regulations
which experience has proved to be indispensably necessary for preserving
the health of large bodies of men collected together. Cleanliness was also
too much neglected. On the 8th of August, the whole American army
before New York consisted of 17,225 men, but of that number only 10,514
were fit for duty. These numerous sick suffered much from the want of
necessaries. Hurry and confusion added much to their distresses. There
was besides a real want of the requisites for their relief.
A proper hospital establishment was beyond the abilities of Congress,
especially as the previous arrangements were not entered upon till the
campaign had begun. Many, perhaps some thousands, in the American
army were swept off in a few months by sickness. The country every
CLOSE' OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 107
where presented the melancholy sight of soldiers suffering poverty and
di_2ase, without the aid of medicine or attendance. Those who survived
gave such accounts of the sufferings of the sick, as greatly discouraged the
recruiting service. A rage for plundering, under the pretence of taking
Tory property, infected many of the common soldiery, and even some of
the officers.: The army had been formed on such principles, in some of the
states, that commissions were, in several instances, bestowed on persons
who had no pretensions to the character of gentlemen. Several of the
officers were chosen by their own men; and they often preferred those
from whom they expected the greatest indulgencies. In other cases, the
choice of the men was in favour of these who had consented to throw their
pay into a joint stock with the privates, from which officers and men drew
equal shares.
The army consisting mostly of new recruits and unexperienced officers,
and being only engaged for a twelve-month, was very deficient in that
mechanism and discipline which time and experience bestow on veteran
troops. General Washington was unremitting in his representations to
Congress, favouring such alterations as promised permanency, order and
discipline in the army, but his judicious opinions on these subjects were
slowly adopted. The sentiments of liberty which then generally prevailed,
made some distinguished members of Congress so distrustful of tne future
power and probable designs of a permanent domestic army, that they had
wellnigh sacrificed their country to their jealousies.
The unbounded freedom of the
savage who roams the woods must be
restrained when he becomes a citizen
of orderly government, and from the' — ---- necessity of the case must be much
more so when he submits to be a
soldier. The individuals composing
the army of America could not at
once pass over from the full enjoyment of civil liberty to the discipline
of a camp; nor could the leading
men in Congress for some time be
persuaded to adopt energetic establishments. " God forbid, would such
say, that the citizen should be so far... i~~.'!~ lost in the soldiers of our army, that
they should give over longing for the
enjoyments of domestic happiness. Let frequent furloughs be granted,
rather than the endearments of wives and children should cease to allure
the individuals of our army from camps to farms." The amiableness of
108 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
this principle veiled the error of the sentiment. The minds of the civil
leaders in the councils of America were daily occupied in contemplating
the rights of human nature, and investigating arguments on the principles
of general liberty, to justify their own opposition to Great Britain. Warmed
with these ideas, they trusted too much to the virtue of their countrynmen,
and were backward to enforce that subordination and order in their army,
which, though it intrenches on civil liberty, produces effects in the military
line unequalled by the effusions of patriotism, or the exertions of undisciplined valour.
The experience of two campaigns evinced the folly of trusting the
defence of the country to militia, or to levies raised only for a few months,
and had induced a resolution for recruiting an army for the war. The
good effects of this measure will appear in the sequel.
The campaign of 1776 did not end till it had been protracted into the
first month of the year 1777. The British had counted on the complete
and speedy reduction of their late colonies; but they found the work more
difficult of execution than was supposed. They wholly failed in their
designs on the southern states. In Canada they recovered what, in the
preceding year, they had lost-drove the Americans out of their borders,
and destroyed their fleet on the lakes, but' they failed in making their
intended impression on the north-western frontier of the states. They
obtained possession of Rhode Island, but the acquisition was of little service-perhaps' was of detriment. For near three years several thousand
men, stationed thereon for its security, were lost to every purpose of active
co-operation with the royal forces in the field, and the possession of it
secured no equivalent advantages. The British completely succeeded
against the city of New York and the adjacent country; but when they
pursued their victories into New Jersey, and subdivided their army, the
recoiling Americans soon recovered the greatest part of what they had
lost.
Sir William Howe, after having nearly reached Philadelphia, was confined to limits so narrow, that the fee-simple of all he commanded would
not reimburse the expense incurred by its conquest.
The war, on the part of the Americans, was but barely begun. Hitherto
they had engaged with temporary forces, for a redress of grievances; but
towards the close of this year they made arrangements for raising a permanent army to contend with Great Britain for the sovereignty of the
country. To have thus far stood their ground, with their new levies, was
a matter of great importance, because to them delay was victory, and not
to be conquered was to conquer.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777, IN THE MIDDLE STATES.
OON after the Declaration of Independence,
the authority of Con-'A ~ gress was obtained for
/!~ raising an army, that
would be mnore permanent than'he temporary
- r~~~Zd~~, 1levies, which they had
previously brought into
~.. ~ -'c-~-'"' ~'was at first proposed to
recruit for the indefinite term of the war, but it being found on experiment that the habits of the people were averse to engagements, for such an
uncertain period of service, the recruiting officers were instructed to offer
the alternative of either enlisting for the war, or for three years. Those who
engaged on the first conditions were promised a hundred acres of land, in
addition to their pay and bounty. The troops raised by Congress for the
service of the United States were called continentals. Though in September, 1776, it had been resolved to raise eighty-eight battalions, and in December following, authority was given to General Washington to raise sixteen more, yet very little progress had been made in the recruiting business, till after the battles of Trenton and Princeton. Even after that
period, so much time was necessarily consumned before these new recruits
joined the commander-in-chief, that his whole force at Morristown, and the
several outposts, for some time, did not exceed fifteen hundred men. Yet,
what is almost incredible, these fifteen hundred men kept as many thousands of the British closely pent up in Brunswick. Almost every party
that was sent out by the latter, was successfully opposed by the former,
and the adjacent country preserved in a great degree of tranquillity.
K 109
110 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
It was matter of astonishment, that the British suffered the dangerous
interval between the disbanding of one army, and the raising of another, to
pass away without attempting something of consequence against the remaining shadow of an armed force. Hitherto there had been a deficiency
of arms and ammunition, as well as of men, but in the spring of 1777, a vessel
of twenty-four guns arrived from France at Portsmouth in New Hampshire,
with upwards of eleven thousand stand of arms, and one thousand barrels
of powder. Ten thousand stand of arms arrived about the same time, in
another part of the United States.
Before the royal army took the field, in prosecution of the main business
of the campaign, two enterprises for the destruction of American stores
were undertaken, in an opposite direction to what proved eventually to be
the theatre of the operations of Sir William Howe. The first was conducted by Colonel Bird, the second by Major General Tryon. The former
landed with about five hundred men at Peekskill, near fifty miles from
New York. [March 23.] General Washington had repeatedly cautioned
the commissaries not to suffer large quantities of provisions to be near the
water, in such places as were accessible to shipping, but his prudent advice had not been regarded. The few Americans under General McDougal, who were stationed as a guard at Peekskill, on the approach of Colonel
Bird, fired the principal storehouses, and retired to a good position, about
two or three miles distant. The loss of provisions, forage, and other valuable articles, was considerable.
Major-General Tryon, with a detachment of two thousand men, embarked at New York, and passing through the Sound, landed between
Fairfield and Norwalk. [April 26.] They advanced through the country
without interruption, and arrived in about twenty hours at Danbury. On
their approach, the few continentals who were in the town withdrew from
it. The British began to burn and destroy, but abstained from injuring
the property of such as were reputed tories. Eighteen houses, eight hundred barrels of pork and beef, eight hundred barrels of flour, two thousand
bushels of grain, seventeen hundred tents, and some other articles were
lost to the Americans. Generals Wooster, Arnold, and Silliman having
hastily collected a few hundred of the inhabitants, made arrangements for
interrupting the march of the royal detachment, but the arms of those who
came forward on this emergency were injured lyr excessive rains, and the
men were worn down with a march of thirty miles in the course of a day.
Such dispositions were nevertheless made, and such advantageous posts
were taken, as enabled them greatly to annoy the invaders when returning
to their ships. General Arnold, with about five hundred men, by a rapid
movement, reached Ridgefield in their front-barricaded the road, kept up
a brisk fire upon them, and sustained their attack till they had made a
lodgment on a ledge of rocks on his left. After the British had gained
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 111
this mlnnence, a whole platoon levelled at General Arnold, not more than
thirty yards distant. His horse was killed, but he escaped. While he
was extricating himself from his horse, a soldier advanced to run him
through with a bayonet, but he shot him dead with his pistol, and afterwards got off safe. The Americans, in several detached parties, harassed
the rear of the British, and from various stands kept up a scattering fire
upoin them till they reached their shipping.
The British accomplished the object of the expedition, but it cost them
dear. They had nearly two hundred men killed, wounded, or taken,
The loss of the Americans was about twenty killed and forty wounded,
Among the former was Dr. Atwater, a gentleman of respectable character
and considerable influence. Colonel Lamb was among the latter. General
Wooster, though seventy years old, behaved with the vigour and spirit of
youth. While gloriously defending the liberties of his country, he received
a mortal wound. Congress resolved that a monument should be erected to
his memory, as an acknowledgment of his merit and services. They also
resolved, that a horse, properly caparisoned, should be presented to
General Arnold, in their name, as a token of their approbation of his gallant conduct.
Not long after the excursion to Danbury, Colonel Meigs, an enterprising
American officer, transported a detachment of about one hundred and
seventy Americans, in whale-boats, over the Sound which separates Long
Island from Connecticut, and burned several brigs and sloops belonging to
the British, and destroyed a large quantity of forage and other articles collected for their use in Sagg-Harbour, on that island-killed six of their
soldiers, and brought off ninety prisoners, without having a single man
either killed or wounded. The colonel and his party returned to Guilford
in twenty-five hours from the time of their departure, having in that short
space not only completed the object of their expedition, but traversed by
land and water a space not less than ninety miles. Congress ordered an:
elegant sword to he presented to Colonel Meigs for his good conduct in this
expedition.
As the season advanced, the American army in New Jersey was rein*forced by the successive arrival of recruits, but nevertheless, at the opening
of the campaign, it amounted only to eight thousand three hundred and
seventy-eight, of whom nearly two thousand were sick.
Great pains had been taken to recruit the British army with American
levies. A commission of brigadier-general had been conferred on Mr.
Oliver Delancey, a loyalist of great influence in New York, pand he was
authorized to raise three battalions. Every effort had been made to raise
the men, both within and without the British lines, and also from among
the American prisoners, but with all these exertions only five hundred and
uinety-seven were procured. Mr. Courtland Skinner, a loyalist well
112 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
known in Jersey, was also appointed a brigadier, and authorized to raise
sive battalions. Great efforts were also made to procure recruits for his
command, but their whole number amounted only to five hundred and
seventeen.
Towards the latter end of May, General Washington quitted his winter
encampment at Morristown, and took a strong position at Middlebroolc.
Soon after this movement was effected, the British marched from Brunswick, and extended their van as far as Somerset Court-house, but in a few
days returned to their former station. This sudden change was probably
owing to the unexpected opposition which seemed to be collecting from all
quarters, for the Jersey militia turned out in a very spirited manner to
oppose them. Six months before, that same army marched through New
Jersey without being fired upon, and even small parties of them had safely
patrolled the country at a distance from their camp; but experience having
proved that British. protections were no security for property, the inhabitants generally resolved to try the effects of resistance, in preference to a
second submission. A fortunate mistake gave them an opportunity of
assembling in great force on this emergency. Signals had been agreed on,
and beacons erected in high places, with the view of communicating over
the country instantaneous intelligence of the approach of the British. A
few hours before the royal army began their march, the signal of alarm, on
the foundation of a false report, had been hoisted. The farmers, with arms
in their hands, ran to the place of rendezvous from considerable distances.
They had set out at least twelve hours before the British, and on their
appearance were collected in formidable numbers. Whether Sir William
Howe intended to force his way through the country to the Delaware, and
afterwards to Philadelphia, or to attack the American army, is uncertain,
but whatever was his design, he thought proper suddenly to relinquish it,
and fell back to Brunswick. The British army, on their retreat, burned
and destroyed the farm-houses on the road, nor did they spare those build
ings which were dedicated to the service of the Deity.
Sir William Howe, after his retreat to Brunswick, endeavoured to provoke General Washington to an engagement, and left no manceuvre untried
that was calculated to induce him to quit his position. At one time he
appeared as if he intended to push on without regarding the army opposed
to him. At another he accurately examined the situation of the American
encampment, hoping that some unguarded part might be found on which
an attack might be made that would open the way to a general engagement.
All these hopes were frustrated. General Washington knew the full value
of his situation. He had too much penetration to lose it from the circumvention of military manceuvres, and too much temper to be provoked to a
dereliction of it. He was well apprized it was not the interest of his
country to commit its fortune to a single action.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 113
SiH William Howe suddenly relinquished his position in front of the
Americans, and retired with his whole force to Amboy. The apparently
retreating British were pursued by a considerable detachment of the
American army, and General Washington advanced from Middlebrook to
Quibbletown, to be near at hand for the support of his advanced parties.
The British general immediately marched his army back from Amlboy
with great expedition, hoping to bring on a general action on equal ground,
but he was disappointed. General Washington fell back, and posted his
army in such an advantageous position, as compensated for the inferiority
of his numbers. Sir William Howe was now fully convinced of the
impossibility of compelling a general engagement on equal terms, and also
satisfied that it would be too hazardous to attempt passing the Delaware
while the country was in arms, and the main American army in full force
in his rear. He therefore returned to Amboy, and thence passed over to
Staten Island, resolving to prosecute the objects of the campaign by another
route. During the period of these movements, the real designs of General
Howe were involved in great obscurity. Though the season for military
operations was advanced as far as the month of July, yet his determinate
object could not be ascertained. Nothing on his part had hitherto taken
place but alternately advancing and retreating. General Washington's
embarrassment on this account was increased by intelligence which arrived,
that Burgoyne was coming in great force towards New York, from Canada.
Apprchending that Sir William Howe would ultimately move up the North
River, and that his movements. which looked southwardly, were calculated
to deceive, the American general detached a brigade to reinforce the northern division of his army. Successive advices of the advance of Burgoyne
favoured the idea that a junction of the two royal armies near Albany was
intended. Some movements were therefore made by General Washington
towards Peekskill, and on the other side towards Trenton, while the main
army was encamped near t-he Clove, in readiness to march either to the
north or south, as the movements of Sir William Howe might require. At
length the main body of the royal army, consisting of thirty-six British and
Hessian battalions, with a regiment of light horse, and a loyal provincial
corps, called the Queen's Rangers, and a powerful artillery, amounting in
the whole to about sixteen thousand men, departed from Sandy Hook, and
were reported to steer southwardly. About the time of this embarkation,
a letter from Sir William Howe to General Burgoyne was intercepted.
This contained intelligence that the British troops were destined to New
Hampshire. The intended deception was so superficially veiled, that, in
conjunction with the intelligence of the British embarkation, it produced a
contrary effect. Within one hour after the reception of this intercepted
letter, General Washington gave orders to his army to move to the southward, but he was nevertheless so much impressed with a conviction, that
VOL. I. —15 K 2
114 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777
it was the true interest of Howe to move towards Burgoyne, that he
ordered the American army to halt for some time at the river Delaware,
suspecting that the apparent movement of the royal army to the southward
was a feint calculated to draw him farther from the North River. The
British fleet having sailed from Sandy Hook, were a week at sea before
they reached Cape Henlopen. At this time and place, for reasons that do
not obviously occur, General Howe gave up the idea of approaching Philadelphia by ascending the Delaware, and resolved on a circuitous route by
the way of the Chesapeake. Perhaps he counted on being joined by large
reinforcements from the numerous Tories in Maryland or Delaware, or perhaps he feared the obstructions which the Pennsylvanians had planted in
the Delaware. If these were his reasons, he was mistaken in both.
From the Tories he received no advantage, and from the obstructions in the
river his ships could have received no detriment if he had landed his
troops at Newcastle, which was fourteen miles nearer Philadelphia than
the head of Chesapeake bay.
The British fleet, after they had left the capes of the Delaware, had a
tedious and uncomfortable passage, being twenty days before they entered
the capes of Virginia. They ascended the bay with a favourable wind,
and landed at Turkey Point. The circumstance of the British fleet putting
out to sea, after they had looked into the Delaware, added to the apprehension before entertained, that the whole was a feint calculated to draw the
American army farther from the North River, so as to prevent their being
at hand to oppose a junction between Howe and Burgoyne. Washington
therefore fell back to such a middle station, as would enable him either
speedily to return to the North River, or advance to the relief of Philadelphia. The British fleet, after leaving the capes of Delaware, were not
heard of for near three weeks, except that they had once or twice been
seen near the coast steering southwardly. A council of officers, convened
at Neshaminy, near Philadelphia, unanimously gave it as their opinion,
that Charleston, in South Carolina, was most probably their object, and that
it would be impossible for the army to march in season for its relief. It
was therefore concluded to try to repair the loss of Charleston, which was
considered as unavoidable, either by attempting something on New York
island, or by uniting with the northern army, to give more effectual opposition to Burgoyne. A small change of position, conformably to this new
system, took place. The day before the above resolution was adopted, the
British fleet entered the Chesapeake. Intelligence thereof, in a few days,
reached the American army, and dispelled that mist of uncertainty, in
which General Howe's movements had been heretofore enveloped. The American troops were put in motion to meet the British army. Their numbers
on paper amounted to fourteen thousand, but their real effective force on
which dependence might be placed in the day of battle, did not much ex
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777 115
ceed eight thousand men. Every appearance of confidence was assumed by
them as they passed through Philadelphia, that the citizens might be intimidated from joining the British. About the same time a number of the:principal inhabitants of that city, being suspected of disaffection to the American
cause, were taken into custody, and sent to Virginia.
Soon after Sir William Howe had landed his troops in Maryland, he put
forth a declaration, in which he informed the inhabitants, that he had
issued the strictest orders to the troops "for the preservation of regularity
and good discipline, and that the most exemplary punishment should be
inflicted upon those who should dare to plunder the property, or molest
the persons of any of his majesty's well-disposed subjects." It seemed as
though, fully apprized of the consequences which had resulted from the
indiscriminate plunderings of his army in New Jersey, he was determined
to adopt a more politic line of conduct. Whatever his lordship's intentions
might be, they were by no means seconded by his troops.
The royal army set out from the eastern heads of the Chesapeake,
[September 3,] with a spirit which promised to compensate for the various
delays which had hitherto wasted the campaign. Their tents and baggage
were left behind, and they trusted their future accommodation to such
quarters as their arms might procure. They advanced with boldness, till
they were within two miles of the American army, which was then posted
near Newport. General Washington soon changed his position, and took
post on the high ground near Chadd's Fort, on the Brandywine creek,
with an intention of disputing the passage. It was the wish, but by no
means the interest of the Americans, to try their strength in an engagement. Their regular troops were not only greatly inferior in discipline,
but in numbers, to the royal army. The opinion of the inhabitants, though
founded on no circumstances more substantial than their wishes, imposed
a species of necessity on the American general to keep his army in front
of the enemy, and to risk an action for the security of Philadelphia.
Instead of this, had he taken the ridge of high mountains on his right, the
British must have respected his numbers, and probably would have followed
him up the country. In this manner the campaign might have been wasted
away in a manner fatal to the invaders, but the bulk of the American people
were so impatient of delays, and had such an overweening conceit of the
numbers and prowess of their army, that they could not comprehend the
wisdom and policy of manceuvres to shun a general engagement.
On this occasion necessity dictated, that a sacrifice should be made on
the altar of public opinion. A general action was therefore hazarded.
[September 11.] This took place at Chadd's Ford, on the Brandywine,
a small stream which empties itself into Christiana Creek, near its conflux
with the river Delaware.
The royal army advanced at day-break in two columns, commanded by
116 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
BATTLE OF BRA.NDY.WINE.
Lieutenant-general Knyphausen and by Lord Cornwallis. The first took
the direct road to Chadd's Ford, and made a show of passing it, in front
of the main body of the Americans. At the same time the other column
moved up on the west side of the Brandywine to its fork, and crossed both
its branches about two o'clock in the afternoon, and then marched down
on the east side thereof, with the view of turning the right wing of their
adversaries.
This they effected, and compelled them to retreat with great loss. General Knyphausen amused the Americans with the appearance of crossing
the ford, but did not attempt it until Lord Cornwallis having crossed above,
and moved down on the opposite side, had commenced his attack. Knyphausen then crossed the ford, and attacked the troops posted for its defence.
These, after a severe conflict, were compelled to give way. The retreat
of the Americans soon became general, and was continued to Chester, under
cover of General Weeden's brigade, which came off in good order. The
final issue of battles often depends on small circumstances, which human
prudence cannot control —one of these occurred here, and prevented General Washington from executing a bold design, to effect which his troops
were actually in motion. This was to have crossed the Brandywine, and
attacked Knyphausen, while General Sullivan and Lord Stirling should
keep Earl Cornwallis in check. In the most critical moment, General
Washington received intelligence which he was obliged to credit, that the
column of Lord Cornwallis had been only making a feint, and was returning to join Knyphausen. This prevented the execution of a plan, which,
if carried into effect, would probably have given a different turn to the
events of the day. The killed and wounded in the royal army were near
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 117
i I
LAFAYETT]E OFFBRING HIS SERVICES TO THE AMERICANS.
six hundred. The loss of the Americans was twice that number. In the
list of their wounded, were two of their general officers-the Marquis de
Lafayette and General Woodford. The former was a French nobleman
of high rank, who, animated with the love of liberty, had left his native
country, and offered his service to Congress. While in France, and only
nineteen years of age, he espoused the cause of the Americans, with the
most disinterested and generous ardour. Having determined to join them,
he communicated his intentions to the American commissioners at Paris.
They justly conceived, that a patron of so much importance would be of service to their cause, and encouraged his design. Before he had embarked from
France, intelligence arrived in Europe, that the American insurgents, reduced
to two thousand men, were fleeing through Jersey before a British force of
thirty thousand. Under these circumstances, the American commissioners
at Paris thought it but honest to dissuade him from the present prosecution
of his perilous enterprise. It was in vain that they acted so candid a part
His zeal to serve a distressed country was not abated by her misfortunes.
Having embarked in a vessel, which he purchased for the purpose, he
arrived in Charleston, early in 1777, and soon after joined the American
army. Congress resolved, that' in consideration of his zeaJl llustrlou.s
118 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
LAFAYETTE SAILS FOR AMERICA.
family and connections, he should have the rank of major-general in their
army." Independent of the risk he ran as an American officer, he hazarded his large fortune, in consequence of the laws of France, and also
the confinement of his person, in case of capture, when on his way to the
United States, without the chance of being acknowledged by any nation;
for his court had forbidden his proceeding to America, and had despatched
orders to have him confined in the West Indies, if found in that quarter.
This gallant nobleman, who, under all these disadvantages, had demonstrated his good will to the United States, received a wound in his leg at
the battle of Brandywine, but he nevertheless continued in the field, and
exerted himself both by word and example in rallying the Americans.
Other foreigners of distinction also shared in the engagement. Count
Pulaski, a Polish nobleman, the same who a few years before had carried
off King Stanislaus from his capital, though surrounded with a numerous
body of guards, and a Russian army, fought with the Americans at Brandywine. He was a thunderbolt of war, and always sought for the post of
danger as the post of honour. Soon after this engagement, Congress appointed him commander of horse, with the rank of brigadier. Monsieur du
Coudray, a French officer of high rank and great abilities, while on his
way from Philadelphia to join the American army, about this time was
drowned in the river Schuylkill. He rode into the flat-bottomed boat on a
spirited mare, whose career he was not able to stop, and she went out at
the farther end into the river, with her rider on her back.
The evening after the battle of Brandywine, a party of the British went
THE CAMP IGN OF 1777. 119
to Wilmington, and took President McKinley prisoner. They also took
Dossession of a shallop, loaded with the most valuable effects of the inhabitants.
Howe persevered in his scheme of gaining the right flank of the Americans. This was no less steadily pursued on the one side, than avoided
on the other. Washington came forward in a few days with a resolution
of risking another action. Hle accordingly advanced as far as the Warren
tavern, on the Lancaster road. Near that place, both armies were on the
point of engaging with their whole force, but were prevented by a most
violent storm of rain, which continued for a whole day and night. [September 18.] When the rain ceased, the Americans found that their ammunition was almost entirely ruined. They, therefore, withdrew to a
place of safety. Before a proper supply was procured, the British
marched from their position, near the White Horse tavern, down towards
the Swedes' Ford. The Americans again took post in their front; but
the British, instead of urging an action, began to march up towards Reading. To save the stores which had been deposited in that place, Washington
took a new position, and left the British in undisturbed possession of the
roads which lead to Philadelphia. His troops were worn down with a
succession of severe duties. There were in his army above a thousand
men who were barefooted, and who had performed all their late movements in that condition. About this time the Americans sustained a considerable loss by a night attack, conducted by General Grey, on a detachment of their troops, which was encamped near the Paoli tavern, under
Wayne. [September 20.] The outposts and pickets were forced without
noise, about one o'clock in the morning. The men had scarcely time to
turn out, and when they turned out, they unfortunately paraded in the
light of their own fires. This directed the British how and where to proceed. They rushed in upon them, and by a free and exclusive use of
the bayonet, succeeded in killing or wounding over two hundred of the
Americans. The enterprise was conducted with so much address that
the loss of the assailants did not exceed eight.
Congress, which after a short residence at Baltimore had returned to
Philadelphia, were obliged a second time to consult their safety by flight.
They retired at first to Lancaster, and afterwards to Yorktown.
The bulk of the British army being left in Germantown, Sir William
Howe, with a slnall part, made his triumphal entry into Philadelphia, and
was received with the hearty welcome of numerous citizens, [September 26,] who, either from conscience, cowardice, interest, or principle, had
hitherto separated themselves from the class of active Whigs.
The possession of the largest city in the United States, together with
the dispersion of that grand council which had heretofore conducted their
public affairs, were reckoned by the short-sighted as decisive of their fate
120 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
The submission of countries, after the conquest of their capital, had often
been a thing of course; but in the great contest for the sovereignty of the
United States, the question did not rest with a ruler, or a body of rulers,
nor was it to be determined by the possession or loss of iny particular
place. It was the public mind, the sentiments and opinions of the yeomanry of the country, which were to decide. Though Philadelphia had
become the residence of the British army, yet as long as the bulk of the
people of the United States were opposed to their government, the country
was unsubdued. Indeed it was presumed by the more discerning politicians, that the luxuries of a great city would so far enervate the British
troops as to indispose them for those active exertions to which they were
prompted, while inconveniently encamped in the open country.
To take off the impression the British successes might make in France,
to the prejudice of America, Doctor Franklin gave them an ingenious
turn, by observing, "that instead of saying Sir William Howe had taken
Philadelphia, it would be more proper to say, Philadelphia had taken Sir
William Howe."
One of the first objects of the British, after they had got possession, was
to erect batteries to command the river, and to protect the city from any
insult by water. The British shipping were prevented from ascending the
Delaware, by obstructions hereafter to be described, which were fixed
near Mud Island. Philadelphia, though possessed by the British army,
was exposed to danger from the American vessels in the river. The American frigate Delaware, of thirty-two guns, anchored within five hundred
yards of the unfinished batteries, and being seconded by some smaller vessels, commenced a heavy cannonade upon the batteries and the town, but
upon the falling of the tide, she ran a-ground. Being briskly fired upon
from the town while in this condition, she was soon compelled to surrender. The other American vessels, not able to resist the fire from the batteries after losing one of their number, retired.
General Washington having been reinforced
\ 11| I 1 / 0 [ Hiiby two thousand five hundred men from Peekskill and Virginia, and having been informed
- that General Howe had detached a considerable part of his force, for reducing the forts on
the Delaware, conceived a design of attacking
the British post at Germantown. Their line
of encampment crossed the town at right
angles near its centre. The left wing extended to the Schuylkill, and was covered in
4 front by the mounted and dismounted chasseurs. The queen's American rangers and a battalion of light infantry
were in front of the right The F(itieth regiment, with another battalion
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 121
of light infantry, were posted on the Chestnut Hill road, three-quarters of a
mile in advance. Lord Cornwallis lay at Philadelphia with four battalions
of grenadiers. A few of the general officers of the American army,
whose advice was requested on this occasion, unanimously recommended
an attack; and it was agreed that it should be made in different places to
produce the greater confusion, and to prevent the several parts of the
British forces from affording support to each other. From an apprehension that the Americans, from the want of discipline, would not persevere
in a long attack, it was resolved that it should be sudden and vigorous,
and if unsuccessful to make an expeditious retreat. The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's brigade, were to enter the town
by the way of Chestnut Hill, while General Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, should fall down the Manatawny road, and gain the left
and rear of the British. The divisions 9f Greene and Stevens, flanked by
McDougal's brigade, were to enter by the Lirnekiln road. The militia
of Maryland and Jersey, under Generals Smallwood and Furman, were
to march by the old York road, and fall upon the rear of their right.
Lord Stirling with Nash's and Maxwell's brigade were to form a corps de
reserve. The Americans began their attack about sunrise [Oct. 4] on the
fortieth regiment and a battalion of light infantry. These two corps being
obliged to retreat, were pursued into the village. On their retreat Lieutenant
Colonel Musgrove with six companies took post in Mr. Chew's strong stone
house, which lay in front of the Americans. Froth an adherence to the
military maxim of never leaving a fort possessed by an enemy in the rear,
it was resolved to attack the party in the house.
In the mean time General Greene got up with his column and attacked
the right wing. Colonel Mathews routed a party of the British opposed
to him, killed several, and took one hundred and ten prisoners, but from
the darkness of the day lost sight of the brigade to which he belonged, and
having separated from it, was taken prisoner with his whole regiment, and
the prisoners which he had previously taken were released. A number of
the troops in Greene's division were stopped by the halt of the party before Chew's house. Near one-half of the American army remained for
some time at that place inactive. In the mean time General Grey led on
three battalions of the third brigade, and attacked with vigour. A sharp
contest followed. Two British regiments attacked at the same time on the
opposite side of the town. General Grant moved up the forty-ninth regiment to the aid of those who were engaged with Greene's column.
The morning was extremely foggy. —This, by concealing the true situaion of the parties, occasioned mistakes. and made so much caution neces
sary as to give the British time to recover from the effects of their first sui
prise. From these causes the early promising appearances on the part of
the assailants were speedily reversed. The Americans left the fie!d hasVOL. Il.-16 3
I _ _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~, _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~_ _~~~~~~~~~~~~_~~~~~~ ------
122 THI' CAMPAIGN OF 1777
BATTLE OF GEBMANTOWN
tily, and all efforts to rally them were ineffectual. Lord Cornwallis arrived
with a party of light-horse, and joined in the pursuit. This was continued
for some miles. The loss of the royal army, including the wounded and
prisoners, was about five hundred. Among their slain were Brigadiergeneral Agnew and Lieutenant-colonel Bird. The loss of the Americans,
including four hundred prisoners, was about one thousand. Among their
slain were General Nash and his aid-de-camp Major Witherspoon.
Soon after this battle, the British left Germantown, and turned their principal attention towards opening a free communication between their army
and their shipping.
Much industry and ingenuity had been exerted for the security of Philade]phia on the water side. Thirteen galleys, two floating batteries, two
xebecs, one brig, one ship, besides a number of armed boats, fire-ships
and rafts, were constructed or employed for this purpose. The Americans
had also built a fort on Mud Island, to which they gave the name of Fort
Mififlin, and erected thereon a considerable battery. This island is admirably situated for the erection of works to annoy shipping on their way up
the Delaware. It lies near the middle of the river, about seven miles below
Philadelphia. No vessels of burden can come up but by the main ship
channel, which passes close to Mud Island, and is very narrow for more
than a mile below. Opposite to Fort Mifflin there is a height, called Red
Bank. This overlooks not only the river, but the neighbouring country
THE CAMI AIGN OF 1777. 123
—...... —" E —--— E7_::....-,/ ~
BATTLE OF RED BANK.
On this eminence, a respectable battery was erected. Between these two
fortresses, which are half a mile distant from each other, the American
naval armament for the defence of the river Delaware, made their harbour
of retreat. Two ranges of chevaux-de-frise were also sunk in the channel.
These consisted of large pieces of timber, strongly framed together, in the
manner usual for making the foundation of wharves in deep water. Several large points of bearded iron projecting down the river were annexed to
the upper parts of these chevaux-de-frise, and the whole was sunk with
stones, so as to be about four feet under the water at low tide. Their prodigious weight and strength could not fail to effect the destruction of any
vessel which came upon them. Thirty of these machines were sunk about
three hundred yards below Fort Mifflin, so as to stretch in a diagonal line
across the channel. The only open passage left was between two piers
lying close to the fort, and that was secured by a strong boom, and could
not be approached but in a direct line to the battery. Another fortification
was erected on a high bank on the Jersey shore, called Billingsport. And
opposite to this, another range of chevaux-de-frise was deposited, leaving
only a narrow and shoal channel on the one side. There was also a temporary battery of two heavy cannon, at the mouth of Mantua creek, about
half-way from Red Bank to Billingsport. The British were well apprized,
that without the command of the Delaware their possession of Philadelphia would be of no advantage. They therefore strained every nerve to
124 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
open the navigation of that river. To this end Lord Howe had early taken
the most effectual measures for conducting the fleet and transports round
from the Chesapeake to the Delaware, and drew them up on the Pennsylvania shore, from Reedy Island to Newcastle. Early in October, a detachment from the British army crossed the Delaware, with a view of dislodging the Americans from Billingsport. On their approach, the place was
evacuated. As the season advanced, more vigorous measures for removing
the obstructions were concerted between the genera_ and the admiral. Batteries were erected on the Pennsylvania shore to assist in dislodging the
Americans from Mud Island. At the same time Count Donop, with two
thousand men, having crossed into New Jersey, opposite to Philadelphia,
marched down on the eastern side of the Delaware, to attack the redoubt
at Red Bank. This was defended by about four hundred men under the
command of Colonel Greene. The attack inimediately commenced by a
smart cannonade, under cover of which the count advanced to the redoubt.
This place was intended for a much larger garrison than was then in it. It.
had therefore become necessary to run a line in the middle thereof, and one
part of it was evacuated. That part was easily carried by the assailants
on which they indulged in loud huzzas for their supposed victory. The
garrison kept up a severe well-directed fire on the assailants, by which they
were compelled to retire. They suffered not only in the assault, but in
the approach to, and retreat from the fort. Their whole loss in killed and
wounded was about four hundred. Count Donop was mortally wounded
and taken prisoner. Congress resolved to present Colonel Greene with a
sword for his good conduct on this occasion. An attack made about the
same time on Fort Mifflin by men of war and frigates was not more successful than the assault on Red Bank. The Augusta man-of-war, of sixtyfour guns, and the Merlin, two of the vessels which were engaged in it,
got aground. The former was fired and blew up. The latter was evacuated.
Though the first attempts of the British for opening the navigation of
the Delaware were unsuccessful, they carried their point in another way
that was inexpected. The chevaux-de-frise having been sunk some
considerable ulne, the current of water was diverted by this great bulk
into new channels. In consequence thereof, the passage between the
islands and the Pennsylvania shore was so deepened as to admit vessels of
some considerable draught of water. Through this passage the Vigilant,
a large ship, cut down so as to draw but little water, mounted with twentyfour pounders, made her way to a position from which she might enfilade
the works on Mud Island. This gal e the British such an advantage, that
the post was no longer tenable. Colonel Smith, who had with great gallantry defended the fort from the latter end of September to the 11th of November, being wounded, was removed to the main. Within five days
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 125
after his removal, Major Thayer, who, as a volunteer, had nobly offered to
take charge of this dangerous post, was obliged to evacuate it.
This event did not take place till the works were entirely beat down —every
piece of cannon dismounted, and one of the British ships so near that she
threw grenades into the fort, and killed the men uncovered in the platform. The troops who had so bravely defended fort Mifflin made a safe
retreat to Red Bank. Congress voted swords to be given to Lieutenantcolonel Smith and Commodore Hazlewood, for their gallant defence of the
Delaware. Within three days after Mud Island was evacuated, the garrison was also withdrawn from Red Bank, on the approach of Lord Cornwallis, at the head of a large force prepared to assault it. Some of the
American galleys and armed vessels escaped by keeping close in with the
Jersey shore, to places of security above Philadelphia, but seventeen of
them were abandoned by their crews and fired. Thus, the British gained
a free communication between their army and shipping. This event
was, to them, very desirable. They had been previously obliged to draw
their provisions from Chester, a distance of sixteen miles, at some risk,
and a certain great expense. The long-protracted defence of the Delaware deranged the plans of the British for the remainder of the campaign,
and, consequently, saved the adjacent country.
About this time the chair of Congress became vacant by the departure
of Mr. Hancock, after he had discharged the duties of that office, to great
acceptance, two years and five months. [November 1.] Henry Laurens,
of South Carolina, was unanimously elected his successor. He had been
in England for some years antecedent to the hostile determinations of parliament against the colonies, but finding the dispute growing serious, he
conceived that honour and duty called him to take part with his native
country. He had been warmly solicited to stay in England, and offers
were made to him not only to secure, but to double his American estate,
in case of his continuing to reside there-but these were refused. To a
particular friend in London, dissuading him from coming out to America,
he replied on the 9th of November, 1774, when at Falmouth, on the point
of embarking: "I shall never forget your friendly attention to my interest,
but I dare not return. Your ministers are deaf to information, and seem
bent on provoking unnecessary contest. I think I have acted the part of
a faithful subject. I now go resolved still to labour for peace; at the
same time determined in the last event to stand or fall with my country."
Immediately on his arrival in Charleston, he was elected a member, and
soon after, the president of the provincial Congress-the president of the
council of safety —the vice-president of the state-and a member of Congress.
While Sir William Howe was succeeding in every enterprise in Penntylvania, intelligence arrived, as shall be related in the next chapter, that
L2
126 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
General Burgoyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners of war
to the Americans.
General Washington soon after received a considerable reinforcement
from the northern army, which had accomplished this great event. With
this increased force he took a position at and near Whitemarsh. The
royal army having succeeded in removing the obstructions in the river
Delaware, were ready for new enterprises. [December 5.] Sir William
Howe marched out of Philadelphia with almost his whole force, expecting
to bring on a general engagement. The next morning he appeared on
Chestnut Hill, in front of, and about three miles distant from, the right
wing of the Americans. On the day following, the British changed their
ground, and moved to the right. Two days after, they moved still farther
to the right, and made every appearance of an intention to attack the
American encampment. Some skirmishes took place, and a general
action was hourly expected: but instead thereof, on the morning of the
next day, [December 9,] after various marches and countermarches, the
British filed off from their right, by two or three different routes, in full
march for Philadelphia.
The position of General Washington, in a military point of view, was
admirable. He was so sensible of the advantages of it, that the manceuvres of Sir William Howe for some days could not allure him from it. In
consequence of the reinforcement lately received, he had not, in any preceding period of the campaign, been in an equal condition for a general
engagement. Though he ardently wished to be attacked, yet he would
not relinquish a position from which he hoped for reparation for the adversities of the campaign. He could not believe that General Howe, with a
victorious army, and that lately reinforced with four thousand men from
New York, should come out of Philadelphia only to return thither again.
He, therefore, presumed, that to avoid the disgrace of such a movement,
the British commander would, from a sense of military honour, be compelled to attack him, though under great disadvantages. When he found
him cautious of engaging and inclining to his left, a daring design was
formed, which would have been executed, had the British either continued
in their position, or moved a little farther to the left of the American
army. This was, to have attempted in the night to surprise Philadelphia.
The necessary preparations for this purpose were made, but the retreat of
the British prevented its execution. Soon after these events, General Smallwood, with a considerable force, was posted at Wilmington, on the banks
of the Delaware, and General Washington, with the main army, retired
to winter quarters at Valley Forge, sixteen miles distant:rom Philadelphia.
This position was' preferred to distant and more comfortable villages, as
being calculated to give the most extensive security to the country adjacent to Philadelphia. The American army might have been tracked by
rHE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 127
the blood of their feet, in marching without shoes or stockings over the
hard-frozen ground, between Whitemarsh and Valley Forge. Some hundreds of them were without blankets. Under these circumstances they
had to sit down in a wood, in the latter end of December, and to build
huts for their accommodation. This mode of procuring winter quarters,
if not entirely novel, has been rarely, if ever, practised in modern war.
The cheerfulness with which the general and his army submitted to spend
a severe winter, in such circumstances, rather than leave the country
exposed, by retiring farther, demonstrated as well their patriotism as their
fixed resolution to suffer every inconvenience, in preference to submission.
Thus ended the campaign of 1777.
Though Sir William Howe's army had been crowned with the most
brilliant success, having gained two considerable victories, and been equally
triumphant in smaller actions, yet the whole amount of this tide of good
fortune was no more than a good winter lodging for his troops in Philadelphia, whilst the men under his command possessed no more of the
adjacent country than what they immediately commanded with their
arms. The Congress, it is true,'was compelled to leave the first seat of
their deliberations, and the greatest city in the United States changed a
number of its Whig inhabitants for a numerous royal army; but it is as
true that the minds of the Americans were, if possible, more hostile to
the claims of Great Britain than ever, and their army had gained as
much by discipline and experience, as compensated for its diminution by
defeats.
The events of this campaign were adverse to the sanguine hopes which
had been entertained of a speedy conquest of the revolted colonies. Repeated proofs had been given, that, though General Washington was very
forward to engage when he thought it to his advantage, yet it was impossi
ble for the royal commander to bring him to action against his consent.
By this mode of conducting the defence of the new-formed states, two
campaigns had been wasted away, and the work which was originally allot
ted for one was still unfinished.
An account of some miscellaneous transactions will close this chapter
Lieutenant-colonel Barton, of a militia regiment of the state of Rhode
Island, [July 9,] accompanied by about forty volunteers, passed by night
from Warwick Neck to Rhode Island, and surprised General Prescot in
his quarters, and brought him and one of his aids safe off to the continent.
Though they had a passage of ten miles by water, they eluded the ships
of war and guard boats, which lay all round the island. The enterprise
was conducted with so much silence and address, that there was no alarm
among the British till the colonel and his party had nearly reached the
continent with their prize. Cmngress soon after resolved, that an elegant
128 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
sword should be presented to Lieutenant-colonel Barton, as a testimonial
of their sense of his gallant behaviour.
It has already been mentioned, that Congress, in the latter end of November, 1775, authorized the capture of vessels, laden with stores or reinforcements for their enemies. On the 23d of March, 1776, they extended
this permission so far as to authorize their inhabitants to fit out armed vessels to cruise on the enemies of the united colonies. The Americans henceforth devoted themselves to privateering, and twere very successful. In the
course of the year they made many valuable captures, particularly of
homeward-bound West Indiamen. The particulars cannot be enumerated,
but good judges have calculated, that within nine months after Congress
authorized privateering, the British loss in captures, exclusive of transports
and government store-ships, exceeded a million sterling. They found nc
difficulty in selling their prizes. The ports of France were open to them,
both in Europe and in the West Indies. In the latter they were sold
without any disguise, but in the former a greater regard was paid to
appearances. Open sales were not permitted in the harbours of France
at particular times, but even then they were made at the entrance or
offing.
In the French West India islands the inhabitants not only purchased
prizes, brought in by American cruisers, but fitted out privateers under
American colours and commissions, and made captures of British vessels.
William Bingham, of Philadelphia, was stationed as the agent of Congress,
at Martinico, and he took an early and active part in arming privateers in
St. Pierre, to annoy and cruise against British property. The favourable
disposition of the inhabitants furnished him with an opportunity, which he
successfully improved, not only to distress the British commerce, but to sow
the seeds of discord between the French and English. The American
privateers also found countenance in some of the ports of Spain, but not so
readily nor so universally as in those of France. The British took many
of the American vessels, but they were often of inferior value. Such of
them as were laden with provisions proved a seasonable relief to their West
India islands, which otherwise would have suffered from the want of those
supplies, which before the war had been usually procured from the neighbouring continent.
The American privateers, in the year 1777, increased in numbers and
boldness. They insulted the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland, in a
manner that had never before been attempted. Such was their spirit of
adventure, that it became necessary to appoint a convoy for the protection
of the linen ships from Dublin and Newry. The General Mifflin privateer, after making repeated captures, arrived at Brest, and saluted the
French admiral. This was returned in form as to the vessel of an inde
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 129
pelndetit power. Lord Stormont, the British ambassador at the court of
Versailles, irritated at the countenance given to the Americans, threatened
to return immediately to London, unless satisfaction was given, and different measures were adopted by France. An order was issued in consequence of his application, requiring all American vessels to leave the ports
of his most Christian majesty; but though the order was positive, so many
evasions were practised, and the execution of it was so relaxed, that it pro.
duced no permanent discouragement of the beneficial intercourse.
17
GENERAL BURGOYNE.
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
O effect a free communication between New York ana:Canada, and to maintain the navigation of the intermediate
lakes, was a principal object with the British for the campaign of 1777. The Americans, presuming on this, had
been early attentive to their security in that quarter. They
had resolved to construct a fort on Mount Independence,
which is an eminence adjoining the strait on which Ticonderoga stands,
and nearly opposite to that fortress. They had also resolved to obstruct
the navigation of the strait by cassoons, to be sunk in the water, and joined
130
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 131
so as to servt it the same time for a bridge between the fortifications on the
east and west side of it; and that to prevent the British from drawing
their smali craft over land into Lake George, the passage of that lake should
be obstructea-that Fort Schuyler, the same which had formerly been
called Fort Stanwix, should be strengthened, and other fortifications erectea
near the Mohawk river. Requisitions were made by the commanding
officer in the department for thirteen thousand six hundred men, as necessary for the security of this district. The adjacent states were urged to
fill up their recruits, and in all respects to be in readiness for an active
campaign.
The British ministry were very sanguine in their hopes, from the consequences of forming a line of communication between New York and
Canada. They considered the New England people to be the soul of the
confederacy, and promised themselves much by severing them from all free
communication with the neighbouring states. They hoped, when this was
accomplished, to be able to surround them so effectually with fleets and
armies, and Indian allies, as to compel their submission. Animated with
these expectations, they left nothing undone which bid fair for ensuring the
success of the plans they had formed for this purpose.
The regular troops, British and German, allotted to this service, were
upwards of seven thousand. As artillery is considered to be particularly
useful in an American war, where numerous inhabitants are to be driven
out of woods and fastnesses, this part of the service was particularly
attended to. The brass train that was sent out was perhaps the finest, and
the most excellently supplied, both as to officers and men, that had ever
been allotted to second the operations of an equal force. In addition;o the
regulars, it was supposed that the Canadians and the loyalists in the neighbouring states would add large reinforcements well calculated for the
peculiar nwtture of the service. Arms and accoutrements were accordingly
provided to supply them. Several nations of savages had also beer
induced to ta'ke up the hatchet as allies to his Britannic majesty. Not on'
the humanity, but the policy, of employing them was questioned in Gre
Britain. The opposers of it contended that Indians were capricious, inconstant and intractible, their rapacity insatiate, and their actions cruel and
barbarous. At the same time their services were represented to be uncertain, and that no dependence could be placed on their most solemn engage
ments. On the other hand, the zeal of British ministers for reducing the
revolted colonies was so violent as to make them, in their excessive wrath,
forget that their adversaries were men. They contended that, in their circumstances, every appearance of lenity, by inciting to disobedience, and
thereby increasing the objects of punishment, was eventual cruelty. In
their opinion, partial severity was general mercy; and the only method of
speedily crushing the rebellion was to envelope its abettors in such compli
132 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777
cated distress, as by rendering their situation intolerable would make them
willing to accept the proffered blessings of peace and security. The sentiments of those who were for employing Indians against the Americans
prevailed. Presents were liberally distributed among them. Induced by
these, and also by their innate thirst for war and plunder, they poured
forth their warriors in such abundance, that their numbers threatened to be
an incumbrance.
The vast force destined for this service was put under the command of
Lieutenant-general Burgoyne, an officer whose abilities were well known,
and whose spirit of enterprise and thirst for military fame could not be
exceeded. He was supported by Major-general Philips, of the artillery,
who had established a solid reputation by his good conduct during the late
war in Germany, and by Major-general Reidesel and Brigadier-general
Speecht, of the German troops, together with the British Generals Frazer,
Powell, and Hamilton, all officers of distinguished merit.
The British also had undisputed possession of the navigation of Lake
Champlain. The marine force thereon, with which, in the preceding
campaign, they had destroyed the American shipping on the lakes, was
not only entire, but unopposed.
A considerable force was left in Canada for its internal security, and Sir
Guy Carleton's military command was restricted to the limits of that province. Though the British ministry attributed the preservation of Canada
to his abilities in 1775 and 1776, yet by their arrangements for the year
1777, he was only called upon to act a secondary part in subserviency to
the grand expedition committed to General Burgoyne. His behaviour on
this occasion was conformable to the greatness of his mind. Instead of
thwarting or retarding a service which was virtually taken out of his hands,
he applied himself to support and forward it in all its parts with the same
diligence as if the arrangements had been entirely his own, and committed
to himself for execution.
The plan of the British for their projected irruption into the northwestern frontier of New York, consisted of two parts. General Burgoyne,
with the main body, was to advance by the way of Lake Champlain, with
positive orders, as has been said, to force his way to Albany, or at least so
far as to effect a junction with the royal army from New York. A detachment was to ascend the river St. Lawrence, as far as Lake Ontario, and
from that quarter to penetrate towards Albany, by the way of the Mohawk
river. This was put under the command of Lieutenant-colonel St. Leger,
and consisted of about two hundred British troops, a regiment of New York
loyalists, raised and commanded by Sir John Johnson, and a large body of
savages. Lieutenant-general Burgoyne arrived in Quebec on the 6th of
May, and exerted all diligence to prosecute in due time the objects of the
expedition.
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 133
H'i'l- E proceeded up Lake Champlain, and landj — ]1,ed near Crown Point. [June 20, 21.] At
-- this place he met the Indians, gave them a
war feast, and made a speech to them.
This was well calculated to excite them to
take part with the royal army, but at the
same time to repress their barbarity. He
pointedly forbade them to shed blood when': --' _ not opposed in aims, and commanded that
aged men, women, children, and prisoners,
should be held sacred from the knife and the hatchet, even in the heat of
actual conflict. A reward was promised for prisoners, and a severe inquiry
threatened for scalps, though permission was granted to take thernm from
those who were previously killed in fair opposition. These restrictions
were not sufficient, as will appear in the sequel, to restrain their barbarities.
The Indians having decidedly taken part with the British army, General
Burgoyne issued a proclamation, calculated to spread terror among the
inhabitants. The numbers of his Indian associates were magnified, and
their eagerness to be let loose to their prey described in high-sounding
words. The force of the British armies and fleets prepared to crush every
part of the revolted colonies, was also displayed in pompous language.
Encouragement and employment were promised to those who should assist
in the re-establishment of legal government, and security held out to the
peaceable and industrious, who continued in their habitations. All the
calamities of war, arrayed in their most terrific forms, were denounced
against those who should persevere in a military opposition to the royal
forces.
General Burgoyne advanced with his army in a few days to Crown Point.
[June 30.] At this place he issued orders of which the following words
are a part: " The army embarks to-morrow to approach the enemy. The
services required on this expedition are critical and conspicuous. During
our progress occasions may occur, in which, nor difficulty, nor labour,
nor life, are to be regarded. This army must not retreat." From Crown
Point the royal army proceeded to invest Ticonderoga. On their approach
to it, they advanced with equal caution and order on both sides of the lake,
while their naval force kept in its centre. Within a few days they had
surrounded three-fourths of the American works at Ticonderoga and Mount
Independence, and nad also advanced a work on Sugar Hill, which commands both, so far towards completion, that;n twenty-four hours it would
have been ready to open. In these circumstances General St. Clair, the
commanwing officer, resolved to evacuate the post at all events; but conceiving prudent to take the sentiments of the general officers, he called
a counci f war Len the occasion. It was represented to this council, that
M
134 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
their whole numbers were not sufficient to man one-half of the works, and
that as the whole must be on constant duty, it would be impossible for them
to sustain the necessary fatigue for any length of time, and that as the
place would be completely invested on all sides within a day, nothing but
an immediate evacuation of the posts could save their troops. The situation of General St. Clair was eminently embarrassing. Such was the confidence of the states in the fancied strength of this post, and of the supposed superiority of force for its defence, that to retreat without risking an
action could not fail of drawing on him the execration of the multitude
To stand still, and by suffering himself to be surrounded to risk his whole
army for a single post, was contrary to the true interests of the states. In
this trying situation, with the unanimous approbation of a council of his
general officers, he adopted the heroic resolution of sacrificing personal
reputation to save his army.
The assumption of confident appearances by the garrison, had induced
their adversaries to proceed with great caution. While from this cause
they were awed into respect, the evacuation was completed with so much
secrecy and expedition, that a considerable part of the public stores was
saved, and the whole would have been embarked, had not a violent gale
of wind, which sprung up in the night, prevented the boats from reaching
their station.
The works abandoned by the Americans were as follow: The old French
lines constructed in the late war between France and England, which looked
towards General Burgoyne's encampment, had been repaired the year before, and were in good order. About the centre was a battery of six guns.
These occupied about two-thirds of the high ground from the strait to the
old fort. The remaining third was open, but some fleches were thrown up
for its security. The old fort was in ruins, but some guns were mounted
on a ravelin thereof, that looked towards the lake. There was also a battery of four guns in the French lines, which had the same aspect. On the
point above the bridge was a battery of four guns, and on Mount Independence another of six or eight. The fort on that side was nearly a mile
from the battery, and was formed of piquets. The defence of it might
have employed four hundred men, but it could not have resisted a six
pounder. There were no barracks within it, nor a drop of water, but at a
considerable distance. From the battery at the point, a line of intrenchment ran round the mount, upwards of a mile and a half in length. There
had been a strong abatis in front of this line the year before, but it had
Deen consumed by fire, as was also that in front of the French lines. Towards the east of the mount was a blockhouse. Another was on the Ticonderoga side. New works were begun on the mount, but there was
neither time nor strength of hands to complete them. A great deal of
irmber had been felled between the east creek and the foot of the mount,
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 135
GENERAL ST. CLAIR.
to retard the approaches of the British. All the redoubts on the low ground
were abandoned, for want of men to occupy them. These works, together
with ninety-three pieces of ordnance, and a large collection of provisions,
fell into the hands of the British.
This evacution of Ticonderoga was the subject of a severe scrutiny.
[July 6.] Congress recalled their general officers in the northern department, and ordered an inquiry into their conduct. They also nominated two
gentlemen of eninence in the law to assist the judge-advocate in prosecuting that inquiry, and appointed a committee of their own body to collect
evidence in support of the charges, which were on this occasion brought
against them. General St. Clair, from the necessity of the case, submitted
to this innovation in the mode of conducting courts-martial, but in behalf
of the army protested against its being drawn into precedent. Charges of
no less magnitude than cowardice, incapacity, and treachery, were brought
forward in court against him, and believed by many. The public mind,
sore with the loss of Ticonderoga, and apprehensive of general distress
sought to ease itself by throwing blame on the general. When the situation of the army permitted an inquiry into his conduct, he was honourably
136 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
acquitted. In the course of his trial it was made to appear, that though
thirteen thousand six hundred men had been early called for as necessary
to defend the northern posts, yet on the approach of General Burgoyne, the
whole force collected to oppose him was only two thousand five hundred
and forty-six continentals, and nine hundred militia badly equipped and
worse armed. From the insufficiency of their numbers, they could not
possess themselves of Sugar Hill, nor of Mount Hope, though the former
commanded the works both of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, and
the latter was of great importance for securing the communication with
Lake George, and had been fortified the year before with that view. To
the question which had been repeatedly asked, "Why was the evacuation,
if really necessary, delayed, till the Americans were so nearly surrounded,
as to occasion the loss of such valuable stores?"-it was answered, that
"from various circumstances it was impossible for General St. Clair to get
early information of the numbers opposed to him. They made no debarkation till they came to Gilliland's creek, which is about forty miles to the
northward of Ticonderoga, and from this they speedily reimbarked. The
savages, which they kept in fr'ont, deterred small reconnoitering parties from
approaching so near as to make any discoveries of their numbers. Large
parties, from the nature of the ground, could not have been supported
without risking a general action, and that from the combined operation of
these circumstances, the numbers of the approaching royal army were
effectually concealed from the garrison, till the van of their force appeared
in full view before it." The retreating army embarked as much of their
baggage and stores as they had any prospect of saving, on board batteaux,
and despatched them under convoy of five armed galleys to Skenesborough.
Their main body took its route towards the same place by way of Castleton.
The British were no sooner apprized of the retreat of the Americans than
they pursued them. General Frazer, at the head of the light troops,
advanced on their main body. Major-general Reidesel was also ordered,
with the greater part of the Brunswick troops, to march in the same direction. General Burgoyne in person conducted the pursuit by water. The
obstructions to the navigation, not having been completed, were soon cut
through. The two frigates, the Royal George and the Inflexible, together
with the gun-boats, having effected their passage, pursued with so much
rapidity, that in the course of a day the gun-boats came up with and attacked the American galleys near Skenesborough falls. On the approach
of the frigates all opposition ceased. Two of the galleys were taken and
three blown up. The Americans set fire to their works, mills and batteaux.
They were now left in the woods, destitute of provisions. In this forlorn
situation they made their escape up Wood creek to Fort Anne. Brigadier
Frazer pursued the retreating Americans —came up with, and attacked
their rear-guard, at Hubbardton. [July 7.] In the course of the engage
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 137
I OS8 OF THI G &LL3Y8.
mnent he was joined by the German troops, commanded by General Reldesel
The Americans, commanded by Colonel Warner, made a gallant resistance,
but after sustaining considerable loss were obliged to give way. Lieutenant Colonel Hall, with the ninth British regiment, was detached from
Skenesborough by General Burgoyne, to take post near Fort Anne. An
engagement ensued between this regiment and a few Americans, but the
latter, after a conflict of two hours, fired the fort, and retreated to Fort
Edward. The destruction of the galleys and batteaux of the Americans
at Skenesborough, and the defeat of their rear, obliged General St. Clair,
in order to avoid being between two fires, to change the route of his main
body, and to turn off from Castleton to the left. After a fatiguing and
distressing march of seven days, he joined General Schuyler at Fort Edward. Their combined forces, inclusive of the militia, not exceeding in
the whole four thousand four hundred men, were not long after, on the approach of General Burgoyne, compelled to retire farther into the country,
bordering on Albany. Such was the rapid torrent of success which, in
this period of the campaign, swept away all opposition from before the
royal army. The officers and men were highly elated with their good
fortune. They considered their toils to be nearly at an end; Albany to be
within their grasp, and the conquest of the adjacent provinces reduced to
Ia certainty. In Great Britain intelligence of the progress of Burgoyne
diffused a general joy. As to the Americans, the loss of reputation which
they sustained in the opinion of their European admirers, was greater than
their loss of posts, artillery and troops. They were stigmatized as wantVOL. IL 1._
138 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN. OF 1777.
GRNXERAL 8OHUYLER.
ing the resolution and abilities of men in defence of their dearest rights
Their unqualified subjugation, or unconditional submission, was considered
as being near at hand. An opinion was diffused, that the war in effect
was over, or that the farther resistance of the colonists would serve only to
make the terms of their submission more humiliating. The terror which
the loss of Ticonderoga spread throughout the New England states was
great, but nevertheless no disposition to purchase safety by submission appeared in any quarter. They did not sink under the apprehensions of
danger, but acted with vigour and firmness. The royal army, after these
successes, continued for some days in Skenesborough, waiting for their
tents, baggage and provision. In the mean time, General Burgoyne put
forth a proclamation, in which he called on the inhabitants of the adjacent
towns to send a deputation of ten or more persons from their respective
townships, to meet Colonel Skene at Castleton, on the 15th of July. The
troops were at the same time busily employed in opening a road, and clearing a creek, to favour their advance, and to open a passage for the convey.
ance of their stores. A party of the royal army, which had been left
behind at Ticonderoga, was equally industrious in carrying gun-boats, rrc
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 139
vision vessels, and batteaux, over land, into Lake George. An immensity
of labour in every quarter was necessary, but animated as they were with
past successes and future hopes, they disregarded toil and danger.
From Skenesborough, General Burgoyne directed his course across the
country to Fort Edward, on Hudson river, Though the distance, in a
right line, from one to the other, is but a few miles, yet such is the Impracticable nature of the country, and such were the artificial difficulties
thrown in his way, that nearly as many days were consumed as the distance passed over in a direct line would have measured in miles. The
Americans, under the direction of General Schuyler, had cut large trees on
both sides of the road, so as to fall across with the branches interwoven.
The face of the country was likewise so broken with creeks and marshes,
that they had no less than forty bridges to construct, one of which was a
log-work over a morass, two miles in extent. This difficult march might
have been avoided, had General Burgoyne fallen back from Skenesborough
to Ticonderoga, and thence proceeded by Lake George, but he declined
this route, from an apprehension that a retrograde motion on his part would
abate the panic of the enemy. He had also a suspicion that some delay
might be occasioned by the American garrison at Fort George, as, in case
of his taking that route, they might safely continue to resist to the last
extremity, having open in their rear a place of retreat. On the other
hand it was presumed, that as soon as they knew that the royal army was
marching in a direction that was likely to cut off their retreat, they would
consult their safety by a seasonable evacuation. In addition to these reasons, he had the advice and persuasion of Colonel Skene. That gentleman had been recommended to him as a person proper to be consulted.
His land was so situated, that the opening of a road between Fort Edward
and Skenesborough would greatly enhance its value. This circumstance
might have made him more urgent in his recommendations of that route.
especially as, it being the shortest, it bid fair for uniting the royal interest
with private convenience. The opinion formed by General Burgoyne of
the effect of this direct movement from Skenesborough to Fort Edward on
the Americani garrison, was verified by the event; for, being apprehensive
of having their retreat cut off, they abandoned their fort and burnt their
vessels. The navigation of Lake George being thereby left free, provisions and ammunition were brought forward from Fort George to the first
navigable parts of Hudson river. This is a distance of fifteen miles,
and the roads of difficult passage. The intricate combination of land and
water carriage, together with the insufficient means of transportation, and
excessive rains, caused such delays, that at the end of fifteen days there
were not more than four days' provision brought forward, nor above ten
batteaux in the river. The difficulties of this conveyance, as well as of
the march through the wilderness from Skenesborough to Fort Edward,
-- MA~~~~~
140 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
were encountered and overcome by the royal army, with a spirit and a-cr.
rity which could not be exceeded. [July 30.] At length, after incredible
fatigue and labour, General Burgoyne, and the army under his command,
reached Fort Edward, on Hudson river. Their exultation on accomplishing, what for a long time had been the object of their hopes, was
unusually great.
While the British were retarded in their advance by the combined difficulties of nature and art, events took place which proved the wisdom and
propriety of the retreat from Ticonderoga. The army saved by that
means, was between the inhabitants and General Burgoyne. This abated
the panic of the people, and became a centre of rendezvous for them to
repair to. On the other hand, had they stood their ground at Ticonderoga,
they must, in the ordinary course of events, in a short time, either have
been cut to pieces, or surrendered themselves prisoners of war. In either
case, as General St. Clair represented in his elegant defence: "Fear and
dismay would have seized on the inhabitants from the false opinion that
had been formed of the strength of these posts; wringing grief and moping
melancholy would have filled the habitations of those whose dearest connections were in that army, and a lawless host of ruffians, set loose from
every social principle, would have roamed at large through the defenceless country, while bands of savages would have carried havoc, devastation and terror before them. Great part of the state of New York must
have submitted to the conqueror, and in it he would have found the
means to prosecute his success. He would have been able effectually to
have co-operated with General Howe, and would probably soon have
been in the same country with him-that country where the illustrious
Washington, with an inferior force, made so glorious a stand, but who
must have been obliged to retire, if both armies had come upon him at
once-or he might have been forced to a general and decisive action in unfavourable circumstances, whereby the hopes, the now well-founded hopes
of America-of liberty, peace and safety-might have been cut off for ever."
Such, it was apprehended, would have been the consequences, if the
American northern army had not retreated from their posts at Ticonderoga.
From the adoption of that measure very different events took place. In a
few days after the evacuation, General Schuyler issued a proclamation,
calling to the minds of the inhabitants the late barbarities and desolations
of the royal army in Jersey-warning them that they would be dealt with
as traitors, if they joined the British, and requiring them with their arms
to repair to the American standard. Numerous parties were also employed
in bringing off public stores, and in felling trees, and throwing obstructions
in the way of the advancing royal army. At first a universal panic intimidated the inhabitants, but they soon recovered. The laws of self-preservation operated in their full force, and diffused a general activity
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 141
MURDER OF MISS M'CREA..
through the adjacent states. The formalities of convening, drafting and officering the militia, were, in many instances, dispensed with. Hundreds seized
their firelocks and marched, on the genreral call, without waiting for the orders
of their immediate commanders. The inhabitants had no means of security,
but to abandon their habitations and take up arms. Every individual saw
the necessity of becoming a temporary soldier. The terror excited by the
Indians, instead of disposing the inhabitants to court British protection,
had a contrary effect. The friends of the royal cause, as well as its enemies, suffered from their indiscriminate barbarities. Among other instances,
the murder of Miss McCrea excited a universal horror. This young lady,
in the innocence of youth, and the bloom of beauty, the daughter of a
steady loyalist, and engaged to be married to a British officer, was, on the
very day of her intended nuptials, massacred by the savage auxiliaries
attached to the British army.* Occasion was thereby given to inflame the
* This, though true, was no premeditated barbarity. The circumstances were as fo'
lows:-Mr. Jones, ber lover, from an anxiety for her safety, engaged some Indians to
remove her from among the Americans, and promised to reward the person who shoulo
bring her safe to him, with a barrel of rum. Two of th,. -'ians, who had conveyed hex
142 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
populace, and to blacken the royal cause. The cruelties of the Indians
and the cause in which they were engaged, were associated together, and
presented in one view to the alarmed inhabitants. Those whose interest
it was to draw forth the militia in support of American independence
strongly expressed their execrations of the army, which submitted tc
accept of Indian aid, and they loudly condemned that government which
could call such auxiliaries into a civil contest, as were calculated not to
subdue, but to exterminate a people whom they affected to reclaim as subjects. Their cruel mode of warfare, by putting to death as well the smiling infant and the defenceless female, as the resisting armed man, excited
a universal spirit of resistance. In conjunction with other circumstances,
it impressed on the minds of the inhabitants a general conviction, that a
vigorous, determined opposition was the only alternative for the preservation of their property, their children and their wives. Could they have
indulged the hope of security and protection while they remained peaceably at their homes, they Mwould have found many excuses for declining to
assume the profession of soldiers, but when they contrasted the dangers
of a manly resistance with those of a passive inaction, they chose the former, as the least of two unavoidable evils. All the feeble aid which the
royal army received from their Indian auxiliaries, was infinitely overbalanced by the odium it brought on their cause, and by that determined
spirit of opposition which the dread of their savage cruelties excited.
While danger was remote, the pressing calls of Congress and of the general officers, for the inhabitants to be in readiness to oppose a distant foe,
were unavailing, or tardily executed, but no sooner had they recovered
from the first impression of the general panic, than they turned out with
unexampled alacrity. The owners of the soil came forward, with that
ardour which the love of dear connections and of property inspires. An
army was speedily poured forth from the woods and mountains. When
they who had begun the retreat were nearly wasted away, the spirit of
the country immediately supplied their place with a much greater and
more formidable force. In addition to these incitements, it was early conjectured, that the royal army, by pushing forward, would be so entangled
as not to be able to advance or retreat on equal terms. Men of abilities
and of eloquence, influenced with this expectation, harangued the inhabitants in their several towns-set forth, in high-colouring, the cruelties of
the savage auxiliaries of Great Britain, and the fair prospects of capturing
some distance on the way to her intended husband, disputed which of them should present her to Mr. Jones. Both were anxious for the reward. One of them killed her with
his tomahawk, to prevent the other from receiving it. Burgoyne obliged the Indians to
deliver up the murderer, and threatened to put him to death. His life was only spared,
upon tne Indians agreeing to terms, which the general thought would be more efficacious
than an execution in preventing similar mischiefs.
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 143
tne whole force of their enemies. Frum the combined influences of these
causes, the American army soon amounted to upwards of thirteen thousand men.
While General Burgoyne was forcing his way down towards Albany,
Lieutenant-colonel St. Leger was co-operating with him in the Mohawk
country. He had ascended the river St. Lawrence, crossed Lake Ontario,
and commenced the siege of Fort Schuyler. On the approach of this
detachment of the royal army, [August 3,] General Herkimer collected
about eight hundred of the Whig militia of the parts adjacent, for the
relief of the garrison.
St. Leger, aware of the consequences of being attacked in his trenches,
detached Sir John Johnson, with some Tories and Indians, to lie in ambush
and intercept the advancing militia. The stratagem took effect. The
general and his militia were surprised, [August 6,] but several of the
Indians were nevertheless killed by their fire. A scene of confusion followed. Some of Herkimer's men run off, but others posted themselves
behind logs, and continued to fight with bravery and success. The loss on
the side of the Americans was one hundred and sixty killed, besides the
wounded. Among the former was their gallant leader, General Herkimer.
Several of their killed and wounded were principal inhabitants of that part
of the country. Colonel St. Leger availed himself of the terror excited on
this occasion, and endeavoured by strong representations of Indian barbarity to intimidate. the garrison into an immediate surrender. He sent
verbal and written messages, "demanding the surrender of the fort, and
stating the impossibility of their obtaining relief, as their friends under
General Herkimer were entirely cut oli, and as General Burgoyne had
forced his way through the country, and was daily receiving the submission of the inhabitants;" he represented "the pains he had taken to soften
the Indians, and to obtain engagements from them, that in case of an immediate surrender every man in the garrison should be spared," and particularly enlarged on the circumstance, "that the Indians were determined, in
case of their meeting with farther opposition, to massacre not only the garrison, but every man, woman, or child, in the Mohawk country." Colonel
Gansevort, who commanded in the fort, replied, "that being by the United
States intrusted with the charge of the garrison, he was determined to
defend it to the last extremity, against all enemies whatever, without any
concern for the consequences of doing his duty."
It being resolved, maugre the threats of Indian barbarities, to defend the
fort-Lieutenant-colonel Willet undertook, in conjunction with Lieutenant
Stockwell, to give information to their fellow-citizens of the state of th'
garrison. These two adventurous officers passed by night through the
besiegers' works, and at the hazard of falling into the hands of savages,
and suffering from them the severity of torture, made their way for fifty
144 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
miles through dangers and difficulties, in order to procure relief for their
besieged associates. In the mean time the British carried on their operations with such industry, that in less than three weeks they had advanced
within one hundred and fifty yards of the fort.
The brave garrison, in its hour of danger, was not forgotten. General
Arnold, with a brigade of continental troops, had been previously detached
by General Schuyler for their relief, and was then near at hand. Mr.
Tost Schuyler, who had been taken up by the Americans on suspicion of
his being a spy, was promised his life and his estate, on consideration that
he should go on and alarm the Indians with such representations of the
numbers marching against them, as would occasion their retreat. He immediately proceeded to the camp of the Indians, and being able to converse
in their own language, informed them that vast numbers of hostile Americans were near at hand. They were thoroughly frightened and determined to go off. St. Leger used every art to retain them, but nothing
could change their determination. It is the characteristic of these people
on a reverse of fortune to betray irresolution, and a total want of that constancy which is necessary to struggle for a length of time with difficulties.
They had found the fort stronger and better defended than was expected.
They had lost several head men in their engagement with General Herkimer, and had gotten no plunder. These circumstances, added to the certainty of the approach of a reinforcement to their adversaries, which they
believed to be much greater than it really was, made them quite untractable. Part of them instantly decamped, and the remainder threatened to
follow, if the British did not immediately retreat. This measure was
adopted, and the siege raised. From the disorder occasioned by the precipitancy of the Indians, the tents, and much of the artillery and stores of
the besiegers, [August 22,] fell into the hands of the garrison. The discontented savages, exasperated by their ill-fortune, are said, on their retreat,
to have robbed their British associates of their baggage and provisions.
While the fate of Fort Schuyler was in suspense, it occurred to General
Burgoyne, on hearing of its being besieged, that a sudden and rapid move
ment forward would be of the utmost consequence. As the principal force
of his adversaries was in front between him and Albany, he hoped by
advancing on them, to reduce them to the necessity of fighting, or of
retreating out of his way to New England. Had they, to avoid an attack,
retreated up the Mohawk river, they would, in case of St. Leger's success,
have put themselves between two fires. Had they retreated to Albany, it
was supposed their situation would have been worse, as a co-operation from
New York was expected. Besides, in case of that movement, an opportunity would have been given for a junction of Burgoyne and St. Leger.
To have retired from the scene of action by filing off for New England,
seemed to be the only opening left for their escape. With such views,
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 145
General Burgoyne promised himself great advantages from advancing
rapidly towards Albany. The principal objection against this plausible
project, was the difficulty of furnishing provisions to his troops. To keep
up a communication with Fort George, so as to obtain from that garrison
regular supplies, at a distance daily increasing, was wholly impracticable.
The advantages which were expected from the proposed measure were
too dazzling to be easily relinquished. Though the impossibility of draw
ing provisions from the stores in their rear was known and acknowledged
yet a hope was indulged that they might be elsewhere obtained. A plan
was therefore formed to open resources from the plentiful farms of Vermont. Every day's account, and partiqularly the information of Colonel
Skene, induced Burgoyne to believe, that one description of the inhabitants
in that country were panic-struck, and that another, and by far the most
numerous, were friends to the British interest, and only wanted the appearance of a protecting power to show themselves. Relying on this intelligence, he detached only five hundred men, one hundred Indians, and two
field-pieces, which he supposed would be fully sufficient for the expedition. The command of this force was given to Lieutenant-colonel Baum,
and it was supposed that with it he would be enabled to seize upon a
magazine of supplies which the Americans had collected at Bennington,
and which was only guarded by militia. It was also intended to try the
temper of the inhabitants, and to mount the dragoons. Lieutenant-colonel
Baum was instructed to keep the regular force posted, while the light
troops felt their way; and to avoid all danger of being surrounded, or of
having his retreat cut off. But he proceeded with less caution than his
perilous situation required. Confiding in the numbers and promised aid
of those who were depended upon as friends, he presumed too much. On
his approaching the place of his destination, he found the American militia
stronger than had been supposed. He therefore took post in the vicinity,
intrenched his party, and despatched an express to General Burgoyne,
with an account of his situation. Colonel Breyman was detached to reinforce him. Though every exertion was made to push forward this reinforcement, yet from the impracticable face of the country, and defective
means of transportation, thirty-two hours elapsed before they had marched
twenty-four miles. General Stark, who commanded the American militia
at Bennington, engaged with them before the junction of the two royal
detachments could be effected. On this occasion, about eight hundred
undisciplined militia, without bayonets, or a single piece of artillery,
attacked and routed five hundred regular troops advantageously posted
behind intrenchments, furnished with the best arms, and defended with
two pieces of artillery. The field-pieces were taken from the party cornmanded by Colonel Baum, and the greatest part of his detachment was
either killed or captured. Colonel Breymaln arrived on tie same ground
VOL. II.-19 N
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
146 THE NORTHIERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
BATTL, OF BENNINGTON.
on the same day, but not till the action was over. Instead of meeting
his friends, as he expected, he found himself briskly attacked. This was
begun by Colonel Warner, (who, with his continental regiment, which
having been sent for from Manchester, came opportunely at this time,) and
was well supported by Stark's militia, which had just defeated the party
commanded by Colonel Baum. Breyman's troops, though fatigued with
their preceding march, behaved with great resolution, but were at length
-ompelled to abandon their artillery and retreat. In these two actions the
Americans took four brass field-pieces, twelve brass drums, two hundred
and fifty dragoon swords, four ammunition wagons, and about seven hun
dred prisoners. The loss of the Americans, inclusive of their wounded,
was about one hundred men. Congress resolved, "that their thanks be
presented to General Stark, of the New Hampshire militia, and the officers
and troops under his command, for their brave and successful attack upon
and signal victory over the enemy in their lines at Bennington; and also,
that Brigadier Stark be appointed a brigadier-general in the army of the
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 14
-~~~~ —------- -
~-~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~_=
JOHN LANGDO1
United States." Never were thanks more deservedly bestowed. The
overthrow of these detachments was the first link in a grar.ll chain of
causes, which finally drew down ruin on the whole royal army. The
confidence with which the Americans were inspired, on finding themselves
able to defeat regular troops, produced surprising effects. It animated
their exertions, and filled them with expectations of farther successes.
The conduct of John Langdon, a merchant of New Hampshire, who
devoted his fortune to the raising of troops and supplies for General Stark,
should always be remembered in connection with the battle of Bennington.
That military pride, which is the soul of an army, was nurtured by the
captured artillery, and other trophies of victory. In proportion to the
elevation of the Americans, was the depression of their adversaries. Accustomed to success, as they had been in the preceding part of the campaign, they felt unusual mortification from this unexpected check. Though
it did not diminish their courage, it abated their confidence. It is not easy
to enumerate all the disastrous consequences which resulted to t'.~ royal
148 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1;77.
army, from the failure of their expedition to Bennington. These were so
extensive, that their loss of men was the least considerable. It deranged
every plan for pushing the advantages which had been previously obtained.
Among other embarrassments, it reduced General Burgoyne to the alternative of halting till he brought forward supplies from Fort George, or of
advancing without them at the risk of being starved. The former being
adopted, the royal army was detained from August 16th to September 13th.
This unavoidable delay gave time and opportunity for the Americans to
collect in great numbers.
The defeat of Lieutenant-colonel Baum was the first event which for a
long time had taken place in favour of the American northern army. From
December 1775, it had experienced one misfortune treading on the heels
of another, and defeat succeeding defeat. Every movement had been
either retreating or evacuating. The subsequent transactions present a
remarkable contrast. Fortune, which previous to the battle of Benning,ol,
had not for a moment quitted the British standard, seemed, after that event,
as if she had totally deserted it, and gone over to the opposite party.
After the evacuation of Ticonderoga, the Americans had fallen back
from one place to another, till they at last fixed at Vanshaick's Island.
Soon after this retreating system was adopted, Congress recalled their
general officers, and put General Gates at the head of their.northern army.
His arrival gave fresh vigour to the exertions of the inhabitants. The
militia, flushed with their recent victory at Bennington, collected in great
numbers to his standard. They soon began to be animated with a hope
of capturing the whole British army. A spirit of adventure burst forth in
many different points of direction. While General Burgoyne was urging
his preparations for advancing towards Albany, an enterprise was undertaken by General Lincoln to recover Ticonderoga, and the other posts in
the rear of the royal army. He detached Colonel Brown with five hundred men to the landing at Lake George. The colonel conducted his
operations with so much address, that he surprised all the outposts between
the landing at the north end of Lake George, and the body of the fortress
at Ticonderoga. He also took Mount Defiance and Mount Hope, the
French lines, and a block-house, two hundred batteaux, several gun-boats,
and an armed sloop, together with two hundred and ninety prisoners, and
at the same time released one hundred Americans. His own loss waS
trifling. Colonel Brown and Colonel Johnson, the latter of whom had been
detached with five hundred men, to attempt Mount Independence, on examination, found that the reduction of either that post or of Ticonderoga,
was beyond their ability. When the necessary stores for thirty days' subsistence were brought forward from Lake Georige, General Burgoyne gave
up all communication with the magazines in his rear, and crossed Hudson
river, Sept. 13 and 14. This movement was the subject of much discus
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 149
BURGOYNE S ENCAMPMENT ON THE HUDSON.
sion. Some charged it on the impetuosity of the general, and alleged that
it was premature before he was sure of aid from the royal forces posted in
New York; but he pleaded the peremptory orders of his superiors. The
rapid advance of Burgoyne, and especially his passage of the North River,
added much to the impracticability of his future retreat, and, in conjunction
with subsequent events, made the total ruin of his army in a great degree
unavoidable.
General Burgoyne, after crossing the Hudson, advanced along its side,
and in four days encamped on the heights about two miles from General
Gates's camp, which was three miles above Stillwater. The Americans,
elated with their success at Bennington and Fort Schuyler, thought no
more of retreating, but came out to meet the advancing British, and
engaged them with firmness and resolution. The attack began a little
before mid-day, [Sept. 19,] between the scouting parties of the two armies.
The commanders on both sides supported and reinforced their respective
parties. The conflict, though severe, was only partial for an hour and a
half, but after a short pause it became general, and continued for three
hours, without any intermission. A constant blaze of f;'e was kept up,
2
tbO THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
and both armies seemed to be determined on death or victory. The
Americans and British alternately drove, and were driven, by each other.
Men, and particularly officers, dropped every moment and on every side.
Several of the Americans placed themselves in high trees, and as often as
they could distinguish an officer's uniform, took him off by deliberately
aiming at his person. Few actions have been characterized by more obstinacy in attack or defence. The British repeatedly tried their bayonets,
but without their usual success in the use of that weapon. At length
night put an end to the effusion of blood. The British lost upwards of five
hundred men, including their killed, wounded, and prisoners. The
Americans, inclusive of the missing, lost three hundred and nineteen.
Thirty-six out of forty-eight British mnatrosses were killed or wounded.
The sixty-second British regiment, which was five hundred strong when it
left Canada, was reduced to sixty men and four or five officers. This hardfought battle decided nothing, and little else than honour was gained by
either army, but nevertheless it was followed by important consequences.
Of these, one was the diminution of the zeal and alacrity of the Indians in
the British army. The dangerous service in which they were engaged
was by no means suited to their habits of war. They were disappointed
of the plunder they expected, and saw nothing before them but hardships
and danger. Fidelity and honour were too feeble motives in the minds of
savages to retain them in such an unproductive service. By deserting in
the season when their aid would have been most useful, they furnished a
second instance of the impolicy of depending upon them. Very little more
perseverance was exhibited by the Canadians and other British provincials.
They also abandoned the British standard when they found that, instead
of a flying and dispirited enemy, they had a numerous and resolute force
opposed to them. These desertions were not the only disappointments
which General Burgoyne experienced. From the commencement of the
expedition, he had promised himself a strong reinforcement from that part
of the British army which was stationed at New York. He depended on
its being able to force its way to Albany, and to join him there, or in the
vicinity. This co-operation, though attempted, failed in the execution,
while the expectation of it contributed to involve him in some difficulties, to
which he would not have otherwise been exposed.
General Burgoyne received intelligence in a cipher, [Sept. 21,] that Sir
Henry Clinton, who then commanded in New York, intended to make a
diversion in his favour, by attacking the fortresses which the Americans
had erected on Hudson river, to obstruct the intercourse between New
York and Albany. In answer to this communication, he despatched to Sir
Henry Clinton some trusty persons with a full account of his situation, and
with instructions to press the immediate execution of the proposed co-ope
ration, and to assure him that he was enabled in point of provisions, and
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 151
fixed in his resolution to hold his present position till the 12th of October,
m the hopes of favorable events. The reasonable expectation of a diversion
from New York, founded on this intelligence, made it disgraceful to retreat,
and at the same time improper to urge offensive operations. In this posture
of affairs, a delay of two or three weeks, in expectation of the promised
co-operation from New York, became necessary. In the mean time the
provisions of the royal army were lessening, and the animation and numbers of the American army increasing. The New England people were
fully sensible that their all was at stake, and at the same time sanguine, that,
by vigorous exertions, Burgoyne would be so entangled that his surrender
would be unavoidable. Every moment made the situation of the British
army more critical. From the uncertainty of receiving farther supplies,
General Burgoyne lessened the soldiers' provisions. [Oct. 1.] The 12th
of October, the term till which the royal army had agreed to wait for aid
from New York, was fast approaching, and no intelligence of the expected
co-operation had arrived. In this alarming situation it was thought proper
to make a movement to the left of the Americans. The body of troops
employed for this purpose consisted of fifteen hundred chosen men, and
was commanded by Generals Burgoyne, Philips, Reidesel, and Frazer.
As they advanced, they were checked by a sudden and impetuous attack;
but Major Ackland, at the head of the British grenadiers, sustained it
with great firmness. The Americans extended their attack along the whole
front of the German troops, who were posted on the right of the grenadiers,
and they also marched a large body round their flank, in order to cut off
their retreat. To oppose this bold enterprise, the British light infantry,
with a part of the 24th regiment, were directed to form a second line, and
to cover the retreat of the troops into the camp. In the mean time the
Americans pushed forward a fresh and strong reinforcement, to renew the
action on Burgoyne's left. That part of his army was obliged to give way,
but the light infantry and 24th regiment, by a quick movement, came to its
succour, and saved it from total ruin. The British lines being exposed to
great danger, the troops which were nearest to them returned for their defence. General Arnold, with a brigade of continental troops, pushed for
the works possessed by Lord Balcarras, at the head of the British light
infantry; but the brigade having an abattis to cross, and many other obstructions to surmount, was compelled to retire. Arnold left this brigade,
and came to Jackson's regiment, which he ordered instantly to advance,
and attack the lines and redoubt in their front, which were defended by
Lieutenant-colonel Breyman, at the head of the German grenadiers. The
assailants pushed on with rapidity, and carried the works. Arnold was
one of the first who entered them. Lieutenant-colonel Breyman was
killed. The troops commanded by him retired firing. They gained their
tents about thirty or forty yards from their works, Lut on finding that the
152 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
assault was general, they gave one fire, after which some retreated to the
British camp, but others threw down their arms. The night put an end
to the action.
This day was fatal to many brave men. The British officers suffered
more than their common proportion. Among their slain General Frazer,
on account of his distinguished merit, was the subject of particular regret.
Sir James Clark, Burgoyne's aid-de-camp, was mortally wounded. The
general himself had a narrow escape; a shot passed through his hat, and
another through his waistcoat. Majors Williams and Ackland were taken,
and the latter was wounded. The loss of the Americans was inconsiderable, but General Arnold, to whose impetuosity they were much indebted
for the success of the day, was among their wounded. They took more
than two hundred prisoners, besides nine pieces of brass artillery, and the
encampment of a German brigade, with all their equipage.
The royal troops were under arms the whole of the next day, in expectation of another action, but nothing more than skirmishes took place. At
this time, General Lincoln, when reconnoitering, received a dangerous
wound: an event which was greatly regretted, as he possessed much of
the esteem and confidence of the American army.
The position of the British army, after the action of the 7th, was so
dangerous, that an immediate and total change became necessary. This
hazardous measure was executed without loss or disorder. The British
camp, with all its appurtenances, was removed in the course of a single
night. The American general now saw a fair prospect of overcoming the
army opposed to him, without exposing his own to the danger of another
battle. His measures were therefore principally calculated to cut off their
retreat, and prevent their receiving any further supplies.
While General Burgoyne was pushing on towards Albany, an unsuccessful attempt to relieve him was made by the British commander in New
York. For this purpose, Sir Henry Clinton conducted an expedition up
Hudson river. This consisted of about three thousand men, and was
accompanied by a suitable naval force. After making many feints, he
landed at Stoney Point, and marched over the mountains to Fort Montgomery, and attacked the different redoubts. The garrison, commanded
by Governor Clinton, a brave and intelligent officer, made a gallant resistance. But as the post had been designed principally to prevent the passing of ships, the works on the land side were incomplete and untenable.
When it began to grow dark, the British entered the fort with fixed bayonets. The loss on neither side was great. Governor Clinton, General
James Clinton, and most of the officers and men, effected their escape
under cover of the thick smoke and darkness that suddenly prevailed.
The reduction of this post furnished the British with an opportunity for
opening a passage up the North River, but instead of pushing forward to
THE NORTHERN CAMdPAI(N OF! 1777. 153
~~1~~-~-.........:
B.URGOYN''I8 RETREAT ON THR HUDSON.
Bllrgoyne's encampment, or even to Albany, they spent several days in
laying waste the adjacent country. The Americans destroyed Fort Constitution, and also set fire to two new frigates, and some other vessels.
General Tryon at the samne time destroyed a settlement called Continental
village, which contained barracks for fifteen hundred men, besides many
stores. Sir James Wallace with a flying squadron of light frigates, and
General Vaughan with a detachment of land forces, continued on and near
the river for several days, desolating the country near its margin. General
Vaughan so completely burned ~Esopus, a fine flourishing village, that a
single house was not left standing, though on his approach the Americans
had left the town without making any resistance. [Oct. 13.] Charity would
lead us to suppose that these devastations were designed to answer military
purposes. Their authors might have hoped to divert the attention of
General Gates, and thus indirectly relieve General Burgoyne, but if this
was intended the artifice did not take effect. The preservation of property
was with the Americans only a secondary object. The capturing of Burgoyne
pronmised such important consequences, that they would not suffer any other
consideration to interfere with it. General Gates did net make a single
movement that lessened the probability of effecting his granu purpose. He
Vo. Ii.-20
154 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
wrote an expostulatory letter to Vaughan, part of which was in the follow.
ing terms: "Is it thus your king's generals think to make converts to the
royal cause? It is no less surprising than true, that the measures they
adopt to serve their master have a quite contrary effect. Their cruelty
establishes the glorious act of independence upon the broad basis of the
resentment of the people." Whether policy or revenge led to this devastation of property is uncertain, but it cannot admit of a doubt that it was
far from being the most effectual method of relieving Burgoyne.
The passage of the North River was made so practicable by the advantages gained on the 6th of October, that Sir Ienry Clinton, with his whole
force, amounting to three thousand men, might not only have reached
Albany, but General Gates's encampment, before the 12th, the day till which
Burgoyne had agreed to wait for aid from New York. While the British
were doing mischief to individuals without serving the cause of their royal
master, it seems as though they might, by pushing forward about one hundred and thirty-six miles in six days, have brought Gates's army between
two fires, at least twenty-four hours before Burgoyne's necessity compelled
his submission to articles of capitulation. Why they neglected this opportunity of relieving their suffering brethren, about thirty-six miles to the
northward of Albany, when they were only about one hundred miles below
it, has never yet been satisfactorily explained.
Gates posted fourteen hundred men on the heights opposite the fords of
Saratoga, and two thousand more in the rear, to prevent a retreat to Fort
Edward, and fifteen hundred at a lord higher up. Burgoyne receiving
intelligence of these movements, concluded from them, especially from the
last, that Gates meant to turn his right. This, if' effected, would have
entirely enclosed him. To avoid being hemmed in, he resolved on an immediate retreat to Saratoga. His hospital, with the sick and wounded,
were necessarily left behind, but they were recommended to the humanity
of General Gates, and received from him every indulgence their situation
required. When General Burgoyne arrived at Saratoga, he found that the
Americans had posted a considerable force on the opposite heights, to impede his passage at that ford. In order to prepare the way for a retreat to
Lake George, General Burgoyne ordered a detachment of artificers, with a
strong escort of British and provincials, to repair the bridges and open the
road leading thither. Part of the escort was withdrawn on other duty, and
the remainder, on a slight attack of an inconsiderable party of Americans,
ran away. The workmen, thus left without support, were unable to effect
the business on which they had been sent. The only practicable route of
retreat, which now remained, was by a night march to Fort Edward. Beore this attempt could be made, scouts returned with intelligence that the
Americans were intrenched to those fords on the HIudson river over
which it was proposed to pass, and that they were also in force on the
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 155
high ground between Fort Edward and Fort George. They had at the
same time parties down the whole shore and posts, so near as to observe
every motion of the royal army. Their position extended nearly round the
British, and was by the nature of the ground in a great measure secured
from attacks. The royal army could not stand its ground where it was,
from the want of the means necessary for their subsistence; nor could it
advance towards Albany, without attacking a force greatly superior in
number; nor could it retreat without making good its way over a river in
face of a strong party advantageously posted on the opposite side. In case
of either attempt, the Americans were so near as to discover every movement, and by means of their bridge could bring their whole force to
operate.
Truly distressing was the condition of the royal army. Abandoned in
the most critical moment by their Indian allies-unsupported by their
brethren in New York-weakened by the timidity and desertion of the
Canadians-worn down by a series of incessant efforts, and greatly reduced in their numbers by repeated battles, they were invested by an army
nearly three times their number, without a possibility of retreat, or of replenishing their exhausted stock of provisions. A continual cannonade
pervaded their camp, and rifle and grape-shot fell in many parts of their
lines. They nevertheless retained a great share of fortitude.
In the mean time the American army was hourly increasing. Volunteers came in from all quarters, eager to share in the glory of destroying
or capturing those whom they considered as their most dangerous enemies.
The 13th of October at length arrived. The day was spent in anxious
expectation of its producing something of consequence. But as no prospect of assistance appeared, and their provisions were nearly expended, the
hope of receiving any in due time for their relief could not reasonably be
further indulged. General Burgoyne thought proper, in the evening, to
take an account of the provisions left. It was found, on inquiry, that they
would amount to no more than a scanty subsistence for three days. In this
state of distress, a council of war was called, and it was made so general,
as to comprehend both the field-officers and the captains. Their unanimous
opinion was, that their present situation justified a capitulation on honourable terms. A messenger was therefore despatched to begin this business.
General Gates in the firsf instance demanded, that the royal army should
surrender prisoners of war. He also proposed that the British should
ground their arms. But General Burgoyne replied, " This article is inadrnissible in every extremity;-sooner than this army will consent to ground
their arms in their encampment, they will rush on the enemy, determined
to take no quarter." After various messages, a convention was settled, by
which it was substantially stipulated as follows: The troops under General
Burgoyne, to march out of their camp with the honours of war, and the
156 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
99c -' I Y - - AC
SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE.
artillery of the intrenchments to the verge of the river, where the arms
and artillery are to be left. The arms to be piled by word of command
from their own officers. A free passage to be granted to the army under
Lieutenant-general Burgoyne to Great Britain, upon condition of not serving again in North America during the present contest, and the port of
Boston to be assigned for the entry of the transports to receive the troops
whenever General Howe shall so order. The army under Lieutenantgeneral Burgoyne to march to Massachusetts Bay, by the easiest route, and
to be quartered in, near, or as convenient as possible, to Boston. The
troops to be provided with provision by General Gates's orders, at the same
rate of rations as the troops of his own army. All officers to retain their
carriages, bat-horses, and no baggage to be molested or searched. The
officers are not, as far as circumstances will admit, to be separated from
their men. The officers to be quartered according to their rank. All
corps whatever of Lieutenant-general Burgoyne's army to be included in
the above articles. All Canadians, and persons belonging to the Canadian
establishment, and other followers of the army, to be permitted to return
to Canada-to be conducted to the first British post on Lake George, and
to be supplied with provisions as the other troops, and to be bound by the
same condition of not serving during the present contest. Passports to be
granted to three officers, to carry d1spatches to Sir Williaml Howe, Sir Guy
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 157
Carleton, and to Great Britain. The officers to be admitted on their parole,
and to be permitted to wear their side arms. Such were the embarrassinents of the royal army, incapable of subsisting where it was, or of making its way to a better situation, that these terms were rather more favourable than they had a right to expect. On the other hand, it would not
have been prudent for the American general at the head of his army,
which, though numerous, consisted mostly of militia or new levies, to
have provoked the despair of even an inferior number of brave, disciplined,
regular troops. General Gates rightly judged that the best way to secure
his advantages was to use them with moderation. Soon after the convention was signed, the Americans marched into their lines, and were kept
there till the royal army had deposited their arms at the place appointed.
The delicacy with which this business was conducted, reflected the highest
honour on the American general. Nor did the politeness of Gates end
here. Every circumstance was withheld, that could constitute a triumph
in the American army. The captive general was received by his conqueror
with respect and kindness. A number of the principal officers of both
armies met at General Gates's quarters, and for a while seemed to forget in
social and convivial pleasures that they had been enemies. The conduct
of General Burgoyne in this interview with General Gates was truly dignified, and the historian is at a loss whether to admire most the rnagnaniraZty of the victorious, or the fortitude of the vanquished general.
The British troops partook liberally of the plenty that reigned in the
American army. It was the more acceptable to them, as they were destitute of' bread and flour, and had only as much meat left as was sufficient
for a day's subsistence.
By the convention which has been mentioned, five thousand seven hundred and ninety men were surrendered prisoners. The sick and wounded
left in camp, when the British retreated to Saratoga, together with the
numbers of the British, German, and Canadian troops, who were killed,
wounded, or taken, and who had deserted in the preceding part of the expedition, were reckoned to be four thousand six hundred and eighty-nine.
The who!e royal force, exclusive of Indians, was probably about ten thousand. l'he stores which the Americans acquired were considerable. The
captured artillery consisted of thirty-five brass field-pieces. There were
also four thousand six hundred and forty-seven muskets, and a variety of
other useful and much-wanted articles, which fell into their hands. The
continentals in General Gates's army were nine thousand and ninety-three,
the militia four thousand one hundred and twenty-nine; but of the former
two thousand one hundred and three were sick or on furlough, and five
hundred and sixty-two of the latter were in the same situation. The numb r of the militia was constantly fluctuating.
The general exultation of the Americans, on receiving the agreeable:no
158 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
telligence of the convention of Saratoga, disarmed them of much of their
resentment. The burnings and devastations which had taken place were
sufficient to have inflamed their minds, but private feelings were in a great
measure absorbed by a consideration of the many advantages which the
capture of so large an army proposed to the neiw-formed states.
In a short time after the convention was signed, General Gates moved
forward to stop the devastations of the British on the North River; but on
hearing of the fate of Burgoyne, Vaughan and Wallace retired to New
York.
About the same time the British, which had been left in the rear of the
royal army, destroyed their cannon, and abandoning Ticonderoga, retreated
to Canada. The whole country, after experiencing for several months the
confusions of war, was in a moment restored to perfect tranquillity.
Great was the grief and dejection in Britain, on receiving the intelligence of the fate of Burgoyne. The expedition committed to him had been
undertaken with the most confident hopes of success. The quality of the
troops he commanded was such, that from their bravery, directed by his
zeal, talents and courage, it was presumed that all the northern parts of the
United States would be subdued before the end of the campaign. The
good fortune which for some time followed him justified these expectations, but the catastrophe proved the folly of planning distant expeditions,
and of projecting remote conquests.
The consequences of these great events vibrated round the world. The
capture of Burgoyne was the hinge on which the Revolution turned.
While it encouraged the perseverance of the Americans by well-grounded
hopes of final success, it increased the embarrassments of that ministry
which had so ineffectually laboured to compel their submission. Opposition to their measures gathered new strength, and formed a stumblingblock in the road to conquest. This prevented Great Britain from acting
with that collected force which an union of sentiments and councils would
have enabled her to do. Hitherto the best informed Americans had doubts
of success in establishing their independence, but henceforward their language was, " That whatever might be the event of their present struggle,
they were for ever lost to Great Britain." Nor were they deceived. The
eclat of capturing a large army of British and German regular troops soon
procured them powerful friends in Europe.
Immediately after the surrender of the troops commanded by Lieutenantgeneral Burgoyne, they were marched to the vicinity of Boston. On their
arrival they were quartered in the barracks on Winter and Prospect hills.
The General Court of Massachusetts passed proper resolutions for procur-.ng suitable accommodations for the prisoners; but from the general unwilbngness of the people to oblige them, and from the feebleness of that
authority which the republican rulers had at that time over the property
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 159
of their fellow-citizens, it was impossible to provide immediately for so
large a number of officers and soldiers, in such a manner as their convenience required, or as from the articles of convention they might reasonably
expect. The officers remonstrated to General Burgoyne, that six or seven
of them were crowded together in one room, without any regard to their
respective ranks, in violation of the 7th article of the convention. General Burgoyne, on the 14th of November, forwarded this account to General
Gates, and added, "the public faith is broken." This letter, being laid
before Congress, gave an alarm. It corroborated an apprehension, previously entertained, that the captured troops on their embarkation would
make a junction with the British garrisons in America. The declaration
of the general, that "the public faith was broken" while in the power of
Congress, was considered by them as destroying the security which they
before had in his personal honour, for in every event he might adduce his
previous notice to justify his future conduct. They therefore resolved,
"That the embarkation of Lieutenant-general Burgoyne, and the troops
under his command, be postponed till a distinct and explicit ratification
of the convention of Saratoga be properly notified by the court of Great
Britain to Congress." General Burgoyne explained the intention and construction of the passage objected to in his letter, and pledged himself, that
his officers would join with him in signing any instrument that might be
thought necessary for confirming the convention, but Congress would not
recede from their resolution. They alleged, that it had been often asserted
by their adversaries, that "faith was not to be kept with rebels," and that
therefore they would be deficient in attention to the interests of their constituents, if they did not require an authentic ratification of the convention
by national authority, before they parted with the captured troops. They
urged farther, that by the law of nations, a compact broken in one article,
was no longer binding in any other. They made a distinction between
the suspension and.lFrogation of the convention, and alleged that ground
to suspect an intention to violate it was a justifying reason for suspending
its execution on their part, till it was properly ratified. The desired ratification, if Great Britain was seriously disposed to that measure, might
have been obtained in a few months, and Congress uniformly declared
themselves willing to carry it into full effect, as soon as they were secured
of its observance by proper authority on the other side.
About eight months after, certain royal commissioners, whose official
functions shall be hereafter explained, made a requisition respecting these
troops-offered to ratify the convention, and required permission for their
embarkation. On inqliry it was found, that they had no authority to do
any thing in the rnr,ticr which would be obligatory on Great Britain.
Congress therefore resolved, "that no ratification of the convention, which
may re tendered ip r.rnsequence of powers which only reach that case by
160 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 177.
STEUBEN TEACHING THR AMERICANS THE PRUSSIAN DIS.t PLINE
construction and implication, or which may subject whatever is transacted
relative to it, tothe future approbation or disapprobation of the parliament
of Great Britain, can be accepted by Congress."
Till the capture of Burgoyne the powers of Europe were only spectators
of the war between Great Britain and her late colonies, but soon after that
event they were drawn in to be parties. In every period of the controversy, the claims of the Americans were patronised by sundry respectable
foreigners. The letters, addresses, and other public acts of Congress, were
admired by many who had no personal interest in the contest. Liberty is
so evidently the undoubted right of mankind, that even they who never
possessed it feel the propriety of contending for it, and whenever a people
take up arms either to defend or to recover it, they are sure of meeting
with encouragement or good wishes from the friends of humanity in every
part of the world.
Among the officers who distinguished themselves in this and the subsequent campaigns, was Baron Frederick William Steuben, a Prussian
officer, who served many years in the armies of the great Frederick, was
one of his aids, and held the rank of lieutenant-general. He arrived in
New Hampshire from Marseilles in November, 1777, with strong recommendations to Congress. He claimed no rank, and only requested pertaission to render as a volunteer what services he could to the Anlerican
army. He was soon appointed to the office of inspector-general, and he
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 161
established a uniform system of manceuvres; and by his skill and perse.
vering industry, effected, during the continuance of the troops at Valley
Forge, a most important improvement in all ranks of the army. He was
a volunteer in the action of Monmouth, and commanded in the trenches of
Yorktown on the day which concluded the struggle with Great Britain.
During his command, Lord Cornwallis made his overture for capitulation. The proposals were immediately despatched to the commander-inchief, and the negotiation progressed.
The Marquis de Lafayette, whose turn it was next to mount guard in the
trenches, marched to relieve the baron, who, to his astonishment, refused
to be relieved. He informed General de Lafayette that the custom of the
European war was in his favour; and that it was a point of honour which
ie could neither give up for himself nor deprive his troops of; that the
offer to capitulate had been made during his guard, and that in the trenches
he would remain until the capitulation was signed or hostilities commenced.
The marquis immediately galloped to head-quarters: General Washington
decided in favour of the baron, to the joy of the one, and to the mortification
of the other of those brave and valuable men. The baron remained till
the business was finished. After the peace, the baron retired to a farm in
the vicinity of New York. The state of New Jersey had given him a
small improved farm; and the state of New York gave him a tract of sixteen thousand acres of land in the county of Oneida.
The baron died at Steubenville, New York, November 28, 1794, aged
six y-one years. He was an accomplished gentleman, and a virtuous
citizen; of extensive knowledge and sound judgment...........,,: L~==-_-_-_..H~~~~t -~~~
EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER IN ENGLAND.
N the 3d of December the news arrived in London of
_/jz Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga, and was whispered
- about town, though without any particulars. This, it
was concluded, must drive ministers from their posts,
<. $ 2 % and make room for these who had been so long and so
loudly struggling for them. Accordingly, in the afternoon, Colonel Barre rose in the House of Commons, with
a severe and solemn countenance, but hardly, as we believe, with sadness
of heart, and asked Lo.rd George Germaine what news he had received by
his last expresses from Quebec; and called upon him to tell him, upon his
word of honour, what had become of General Burgoyne and his brave
army. The haughty secretary was constrained to confess that he had received the unhappy intelligence; adding, however, that it was not official,
and had not yet been authenticated. It had been brought, he said, by express from Quebec, where it had been received from Ticonderoga, to which
place it had been carried by the reports of deserters. It was, he observed,
a most unfortunate affair, but he expressed a hope that the House would
suspend their judgment; declaring, in a cold, self-satisfied tone, that, if he
had been in fault in planning the expedition, he was there to answer for
it. Barre, who well knew the part that the hero of Minden had taken in
framing the scheme, said that the man who planned so rash and incoherent
an expedition was alone to blame. Charles Fox, Burke, and others continued the attack, and revelled in descriptions of the loss and disgrace we
had sustained. The solicitor-general, Wedderburn, came to the rescue of
his offilial superiors: he represented that the greatness of the nationai
character particularly showed itself in rising above a temporary misfortune;
that victory had often followed defeat; that this was not the first time a
162
EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER. 163
I JiK'i,,
COLONEL B A R E.
British army had been reduced to such hard extremities; that, during the
war of the succession, General Stanhope had been compelled to surrender
himself and his whole army prisoners of war in Spain; and that the disgrace only served to raise an enthusiastic ardour which soon effaced the
stigma and achieved glorious successes. Lord North brought back the
attention of the House to the business of the day, which was, to vote supplies; observing that these were indispensable, whether we were to look
to peace or to the prolongation of war. On the next day-the 4th of
December-the Marquis of Rockingham, the Dukes of Richmond and
Manchester, and Lord Shelburne, met and agreed that a motion should be
made in the Upper House for the production of Burgoyne's instructions;
and they hoped that Chatham's health would enable him to come to London
on the morrow to make it. The Duke of Grafton and several other opposition lords were out of town before the sad news arrived. On the 5th,
Chatham was in his place to make the motion He began a long and
~~ long an~~~
_________________________________________________________~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~
164 EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER.
powerful harangue by criticising the king's speech at the opening of the
session, which, he said, contained an unfaithful, delusive picture of thre
state of public affairs. Not one noble lord in administration would dare
arise and contradict him. That royal speech had a specious outside-wvwa
full of hopes; yet every thing within and without, foreign and domestic.
was full of danger, and calculated to inspire the most melancholy forebodings. It was customary, he said, to offer an address of condolence to his
majesty upon any public misfortune, as well as one of congratulation on
any public success. There never was a time awhen condolence was more
seasonable or necessary than at present. If what had been acknowledged
in the other House were true, he was astonished that some public notice
had not been taken of the sad, the melancholy disaster! He then lamented
the fate of Burgoyne in pathetic terms; and said that that gentleman's
character, the glory of British arms, and the dearest interests of this undone.
disgraced country, had been all sacrificed to the ignorance, temerity, and
incapacity of ministers. He said that Burgoyne might o' might not be an
able officer; but, by every thing he could learn, his fate was not proportionate to his merit: he might have received orders it was not in his power
to execute. He had denounced ministers already; but, now, he said that
he would not condemn them without evidence: —they might possibly have
instructed Burgoyne wisely; Burgoyne might have executed his instructions faithfully and judiciously, and yet he might have miscarried. There
were many events which no human foresight could provide against; and
it was on that ground he meant to frame his motion. The fact was acknowledged-the general had miscarried: it might not have been his fault
-it might not have been the fault of his employers or instructors. To
know where the fault lay, he was desirous of having the orders given to
General Burgoyne laid before the House. He added, that enough of the
plan had, however, transpired to justify him in affirming that the measures
for that campaign were founded in weakness, barbarity, and inhumanity.
Savages had been employed to carry ruin and devastation among our subjects in America: the tomahawk and scalping-knife had been put into the
hands of the most brutal and ferocious of the human species! He then
turned from the field of war to the court, and laid there the blame of all the
evils that had happened. "Within the last fifteen years," said he, " the
system has been introduced at St. James's of breaking all connection, of
extinguishing all principle. A few men have got an ascendency where
no man should have a personal ascendency; by the executive powers of
the state being at their command, they have been furnished with the means
of creating divisions. This has brought pliable men, not capable men, into
the highest situations; and to such men is the government of this once
glorious empire now intrusted. The spirit of delusion has gone forth; the
ministers have imposed on the people; parliament has been induccd to
EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER. 165
sanctify the imposition; false lights have been held out to the country gentlemen-they have been seduced into the support of a most destructive war,
under the impression that the land-tax would be diminished by means of an
American revenue. The visionary phantom, thus conjured up for the basest
of all purposes-that of deception —is new about to vanish." The oration
was rather rambling. Returning to Burgoyne, he paid that general some
very high compliments-saying his abilities were confessed, his personal
bravery not surpassed, his zeal in the service unquestionable. He had
experienced no pestilence, he had suffered none of the accidents which
sometimes supersede the most wise and spirited exertions. What, then,
was the great cause of his misfortune? And, forgetting his preceding
declaration, that he would not condemn ministers without evidence, he
answered his own question by affirming that the great cause of the calamities was want of wisdom in our councils, want of abilities in our ministers! He laid the whole blame upon ministers, and told them that they
ought to submit to all the obloquy till the general had an opportunity tc
justify himself in person. Notwithstanding the correction he had so
recently received as to his own employment of the Indians, he again dwelt
upon the horror of the scalping-knife and tomahawk, saying that, if he
had been serving in the army, he believed he would rather have mutinied
than consent to act with such barbarians-that such a mode of warfare
was a pollution of our national character, which all the waters of the
rivers Delaware and Hudson would never wash away! He was almost as
severe upon German bayonets as upon Indian scalping-knives. The only
thing to be done to preserve America in our dependence was to disbana
the Indians, (they had been disbanded long before this,) recall the Germans, and withdraw our own troops entirely. He again declared himself an
avowed enemy to American independence, saying that he was a Whig,
and that, while he abhorred the system of government attempted to be
established in America, he as earnestly and zealously contended for a
Whig government, and a Whig connection between the two countries,
founded on a constitutional dependence and subordination of America upon
England. These colonies, he said, had made our riches, had raised the
value of estates, given employment to our manufacturers and wealth to
our merchants. With the independence of America all these advantages
must vanish and pass to our enemies. He told the country gentlemen
— always so sensitive on those points-that they would, in that event,
find their land-taxes doubled and their rents decreased by one-half. In
the course of this speech, he severely animadverted on the high rory
doctrines maintained in print and in that House by a most reverend prelate —Dr. Markham, archbishop of York,-and hoped that he should yet
see the day when such pernicious doctrines-the doctrines of Atterbury
and Sacheverel-would be deemed libels, and treated as suck As a
166 EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER.
Whig he could never endure them: and he doubted not tha. such
authors would some day suffer that degree of censure and punishlment
which they so justly deserved. In concluding, he moved for the production of copies of all orders and instructions sent to Lieutenantgeneral Burgoyne. The motion was negatived by a majority of forty tc
nineteen.
It had been previously agreed to makre demand after demand, motion
after motion; and Chatham himself next moved for copies of all instruc
tions relative to the employment of Indians in conjunction with the British
troops. In opposing the motion, Lord Gower asserted that the noble lord
himself employed savages in the operations of the last war. Chatham
accused Lord Gower of quibbling; and told him that, at the time he
alluded to, he was too inexperienced, thoughtless. and dissipated to know
any thing of public affairs-was immersed in pleasures and indulgences to
which young noblemen were too much inclined! Gower, after replying to
these personalities with equal heat and bitterness, produced from the journals of the House the recognition of a treaty with the Indians, who were
engaged to make war upon and destroy the French in Canada. Chatham
poured out a fresh volume of words. Ministers then offered to produce,
from the depository of papers in the secretary's office, documents written
by himself to prove the charge. The dispute grew still hotter; and at
length Lord Amherst, Chatham's general, who had commanded our troops
in that Canadian war, was so loudly appealed to on all sides, that he found
himself compelled to acknowledge that he had followed the example of the
French in employing savages, which he would not have done without
express orders from government at home. He even offered to produce the
orders, if his majesty would permit him. Lord Shelburne argued that the
orders to employ the savages might have proceeded from the Board of
Trade; but Lord Denbigh, who, rather happily, called Chatham "the
great oracle with the short memory," said that this was impossible; that
Chatham, when in office under George II., had guided and directed every
thing relating to the war, had monopolized functions which did not belong
to him, and had been excessively jealous of any interference by others,
whether boards or ministers. The lords in opposition now seemed inclined
to lay the question by, as far as it concerned Chatham's veracity or correctness of mnemory, and only insisted upon the difference between the two
wars, —the one having been against our old enemies the French,' the
other being against our fellow-subjects. They also contended that, since
the French had certainly begun the practice so justly abhorred, we were,
in Chatham's time, in a manner, under the necessity of retaliating, and
employing the red-men in the same way. But ministers might have
urged-and they probably did urge-that, in the present instance, the
Americans had set the deplorable example. Arnold took with him into
EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER. 167
Cranada the very savages whose services we had refused. One of the
first cares of Congress was to secure the alliance of the Six Nations; and
it was understood by all, that the treaty was not to stop at neutrality, but
to engage these Indians as auxiliaries in the war. Want of money and
means, united with certain inveterate animosities existing between the
Indian tribes and their American neighbours of the back settlements, as
also with a kind of traditional reverence for the name of King George,
had prevented the success of Congress; and English muskets, blankets,
gewgaws, rum, and roney, being supplied in far greater abundance than
the Americans could afford, secured the services of the savages on cur
side-services which would otherwise have been bought by the general
Congress or by the separate provincial conventions. Lord Dunmore,
the expelled governor of Virginia, declared that no doubt existed as to the
attempts of the revolutionary leaders in that colony to forestall us in the
market, and engage the savages in their pfay, —that conferences had
taken place between their agents and some Indian chiefs, one of whom
had declared that he would never fight against the great king over the
water, who, in the last war, had sent such large armies and so much
money to Amnerica,-and that the Virginians, disappointed in their hopes,
had dressed up some of their own people as Indian warriors to terrify the
royalists. His lordship added, that the cruelty of the Christian colonists
themselves equalled, if it did not surpass, that of the heathen Indians.
Dunmore had suffered too many insults and too many grievous injuries to
be a cool or impartial judge of the conduct of Americans; but he adduced
nimany circumstantial proofs in support of his assertion; and there is an
accumulation of evidence to the same effect from other quarters innumerable. The army of independence included a large proportion of men
who, in becoming pioneers of civilization, —as the backwoodsmen are
called,-had lost half of their own European civilization, and had contracted half of the barbarism and ferocity of the savage tribes that lay
beyond them, and with whom they were almost constantly in a state of
war at one point or another. The practice of employing savages remains,
with its sad consequences; but, as the Americans had tried to avail themselves of it, and had been the first actually to adopt it, it required a great
strength of countenance to recur to the high principles of morals and
religion, and to denounce the British government, as they did, as heinously
guilty of a breach of those principles. When Lord Bute, in his close
retirement, heard what passed in the House of Lords, and how Chatham
had denied his having employed the red-men, he exclaimed with astonishment, "Did Pitt really deny it? Why, I have letters of his still by me,
singing Io Pseans over the advantages we gained through our Indian
allies!" Chatham's present motion was negatived by a majority of forty
to eighteen. His party still continued to think, or to affect to think, that
168 EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER.
DMIUND BURIE.
there was a vast difference between American Christians and French
Christians, and that this difference justified whatever he had done in the
former war.
The number of seamen for the ensuing year was fixed at sixty thousand,
and that of the troops to be employed in America alone at fifty-five thousand. After these and other estimates had been passed-which did not
happen without many and vehement debates-the government thought the
time was come for an adjournment, for which they were the more anxious,
as the opposition never relaxed their fire of motions. On the 10th of
December, rather earlier than usual. Lord Beauchamp moved in the Commons an adjournment till the 20th of January. Burke proposed, as an
amendment, to adjourn for one week, instead of six; but ministers saia
EFFECT OF BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER. 169
they had already gone through their usual business; that nothing new
was likely to occur during the recess; and their motion was carried by
a hundred and fifty-five against sixty-eight. In the House of Lords,
Chatham opposed the adjournment in a long speech, it having been previously settled by Lord Rockingham and others of the opposition, that
nothing should be omitted which tended to fix blame and censure on those
who directed both king and parliament. They were astonished at the
adhesiveness of Lord North to his seat. "Shall we," said Chatham,
"trust, during an adjournment of six weeks, to these men, w ho have brought
such calamities upon us, when, perhaps, our utter overthrow is plotting,
nay, ripe for execution? Ten thousand brave men have fallen victims to
ignorance and rashness. The only army you have in America may, by
this time, be no more. This very nation remains safe no longer than its
enemies think proper to permit. Events of the most critical nature may
take place before our next meeting. Will your lordships, then, in such a
state of things, trust to the guidance of men who, in every single step of
this cruel, this wicked war, have proved themselves weak, ignorant, and
mistaken? A remonstrance, my lords, should be carried to the throne.
The king is deluded by his ministers." He then contradicted Lord Sandwich's statements as to the good condition of our navy; spoke of our
land forces at home as contemptible, and described the country as being in
a most helpless condition, inviting invasion from France, and incapable of
resisting it. He next turned to the American war, and ended his.speech
with some excessive exaggerations about the invincible valour, the gentleness, moderation, and magnanimity of the Americans, and the profligacy,
cruelty, and barbarity of the royal troops, or rather of the ministers, who
prescribed the rules for their conduct. The adjournment was, nevertheless, carried by forty-seven against seventeen.
OL. 1I.-22 P
THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN FRANCE AND THE UNITED
STATES.
OON after intelligence of the capture of Bur.
goyne's army reached Europe, the court of
France concluded, at Paris, treaties of alliance
>f l - ll and commerce with the United States. The
circumstances which led to this great event,
X deserve to be particularly unfolded. The colonists having taken up arms, uninfluenced by
the enemies of Great Britain, conducted their
opposition for several months after they had
raised troops and emitted money, without any
reference to foreign powers. They knew it
to be the interest of Europe to promote a separation between Great Britain and her colonies,
but as they began the contest with no other
view than to obtain a redress of grievances,
they neither wished in the first period of their
opposition to involve Great Britain in a war,
nor to procure aid to themselves by paying
court to her enemies. The policy of Great Britain in attempting to deprive the Americans of arms was the first event which made it necessary
for them to seek foreign connections. At the time she was urging military
preparations to compel their submission, she forbade the exportation of
arms, and solicited the commercial powers of Europe to co-operate with
her by adopting a similar prohibition. To frustrate the views of Great
Britain, Congress, besides recommending the domestic manufacture of the
170
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 171
materials for military stores, appointed a secret committee with powers to
procure on their account arms and ammunition, and also employed agents
in foreign countries for the same purpose. The evident advantage which
France might derive from the continuance of the dispute and the countenance which individuals Df that country daily gave to the Americans, encouraged Congress to send a political and commercial agent to that kingdom, with instructions to solicit its friendship, and to procure military stores.
Silas Deane, being chosen for this purpose, sailed for France early in 1776,
and was soon after his arrival at Paris instructed to sound Count de Vergennes, the French minister for foreign affairs, on the subject of the American controversy. As the public mind, for reasons which have been
mentioned, closed against Great Britain, it opened towards other nations.
On the 11th of June, 1775, Congress appointed a committee to prepare
a plan of a treaty to be proposed to foreign powers. The discussion of
this novel subject engaged their attention till the latter end of September.
While Congress was deliberating thereon, Mr. Deane was soliciting a
supply of arms, ammunition, and soldiers' clothing, for their service. A
sufficiency for lading three vessels was soon procured. What agency the
government of France had in furnishing these supplies, or whether they
were sold or given as presents, are questions which have been often asked,
but not satisfactorily answered; for the business was so conducted that the
transaction might be made to assume a variety of complexions, as circumstances might render expedient.
It was most evidently the interest of France to encourage the Americans
in their opposition to- Great Britain, and it was true policy to do this by
degrees and in a private manner, lest Great Britain might take the alarm.
Individuals are sometimes influenced by considerations of friendship and
generosity, but interest is the pole star by which nations are universally
governed. It is certain that Great Britain was amused with declarations
of the most pacific dispositions on the part of France, at the time the Americans were liberally supplied with the means of defence, and it is equally
certain, that this was the true line of policy for promoting that dismemberment of the British empire which France had an interest in accomplishing.
Congress knew, that a diminution of the overgrown power of Britain
could not be but desirable to France. Sore with the loss of her posseasions
on the continent of North America by the peace of Paris in the year 1763,
and also by the capture of many thousands of her sailors in 1755, antecedent to a declaration of war, she must have been something more than
human, not to have rejoiced at an opportunity of depressing an ancient
and formidable rival. Besides the increasing naval superiority of Great
Britain, her vast resources, not only in her ancient dominions, but in colonies growing daily in numbers and wealth, added to the haughtiness of hfr
172 ALLIANCE WIT 1H FRANCE.
iSI L AS DE A: AEiiA
flag, made her the object both of terror and envy. It was the interest of
Congress to apply to the court of France, and it was the interest of France
to listen to their application.
Congress having agreed on the plan of the treaty which they intended
to propose to his most Christian majesty, proceeded to elect commissioners
to solicit its acceptance. Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Thomas Jefferson,
were chosen. The latter declining to serve, Arthur Lee, who was then in
London, and had been very serviceable to his country in a variety of ways,
was elected in his room. It was resolved, that no member should be at
liberty to divulge any thing more of these transactions than "that Congress
had taken such steps as they judged necessary for obtaining foreign alli
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 173
ances." The secret committee were directe to make an effectual lodgment in France of ten thousand pounds sterling, subject to the order of these
commissioners. Dr. Franklin, who was employed as agent in the business,
and afterwards as minister plenipotentiary at the court of France, was in
possession of a greater proportion of foreign fame than any other native
of America. By the dint of superior abilities, and with but few advantages
in early life, he had attained the highest eminence among men of learning,
and in many instances extended the emnpire of science. His genius was
vast and comprehensive, and with equal ease investigated the mysteries
of philosophy and the labyrinths of politics. His fame as a philosopher
had reached as far as human nature is polished or refined. His philanthropy knew no bounds. The prosperity and happiness of the human
race were objects which at all times had attracted his attention. Disgusted
with Great Britain, and glowing with the most ardent love for the liberties
of his oppressed native country, he left London, where he had resided
some years in the character of agent for
several of the colonies, and early in 1775
returned to Philadelphia, and immediately
afterwards was elected by the legislature
of Pennsylvania, to share in the opposition
to Great Britain as a member of Congress.
[Oct. 27.] Shortly after his appointment
to solicit the interests of Congress in France,
he sailed for that country. [Dec. 13.] He
was no sooner landed than universally caressed. His experiments in electricity,
drawing the lightning from the sky, had a
peculiar charm for the French. His fame
had smoothed the way for his reception in
a public character. Doctor Franklin, Silas
Deane, and Arthur Lee, having rendezvoused at Paris, soon after opened their
FRANKLIN'S EXPERIMENT. business in a private audience with the
Count de Vergennes. [Dec. 28.] The Congress could not have applied
to the court of France under more favourable circumstances. The throne
was filled by a prince in the flower of his age, and animated with the desire of rendering his, reign illustrious. Count de Vergennes was not less
remarkable for extensive political knowledge, than for true greatness of
mind. He had grown old in the habits of government, and was convinced
that conquests are neither the surest nor the shortest way to substantial
fame. IHe knew full well that no success in war, however brilliant, could
so effectually promote the security of France. as the emancipation of the
colonies of her ancient rival. He had the superior wisdom to discern, that
174 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.
there were no present advantages to be obtained by unequal terms, that
would compensate for those lasting benefits which were likely to flow from
a kind and generous beginning. Instead of grasping at too much, or
taking any advantages of the humble situation of the invaded colonies, he
aimed at nothing more than by kind and generous terms to a distressed
country, to perpetuate the separation which had already taken place between the component parts of an empire, from the union of which his
sovereign had much to fear.
Truly difficult was the line of conduct which the real interest of the
nation required of the ministers of his most Christian majesty. A haughty
reserve would have discouraged the Americans. An open reception, or
even a legal countenance of their deputies, might have alarmed the rulers
of Great Britain, and disposed them:o a compromise with their colonies, or
have brought on an immediate rupture between France and England. A
middle line, as preferable to either, was therefore pursued. Whilst the
French government prohibited, threatened, and even punished the Americans; private persons encouraged, supplied, and supported them. Prudence, as well as policy, required that France should not be overhasty in
openly espousing their cause. She was by no means fit for war. From
the state of her navy, and the condition of her foreign trade, she was vulnerable on every side. Her trading people dreaded the thoughts of a war
with Great Britain, as they would thereby be exposed to great losses.
These considerations were strengthened from another quarter. The peace
of Europe was supposed to be unstable, from a prevailing belief that tie
speedy death of the elector of Bavaria was an event extremely probable.
But the principal reason which induced a delay, was an opinion, that the
dispute between the mother country and the colonies would be compromised. Within the thirteen years immediately preceding, twice had the
contested claims of the two countries brought matters to the verge of extremit-y. Twice had the guardian genius of both interposed, and reunited
them in the bonds of love and affection. It was feared by the sagacious
ministry of France, that the present rupture would terminate in the same
manner. These wise observers of human nature apprehended, that their
too early interference would favour a reconciliation, and that the reconciled parties would direct their united force against the French, as the disturbers of their domestic tranquillity. It had not yet entered into the hearts
of the French nation, that it was possible for the British American colonists
to join with their ancient enemies against their late friends.
At this period Congress did not so much expect any direct aid from
France, as the indirect relief of a war between that country and Great
Britain. To subserve this design, they resolved, that " their commissioners
9t the court of France should be furnished with warrants and commissions,
and authorized to arm and fit for war in the French ports any number of
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE..75
vessels (not exceeding six) at the expense of the United States, to war upon
British property, provided they were satisfied this measure would not be
disagreeable to the court of France." This resolution was carried into
effect, and in the year 1777 marine officers, with American commissions,
both sailed out of French ports, and carried prizes of British property into
them. They could not procure their condemnation in the courts of France,
nor sell them publicly, but they nevertheless found ways and means to
turn them into money. The commanders of these vessels were sometimes
punished by authority, to please the English, but they were oftener caressed
from another quarter to please the Americans.
While private agents on the part of the United States were endeavouring
to embroil the two nations, the American commissioners were urging the
ministers of his most Christian majesty to accept the treaty proposed by
Congress. They received assurances of the good wishes of the court of
France, but were from time to time informed, that the important transaction
required further consideration, and were enjoined to observe the most profound secrecy. Matters remained in this fluctuating state from December
1776, till December 1777. Private encouragement and public discountenance
were alternated, but both varied according to the complexion of news from
America. The defeat on Long Island, the reduction of New York, and the
Irain of disastrous events in 1776, which have already been mentioned,
sunk the credit of the Americans very low, and abated much of the national
ardour for their support. Their subsequent successes at Trenton and
Princeton effaced these impressions, and rekindled active zeal in their
oehalf. The capture of Burgoyne fixed these wavering politics. The success of the Americans in the campaign of 1777, placed them on high
ground. Their enmity had proved itself formidable to Britain, and their
friendship became desirable to France. Having helped themselves, they
found it less difficult to obtain help from others. The same interest, which
hitherto had directed the court of France to a temporizing policy, now required decisive conduct. Previous delay had favoured the dismemberment
of the empire, but farther procrastination bid fair to promote at least such
a federal alliance of the disjointed parts of the British empire as would be
no less hostile to the interests of France than a reunion of its several parts.
The news of the capitulation of Saratoga reached France very early in
December, 1777. The American deputies took that opportunity to press
for an acceptance of the treaty, which had been under consideration for the
preceding twelve months. The capture of Burgoyne's army convinced the
French that the opposition of the Americans to Great Britain was not the
work of a few men, who had got power in their hands, but of the great
body of the people, and was like to be finally successful. It was therefore
determined to take them by the hand, and publicly to espouse their cause.
The commissioners of Congress were informed by Mr. Gerard, one of the
176 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.
secretaries of the king's council of state, " that it was decided to acknowledge the independence of the United States and to make a treaty with
them." [Dec. 16, 1777.] "That in the treaty no advantage would be
taken of their situation to obtain terms which, otherwise, it would not be
convenient for them to agree to. That his most Christian majesty desired
the treaty once made should be durable, and their amity to subsist for ever1
which could not be expected, if each nation did not find an interest in its
continuance, as well as in its commencement. It was therefore intended
that the terms of the treaty should be such as the new-formed states would
be willing to agree to, if they had been long since established, and in the
fulness of strength and power; and such as they should approve of when
that time should come. That his most Christian majesty was fixed in his
determination not only to acknowledge, but to support their independence.
That in doing this he might probably soon be engaged in a war, yet he
should not expect any compensation from the United States on that account,
nor was it pretended that he acted wholly for their sakes, since besides his
real good will to them, it was manifestly the interest of France that the
power of England should be diminished by the separation of the colonies
from its government. The only condition he should require and rely on
would be, that the United States in no peace to be made should give up
their independence and return to the obedience of the British government."
At any time previously to the 16th of December, 1777, when Mr. Gerard
made the foregoing declaration, it was in the power of the British ministry
Lo have ended the American war and to have established an alliance with
the United States that would have been of great service to both; but frorm
the same haughtiness which for some time had predominated in their councils, and blinded them to their interests, they neglected to improve the
favourable opportunity.
Conformably to the preliminaries proposed by Mr. Gerard, his most
Christian majesty, Louis the 16th, on the 6th of February, 1778, entered
into treaties of amity and commerce, and of alliance with the United States,
on the footing of the most perfect equality and reciprocity. By the latter
of these, that illustrious monarch became the guarantee of their sovereignty,
independence and commerce.
On a review of the conduct of the French ministry to the Americans,
the former appear to have acted uniformly from a wise regard to national
interest. Any line of conduct, different from that which they adopted,
might have overset the measures which they wished to establish. Had
they pretended to act from disinterested principles of generosity to the distressed, the known selfishness of human nature would have contradicted
the extravagant pretension. By avowing the real motive of their conduct;
they furnished such a proof of candour as begat confidence.
The terms of reciprocity on which they contracted with the United
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 177
States were no less recommended by wise policy than dictated by true
magnanimity. As there was nothing exclusive in the treaty, an opening
was left for Great Britain to close the war when she pleased, with all the
advantages for future commerce that France had stipulated for herself.
This judicious measure made the establishment of American independence
the common cause of all the commercial powers of Europe; for the question then was, whether the trade of the United States should by the subversion of their independence be again monopolized by Great Britain, or,
by the establishment of it, laid open on equal terms to all the world.
In national events the public attention is generally fixed on the movements of armies and fleets. Mankind never fail to do homage to the able
general and expert admiral. To this they are justly entitled, but as great
a tribute is due to the statesman who, from a more elevated station, determines on measures in which the general safety and welfare of empires are
involved. This glory in a particular manner belongs to the Count de
Vergennes, who, as his most Christian majesty's minister for foreign affairs,
conducted the conferences which terminated in these treaties. While the
ministers of his Britannic majesty were pleasing themselves with the flattering idea of permanent peace in Europe, they were not less surprised than
provoked by hearing of the alliance which had taken place between his
most Christian majesty and the United States. This event, though often
foretold, was disbelieved. The zeal of the British ministry to reduce the
colonies to submission, blinded them to danger from every othem quarter.
Forgetting that interest governs public bodies perhaps more than private
persons, they supposed that feebler motives would outweigh its all-commanding influence. Intent on carrying into execution the object of their
wishes, they fancied that because France and Spain had colonies of their
own, they would refrain from aiding or abetting the revolted British colonists, from the fear of establishing a precedent, which at a future day
might operate against themselves. Transported with indignation against
their late fellow subjects, they were so infatuated with the American war,
as to suppose that trifling evils, both distant and uncertain, would induce
the court of France to neglect an opportunity of securing great and immediate advantages.
How far this interference of the court of France can be justified by the
laws of nations, it is not the province of history to decide. Measures of
this kind are not determined by abstract reasoning. The present feelings
of a nation, and the probable consequences of loss or gain, influence more
than the decisions of speculative men. Suffice it to mention, that the
French exculpated themselves from the heavy charges brought against
them, by this summary mode of reasoning: "We have found," said they,
"the late colonies of Great Britain in actual possession of independence,
and in the exercise of the prerogatives of sovereignty. It is not our busi
178 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.
-Z=7XA,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 1I
LAFAYRTTZ.
ness to inquire, whether they had, or had not, sufficient reason to withdraw
themselves from the government of Great Britain, and to erect an independent one of their own. We are to conduct towards nations agreeably
to the political state in which we find them, without investigating how they
acquired it. Observing them to be independent in fact, we were bound to
suppose they were so of right, and had the same liberty to make treaties
with them as with any other sovereign power." They also alleged, that
Great Britain could not complain of their interference, since she had set
them the example, only a few years before, in supporting the Corsicans in
opposition to the court of France. They had, besides, many well-founded
complaints against the British, whose armed vessels had for months past
harassed their commerce, on the idea of preventing an illicit trade with the
revolted colonies.
The Marquis de Lafayette, whose letters to France had a considerable
share in reconciling the nation to patronise the United States, was among
the first il the American army who received the welcome tidings of the
treaty. In a transport of joy, mingled with an effusion of tears, he
embraced General Washington, exclaiming, "The king my master has
acknowledged your independence, and entered into an alliance with you
for its establishment." The heart-felt joy, which spread from breast to
breast, exceeded description. The several brigades assembled by order of
the conlmander-in-:hief. Their chaplains offered up public thanks to
AI
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 179
Almighty Grl4, and delivered discourses suitable to the occasion. A feu
de joie was fired, and on a proper signal being given, the air resounded
with "Long live the King of France," poured forth from the breast of
every private in the army. The Americans, having in their own strength
for three years weathered the storms of war, fancied the port of peace'to
be in full view. Replete with the sanguine hopes of vigorous youth, they
presumed that Britain, whose northern army had been reduced by their
sole exertions, would not continue the unequal contest with the combined
force of France and America. Overvaluing their own importance, and
undervaluing the resources of their adversaries, they were tempted to
indulge a dangerous confidence. That they might not be lulled into carelessness, Congress made an animated address to them, in which, after
reviewing the leading features of the war, they informed them, "They
must yet expect a severe conflict; that though foreign alliances secured
their independence, they could not secure their country from devastation."
The alliance between France and America had nolt been concluded three
days before. it was known to the British ministry; and in less than five
weeks more it was officially communicated to the court of London, [March
13,] in a rescript, delivered by the French ambassador to Lord Wey.
mouth. In this new situation of affairs, there were some in Great Britain
who advocated the measure of peace with America, on the footing of independence. But the point of honour, which had before precipitated the
nation into the war, predominated over the voice of prudence and interest.
The king and parliament of Great Britain resolved to punish the French
nation for treating with their subjects, which they termed "An unprovoked
aggression on the honour of the crown and essential interests of the kingdom." And at the same time a vain hope was indulged, that the alliance
between France and the United States, which was supposed to have originated in passion, might be dissolved. The national prejudices against the
French had been so instilled into the minds of Englishmen, and of their
American descendants, that it was supposed practicable, by negotiations
and concessions, to detach the United States from their new alliance and
re-unite them to the parent state. Eleven days after the treaty [Feb. 17]
between France and America had been concluded, the British minister
introduced into the House of Commons a project for conciliation, founded
on the idea of obtaining a re-union of the new states with Great Britain.
This consisted of two bills, with the following titles: "A bill for declaring
the intention of Great Britain concerning the exercise of the right of imposing taxes within his majesty's colonies, provinces, and plantations in
North America," and a bill to "enable his majesty to appoint commissioners with sufficient powers to treat, consult and agree, upon tne means
of quieting the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies, plantations and provinces of North America." These bills were hurried through
180 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.
both houses of parliament, and, before they passed into acts, were copieu
and sent across the Atlantic, to Lord and General Howe. On their arrival
in America, they were sent by a flag to Congress at Yorktown. When
they were received, [April 21,] Congress was uninformed of the treaty
which their commissioners had lately concluded at Paris. For upwards
of a year they had not received one line of information from them on any
subject whatever. One packet had in that time been received, but all the
letters therein were taken out before it was put on board the vessel which
brought it from France, and blank paper put in their stead. A committee
of Congress was appointed to examine these bills and report on them.
Their report was brought in the day following, and was unanimously
adopted. By this they rejected the proposals of Great Britain. The
vigorous and firm language in which Congress expressed their rejection
of these offers, considered in connection with the circumstances of their
being wholly ignorant of the late treaty with France, exhibits the glowing
serenity of fortitude. While the royal commissioners were industriously
circulating these bills in a partial and secret manner, as if they suspected
an intention of concealing them froin the common people, Congress, trusting to the good sense of their constituents, ordered them to be forthwith
printed for the public information. Having directed the affairs of their
country with an honest reference to its welfare, they had nothing to fear
from the people knowing and judging for themselves. They submitted
the whole to the public. Their act, after some general remarks on the
bill, concluded as follows:
"From all which it appears evident to your committee, that the said bills
are intended to operate upon the hopes and fears of the good people of
these states, so as to create divisions among them, and a defection from the
common cause, now, by the blessing of divine Providence, drawing near
to a favourable issue. That they are the sequel of that insidious plan,
which, from the days of the stamp act, down to the present time, hath involved this country in contention and bloodshed. And that, as in other
cases so in this, although circumstances may force them at times to recede
from their unjustifiable claims, there can be no doubt but they will, as
heretofore, upon the first favourable occasion, again display that lust of
domination which bath rent in twain the mighty empire of Britain.
"Upon the whole matter, the committee beg leave to report it as their
opinion, that as the Americans united in this arduous contest upon principles of common interest, for the defence of common rights and privileges,
which union hath been cemented by common calamities and by mutual
good offices and affection, so the great cause for which they contend, and
in which all mankind are interested, must derive its success from the continuance of that union. Wherefore any man or body of men, who should
presulne to make any separate or partial convention or agreement with
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 181
commissioners under the crown of Great Britain, or any of them, ought
to be considered ard treated as open and avowed enemies of these United
States.
"And further, your committee beg leave to report it as their opinion,
that these United States cannot, with propriety, hold any conference with
any commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless they shall, as a
preliminary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and armies, or else, in
positive and express terms, acknowledge the independence of the said states.
"And inasmuch as it appears to be the design of the enemies of these
states to lull them into a fatal security-to the end that they may act with
a becoming weight and importance, it is the opinion of your committee,
that the several states be called upon to use the most strenuous exertions to
have their respective quotas of continental troops in the field as soon as
possible, and that all the militia of the said states be held in readiness, to
act as occasion may require."
The conciliatory bills were speedily followed by royal commissioners,
deputed to solicit their reception. Governor Johnstone, Lord Carlisle and
Mr. Eden, appointed on this business, attempted to open a negotiation on
the subject. [June 9.] They requested General Washington to furnish a
passport for their secretary, Dr. Ferguson, with a letter from themn to Congress, but this was refused, and the refusal was unanimously approved by
Congress. They then forwarded, in the usual channel of communication,
a letter addressed " To his excellency Henry Laurens, the president, and
others the members of Congress," in which they communicated a copy of
their commission and of the acts of Parliament on which it was founded,
and offered to concur i.. every satisfactory and just arrangement towards
the following among other purposes:
To consent to a cessation of hostilities, both by sea and land.
To restore free intercourse, to revive mutual affection, and renew the
common benefits of naturalization, through the several parts of this empire.
To extend every freedom to trade that our respective interests can
require.
To agree that no military forces shall be kept up in the different states
of North America, without the consent of the general Congress or particular assemblies.
To concur in measures calculated to discharge the debts of America, and
to raise the credit and value of the paper circulation.
To perpetuate our union by a reciprocal deputation of an agent or agents
from the different states, who shall have the privilege of a seat and voice
in the parliament of Great Britain; or, if sent from Britain, in that case to
have a seat and voice in the Assemblies of the different states to which they
may be deputed respectively, in order to attend the several interests of those
by whom they are deputed.
q
182 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.
In short, to establish the power of the respective Legislatures in each
particular state, to settle its revenue, in civil and military establishment,
and to exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and internal government, so:hat the British states throughout North America, acting with us in peace
and war under one common sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment
of every privilege that is short of a total separation of interests, or consistent with that union of force, on which the safety of our common religion
and liberty depends.
A decided negative having been already given, previous to the arrival
of the British commissioners, to the overtures contained in the conciliatory
bills, and intelligence of the treaty with France having in the mean
time arrived, there was no ground left for farther deliberation. President
Laurens therefore, by order of Congress, returned the following answer
[June 17.]
" I have received the letters from your excellencies of the 9th instant, with
the enclosures, and laid them before Congress. Nothing but an earnest
desire to spare the farther effusion of human blood could have induced them
to read a paper, containing expressions so disrespectful to his most Christian
majesty, the good and great ally of these states; or to consider propositions
so derogatory to the honour of an independent nation.
"The acts of the British parliament, the commission from your sovereign,
and your letter, suppose the people of these states to be subjects of the
crown of Great Britain, and are founded on the idea of dependence, which
is utterly inadmissible.
"I am further directed to inform your excellencies, that Congress are inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this war
originated, and the savage manner in which it hath been conducted. They
will, therefore, be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace
and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the
king of Great Britain shall demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition will be, an explicit acknow
ledgment of the independence of these states, or the withdrawing his fleets
and armies."
Though Congress could not, consistently with national honour, enter on
a discussion of the terms proposed by the British commissioners, yet some
individuals of their body ably proved the propriety of rejecting them.
Among these, Governeur Morris, and W. H. Drayton, with great force of
argument and poignancy of wit, justified the decisive measures adopted by
their countrymen.
As the British plan for conciliation was wholly founded on the idea of
the states returning to their allegiance, it was no sooner known than rejected. In addition to the sacred ties of plighted faith and national engagements the leaders in Congress and the legislative Assemnl ies of America
t_ __._.I. —- --- — ~~~~~~~~~_
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 183
had tasted the sweets of power and were in full possession of its blessings,
with a fair prospect of retaining them without any foreign control. The
war having originated on the part of Great Britain from a lust of power,
had in its progress compelled the Americans in self-defence to assume and
exercise its highest prerogatives. The passions of human nature, which
induced the former to claim power, operated no less forcibly with the latter,
against the relinquishment of it. After the colonies had declared themselves
independent states, had repeatedly pledged their honour to abide by that
declaration, had, under the smiles of Heaven, maintained it for three campaigns without foreign aid, after the greatest monarch in Europe had entered into a treaty with them, and guarantied their independence: after all
this, to expect popular leaders in the enjoyment of power voluntarily to
retire from the helm of government to the languid indifference of private
life, and while they violated national faith, at the same time to depress their
country from the rank of sovereign states to that of dependent provinces,
was not more repugnant to universal experience, than to the governing
principles of the human heart.. The high-spirited ardour of citizens, in
the youthful vigour of honour and dignity, did not so much as inquire
whether greater political happiness might be expected from closing with
the proposals of Great Britain, or by adhering to their new allies. Honour
forbade any balancing on the subject, nor were its dictates disobeyed.
Though peace was desirable, and the offers of Great Britain so liberal that,
if proposed in due time, they would have been acceptable, yet for the
Americans, after they had declared themselves independent, and at their
own solicitation obtained the aid of France, to desert their new allies, and
leave them exposed to British resentment incurred on their account, would
have argued a total want of honour and gratitude. The folly of Great
Britain in expecting such conduct from virtuous freemen, could only be
exceeded by the baseness of America, had her citizens realized that expectation.
These offers of conciliation in a great measure originated in an opinion
that the Congress was supported by a faction, and that the great body of
the people was hostile to independence, and well-disposed to re-unite witr
Great Britain. The latter of these assertions was true, till a certain
period of the contest, but that period was elapsed. With their new situation, new opinions and attachments had taken place. The political revolution of the government was less extraordinary than that of the style and manner of thinking in the United States. The independent American citizens
saw with other eyes, and heard with other ears, than when they were in the
condition of British subjects. That narrowness of sentiment, which prevailed in England towards France, no longer existed among the Americans. The British commissioners, unapprized of this real change in tne
public mind, expected to keep a hold on thee citizens cf the United States,
184 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.
by that illiberality which they inherited from their forefathers. Presum
ing that the love of peace, and the ancient national antipathy to France,
would counterbalance all other ties, they flattered themselves, that by per.
severance an impression favourable to Great.Britain might yet be made
on the mind of America. They therefore renewed their efforts to open
a negotiation with Congress, in a letter of the 11th of July. As they had
been informed in answer to their preceding letter of the 10th of June,
What an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of the United
States, or a withdrawing of their fleets and armies, must precede an entrance on the consideration of a treaty of peace, and as neither branch of
this alternative had been complied with, it was resolved by Congress that
no answer should be given to their reiterated application.
In addition to his public exertions as a commissioner, Governor Johnstone endeavoured to obtain the objects on which he had been stflt by
opening a private correspondence with some of the members of Congress,
and other Americans of influence. He, in particular, addressed himself
by letter to Henry Laurens, Joseph Reed, and Robert Morris. His letter
to Henry Laurens was in these words:
DEAR SIR: —I beg to transfer to my friend, Dr. Ferguson, the private
civilities which my friends Mr. Manning and Mr. Oswald request in my
behalf. He is a man of the utmost probity, and of the highest esteem in
the republic of letters.
If you should follow the example of Britain, in the hour of her insolence, and send us back without a hearing, I shall hope from private
friendship that I may be permitted to see the country, and the worthy
characters she has exhibited to the world, upon making the request in any
way you may point out.
The following answer was immediately written:
Yorktown, June 14th, 1778.
DEAR SIR: —Yesterday I was honoured with your favour of the 10th,
and thank you for the transmission of those from my dear and worthy
friends, Mr. Oswald and Mr. Manning. Had Dr. Ferguson been the
bearer of these papers, I should have shown that gentleman every degree
of respect and attention that times and circumstances admit of.
It is, sir, for Great Britain to determine whether her commissioners
shall return unheard by the representatives of the United States, or revive
a friendship with the citizens at large, and remain among us as long as
they please.
You are undoubtedly acquainted with the only terms upon which Congress can treat for accomplishing this good end, terms from which, although
writing in a private character, I may venture to assert with great assurance, they never will recede, even o dmitting the continuance of hostile
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 185
attempts, and that from the rage of war, the good people of these states
shall be driven to commence a treaty westward of yonder mountains.
And permit me to add, sir, as my humble opinion, the true interest of
Great Britain, in the present advance of our contest, will be found ill confirming our independence.
Congress in no hour have been haughty, but to suppose that theii minds
are less firm in the present than they were, when, destitute of all foreign aid,
even without expectation of an alliance-when, upon a day of general
public fasting and humiliation in their house of worship, and in presence
of God, they resolved, " to hold no conference or treaty with any commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless they shall, as a preliminary
thereto, either withdraw their fleets and armies, or in positive and express
terms acknowledge the independence of these states," would be irrational.
At a proper time, sir, I shall think myself highly honoured by a personal attention, and by contributing to render every part of these states
agreeable to you; but until the basis of mutual confidence shall be established, I believe, sir, neither former private friendship, nor ally other
consideration, can influence Congress to consent that even Governor Johnstone, a gentleman who has been so deservedly esteemed in America, shall
see the country. I have but one voice, and that shall be against it: But
let me entreat you, my dear sir, do not hence conclude that I am deficient
in affection to my old friends, through whose kindness I have obtained the
nonour of the present correspondence, or that I am not with very great
personal respect and esteem,
Sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant,
(Signed) HENRY LAURENS.
Philadelphia.
The Honourable Geo. Johnstone, Esq.
In a letter to Joseph Reed, of April the 11th, Governor Johnstone said:
"The man who can be instrumental in bringing us all to act once more in
harmony, and to unite together the various powers which this contest has
drawn forth, will deserve more from the king and people, from patriotism,
numanity, and all the tender ties that are affected by the quarrel and
reconciliation, than ever was yet bestowed on human kind." On the 16th
of June he wrote to Rbbert Morris: "I believe the men who have conducted the affairs of America incapable of being influenced by improper
motives; but in all such transactions there is risk, and I think that whoever ventures should be secured, at the same time, that honour and emolument sho ild naturally follow the fortune of those who have steered the
vessel in the storm, and brought her safely to port. I think Washington
and the President have a right to every favour that grateful nations can
VOL T. —24;i
186 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCG
J08 Pa R nr).
bestow, if they could once more unite our interest, and spare the miserie
and devastations of war."
To Joseph Reed, private information was communicated, that it had been
intended by Governor Johnstone to offer him, that in case of his exerting
his abilities to promote a re-union of the two countries, if consistent with
his principles and judgment, ten thousand pounds sterling, and any office
in the colonies in his majesty's gift. To which Mr. Reed replied, "I am
not worth purchasing, but such as I am, the king of Great Britain is not
rich enough to do it." Congress ordered [July 9] all letters received
by members of Congress from any of the British commissioners, or their
agents, or from any subject of the king of Great Britain, of a public
nature, to be laid before them. The above letters and information being
communicated, Congress resolved, "That the same cannot but be considered as direct attempts to corrupt their integrity, and that it is incompatible with the honour of Congress to hold any manner of correspondence
or intercourse with the said George Johnstone, Esquire, especially to negotiate with him upon affairs in which the cause of liberty is interested."
Their determination, with the reasons thereof, were expressed in the form
of a declaration, a copy of which was signed by the President, and sent by
a flag to the commissioners at New York. This was answered by
Governor Johnstone by an angry publication, in which he denied or
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 187
explained away what had been alleged against him. Lord Carlisle, Sir
Henry Clinton, and Mr. Eden, denied their having any knowledge of the
matter charged on Governor Johnstone.
The commissioners, failing in their attempts to negotiate with Congress,
had no resource left, but to persuade the inha ~itants to adopt a line of conduct counter to that of their representatives. To this purpose they published a manifesto and proclamation, addressed to Congress, the assemblies,
and all others the free inhabitants of the colonies, in which they observed:
"The policy as well as the benevolence of Great Britain have thus far
checked the extremes of war, when they tended to distress a people still
considered as our fellow-subjects, and to desolate a country shortly to
become a source of mutual advantage: but when that country professes
the unnatural design not only of estranging herself from us, but of mortgaging herself and her resources to our enemies, the whole contest is
changed; and the question is, how far Great Britain may, by every means
in her power, destroy or render useless a connection contrived for her ruin,
and for the aggrandizement of France. Under such circumstances the
laws of self-preservation must direct the conduct of Great Britain; and, if
the British colonies are to become an accession to France, will direct her
to render that accession of as little avail as possible to her enemy."
Congress, upon being informed of the design of the commissioners to
circulate these papers, declared that the agents employed to distribute the
manifestoes and proclamation of the commissioners, were not entitled to
protection from a flag. They also recommended to the several states to
secure and keep them in close custody; but that they might not appear to
hoodwink their constituents, they ordered the manifestoes and proclamation to be printed in the newspapers. The proposals of the commissioners
were not more favourably received by the people than they had been by
Congress. In some places the flags containing them were not received,
but ordered instantly to depart; in others they were received and forwarded to Congress, as the only proper tribunal to take cognisance of
them. In no one place, not immediately commanded by the British army,
was there any attempt to accept, or even to deliberate, on the propriety of
closing with the offers of Britain.
To deter the British from executing their threats of laying waste the
country, Congress published [Oct. 30] to the world a resolution and manifesto, in which they concluded with these words:
"We, therefore, the Congress of the United States of America, do
solemnly declare and proclaim, that if our enemies presume to execute
their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we wil take
such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like con luct. We
appeal to that God who searcheth the hearts of men for the rectitude of oun
Intentions; and in his holy presence we declare, that as we are not moved
188 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.
by any light and hasty suggestior s of anger and revenge, so through every
possible change of fortune we will adhere to this our determination."
This was the last effort of Great Britain, in the way of negotiation, to
regain her colonies. It originated in folly, and ignorance of the real state
of affairs in America. She had begun with wrong measures, and had now
got into wrong time. Her concessions on this occasion were an implied
justification of the resistance of the colonists. By offering to concede all
that they at first asked for, she virtually acknowledged herself to have
been the aggressor in an unjust war. Nothing could be more favourable
to the cementing of the friendship of the new allies than this unsuccessful
negotiation. The states had an opportunity of evincing the sincerity of
their engagements, and France abundant reason to believe that by prevent.
ing their being conquered, her favourite scheme of lessening the power of
Great Britain would be secured beyond the reach of accident.
a i~ —-==Mm-~= -
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
FTER the termination of the campaign of 1777, the
British army retired to winter-quarters in Philadelphia,
and the American army to Valley Forge. The former
enjoyed all the conveniencies which an opulent city
afforded; while the latter, not half-clothed, and more
than once on the point of starving, were enduring the severity of a
cold winter in a hutted camp. It was well for them that the
British made no attempt to disturb them while in this destitute condition.
The winter and spring passed away without any more remarkable
events in either army, than a few successful excursions of parties.from
Philadelphia to the neighbouring country, for the purpose of bringing in
supplies, or destroying property. In one of these, a party of the British proceeded to Bordentown, and there burned four store-houses full of useful
commodities. Before they returned to Philadelphia, they burned two
frigates, nine ships, six privateer sloops, twenty-three brigs, with a number of sloops and schooners.
Soon after, an excursion from Newport was made by five hundred British
and Hessians under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Campbell. These
having landed in the night, marched next morning in two bodies, the one for
Warren, the other for the head of Kickemuet river. [May 25.] They
destroyed about seventy flat-bottomed boats, and burned a quantity of pitch,
tar, and plank. They also set fire to the meeting-house at Warren, and
seven dwelling-houses. At Bristol, they burned the church and twenty189
190 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
two houses. Several other houses were plundered, and women were
stripped of their shoe-buckles, gold rings, and handkerchiefs
A French squadron, consisting of twelve ships of the line and four
frigates, commanded by Count D'Estaing, sailed from Toulon for America,
[April 13,] in about two months after the treaty had been agreed upon
between the United States and the king of France. After a passage
of eighty-seven days, the count arrived at the entrance of the Delaware. [July 9.] From an apprehension of something of this kind, and
from the prospect of greater security, it was resolved in Great Britain,
forthwith to evacuate Philadelphia, and to concentrate the royal force in
the city and harbour of New York. The commissioners brought out the
orders for this movement, but knew nothing of the matter. It had an
unfriendly influence on their proposed negotiations, but was indispensably
necessary; for if the French fleet had blocked up the Delaware, and the
Americans besieged Philadelphia, the escape of the British from either
-would have been scarcely possible.
[June 18.] The royal army passed over the Delaware into New Jer.
sey. General Washington having penetrated into their design of evacuating Philadelphia, had previously detached General Maxwell's brigade,
to co-operate with the Jersey militia in obstructing their progress, till time
would be given for his army to overtake them. The British were encumbered with an enormous baggage, which, together with the impediments
thrown in their way, greatly retarded' their march. The American army
having, in pursuit of the British, crossed the Delaware, six hundred men
were immediately detached under Colonel Morgan, to reinforce General
Maxwell. Washington halted his troops, when they had marched. to
the vicinity of Princeton. The general officers in the American army,
being asked by the commander-in-chief, "Will it be advisable to hazard a
general action?" answered in the negative, but recommended a detachment of fifteen hundred men to be immediately sent, to act as occasion
might serve, on the enemy's left flank and rear. This was immediately
forwarded under General Scott. When Sir Henry Clinton had advanced
to Allentown, he determined, instead of keeping the direct course towards
Staten Island, to draw towards the seacoast and to push on towards Sandy
Hook. General Washington, on receiving intelligence that Sir Henry
was proceeding in that direction towards Monmouth court-house, despatched a thousand men under General Wayne, and sent the Marquis de
Lafayette to take command of the whole advanced corps, with oRders to
seize the first fair opportunity of attacking the enemy's rear. General
Lee, who, having been lately exchanged, had joined the army, was offered
this command, but he declined it, as he was, in principle, against hazarding an attack. The whole army followed at a proper distance for supporting the advanced corps, anti reached Cranberry the next morning. Sir
THE CAMPA'IGN OF 1778. 191
BATTLE OF MONMOUTH.
Henry Clinton, sensible of the approach of the Americans, placed his
grenadiers, light-infantry, and chasseurs in his rear, and his baggage in
his front. General Washington increased his advanced corps with two
brigades, and sent General Lee, who now wished for the command, to
take charge of the whole, and followed with the main army to give it support. On the next morning, orders were sent to Lee, to move on and
attack, unless there should be powerful reasons to the contrary. When
Washington had marched about five miles to support the advanced corps,
he found the whole of it retreating by Lee's orders, and without having
made any opposition of consequence. Washington rode up to Lee, and
proposed certain questions to him which implied censure. Lee answered
with warmth and unsuitable language. The commander-in-chief ordered
Colonel Stewart's and Lieutenant-colonel Ramsay's battalions to form on a
piece of ground which he judged suitable for giving a check to the advancing enemy. Lee was then asked if he would command on that
ground, to which he consented, and was ordered to take proper measures
for checking the enemy, to which he replied, "Your orders shall be
obeyed, and I will not be the first to leave the field." Washington then
rode to the main army, which was formed with the utmost expedition. A
warm cannonade immediately commenced between the British and Amenr
can artillery, and a heavy firing between the advanced troops of the British army, and the two battalions which General Washington had halted.
192 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
These stood their ground, till they were intermixed with a part of tne
British army. Lieutenant-colonel Ramsay, the commander of one of
them, was wounded and taken prisoner. General Lee continued till the
last on the field of battle, and brought off the rear of the retreating
troops.
The check the British received gave time to make a disposition of the
left wing, and second line of the American army in the wood and on the
eminence to which Lee was retreating. On this, some cannon were placed
by Lord Stirling, who commanded the left wing, which, with the co-operation of some parties of infantry, effectually stopped the advance of the
British in that quarter. General Greene took a very advantageous position, on the right of Lord Stirling. The British attempted to turn the
left flank of the Americans, but were repulsed. They also made a movement to the right with as little success, for Greene, with the artillery, disappointed their design. Wayne advanced with a body of troops, and
kept up so severe and well-directed a fire, that the British were soon
compelled to give way. They retired and took the position which Lee
had before occupied. Washington resolved to attack them, and ordered
General Poor to move round upon their right, and General Woodford to
their left; but they could not get within reach before it was dark. These
remained on the ground which they had been directed to occupy during
the night, with an intention of attacking early next morning, and the
main body lay on their arms in the field to be ready for supporting them.
General Washington reposed himself in his cloak, under a tree, in hopes
of renewing the action the next day. But these hopes were frustrated.
The British troops marched away in the night, in such silence that General Poor, though he lay very near them, knew nothing of their departure.
They left behind them four officers and about forty privates, all so badly
wounded that they could not be removed. Their other wounded were
carried off. [June 30.] The British pursued their march without further interruption, and soon reached the neighbourhood of Sandy Hook
without the loss of either their covering party or baggage. The American
general declined all further pursuit of the royal army, and soon after drew
off his troops to the r1orders of the North River. The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded, was about two hundred and fifty. The loss
of the royal army, inclusive of prisoners, was about three hundred and
fifty. Lieutenant-colonel Monckton, one of the British slain, on account
of his singular merit, was universally lamented. Colonel Bonner of Pennsylvania, and Major Dickerson of Virginia, officers highly esteemed by
their country, fell in this engagement. The uncommon heat of the day
was such, that some of the Americans, and fifty-nine of the British, were
found dead on the field of battle, without any marks of violen"e upon their
bodies.
[rHE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 193
It is probable, that Washington intended to take no farther notice of
IJee's conduct in the day of action, but the latter could not brook the expressions used by the former at their first meeting, and wrote him two
passionate letters. This occasioned his being arrested, and brought to
trial. The charges exhibited against him were1st, For disobedience of orders, in not attacking the enemy on the 28th
of June, agreeable to repeated instructions.
2dly. For misbehaviour before the enemy, on the same day, by making
an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat.
3dly. For disrespect to the commander-in-chief in two letters.
After a tedious hearing before a court-martial, of which Lord Stirling was
president, Lee was found guilty and sentenced to be suspended from any command in the armies of the United States, for the term of one year, but the
second charge was softened by the court-martial, who in their award only
found him guilty of misbehaviour before the enemy, by making an unnecessary and in some few instances a disorderly retreat. Many were displeased with this sentence. They argued "that by the tenor of Lee's
orders, it was submitted to his discretion whether to attack or not, and
also, that the time and manner were to be determined by his own judgment. That at one time he intended to attack, but altered his opinion on
apparently good grounds. That the propriety of an attack, considering
the superiority of the British cavalry, and the openness of the ground, was
very questionable. That though it might have distressed the enemy's rear
in the first instance, it would probably have brought on a general action,
before the advanced corps could have been supported by the main body,
which was some miles in the rear." "If," said they, "Lee's judgment
was against attacking the enemy, he could not be guilty of disobeying an
order for that purpose, which was suspended on the condition of his own
approbation of the measure." They also agreed that a suspension from
command was not a sufficient punishment for his crimes, if really guilty.
They therefore inferred a presumption of his innocence from the lenient
sentence of his judges. Though there was a diversity of opinion relative
to the first and second charges, all were agreed in pronouncing him guilty
of disrespect to the commander-in-chief. The Americans had formerly
idolized General Lee, but some of them now went to the opposite extreme,
and pronounced him treacherous or deficient in courage, though there was
no foundation for either of these suspicions. His temper was violent, and
his impatience of subordination had led him often to quarrel with those
whom he was bound to respect and obey; but his courage and fidelity
could not be questioned.
Soon after the battle of Monmouth, the American army took post at the
White Plains, a few miles beyond Kingsbridge, and the British, though
only a few miles distant, did not molest them. They remained in this
VOL. II.-25 R
194 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
position from an early day in July, till a late one in the autumn, and then
the Americans retired to Middle Brook in Jersey, where they built them.
selves huts in the same manner as they had done at Valley Forge.
Immediately on the departure of the British from Philadelphia, Congress, after an absence of nine months, returned to the former seat of their
deliberations. Soon after their return, they were called upon to give a
public audience to a minister plenipotentiary from the court of France.
[Aug. 6.] The person appointed to this office, was M. Gerard, the same
who had been employed in the negotiations antecedent to the treaty. The
arrival and reception of a minister from France made a strong impression
on the minds of the Americans. They felt the weight and importance to
which they were risen among nations. That the same spot, which in less
than a century had been the residence of savages, should become the
theatre on which the representatives of a new, free, and civilized nation gave
a public audience to a minister plenipotentiary from one of the oldest and
most powerful kingdoms of Europe, afforded ample materials for philosophic
contemplation. That in less than three years from the day on which an
answer was refused by Great Britain to the united supplications of the colonists, praying for peace, liberty, and safety, they should, as an independent
people, be honoured with the residence of a minister from the court of France,
exceeded the expectation of the most sanguine Americans. The patriots
of the New World revolved in their minds these transactions, with heart-felt
satisfaction, while the devout were led to admire that Providence, which
had in so short a space stationed the United States among the powers of
the earth, and clothed them in robes of sovereignty.
The British had but barely completed the removal of their fleet and
army from the Delaware and Philadelphia to the harbour and city of New
York, when they received intelligence that a French fleet was on the coast
of America. This was commanded by Count D'Estaing, and consisted of
twelve ships of the line and three frigates. Among the former, one carried ninety guns, another eighty, and six seventy-four guns each. Their
first object was the surprise of Lord Howe's fleet in the Delaware, but
they arrived too late. In naval history, there are few more narrow escapes
than that of the British fleet on this occasion. It consisted only of six
sixty-four gun ships, three of fifty, and two of forty, with some frigates and
sloops. Most of these had been long on service, and were in a bad condition. Their force, when compared with that of the French fleet, was so
greatly inferior, that had the latter reached the mouth of the Delaware in
seventy-five days from its leaving Toulon, their capture, in the ordinary
course of events, would have been inevitable. This stroke was providentially prevented, by the various hindrances which retarded D'Estaing
in his voyage to the term of eighty-seven days, in the last eleven of
which, Lord Howe's fleet not only quitted the Delaware, but reached the
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 195
harbour of New York. D'Estaing, disappointed in his first scheme, pursued and appeared off Sandy Hook. American pilots of the first abilities,
provided for the purpose, went on board his fleet. [July 11.] Among
them were persons, whose circumstances placed them above the ordinary
rank of pilots.
The sight of the French fleet raised all the active passions of their
adversaries. Transported with indignation against the French, for interfering in what they called a domestic quarrel, the British displayed a spiril
of zeal and bravery which could not be exceeded. A thousand volunteers
were despatched from their transports to man their fleet. The masters and
mates of the merchantmen and traders at New York took their stations at
the guns with the common sailors. Others put to sea in light vessels, to
watch the motions of their enemies. The officers and privates of the British army contended with so much eagerness to serve on board the men
of war as marines, that it became necessary to decide the point of honour
by lot.
The French fleet came to anchor, and continued without the Hook for
eleven days. During this time the British had the mortification of seeing
the blockade of their fleet, and the capture of about twenty vessels under
English colours. On the 22d, the French fleet appeared under weigh. It
was an anxious moment to the British. They supposed that Count
D'Estaing would force his way into the harbour, and that an engagement
would be the consequence. Every thing with them was at stake. Nothing
less than destruction or victory would have ended the contest. If the first
had been their lot, the vast fleet of transports and victuallers and the army
must have fallen. The pilots on board the French fleet declared it to be
impossible to carry the large ships thereof over the bar, on account of
their draught of water. D'Estaing, on that account and by the advice of
General Washington, left the Hook and sailed for Newport. By his departure the British had a second escape, for had he remained at the Hook
but a few days longer, the fleet of Admiral Byron must have fallen into
his hands. That officer had been sent out to relieve Lord Howe, who had
solicited to be recalled, and the fleet under his command had been sent to
reinforce that which had been previously on the coast of America. Admiral
Byron's squadron had met with bad weather, and was separated in different
storms. It now arrived, scattered, broken, sickly, dismasted. or otherwise
damaged. Within eight days after the departure of the French fleet, the
Renown, the Raisonable, the Centurion, and the Cornwall, arrived singly
at Sandy Hook.
The next attempt of Count D'Estaing was against Rhode Island, of
which the British had been in possession since December, 1776. A combined attack against it was projected, and it was agreed that General Sullivan should command the American land forces. St'ch was the eagerneue
196 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
of the people to co-operate with their new allies, and so confident were
they of success, that some thousands of volunteers engaged in the service.
The militia of Massachusetts was under the command of General Hancock.
The royal troops on the island, having been lately reinforced, were about
six thousand. Sullivan's force was about ten thousand. Lord Howe followed the Count D'Estaing, and came within sight of Rhode Island, the
day after the French fleet entered the harbour of Newport. The British
fleet exceeded the French in point of number, but was inferior with respect
to effective force and weight of metal. On the appearance of Lord Howe,
the French admiral put out to sea with his whole fleet to engage him. While
the two commanders were exerting their naval skill to gain respectively
the advantages of position, a strong gale of wind came on, which afterwards
increased to a tempest, and greatly damaged the ships on both sides. In
this conflict of the elements, two capital French ships were dismasted.
The Languedoc of ninety guns, D'Estaing's own ship, after losing all her
masts and her rudder, was attacked by the Renown of fifty guns, conlmanded by Captain Dawson. The same evening the Preston, of fifty guns,
fell in with the Tonnant of eighty guns, with only her mainmast standing,
and attacked her with spirit, but night put an end to the engagement. Six
sail of the French squadron came up in the night, which saved the disabled
ships from any further attack. There was no ship or vessel lost on either
side. The British suffered less in the storm than their adversaries, yet
enough to make it necessary for them to return to New York, for the purpose of refitting. The French fleet came to anchor, on the 20th, near to
Rhode Island, but sailed on the 22d, to Boston. Before they sailed, General Greene and the Marquis de Lafayette went on board the Languedoc,
to consult on measures proper to be pursued. They urged D'Estaing to
return with his fleet into the harbour, but his principal officers were opposed to the measure, and protested against it. He had been instructed to
go to Boston, if his fleet met with any misfortune. His officers insisted on
his ceasing to prosecute the expedition against Rhode Island, that he might
conform to the orders of their common superiors. Upon the return of
Greene and Lafayette, and their reporting the determination of Count
D'Estaing, a protest was drawn up and sent to him, which was signed by
John Sullivan, Nathaniel Greene, John Hancock, I. Glover, Ezekiel Cornel,
William Whipple, John Tyler, Solomon Lovell, Jon. Fitconnell. In this
they protested against the count's taking the fleet to Boston, as derogatory
to the honour of France, contrary to the intention of his most Christian
majesty, and the interest of his nation, and destructive in the highest degree to the welfare of the United States, and highly injurious to the alliance formed between the two nations. Had D'Estaing prosecuted his original plan within the harbour, either before or immediately after the pur.
suit of Lord HIowe, the reduction of the British post on Rhode Island would
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 197
have been probable, but his departure in the first instance to engage the
British fleet. and in the second from Rhode Island to Boston, frustrated the
whole plan. Perhaps Count D'Estaing hoped by something brilliant to
efface the impressions made by his late failure at New York. Or ne might
have thought it imprudent to stake his whole fleet, within a harDour possessed by his enemies.
After his ships had suffered both from battle and the storm, the letter of
his instructions —the importunity of his officers, and his anxiety to have
his ships speedily refitted, might have weighed with him to sail directly
for Boston. Whatever were the reasons which induced his adoption of
that measure, the Americans were greatly dissatisfied. They complained
that they had incurred great expense and danger, under the prospect of
the most effective co-operation-that depending thereon, they had risked
their lives on an island, where, without naval protection, they were exposed
to particular danger-that in this situation, they were first deserted, and
afterwards totally abandoned, at a time, when, by persevering in the original plan, they had well-grounded hopes of speedy success. Under these
apprehensions, the discontented militia went home in such crowds that the
regular army which remained was in danger of being cut off from a retreat. [August.] In these embarrassing circumstances, General Sullivan
extricated himself with judgment and ability. He began to send off his
heavy artillery and baggage on the 26th, and retreated from his lines on
the night of the 28th. It had been that day resolved in a council of war,
to remove to the north end of the island —fortify their camp, secure a communication with the main, and hold the grund till it could be known whether the French fleet would return to their assistance. The Marquis de Lafayette, by desire of his associates, set off for Boston, to request the speedy
return of the French fleet. To this Count D'Estaing would not consent,
but he made a spirited offer to lead the troops under his command, and cooperate with the American land-forces against Rhode Island.
Sullivan retreated with great order, but he had not been five hours at the
north end of the island, when his troops were fired upon by the British,
who had pursued them on discovering their retreat. The pursuit was
made by two parties and on two roads; to one was opposed Colonel Henry
B. Livingston, to the other John Laurens, aid-de-camp to General Wash
ington, and each of them had a command of light troops. In the first
instance, these light troops were compelled by superior numbers to give
way, but they kept up a retreating fire. On being reinforced, they gave
their pursuers a check, and at length repulsed them. By degrees the
action became in some respects general, and near one thousand two hundred Americans were engaged. The loss on the side of the Americans
was two hundred and eleven: that of the British two hundred and sixty.
Lord Howe's fleet, with Sir Henry Clinton and about four thousanm'
ia 2
198 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
ll) PI
SIR HENRY CLINTON.
troops on board, being seen off the coast, General Sullivan concluded iinmediately to evacuate Rhode Island. As the sentries of both armies were
within four hundred yards of each other, the greatest caution was necessary. To cover the design of retreating, the show of resistance and continuance on the island was kept up. The retreat was made in the night,
[August 30,] and mostly completed by twelve o'clock. Towards the last
of it, the Marquis de Lafayette returned to Boston. He had rode thither
from Rhode Island, a distance of near seventy miles, in seven hours, and
returned in six and a half. Anxious to partake in the engagement, his
mortification was not little at being out of the way on the day before. He
was in time to bring off the pickets, and other parties that covered the
retreat of the American army. This he did in excellent order. Not a man
was left behind, nor was the smallest article lost.'The bravery and good conduct which John Laurens displayed on thi
__ ____ _
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 199
occasion were excelled by his republican magnanimity, in declining a
military commission which was conferred on him by the representatives
of his country. Congress resolved, that he should be presented with a
continental commission of lieutenant-colonel, in testimony of the sense
which they entertained of his patriotic and spirited services, and of his
brave conduct in several actions, particularly in that of Rhode Island on
the 29th of August.
On the next day he wrote to Congress a letter, expressing "his gratitude
for the unexpected honour which they were pleased to confer on him, and
of the satisfaction it would have afforded him, could he have accepted it
without injuring the rights of the officers in the line of the army, and doing
an evident injustice to his colleagues, in the family of the commander-inchief. That having been a spectator of the convulsions occasioned in the
army by disputes of rank, he held the tranquillity of it too dear to be
instrumental in disturbing it, and therefore entreated Congress to suppress
their resolve, ordering him the commission of lieutenant-colonel, and to
accept his sincere thanks for the intended honour."
With the abortive expedition to Rhode Island, there was an end to the
plans, which were in the first campaign projected by the allies of Congress, for a co-operation. The Americans had been intoxicated with hopes
of the most decisive advantages, but in every instance they were disappointed. Lord Howe, with an inferiority of force, not only preserved his
own fleet, but counteracted and defeated all the views and attempts of
Count D'Estaing. The French fleet gained no direct advantages for the
Americans, yet their arrival was of great service to their cause. Besides
deranging the plans of the British, it carried conviction to their minds that
his most Christian majesty was seriously disposed to support them. The
good will of their new allies was manifested to the Americans, and though
it had failed in producing the effects expected from it, the failure was
charged to winds, weather, and unavoidable incidents. Some censured
Count D'Estaing; but while they attempted to console themselves, by
throwing blame on him, they felt and acknowledged their obligation to the
French nation, and were encouraged to persevere in the war, from the
hope that better fortune would attend their future co-operation.
Sir Henry Clinton, finding that the Americans had left Rhode Island,
returned to New York, but directed General Grey to proceed to Bedford
and the neighbourhood, where several American privateers resorted. On
reaching the place of their destination, the general's party landed, [September 5,] and in a few hours destroyed about seventy sail of shipping,
besides a number of small craft. They also burnt magazines, wharves,
stores, warehouses, vessels on the stocks, and a considerable number of
dwelling-houses. The buildings burned in Bedford were estimated to oe
worth twenty thousand pounds sterling. The other articles destroyed were
200 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
worth much more. The royal troops proceeded to Martha's Vineyard.
There they destroyed a few vessels, and made a requisition of the militia
arms, the public money, three hundred oxen, and two thousand sheep
which was complied with.
A similar expedition, under the command of Captain Ferguson, waa
about the same time undertaken against. Little Egg Harbour, at which
place the Americans had a number of privateers and prizes, and also some
salt-works. Several of the vessels got off, but all that were found were
destroyed. [Octuber 5.] Previous to the embarkation of the British from
Egg-Harbour for New York, Captain Ferguson, with two hundred and
fifty men, surprised and put to death about fifty of a party of the Americans, who were posted in the vicinity. The attack being made in thea
night, little or no quarter was given.
The loss sustained by the British in these several excursions.was trifling,
but the advantage was considerable, from the supplies they procured, and
the check which was given to the American privateers.
One of the most disastrous events which occurred at this period of thb
campaign, was the surprise and massacre of an American regiment of
light dragoons, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Baylor. While employed in a detached situation, to intercept and watch a British foraging
party, they took up their lodging in a barn near Taapan. The officer who
commanded the party which surprised them, was Major-general Grey.
He acquired the name of the " No flint general" from his common practice
of ordering the men under his command to take the flints out of their
muskets, that they might be confined to the use of their bayonets. A party
of militia, which had been stationed on the road by which the British
advanced, quitted their post, without giving any notice to Colonel Baylor
This disorderly conduct was the occasion of the disaster which followed.
Grey's men proceeded with such silence and address that they cut off a
serjeant's patrol without noise, and surrounded old Taapan without being
discovered. They then rushed in upon Baylor's regiment, while they
were in a profound sleep. Incapable of defence or resistance, cut off from
every prospect of selling their lives dear, the surprised dragoons sued for
quarters. Unmoved by their supplications, their adversaries applied the
bayonet, and continued its repeated thrusts while objects could be found in
which any signs of life appeared. A few escaped, and others, after having
received from five to eleven bayonet-wounds in the trunk of the body,
were restored, in a course of time, to perfect health. Baylor himself was
wounded, but not dangerously: he lost, in killed, wounded, and taken,
sixty-seven privates out of one hundred and four. About forty were made
prisoners. These were indebted, for their lives, to the humanity of one
of Grey's captains, who gave quarters to the whole fourth troop, though
entrary to the orders of his superior officers.
L~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ —;
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 201
In the summer of this year, an expedition was undertaken against East
Florida. This was resolved upon with the double view of protecting the
state of Georgia from depredation, and of causing a diversion. General Robert
Howe, who conducted it, had under his command about two thousand men,
a few hundreds of which were continental troops, and the remainder militia
of the states of South Carolina and Georgia. They proceeded as far as St.
Mary's river, and without any opposition of consequence. At this place,
the British had erected a fort, which, in compliment to Tonyn, governor
of the province, was called by his name. On the approach of General
Howe, they destroyed this fort, and after some slight skirmishing, retreated
towards St. Augustine. The season was more fatal to the Americans than
any opposition they experienced from their enemies. Sickness and death
raged to such a degree that, an immediate retreat became necessary;
but before this was effected, they lost nearly one-fourth of their whole
number.
The royal commissioners having failed in their attempts to induce the
Americans to resume the character of British subjects, and the successive
plans of co-operation between the new allies having also failed, a solemn
pause ensued. It would seem as if the commissioners indulged a hope
that the citizens of the United States, on finding a disappointment of their
expectation from the French, would re-consider and accept the offers of
Great Britain. Full time was given both for the circulation of their manifesto, and for observing its effects on the public mind, but no overtures
were made to them from any quarter. The year was drawing near to a
close before any interesting expedition was undertaken. With this new
era a new system was introduced. Hitherto the conquest of the states
had been attempted by proceeding from north to south: but that order
was henceforth inverted, and the southern states became the principa
theatre on which the British conducted their offensive operations. Georgia
being one of the weakest states in the union, and at the same time abounding in provisions, was marked out as the first object of renewed warfare.
Lieutenant-colonel Campbell, an officer of known courage and ability,
embarked [Nov. 27, 1778] from New York, for Savannah, with a force
of about two thousand men, under convoy of some ships of war commanded by Commodore Hyde Parker. To make more sure of success in the
enterprise, Major-general Prevost, who commanded the royal forces in
East Florida, was directed to advance with them into the southern extremity
of Georgia. The fleet that sailed from New York, in about three weeks
effected a landing near the mouth of the river Savannah. From the landing-place a narrow causeway of six hundred yards in length, with a ditch
on each side, led through a swamp. A body of the British light infantry
moved forward along this causeway. On their advance they received a
heavy fire from a small party under Captain Smith, posted for the purpose
Vol. II.-26
202 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
of impeding their passage. Captain Cameron was killed, but the British
made their way good, and compelled Captain Smith to retreat. General
Howe, the American officer to whom the defence of Georgia was committed, took his station on the main road, and posted his little army, consisting
of about six hundred continentals and a few hundred militia, between the
landing-place and the town of Savannah, with the river on his left and a
morass in front. This disposition announced great difficulties to be overcome before the Americans could be dislodged. While Colonel Campbell
was making the necessary arrangements for this purpose, he received
intelligence from a negro, of a private path through the swamp, on the
right of the Americans, which lay in such a situation that the British
troops might march through it unobserved. Sir James Baird, with the
light infantry, was directed to avail himself of this path in order to turn the
right wing of the Americans and attack the rear. As soon as it was supposed that Baird had cleared his passage, the British in front of the
Americans were directed to advance and engage. Howe, finding himself
attacked in the rear as well as in front, ordered an immediate retreat.
The British pursued with great execution: their victory was complete.
Upwards of one hundred of the Americans were killed. Thirty-eight
officers, four hundred and fifteen privates, forty-eight pieces of cannon,
twenty-three mortars, the fort, with its ammunition and stores, the shipping
in the river, a large quantity of provisions, with the capital of Georgia,
were all, in the space of a few hours, in the possession of the conquerors.
The broken remains of the American army retreated up the river Savannah for several miles, and then took shelter by crossing into South Carolina.
Agreeably to instructions, General Prevost had marched from East Florida
about the same time that the embarkation took place from New York.
After encountering many difficulties, the king's troops from St. Augustine
reached the inhabited parts of Georgia, and there heard the welcome
tidings of the arrival and success of Colonel Campbell. Savannah having
fallen, the fort at Sunbury surrendered. General Prevost marched to
Savannah, and took the command of the combined forces from New York
and St. Augustine. Previous to his arrival a proclamation had been
issued, to encourage the inhabitants to come in and submit to the conquerors, with promises of protection, on condition that with their arms they
would support royal government.
Lieutenant-colonel Campbell acted with great policy in securing the
submission of the inhabitants. He did more in a short time, and with
zomparatively a few men, towards the re-establishment of the British
interest, than all the general officers who had preceded him. He not only
extirpated military opposition, but subverted for some time every trace of
republican government, and paved the way for the re-establishmenrt of a
royal legislature. Georgia, soon after the reduction of its capital, exhibited
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 203
FRDBE RIC THE GREAT.
a singular spectacle. It was the only state of the union in which, after
the declaration of independence, a legislative body was convened under the
authority of the crown of Great Britain. The moderation and prudence
of Lieutenant-colonel Campbell were more successful in reconciling the
minds of the citizens to their former constitution, than the severe measures
which had been generally adopted by other British commanders.
The errors of the first years of the war forced on Congress some useful
reforms, in the year 1778. The insufficiency of the provision made for
the support of the officers of their army had induced the resignation of
between two and three hundred of them, to the great injury of the service.
From a conviction of the justice and policy of making commissions valuable, and from respect to the warm, but disinterested recommendations of
General Washington, Congress resolved " That half-pay should be allowed
to their officers, for the term of seven years, after the expiration of their
service." This was afterwards extended to the end of their lives. And
finally, that was commuted for full pay for five years. Resignations were
afterwards rare, and the states reaped the benefit of experienced officers
continuing in service till the war was ended.
A system of more regular discipline was introduced into the American
army, by the industry, abilities, and judicious regulations of Baron de
Steuben, a most excellent disciplinarian, who had served under Frederick
the Great, the king of Prussia. A very important reform took place in the
medical department, by appointing different cfficers to discharge the direct
204 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
ing and purveying business of the military hospitals, which had been before united in the same hands. Dr. Rush was principally instrumental in
effecting this beneficial alteration. Some regulations which had been
adopted for limiting the prices of commodities, being found not only im
practicable but injurious, were abolished.
A few detached events, which could not be introduced without interrupt
ing the narrative of the great events of the campaign, shall close this article.
In February, Captain James Willing, in the service of the United States,
arrived with a few men from Fort Pitt, at the Natches, a British settlement
in West Florida. He sent out parties, who, without any resistance, made
the inhabitants prisoners. Articles of agreement were entered into between
them and Captain Willing, by which they promised to observe a neutrality
in the present contest, and in return it was engaged that their property
should be unmolested.
In July, 1778, a storm of Indian and Tory vengeance burst with parti
cular violence on Wyoming, a new and flourishing settlement on the
eastern branch of the Susquehannah. Unfortunately for the security of the
inhabitants, the soil was claimed by both Connecticut and Pennsylvania.
From the collision of contradictory claims, founded on royal charters, the
laws of neither were steadily enforced. In this remote settlement, where
government was feeble, the Tories were under less control, and could easily
assemble undiscovered. Nevertheless, at one time, twenty-seven of them
were taken, and sent to Hartford, in Connecticut, but they were afterwards
released. These and others of the same description, instigated by revenge
against the Americans, from whom some of them had suffered banishment
and the loss of property, made a common cause with the Indians, and attacked the Wyoming settlement with their combined forces, estimated at
one thousand one hundred men, nine hundred of which were Indians.
The whole was commanded by Colonel John Butler, a Connecticut Tory.
One of the forts, which had been constructed for the security of the inha~bitants, being very weak, surrendered to this party; but some of the garrison had previously retired to the principal fort at Kingston, called FortyFort. [July 2.] Colonel John Butler next demanded the surrender of that.
Colonel Zebulon Butler, a continental officer who commanded there, sent
a message to him, proposing a conference at a bridge without the fort.
[July 3.] This being agreed to, Colonel Zebulon Butler, Dennison, and
some other officers, repaired to the place appointed, and they were fo'
lowed by the whole garrison, a few invalids excepted. None of the enemy
appeared. The Wyoming people advanced, and supposed that the enemy
were retiring. They continued to march on, till they were about three miles
from the fort. They then saw a few of the enemy, with whom they exchanged
some shot, but they presently found themselves ambuscaded and attacked by
the whole body of Indians and Tories. They fought gallantly, till they found
TIHE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 205
that their retreat to the fort was cut off. Universal confusion then ensued
Of four hundred and seventeen who had marched out of the fort, about
three hundred tund sixty were instantly slain. No quarters were given.
Colonel John Butler again demanded the surrender of Forty-Fort. This
was agrted to under articles of capitulation, by which the effects of the
people therein were to be secured to them. The garrison consisted of
thirty men and two' hundred women. These were permitted to cross the
Susquehannah, and retreat through the woods to Northampton county.
The most of the other scattered settlers had previously retired, some
through the woods to Northampton county, others down the river to Northumberland county. In this retreat, some women were delivered of children in the woods, and many suffered from want of provisions. Several
of the settlers at Wyoming had erected good houses and barns, and made
ery considerable improvements. These and all the other houses in the
vicinity, except about half a dozen, were destroyed. Their horses, cattle,
sheep and hogs, were for the most part killed or driven away by the
enemy.
The distresses of this settlement were uncommonly great. A large pro.
portion of the male inhabitants were, in one day, slaughtered. In a single
engagement, near two hundred women wvere made widows, and a much
greater number of children were left fatherless.
Soon after the destruction of the Wyoming settlement, an expedition was
carried on against the Indians by Colonel Butler of the Pennsylvania
troops. [Oct. 1.] He and his party, having gained the head of the Delaware, marched down the river for two days, and then struck across the
country to the Susquehannah. They totally burnt or destroyed the Indian
villages, both in that quarter and the other settlements, but the inhabitants
escaped. The destruction was extended for several miles on both sides of
the Susquehannah. The difficulties which Colonel Butler's men encountered in this expedition, could not be undergone but by men who possessed
a large share of hardiness, both of body and mind. They were obliged to
carry their provisions on their backs, and thus loaded, frequently to wade
hrough creeks and rivers. After the toil of a hard march, they were
obliged to endure chilly nights and heavy rains, without even the means
of keeping their arms dry. They completed their business in sixteen days.
About four weeks after Colonel Butler's return, some hundreds of Indians
and Tories and about fifty regulars entered Cherry Valley, in the state of
New York, and after being repelled from Fort Alden, killed and scalped
thirty-two of the inhabitants, mostly women and children, and also Colonel
Alden and ten soldiers.
[March 7.] The Randolph, an American frigate of thirty-six guns and
three hundred and five men, commanded by Captain Biddle, having sailed
on a cruise from Charleston, fell in with the Yarmouth of sixty-four guns.
S
206 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778.
and engaged in the night. In about a quarter of an hour, the Randolp]h
blew up. Four men only were saved, upon a piece of her wreck. These
had subsisted for four days on nothing but rain-water, which they sucked
from a piece of blanket. On the fifth day, Captain Vincent of the Yarimouth, though in chase of a ship, on discovering them, suspended the
chase and took them on board. Captain Biddle, who perished on board
the Randolph, was universally lamented. He was in the prime of life, and
had excited high expectations of future usefulness to his country, as a bold
and skilful naval officer.
[Oct. 29.] Major Talbot took the British schooner Pigot, of eight
twelve-pounders, as she lay on the eastern side of Rhode Island. The
major, with a number of troops on board a small vessel, made directly for
the Pigot in the night, and sustaining the fire of her marines, reserved his
own till he had run his jib-boom through her fore-shrouds. He then fired
some cannon, and threw in a volley of musketn y, loaded with bullets and
buck-shot, and immediately boarded her.'The captain made a gallant
resistance, but he was not seconded by his crew. Major Talbot soon gained
undisturbed possession, and carried off his prize in safety. Congress, as
a reward of his merit, presented him with the commission of lieutenant
colonel.
VrvT n _ WYOM.X'ING.
| IIANDOT. PH AND ~ARM!OI
i_ i;;i
G P N }. Ai r T. r N C 0 L N.
THE CA~JLMPAIGN OF 1779.
URING the year 1779, the British seem to have
aimed at little more, in the states to the northward.?. of Carolina, than distress and depredation. Having publicly announced their resolution of making
"the colonies of as little avail as possible to their
new connections," they planned sundry expeditions
on this principle.
One of these, consisting of both a naval and land
force, was committed to Sir George Collier and General Mathews, who
made a descent on Vilginia. [May 10.] They sailed for Portsmouth, ond nn
VOL. 11. —7 s 2
210 THTE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
their arrival took possession of that town. Norfolk, on the opposite side
of the river, fell, of course, into their hands. The Americans' burned
some of their own vessels, but others were made prizes by the invaders.
The British guards marched eighteen miles in the night, and arriving at
Suffolk by morning, proceeded to the destruction of vessels, naval stores.
and of a large magazine of provisions, which had been deposited in that
place. A similar destruction was carried on at Kemp's Landing, Shepherd's Gosport, Tanner's creek, and other places in the vicinity. The
frigates and armed vessels were employed on the same business along the
margin of the rivers. Three thousand hogsheads of tobacco were taken
at Portsmouth. Every'hous: in Suffolk was burned, except the church
and one dwelling-house. The houses of several private gentlemen in the
country shared the same fate. About a hundred and thirty vessels were
either destroyed or taken. All that were upon the stocks were burned,
and every thing relative to the building or fitting of ships was either
carried off or destroyed. The fleet and army, after demolishing Fort Nelson, and setting fire to the store-houses and other public buildings in the
dockyard at Gosport, embarked from Virginia, and returned with theii
prizes and booty safe to New York, in the same month in which they had
left it. This expedition into Virginia distressed a number of its inhabitants, and enriched the British forces, but was of no real service to the
royal cause. It was presumed that by involving the citizens in losses and
distress, they would be brought to reflect on the advantages of submitting
to a power, against which they had not the means of defending themselves: but the temper of the times was unfavourable to these views.
Such was the high-toned state of the American mind, that property had
compara':vely lost its value. It was fashionable to suffer in the cause of
independence. Some hearty Whigs gloried in their losses, with as much
pride as others gloried in their possessions.
In about five weeks after the termination of the expedition to Virginia, a
similar one was projected against the exposed margin of Connecticut.
Governor Tryon was appointed to the command of about two thousand
six hundred land forces employed on this business, and he was supported
by General Garth. The transports which conveyed these troops. were
covered by a suitable number of armed vessels, commanded by Sir George
Collier. [July 5.] They proceeaed from New York, by the way of Hel.
Gate, and landed at East Haven.
One of the many addresses, issued by the British commanders, was
sent by a flag to Colonel Whiting of the militia, near Fairfield. The
colonel was allowed an hour for his answer, but he had scarcely time to
read it before the town was in flames. He, nevertheless, returned the fol.
dlowing answer: "Connecticut having nobly dared to take up arms against
the cruel despotism of Great Britain, and the flames having preceded the
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 211
answer to your flag, they will persist to oppose, to the utmost, the power
exertea against injured innocence." The British marched from their
landing to New Haven. The town, on their entering it, was delivered up
to promiscuous plunder, a few instances of protection excepted. The
inhabitants were stripped of their household furniture and other movable
property. The harbour and water side was covered with feathers, which
were discharged from opened beds. An aged citizen who laboured under
a natural inability of speech, had his tongue cut out by one of the royal
army. After perpetrating every species of enormity, but that of burning
houses, the invaders suddenly re-embarked, and proceeded by water to
Fairfield. The militia of that place and the vicinity posted themselves
at the court-house green, and gave considerable annoyance to them, as
they were advancing, but soon retreated to the height back of the town.
On the approach of the British, the town was evacuated by most of its
inhabitants. A few women remained, with the view of saving their property. They imagined that their sex would protect them. They also
reposed confidence in an enemy who they knew had been formerly famed
for humanity and politeness, but they bitterly repented their presumption.
Parties of the royal army entered the deserted houses of the inhabitants,
broke open desks, trunks, closets, and chests, and took every thing of
value that came in their way. They robbed the women of their buckles,
rings bonnets, aprons, and handkerchiefs. They abused them with the
foulest language, threatened their ives, and presented the bayonets to their
breasts. A sucking infant was plundered of part of its clothing, while the
bayonet was presented to the breast of its mother. Towards evening,
they began to burn the houses which they had previously plundered.
The women begged General Tryon to spare the town. Mr. Sayre, the
Episcopal minister, who had suffered for his attachment to the royal cause,
joined the women in their requests, but their joint supplications were disregarded. They then begged that a few houses might be spared for a
general shelter. This was at first denied, but at length Tryon consented
to save the buildings of Mr. Burr and of Mr. Elliot, and also said, that the
houses for public worship should be spared. After his departure on the
next morning with the main body, the rear guard, consisting of German
yaugers, set fire to every thing which Tryon had spared, but on their
departure, the inhabitants extinguished the flames, and saved some of the
houses. The militia were joined by numbers from the country, which
successively came in to their aid, but they were too few to make effectual
opposition.
The British in this excursion, also burned East Haven, the greatest part
of Green's Farms, and the flourishing town of Norwalk. A considerable
number of ships, either finished or on the stocks, with whaleboats, and a
large amount of stores and merchandise, were destroyed. Particular ac
212 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
counts of these devastations were, in a short time, transmitted by authority
to Congress. By these it appeared that there were burnt at Norwalk, two
houses of public worship, eighty dwelling-houses, eighty-seven barns,
twenty-two stores, seventeen shops, four mills, and five vessels; and at
Fairfield, two houses of public worship, fifteen dwelling-houses, eleven
barns, and several stores. There were at the same time a number of certificates transmitted to General Washington, in which sundry persons of
veracity bore witness on oath to various acts of brutality, rapine, and cruelty,
committed on aged persons, women, and prisoners. [July 19.] Congress,
on receiving satisfactory attestation of the ravages of the British in this and
other similar expeditions, resolved "To direct their marine committee to
take the most effectual measures to carry into execution their manifesto of
October 30th, 1778, by burning or destroying the towns belonging to the
enemy, in Great Britain or the West Indies," but their resolve was never
carried into effect.
The fires and destruction which accompanied this expedition were severely censured by the Americans, and apologized for by the British in a
very unsatisfactory manner. The latter, in their vindication, alleged that
the houses which they had burned gave shelter to the Americans, while
they fired from them, and on other occasions concealed their retreat.
While the British were proceeding in these desolating operations, General Washington was called upon for continental troops, but he could spare
very few. He durst not detach largely, as he apprehended that one design
of the British in these movements was to draw off a proportion of his army
from West Point, to favour an intended attack on that important post.
General Parsons, though closely connected with Connecticut, and though
from his small force he was unable to make successful opposition to the
invaders, yet instead of pressing General Washington for a large detachnlent of continental troops, wrote to him as follows: " The British may
probably distress the country exceedingly, by the ravages they will commit; but I would rather see all the towns on the coast of my country in
flames, than that the enemy should possess West Point."
The inhabitants feared much more than they suffered. They expected that
the whole margin of their country, one hundred and twenty miles in extent,
would suffer the fate of Fairfield and Norwalk. The season of the year
added much to their difficulties, as the close attention of the farmers to
their harvesting could not be omitted, without hazarding their subsistence.
These fears were not of long duration. In about ten days after the landing of the British troops, an order was issued for their immediate return'o New York. This they effected, in a short time, and with a loss so
inconsiderable, that in the, hole expedition, it did not exceed one hundred
and fifty men.
While the British were successfully making these desultory operations,
I ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ __~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ —--------
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 213
the Am drican army was incapable of covering the country. The former, having by means of their superior marine force, the command of the numerous
rivers, bays, and harbours of the United States, had it in their power to make
descents where they pleased, with an expedition that could not be equalled
by the American land forces. [August.] Had General Washington divided
his army, conformably to the wishes of the invaded citizens, he would
have subjected his whole force to be cut up in detail. It was therefore his
uniform practice, to risk no more by way of covering the country than was
consistent with the general safety.
His army was posted at some distance from British head-quarters in New
York, and on both sides of the North River. The van thereof, consisting
of three hundred infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry, under the
command of Colonel Anthony Walton White, patroled constantly, for several months, in front of the British lines, and kept a constant watch on the
Sound and on the North River. This corps had sundry skirmishes with
parties of the British, and was particularly useful in checking their excursions, and in procuring and communicating intelligence of their movements.
About this time, General Putnam, who had been stationed with a
respectable command at Reading, in Connecticut, when on a visit to his
outpost at Horseneck, was attacked by Governor Tryon, with about fifteen
hundred men. General Putnam had only a picket of one hundred and
fifty men, and two iron field-pieces without horses or drag-ropes. He
however planted his cannon on the high ground, near the meeting-house,
and by several fires retarded the advancing enemy, and continued to make
apposition till he perceived the enemy's horse, supported by the infantry,
were about to charge. General Putnam, after ordering the picket to provide for their safety by retiring to a swamp inaccessible to horse, plunged
4own the precipice at the church. This is so steep as to have artificial
stairs, composed of nearly one hundred stone steps, for the accommodation
of foot passengers. The dragoons stopped short, without venturing down
the abrupt declivity, and before they got round the brow of the hill, Putnam was far enough beyond their reach. Of the many balls that were
fired at him, all missed except one, which went through his hat. He proceeded to Stamford, and having strengthened his picket with some militia,
faced about and pursued Governor Tryon on his return.
The campaign of 1779, though barren of important events, was distinguished by one of the most gallant enterprises which took place in the
course of the war. This was the capture of Stoney Point, on the North
river. General Wayne, who had the honour of conducting this enterprise
set out [July 15] at the head of a strong detachment of the most active
infantry of the American army at noon, and completed a march of about
fourteen miles, over bad roads, by eight o'clock in the evening. The
214 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
QJ - l
GENXRAL PUTNAM AT HORSENECO
detachment, being then within a mile and a half of its object, was halted
and formed into columns. The general, with a few of his officers, advanced
and reconnoitred the works. At half-past eleven the whole moved forward to the attack. The van of the right, consisting of one hundred and
fifty volunteers under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Fleury, advanced
with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets. These were preceded by
twenty picked men, who were particularly instructed to remove the abattis
and other obstructions. The van of the left was led by Major Stewart,
and advanced with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets. It was also
preceded by a similar forlorn hope. The general placed himself at the
head of the right column, and gave the most pointed orders not to fire, but
to depend solely on the bayonet. The two columns directed their attacks
to opposite points of the works, while a detachment engaged the attention
of the garrison by a feint in their front. The approaches were more difficult than had been apprehended. The works were defended by a deep
morass, which was also, at that time, overflowed by the tide. Neither the
morass, the double row of abattis, nor the strength of the works damped
the ardour of the assailants. In the face of a most tremendous fire of musKetry, and of cannon loaded with grape-shot, they forced their way, at the
point cf the bayonet, through every obstacle, until both columns met in the
centre of the works, at nearly the same instant. General Wayne, as he
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 215....... -: - ----—'.
G]N3RAL WALYIE AT STONlY POTNT.
passed the last abattis, was wounded in the head by a musket ball, but.
nevertheless insisted on being carried forward, adding, as a reason for it.
that " if he died he wished it might be in the fort." Lieutenants Gibbons
and Knox, who led the forlorn hope, escaped unhurt, although the first lost
seventeen men out of twenty, and the last nearly as many. The killed
and wounded of the Americans amounted to ninety-eight. The killed: of
the garrison were sixty-three, and the number of their prisoners five hundred and forty-three. Two flags, two standards, fifteen pieces of ordnance,
and a considerable quantity of military stores, fell into the hands of the
conquerors. The vigour and spirit with which this enterprise was conducted was matter of triumph to the Americans. Congress gave their
thanks to General Washington, "For the vigilance, wisdom, and magnanimity with which he had conducted the military operations of the States.
and which were, among many other signal instances, manifested in his orders
for the above enterprise." They also gave thanks to General Wayne, and
ordered a medal, emblematical of the action, to be struck, and one of gold to
be presented to him. They directed a silver one to be presented to Lieutenant-colonel Fleury, and also to Major Stewart. At the same time they
passed general resolutions in honour of the officers and men, but particularly
designating Lieutenant-colonel Fleury, Major Stewart, Lieutenants Gibbons and Knox. To the two latter, and also to Mr. Archel, the genesral'
216 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
volunteer aid-de-camp, they gave the rank of captain. The clemency
shown to the vanquished was universally applauded. The customs of
war, and the recent barbarities at Fairfield and Norwalk, would have been
an apology for the conquerors, had they put the whole garrison to the
sword; but the assailants, no less generous than brave, ceased to destroy as
soon as their adversaries ceased to resist. Upon the capture of Stoney
Point, the victors turned its artillery against Verplank's Point, and fired
upon it with such effect that the shipping in its vicinity cut their cables
and fell down the river. As soon as the news of these events reached
New York, preparations were instantly made to relieve the latter post and
to recover the former. It by no means accorded with the cautious prudence of General Washington to risk an engagement for either or for both
of them. He therefore removed the cannon and stores, destroyed the
works, and evacuated the captured post. Sir Henry Clinton regained
possession of Stoney Point on the third day after its capture, and placed in
it a strong garrison.
While the expedition against Georgia in 1778 was preparing at New York,
Congress was meditating the conquest of East Florida. Having received
notice from General Washington of an intended attack on the southern
states, the delegates of Georgia were desirous that an officer of more experience than Howe should have the command in that quarter; and requested
that General Lincoln, who had been second in rank at Saratoga, should be
appointed to the command of the southern army. Accordingly, so far
back as the month of September, Howe had been ordered to repair to the
head-quarters of General Washington, and Lincoln was nominated commander in the south. At the same time Congress passed a resolution,
requesting the executive councils of Virginia and North Carolina to give
all the assistance in their power to South Carolina and Georgia.
In obedience to orders, General Lincoln repaired to Charleston, the
capital of South Carolina, where he found the military affairs of the country in much disorder. From ignorance, inadvertency, or want of means.
Congress had established no continental military chest in the southern
department. That defect rendered the troops dependent on the several
state governments for supplies to enable the army to move on any emergency; and, in a great degree, subjected even the continental troops to the
control of the civil authority in the several states. The militia, also, who
had been taken into continental pay, considered themselves subject only to
the military code of the province to which they belonged. Such a state of
things was extremely unfavourable to the promptitude and vigour of military
operations.
While General Lincoln was employed in rectifying disorders, and making
preparations for the ensuing campaign, he received information of the appearance of the British armament off the coast of Georgia. So promptly had the
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 217
state of North Carolina complied with the recommendation of Congress to
assist their southern neighbours, that two thousand men, raised for that purpose, arrived at Charleston, under the command of Generals Ashe and
Rutherford. But although the state of North Carolina had raised the
men, it had not provided them with arms; and Congress had no magazines in that part of the Union. The troops, therefore, were dependent
on South Carolina for every military equipment; but that state, though
better provided than North Carolina, had no superabundance of arms; and,
under the apprehension that its own territory was to be invaded, declined
supplying the troops of North Carolina with arms till it was too late to
save the capital of Georgia.
When it was ascertained that the British fleet had entered the Savannah,
the arms were furnished, every exertion was made to put the troops at
Charleston in motion, and General Lincoln at their head proceeded
rapidly towards the enemy; but on his march he received the mortifying
information of Howe's defeat, and soon afterwards met the feeble remnant
of the beaten army at Purysburg, a small town on the north bank of the
Savannah, about thirty miles from the coast. At Purysburg General Lincoln established his head-quarters on the 3d of January. The force under
his command amounted to between three thousand to four thousand men,
many of them new levies and militia, who were strangers to the discipline
and subordination of a camp. The army of General Prevost was somewhat more numerous, and greatly superior in the quality of the troops.
But with all his advantages it was not easy for General Prevost to
advance into South Carolina; for the river Savannah flowed between the
two armies. Its channel, indeed, is not wide; but for one hundred miles
from its mouth it flows through a marshy country, which it often inundates
to the breadth of from two to four miles. At no one place is there solid
ground on both sides of the brink of the river. A few narrow causeways
running through the marsh are the only places where it can be passed,
and on many occasions these cannot be crossed by an army. This circumstance made it difficult for General Prevost to enter South Carolina,
and inexpedient for General Lincoln to make any attempt on the British
posts, although they extended from Savannah to Augusta.
The coast of Georgia and South Carolina is broken and irregular,
abounding in islands, and intersected by arms of the sea. General Prevost detached Major Gardener, with two hundred men, to take possession
of the island of Port Royal; but that officer was soon attacked by General
Moultrie, who compelled him to retreat with loss. Deterred by that
check, General Prevost, for some time, made no farther attempts on South
Carolina.
From the beginning of the war, a considerable number of the settlers on
the western frontier of the three southern provinces had been well affect d
OL. II.-28 r
218 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
OOLONE L PIOXENS.
to the royal cause. They were satisfied with their condition, and wished
no change. Information of the first successes of the British arms in
Georgia soon reached these settlers; and emissaries were despatched to
invite them to join the king's standard at Augusta, which had been erected
there partly with a view to favour such movements, and to encourage the
loyal settlers to co-operate with the. troops in establishing the royal authority. Such of them as, on account of the notoriety of their principles and
of their active hostility to independence, had been obliged to seek shelter
among the Indians, were flattered with the hope of returning in triumph
to the enjoyment of their possessions.
About seven hundred of these loyalists embodied themselves under
Colonel Boyd, and began their march from the back parts of South Carolina! to Augusta. Destitute of provisions, and dependent on plunder for
subsistence, they resembled a disorderly banditti rather than a military
force; and, by their irregularities, they armed all the peaceable inhabitants against them..-The militia assembled under Colonel Pickens; pursued -and attacked them near Kittle Creek; and defeated them with considerable slaughter, Boyd, their leader, being among the killed. Many
prisoners were taken, seventy of whom were tried and condemned as
Lraitors, and five of the most obnoxious were executed. About three hun
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 219
dred of:thenm escaped, reached the British outposts, and joined the royal
army. This defeat depressed the rising spirits of the loyalists, and, for a
while, preserved the tranquillity of the western frontier.
The British post at Augusta was too distant from the main body of the
army to be easily maintained; and therefore, about the middle of February,
Colonel Campbell was ordered to abandon it. By slow marches he moved
down the river, till he reached Hudson's Ferry, about twenty-four miles
from Ebenezer, where the British head-quarters were then established.
There he left his detachment under the care of Lieutenant-colonel Prevost,
brother of the general, and returned to Savannah.
The American army was gradually reinforced by the arrival of militia
fro(m the Carolinas; and General Lincoln began to meditate offensive operations. He extended his posts up the river; and detached General Ashe,
with thirteen nundred militia, one hundred continental soldiers, and some
cavalhry, to take post opposite Augusta. His intention was to straiten the
quarters of the British troops, and to cut off the communication with the
Indians and the settlers on the western frontier. On arriving at his station, Ashe found Augusta already evacuated; and, agreeably to his instructions, he crossed the river, marched down the south side, and took
post near the point where Brier Creek falls into the Savannah, forming an
acute angle with it. His position was good, and appeared secure. The
Savannah with its marshes was on his left; and his front was covered by
Brier Creek, which is about six yards wide and unfordable at that place,
as well as for several miles above it.
General Prevost resolved to dislodge the American detachment. For
the purpose of amusing General Lincoln, he made a show of an intention
to pass the river; and, in order to occupy the attention of Ashe, he ordered
a party to appear on the opposite side of Brier Creek in his front. Meanwhile Colonel Prevost, with nine hundred chosen men, made an extensive
circuit, passed Brier Creek fifteen miles above the American station,
gained their rear unperceived, and was almost in their camp before they
discovered his approach.. The continental troops, under General Elbert,
were drawn out to meet them, and began the engagement with spirit. But
most of the militia threw'down their arms without firing a shot, fled in
confusion into the marsh, and swam across the?iver, in which numbers of
them were drowned. General Elbert and his small band of continentals,
supported by only one regiment of North Carolina militia, were not long
able to maintain the unequal conflict; but, being overpowered by nunmbers, were compelled to surrender themselves prisoners of war. The
Americans lost between three and four hundred men, who were killed
or taken prisoners, with seven pieces of artillery. Among the prisoners were General Elbert and Colonel McIntosh, officers of the continental army. The militia were dispersed; most of them who escaped
220 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
returned home; and of the whole of Ashe's division not more than fou:
hundred and fifty men again joined General Lincoln. This decisive victory
cost the British only five privates killed, and one officer and ten privates
wounded.
The defeat and dispersion of Ashe's division deprived Lincoln of onefourth of his numerical force, restored to the British the entire possession
of Georgia, and opened again their communications with the Indians and
loyalists in the back settlements of the southern provinces. The success
was complete; and General Prevost seems to have flattered himself that
its effects would be permanent; for next day he issued a proclamation
establishing civil government in the province, appointing executive and
judicial officers for its administration, and declaring the laws, as they existed at the end of the year 1775, to be in force, and to continue till they
should be altered by a legislature afterwards to be assembled.
The disaster which had befallen Ashe, instead of terrifying the people
of South Carolina into submission, roused them to more vigorous exertions,
and to a more determined resolution to maintain their independence. They
elected as their governor, John Rutledge, a man of' talents and influence;
and delegated to him and his council, powers almost dictatorial. Rutledge,
who was zealous in the cause of independence, exerted much energy, and
soon sent one thousand militia to camp. Strengthened by such a large
reinforcement, General Lincoln resumed his original plan of gaining possession of the upper parts of Georgia; and on the 23d of April he marched
up the Savannah with the main body of his army. One design of that
movement was to afford protection to the state legislature of Georgia, which
was to assemble at Augusta on the 1st of May.
At that time the river was in full flood, and overflowed the marshes on
its margin. The rivulets were swollen, and the swamps inundated; and
therefore it was believed that a small military force would be able to defend
the country against an invading enemy. Accordingly, for the protection
of the lower districts, General Lincoln left only two hundred continentals,
under Colonel McIntosh, who had been exchanged, and eight hundred
militia; the whole commanded by General Moultrie, who had distinguished
himself by his brave defence of Sullivan's Island in the year 1776. It
was expected that if an invasion of the lower parts of South Carolina
should be attempted in Lincoln's absence, the militia would promptly take
the field in defence of the country.
Instead of marching up the river, and encountering General Lincoln in
the interior, General Prevost considered an irruption into South Carolina
the best means for recalling that officer from the enterprise in which he
was engaged. Accordingly, on the 29th of April, when Lincoln was far
advanced on his way to Augusta, General Prevost, with two thousand five
hundred troops, and a considerable number of Indian allies, suddenly passed
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 221
the liver near Purysburg. Colonel McIntosh, who was stationed there
with a small detachment, retreated to General Moultrie at Black Swamp.
General Prevost advanced rapidly into the country; and Moultrie was
obliged to retire hastily before him, destroying the bridges in his rear.
The militia who were in the field showed no courage, and could not be
prevailed on to defend the passes with any degree of bravery. The militia
of the state did not appear in arms as had been expected; and Moultrie
experienced an alarming diminution of his strength, by the desertion of
many of those under his command.
Immediately after the passage of the river by the British, an express
xas sent to Lincoln, then nearly opposite Augusta, informing him of the
event. He considered Prevost's movement as a feint to recall him from
the upper parts of the river, and determined to prosecute his plan, and
compel the British general to return for the defence of the capital of
Georgia. Meanwhile he despatched three hundred light troops, under
Colonel Harris, to Moultrie's assistance; and crossing the river at Au
gusta, he marched down on the south side towards the town of Savannah.
General Prevost's original plan was merely to make a temporary incur
sion into South Carolina, chiefly for the purpose of inducing Lincoln to
retrace his steps, and return to the lower parts of the river. But meeting
with a feebler resistance than he had anticipated, and encouraged by the
flattering representations received from the loyalists of the good-will of the
people in general to the royal cause, and of the defenceless state of
Charleston, his views began to enlarge, and at length he came to the
resolution of making an attempt on the capital of South Carolina. If this
had formed part of his original plan, and if he had advanced with the same
celerity as he entered the province, he would probably have gained possession of Charleston, which at that time, on the land side, was wholly
unfortified. But he was, in some degree, disconcerted by his own success; and halted two or three days to consider the measures to be adopted
in the unexpected circumstances in which he found himself. At last,
having resolved to advance to Charleston, he resumed his march. The
plundering and devastation of his troops, and of his Indian allies, spread
terror and desolation around him. Moultrie, with his handful of continentals, and his unwarlike militia, retreated before the enemy, giving them
little interruption, farther than breaking down the bridges on the road.
Express on express was now despatched to General Lincoln to inform
him of the alarming posture of affairs in South Carolina. That officer nad
crossed the Savannah at Augusta, and, notwithstanding the progress of the
British army, resolved to proceed down the south side of the river, because
That road was almost as near to Charleston as any other, and because, by
showing his army in Georgia, he hoped to rouse the courage of the intimidated inhabitants. Meanwhile all was activity and alarm in Charleston,
I'2
222 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
That town, as already mentioned, is situated on a point of land between
the rivers Ashley and Cooper, where they terminate in a bay of the ocean.
Towards the sea the place had been fortified, and works erected on the
islands in the bay to defend the entrance. An attack by land had not been
anticipated; and on that side the town was entirely open. But in the
present alarming crisis the inhabitants began to fortify the city on the land
side, and prosecuted the work with vigour and unremitting assiduity. All
hands were employed on the work; the slave and his master laboured
together. Lines of defence were drawn from the Ashley to the Cooper;
artillery was planted on them; and they were flanked by armed galleys
stationed in the rivers. General Moultrie, with his feeble force, entered
the town; the three hundred men detached by Lincoln arrived; Governor
Rutledge, who had taken post with the militia at Orangeburgh high up the
north branch of the Edisto, as a central station whence he could most easily
afford assistance to any place that might be threatened, hastened to the
point of danger; and Pulaski's legion came in. All these troops entered
the city nearly at the same time; and, together with the fortifications
recently constructed, put it in a condition very different from that inl which
it had been only a few days before.
On the evening of the 10th of May, about the time when the,everal
American detachments entered Charleston, General Prevost with his army
arrived at Ashley Ferry. Next morning he passed the river, marched
down the neck between the Ashley and Cooper, and took a position just
without the reach of the guns on the fortifications. The remainder of the
day was spent in slight skirmishes. On the 12th, General Prevost summoned the town to surrender; and Governor Rutledge, deeming it of much
importance to gain time, the day was occupied in negotiation. On the
part of the town a proposal was made for the neutrality of South Carolina
during the war, leaving its ultimate fate to be determined by the treaty of
peace; but after several messages and explanations, this proposal, which
could with no propriety be agreed to, was entirely rejected by General
Prevost, who told the garrison that, being in arms, they must surrender
themselves prisoners of war.'This closed the negotiation, and both parties
seemed to prepare for an appeal to arms. But next morning the garrison
was agreeably surprised to find that the British army had retreated during
the night, and recrossed Ashley Ferry. On surveying the American works,
General Prevost perceived that, although they were unfinished, yet it was
too hazardous in his circumstances to assault them; for the garrison was
more numerous than his army. There was no time for delay, as he knew
Lincoln was rapidly advancing against him; therefore he came to the prudent resolution of immediately retiring.
In civil commotions the representations of interested parties can be little
relied op.; for they are expressions of their wishes rather than a true ac
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 22,.
count of the real state of affairs. The loyalists had assured GeI4eral Pre
vost that the inhabitants of South Carolina were generally well affected to
the royal cause, and would flock to his standard as soon as he appeared
among them. - Misled by this illusory information, General Prevost had
engaged in the enterprise against Charleston without an adequate force.
From want of troops he had found it expedient to evacuate Augusta, and
to contract his posts on the Savannah; yet, without any increase of his
numbers, he had made an irruption into South Carolina, and advanced to
Charleston, leaving Lincoln with a considerable army in his rear. If he
had continued his march with the same rapidity as he began it, he would
have reached the city before it was in a condition to make any resistance.
If he had gained possession of it, the Americans would have been much
injured, bat the British would have acquired no real advantage; for General Prevost had not a force capable of keeping possession both of Georgia
and South Carolina in the face of the army that opposed- him. His advance was inconsiderate, but his retreat was prudent. He re-crossed the
river Ashley without interruption; as, during the night, the garrison of
Charleston was every moment in expectation of being assaulted.
General Prevost did not return to Savannah by the direct road, as he had
advanced; for in Charleston there was a numerous garrison in his rear,
and Lincoln was near at hand with his army. Therefore, after passing
Ashley Ferry, he turned to the left and proceeded to the coast, which,
abounding with islands, and being intersected by-arms of the sea all the
way to the mouth of the Savannah, afforded him, in consequence of the
naval superiority of Britain, the easiest and safest method of returning
with all his baggage to Georgia. He first passed into the island of St.
James, and then into that of St. John, where he took post till the arrival
of a supply of provisions, which he had for some time expected from New
York.
By hasty marches General Lincoln had arrived at Dorchester, not far
from Charleston, before General Prevost left Ashley Ferry; and when the
British troops proceeded to the coast, Lincoln followed and encamped near
them, both armies being about thirty miles from Charleston.
John's Island, of which General Prevost took possession, is separated
from the main land by a narrow inlet called Stono river; and the commu.
nication between the continent and the island is kept up by a ferry. On
the continent at this ferry, the British general established a post; partly
for the security of the island, and partly for the protection of his foragers.
For the defence of the post three redoubts were constructed, and joined
together by lines of communication. For some time one thousand five
hundred men were stationed at the post under Colonel Prevost; and the
communication with the island was maintained by a bridge, formed by the
numerous schooners, sloops, and smaller vessels which attended the armv
224 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
So long as the whole of General Prevost's force lay on John's Island,
ready to support his detachment at Stono Ferry, General Lincoln made no
attempt against that post.' But the British general set out on his return to
Georgia, transporting a large part of his troops, by means of the shipping,
from island to island along the coast. Colonel Prevost, also, with part of
the garrison of Stono Ferry, was ordered to Savannah; and he left the
remainder, amounting to about seven hundred men, under the command
of Lieutenant-colonel Maitland. A number of troops still remained on
John's Island, but almost all the boats were removed, and consequently the
communication between the island and the main land was not nearly so
open as before.
General Lincoln plainly perceived that it was the intention of the British
general to evacuate that part of the country without delay; and he resolved
not to allow the troops to depart unmolested. He determined to attack the
post at Stono Ferry; and in order to prevent it from being reinforced by
the troops on the island, General Moultrie, who commanded in Charleston,
was to pass over to Jamnes's Island, with a number of militia, and engage
the attention of the force on John's Island, while a real attack was made on
the post at the ferry.
On the 20th of June, before seven in the morning, General Lincoln with
about one thousand two hundred men advanced to the attack. His right
wing was composed of the militia of South and North Carolina, and his
continental soldiers formed the left, to encounter the Scottish Highlanders,
reckoned the best troops in the British service. Colonel Maitland's advanced guards were stationed a good way in front of his works, and a
smart firing between them and the Americans gave him the first warning
of the approach of the enemy. He instantly put his garrison under arms,
and sent out two companies of Highlanders from his right, under Captain
Campbell, to ascertain the force of the assailants. The Highlanders had
proceeded only a quarter of a mile when they met the continental troops
of the American army. A fierce conflict ensued: instead of retreating
before superior numbers, the Highlanders, with their characteristic impetuosity and obstinate valour, persisted in the unequal combat till all their
officers were either killed or wounded. Of the two companies, eleven men
only returned to the garrison. The whole American line now advanced
within three hundred yards of the works, and a general engagement with
cannon and musketry began, and was maintained with much courage and
steadiness on both sides. At length a regiment of Hessians on the British
left gave way, and the Americans were on the point of entering the works;
but, by a rapid and judicious movement of the remainder~of: the seventyfirst regiment, their progress was checked: and as General Moultrie, from
want of boats, had been unable to execute in due time his part of the enterprise, General Lincoln, apprehensive of thle arrival of reinforcements to
t ___________________________, —.,- m —,. r s — am..-~ —-~- -,
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 225,he British from the island, drew off his men, and retired in good order.
carrying his wounded along with him. The battle lasted upwards of an
hour. The British had three officers and twenty-three privates killed. and
ten officers and ninety-three privates wounded. The Americans lost five
officers who died of their wounds, and thirty-five privates who were killed
on the field of battle, besides nineteen officers and one hundred and twenty
privates wounded. Thus the loss of the British, who during part of the
engagement were covered by their works, was less than that of the Americans.
Three days after the battle the British troops evacuated the post at Stono
Ferry, and also the island of St. John, passing along the coast from island
to island, till they reached Beaufort in the island of Port Royal, where
General Prevost left a garrison under the command of Lieutenant-colonel
Maitland.
The heat, which in the southern provinces as effectually puts a stop to
military operations during summer as the cold of the north in winter, was
now become too intense for active service. The care of the officers, in
both armies, was employed in preserving their men from the fevers of the
season, and keeping them in a condition for service next campaign, which
was expected to open in October. The American militia dispersed, leaving General Lincoln with about eight hundred men, whom he marched to
Shelden, not far from Beaufort.
The alarm for the safety of the southern states was so great, that General
Washington, weak as his army was, weakened it still farther by sending
a detachment, consisting of Bland's regiment of cavalry, and the remnant
of that lately under Baylor, but now commanded by Lieutenant-colonel
Washington, with some new levies, to reinforce General Lincoln.
The irruption of General Prevost into South Carolina did no credit to
the British army, nor did it in any degree serve the royal cause, although
it occasioned great loss to the inhabitants of the province. According to
the American historians, Gordon and Ramsay, the British army marked its
course by plunder and devastation. It spread over the country to a considerable extent: small parties entered every house; seized the plate, money,
jewels, and personal ornaments of the people; and often destroyed what
they could not carry away. The slaves, who are numerous in South Carolina, allured by the hope of freedom, repaired to the royal army; and
in order to ingratiate themselves with their new friends, disclosed where
their masters had concealed their most valuable effects. Many of those
slaves were afterwards shipped off and sold in the West Indies. Somr
hundreds of them died of the camp fever; and numbers of them, cvr,
taken by disease, and afraid to return to their masters, perished miserably
in the woods. It has been calculated that South Carolina lost four thousand slaves. The rapine and devastation were great; and many of the
Vol, 11. —:29
226 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
inhabitants, in order to save themselves from those ravages, miadc profes
slons of attachment to the royal cause; while the means which inducea
them to make a show of loyalty alienated all their affections from their for
iner rulers.
The western frontier of the United States was near the dwellings of a
number of Indian tribes; and these six nations, the Mohawks, Cayugas,
Tuscaroras, Oneidas, Onondagos, and Senecas, distinguished by their con
federacy, policy, and bravery, possessed the extensive and fertile country
lying between the vicinity of Albany and Lake Erie. Frorn their long
intercourse with Europeans, those nations had acquired a relish for some
of the comforts of civilized life, and entertained more enlarged views than
most of the North American tribes of the advantages of private property.
Their populous villages contained some comfortable houses, and theil
fertile fields and rich orchards yielded an abundant supply of maize and
fruit.
To gain the friendship of these confederated nations, and of the other
Indian tribes on the frontier of the United States, had, from the beginning
of the war, been an object of attention both to the British government and
to Congress. But former habits, together with rum, presents, and promises from the agents at the British posts on the lakes, secured to the
royal cause the support of the greater part of the Six Nations; while a
few, chiefly the Oneidas, espoused the interests of America.
Many of the loyalists, who had been obliged to flee from the United
States, took refuge among the Indians, and at once increased their strength
and whetted their ferocity. Even the savages were ashamed of their
ruthless cruelty; and Indian chiefs have been heard to declare Lhat they
never would permit white men to accompany them in their military expeditions, because of the horrible enormities which they perpetrated. Of
the murderous cruelty of the savage whites we have a striking instance
in the infamous conduct of Butler at Wyoming, during the preceding
campaign. In that lamentable catastrophe the Six Nations had taken an
active part, and they were meditating fresh hostilities. Their bloody
incursions excited a strong sensation throughout the United States, and
produced the resolution to lead an overwhelming force into their territory,
and to destroy their settlements.
The largest division of the army employed on that service assembled at
Wyoming, on a chief branch of the Susquehannah. Another division,
which had wintered on the Mohawk, marched under the orders of General
Clinton, and joined the main body at the confluence of the two great
sources of the Susquehannah. On the 22d of August, the united force,
amounting to nearly five thousand men, under the command of General
Sullivan, proceeded up the Cayuga, or western branch of the last-named
river, vhich led directly into the Indian country. The preparations for
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 227
this expedition did not escape the notice of those against whom it was
directed, and the Indians seem fully to have penetrated Sullivan's plan of
operation. Formidable ais his force was, they determined to meet him,
and try the fortune of a battle. They were about a thousand strong, commanded by the two Butlers, Guy Johnson, McDonald, and Branett. They
chose their ground with judgment, and fortified their camp at some distance above Chemang, and a mile in front of Newtown.
There Sullivan attacked them; and, after a short but spirited resistance,
they retreated with precipitation. The Americans had thirty men killed
-or wounded; the Indians left only eleven dead bodies on the field: but
they were so discouraged by this defeat, that they abandoned their villages
and fields to the unresisted ravages of the victor, who laid waste their
towns and orchards, so that they might have no inducement again to settle
so near the states. The members of civilized society too faithfully imi.
tated the savage enemy whom they assailed, in all the enormities of bar.
harous warfare.
This expedition gave little satisfaction to any of the parties concerned
in planning or executing it. Sullivan gave a pompous account of his success: but Congress did not applaud; General Washington was not
pleased; and Sullivan, in disgust, resigned his commission, and retired
from the public service. In the course of the summer, the Indians on the
southern frontier we're also severely chastised; but although unable to
resist the force sent against them, they made some sanguinary incursions
into the provinces. An expedition of General Williamson and Colonel
Pickens into the Indian settlements was attended with similar devastation.
We have already seen that Admiral Count d'Estaing, after repairing
his ships at Boston, sailed to the West Indies; whither he was followed
by Admiral Byron, with the British fleet, having on board a detachment
of the army at New York, under General Grant. The French took the
islands of Dominica, St. Vincent, and Grenada, and spread a general
alarm throughout the West Indies. The British made themselves masters
of St. Lucie; but this did not compensate the loss of the islands already
named. The season of the hurricanes approached; and D'Estaing, after
an indecisive engagement with the British fleet, sailed towards the coast
of North America.
Although General Prevost had been obliged to retire from Charleston,
and to abandon the upper parts of Georgia; yet so long as he kept possession of the town of Savannah, and maintained a post at Beaufort, South
Carolina was much exposed to hostile incursions. Therefore, Governol
Rutledge and General Lincoln earnestly pressed D'Estaing to repair to
the Savannah, hoping by his aid to drive the British from Georgia. Plombard, the French consul at Charleston, joined in these solicitations. In
1....
228 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
GENERAL WILLIAMSON AND COLONEL PIOXENS PURSUING THE
INDIANS.
compliance with their importunity, D'Estaing sailed from Cape Franpois,
in St. Domingo; and with twenty-two sail of the line, and a number of
smaller vessels, having six thousand soldiers on board, appeared off the
Savannah so unexpectedly, that the Experiment, a fifty-gun ship, and
some other British vessels, fell into his hands.
General Lincoln, with about a thousand men, marched to Zubly's Ferry
on the Savannah, but found more difficulty than he had anticipated in
crossing the river and its marshes. On the evening of the 13th of September, however, he reached the southern bank, and encamped on the
heights of Ebenezer, twenty-three miles from the town of Savannah.
There he was joined by Colonel McIntosh, with his detachment, from
Augusta. Pulaski's legion also arrived in camp. On the same day that
Lincoln passed Zubly's Ferry, D'Estaing landed three thousand men at
Beaulieu; and on the 16th of September, the combined armies united
their strength before the town of Savannah. That place was the headquarters of General Prevost, who commanded the British troops in the
southern provinces. Apprehending no immediate danger, he had weakened his garrison by establishing some distant outposts in Georgia, and by
leaving Colonel Maitland with a strong detachment at Beaufort, in the
island df Port Royal in South Carolina: but on the appearance of the
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 229
French fleet, he immediately called in his outposts; and before the
French landed, or the Americans crossed the river, all the British detachments in Georgia had assembled at the town of Savannah, and amounted
to nearly two thousand men.
Even before the arrival of Lincoln, D'Estaing had summoned the place
to surrender. But although General Prevost had exerted himself with
great activity in strengthening the defences of the place from the moment
that he heard of the appearance of the French fleet on the coast, yet his
works were incomplete, and he was desirous of gaining time. He requested a suspension of hostilities for twenty-four hours, which was
granted him. In that critical interval, Colonel Maitland, by extraordinary
efforts, arrived with the garrison of Beaufort, and entered the town. Encouraged by this accession of strength, General Prevost now informed
Count d'Estaing that he was resolved to defend the place to the last extremity. The combined armies determined to besiege the town, and made
the necessary preparations for that purpose. Several days were spent in
bringing up heavy artillery and stores from the fleet; and on the 23d of
September, the besieging army broke ground before the town. Against
the 1st of October they had advanced within three hundred yards of the
British works. Several batteries, mounting thirty-three pieces of heavy
cannon and nine mortars, had for several days played incessantly on the
garrison; and a floating battery of sixteen guns had also opened upon it
from the river. But this cannonade made little impression on the works.
The situation of D'Estaing became extremely unpleasant. More time
had already been spent in the siete than he had allotted for the expulsion
of the British troops from that province. The French West India islands
were exposed to danger in his absence; the tempestuous season of the
year was setting in; a superior British fleet might come against him; and
his officers strongly remonstrated against remaining longer in the Savannah. By continuing their regular approaches for a few days more, the
besiegers would probably have made themselves masters of the place; but
these few days D'Estaing could not spare. No alternative remained but
to raise the siege or storm the place. The last of these the French commander resolved to attempt. For that purpose, on the morning of the 9th
of October, a heavy cannonade and bombardment opened on the town.
Three thousand French and fifteen hundred Americans, led by D'Estaing
and Lincoln, advanced in three columns to the assault. But the garrison
was fully prepared to receive them: the works were skilfully constructed,
and diligently strengthened; and time assailants met with a warmer reception than they had anticipated. A well-directed and destructive fire from
the batteries opened upon them; but they resolutely advanced, broke
through the abattis, crossed the ditch, and mounted the parapet. The
FrencV. and Americans, with emulous valour. each planted a standard on
IV
230 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
DEATH OlF PULASKI.
a redoubt; but fell in great numbers in endeavouring to force their wa)
into the works. While the assailants were vigorously opposed in front
the batteries galled their flanks. Count Pulaski, at the head of two hundred horsemen, galloped, between the batteries, towards the town, with the
intention of charging the garrison in the rear: but he fell mortally
wounded; and his squadron was broken. The vrigour of the assailants
began to abate; and, after a desperate conflict of fifty minutes, they were
driven from the works, and sounded a retreat.
In this unsuccessful attack, the French lost seven hundred men in
killed and wounded; among the latter was Count d'Estaing himself; and
the Americans two hundred and forty. As the garrison, consisting of
more than two thousand men, fought for the most part under cover, their
loss was comparatively small, amounting only to fifty-five men.
General Prevost, and Colonel Moncrieff, the engineer who directed the
construction of the works, acquired much reputation by the successful
defence of the town. The British troops behaved with their characteristic bravery. Not more than ten guns were mounted when the place was
summoned, but in a few days upwards of eighty were on the batteries.
Both the French and the Americans displayed much courage and steadiness in the attack; and although unsuccessful, yet, instead of mutual
accusations and reproaches, their respect for each other was increased.
After this repulse no hope of taking the sown remained; and Count
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 23i
d'Estaing having removed his heavy artillery, both armies left their ground
on the evening of the 18th of October. D'Estaing marched only two
miles that evening, and remained in the same encampment next day, in
order to cover General Lincoln's retreat, and secure him from a pursuit
by the garrison. The Americans re-crossed the Savannah at Zubly's
Ferry, and took a position in South Carolina. The militia returned home.
The French, with all their artillery, ammunition, and baggage, embarked
without delay; but scarcely were they on board when a violent storm
arose, which so completely dispersed the fleet, that, of seven ships which
the admiral ordered to Hampton Road, in Chesapeake Bay, one only was
able to reach that place.
From the arrival of the French to assist in the siege of Savannah, the
Americans had anticipated the most brilliant results; and the discomfiture
of the combined forces at that place spread a deep gloom over the southern
provinces, where the cause of independence seemed more desperate than
at any former period of the war. Their paper money became more depreciated; the hopes of the loyalists revived; and many exiles returned to
take possession of their estates; but they were soon obliged again to
abandon their property, and to seek refuge among strangers.
On being informed by Lincoln of his circumstances, Congress desired
General Washington to order the North Carolina troops, and any other
detachments he could spare from the northern army, to the aid of the
southern provinces. At the same time they assured the inhabitants of
South Carolina and Georgia of their watchful attention; and recommended
to those states the filling up of their continental regiments, and a due regard
to their militia while on actual service.
During the siege of Savannah, an ingenious enterprise of partisan warfare was executed by Colonel White of the Georgia line. Before the arrival
of the French fleet in the Savannah, a British captain, with one hundred
and eleven men, had taken post near the river Ogechee, twenty-five miles
from Savannah. At the same place were five British vessels, four of which
were armed, the largest with fourteen guns, the least with four; and the
vessels were manned with forty sailors. Late at night, on the 30th of September, White, who had only six volunteers, including his own servant,
kindled a number of fires in different places, so as to exhibit the appearance of a considerable encampment, practised several other corresponding
artifices, and then summoned the captain instantly to surrender. That
officer, believing that he was about to be attacked by a superior force, and
that nothing but immediate submission could save him and his men from
destruction, made no defence. The stratagem was carried on with so much
address, that the prisoners, amounting to one hundred and forty-one, were
secured, and conducted to the American post at Sunbury, twenty-five miles
distant.
232 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
During the year 1779, the evils of the paper-money systemn became!ltolerable. The depreciation of the continental bills began at different
periods in different states; but in general about the middle of the year
1777, and progressively increased for three or four years. Towards the
last of 1777, the depreciation was about two or three for one; in 1778, it
advanced from two or three for one, to five or six for one; in 1779, from
five or six for one, to twenty-seven or twenty-eight for one; in 1780, from
twenty-seven or twenty-eight for one, to fifty or sixty for one, in the first
four or five months. Its circulation was afterwards partial, but where it
passed it soon depreciated to one hundred and fifty for one. In some few
parts it continued in circulation for the first four or five months of 1781,
but in this latter period many would not take it at any rate, and they who
did, received it at a depreciation of several hundreds for one.
As there was a general clamour on account of the floods of money, which
at successive periods had deluged the states, it was resolved in October,
1779, that no farther sum should be issued on any account whatever, than
what, when added to the present sum in circulation, would in the whole
be equal to two hundred millions of dollars. It was at the same time
resolved, that Congress should emit only such a part of the sum wanting
to make up two hundred millions, as should be absolutely necessary for the
public exigencies, before adequate supplies could be otherwise obtained,
relying for such supplies on the exertions of the several states. This was
forcibly represented in a circular letter from Congress [September 13,
1779] to their constituents, and the states were earnestly entreated to prevent the deluge of evils which would flow from their neglecting to furnish
adequate supplies for the wants of the confederacy. The same circular
letter stated the practicability of redeeming all the bills of Congress at par
with gold and silver, and rejected with indignation the supposition that the
states would ever tarnish their credit by violating public faith. These
strong declarations in favour of the paper currency deceived many to repose confidence in it to their ruin. Subsequent events compelled Congress to adopt the very measure, in 1780, which in the preceding year they
had sincerely reprobated.
From the non-compliance of the states, Congress was obliged in a short
time after the date of their circular letter to issue such a farther quantity
as, when added to previous emissions, made the sum of two hundred millions
of dollars. Besides this immense sum, the paper emissions of the different
states amounted to many millions, which mixed with the continental money,
and added to its depreciation. What was of little value before now became
of less. The whole was soon expended, and yet, from its increasing depre
ciation, the immediate wants of the army were not supplied. The source
which for five years had enabled Congress to keep an army in the field
being exhausted, General Washington was reduced for some time to the
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 233
alternative of disbanding his troops, or of supplying them by a miiitary
force. He preferred the latter, and the inhabitants of New York and New
Jersey, though they felt the injury, saw the necessity, and patiently sub'nitted.
The states were next called upon to furnish, in lieu of money, determinate
quantities of beef, pork, flour, and other articles, for the use of the army.
This was called a requisition for specific supplies, or a tax in kind, and
was found on experiment to be so difficult of execution, so inconvenient,
partial, and expensive, that it was speedily abandoned. About this time,
Congress.resolved upon another expedient. This was to issue a new species of paper money, under the guarantee of the several states. The old
money was to be called in by taxes, and as soon as brought in to be burnt,
and in lieu thereof, one dollar of the new was to be emitted for every
twenty of the old, so that when the whole two hundred millions were
drawn in and cancelled, only ten millions of the new should be issued in
their place, four-tenths of which were to be subject to the order of Congress, and the remaining six-tenths to the order of the several states. These
new bills were to be redeemable in specie within six years, and to bear an
interest at the rate of five per cent., to be paid also in specie, at the redemption of the bills, or at the election of the owner annually, in bills of exchange
on the American commissioners in Europe, at four shillings and sixpence
for each dollar.
From the execution of these resolutions, it was expected that the old
money would be cancelled-that the currency would be reduced to a fixed
standard-that the states would be supplied with the means of purchasing
the specific supplies required of them, and that Congress would be furnished with efficient money, to provide for the exigencies of the war.
That these good effbcts would have followed, even though the resolutions
of Congress had been carried into execution, is very questionable; but
from the partial compliances of the states the experiment was never fairly
made, and the new paper answered very little purpose. It was hoped, by
varying the ground of credit, that Congress would gain a repetition of the
advantages which resulted from their first paper expedient, but these hopes
were of short duration. By this time much of the popular enthusiasm had
spent itself, and confidence in public engagements was nearly expired.
The event proved, that credit is of too delicate a nature to be sported with,
and can only be maintained by honesty and punctuality. The several
expedients proposed by Congress for raising supplies having failed, a crisis
followed very interesting to the success of the Revolution. The particulars
of this shall be related among the public events of the year 1781, in which
it took place. Some observations on that primary instrument of American
independence, the old continental bills of credit, shall for the present close
his subject.
VOL. [1.-30 2
234 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
P/ IM O CONTNIENTAL BILLS
engagement; butER this was the very thing they ought to avoid. Their
of defence could not be expected from t he tuous sallies of militia. A
regular permanent ary became necessary. Though the enthusiasm ofo
berdthe rtimes ormightai have dispensed wth present pay, yet without a
much money as would support them in the field, the most patriotic army
cmusta hopave dispersed.tos
length a afpsshotnexGRESS pu f o r Phis spie
The impossibility of the Americans procuring gold and silver, even for
that purpose, doubtless weighed with the British as an encouragement to
bring the controversy to the decision of the sword. What they knew could
not be done by ordinary means, was accomplished by those which were
extraordinary. Paper of no intrinsic value was made to answer all the
purposes of gold and silver, and to support the expenses of five campaigns.
This was in some degree owing to a previous confidence, which had been
begotten by honesty and fidelity in discharging the engagements of government. From New York to Georgia there never had been, in matters
relating to money, an instance of a breach of public fait enough. In the scarcity
of gold and silver, many emergencies had imposed a necessity of emitting
TIHE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 235
bills of credit. These had been uniformiy and honestly redeemed. The
bills of Congress, being thrown into circulation on this favourable foundation of public confidence, were readily received. The enthusiasm of the
people contributed to the same effect. That the endangered liberties of
America ought to be defended, and that the credit of their paper was
essentially necessary to a proper defence, were opinions engraven on the
hearts of a great majority of the citizens. It was therefore a point of
honour, and considered as a part of duty, to take the bills freely at their
full value. Private gain was then so little regarded, that the whig citizens were willing to run all the hazards incidental to bills of credit, rather
than injure the cause of their country by undervaluing its money. Every
thing human has its limits. While the credit of the money was well supported by public confidence and patriotism, its value diminished from the
increase of its quantity. Repeated emissions begat that natural depreciation which results from an excess of quantity. This was helped on by
various causes, which affected the credit of the money. The enemy very
ingeniously counterfeited their bills and industriously circulated their forgeries through the United States. Congress allowed to their public agents
a commission on the amount of their purchases. Instead of exerting themselves to purchase at a low price, they had therefore an interest in giving
a high price for every thing. So strong was the force of prejudice, that
the British mode of supplying armies by contract could not for a long time
obtain the approbation of Congress. While these causes operated, confidence in the public was abating, and, at the same time, that fervour of
patriotism which disregarded interest was daily declining. To prevent or
retard the depreciation of their paper money, Congress attempted to prop
its credit by means which wrecked private property, and injured the
morals of the people without answering the end proposed. They recommended to the states to pass laws for regulating the prices of labour, manufacture, and all sorts of commodities, and for confiscating and selling the
estates of tories, and for investing the money arising from the sales thereof
in loan-office certificates. As many of those who were disaffected to the
Revolution absolutely refused to take the bills of Congress even in the first
stage of the war, when the real and nominal value was the same, with the
view of counteracting their machinations, Congress early recommended to
the states to pass laws for making the paper money a legal tender, at their
nominal value, in the discharge of bond fide debts, though contracted to be
paid in gold or silver. With the same views, they farther recommended
that laws should be passed by each of the states, ordaining that " whosoever
should ask or receive more, in their bills of credit for gold or silver Jr
any species of money whatsoever, than the nominal sum thereof in Spanish
dollars, or more in the said bills for any commodities whatsoever, than the
same could be purchased from the same person in gold and silver, or ofiel
236 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
to sell any commodities for gold or silver, and refuse to sell the same for
the said bills, shall be deemed an enemy to the liberties of the United
States, and forfeit the property so sold or offered for sale." The laws
which were passed by the states, for regulating the prices of labour and
commodities, were found on experiment to be visionary and impracticable.
They only operated on the patriotic few, who were disposed to sacrifice
every thing in the cause of their country, and who implicitly obeyed every
mandate of their rulers. Others disregarded them, and either refused to
part with their commodities, or demanded and obtained their own prices.
These laws, in the first instance, made an artificial scarcity, and had they
not been repealed, would soon have made a real one, for men never exert
themselves unless they have the fruit of their exertions secured to them,
and at their own disposal.
The confiscation and sale of the property of tories, for the most part,
brought but very little into the public treasury. The sales were generally
made for credit, and by the progressive depreciation, what was dear at the
time of the purchase, was very cheap at the time of payment. The most
extensive mischief resulted, in the progress and towards the close of the
war, from the operation of the laws which made the paper bills a tender
in the discharge of debts contracted payable in gold or silver. When this
measure was first adopted, little or no injustice resulted from it, for at that
time the paper bills were equal, or nearly equal to gold or silver, of the
same nominal sum. In the progress of the war, when depreciation took
place, the case was materially altered. Laws which were originally innocent became eventually the occasion of much injustice.
The aged, who had retired from the scenes of active business, to enjoy
the fruits of their industry, found their substance melting away to a mere
pittance, insufficient for their support. The widow, who lived comfortably
on the bequests of a deceased husband, experienced a frustration of all his
well-meant tenderness. The laws of the country interposed, and compelled
her to receive a shilling where a pound was her due. The blooming virgin,
who had grown up with an unquestionable title to a liberal patrimony, was
legally stripped of every thing but her personal charms and virtues. The
hapless orphan, instead of receiving from the hands of an executor a competency to set out in business, was obliged to give a final discharge on the
payment of sixpence in the pound. In many instances, the earnings of
a long life of care and diligence were, in the space of a few years, reduced
to a trifling sum. A few persons escaped these affecting calamities, by
secretly transferring their bonds, or by flying from the presence or neighbourhood of their debtors. The evils which resulted from the legal tender
of these paper bills were foreign from the intentions of Congress, and of.he state legislatures. It is but justice to add farther, that a great propornon of them flowed from ignorance. Till the year 1780, when the bills fell
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 237
to forty for one, it was designed by most of the rulers of America, and believed by a great majority of the people, that the whole sum in circulation
would be appreciated by a reduction of its quantity, so as finally to be equal
to gold or silver. In every department of government the Americans erred
trom ignorance, but in none so much as in that which related to money.
Such were the evils which resulted from paper money. On the other
hand, it was the occasion of good to many. It was at all times the poor
man's friend. While it was current, all kinds of labour very readily found
their reward. In the first years of the war, none were idle from want of
employment, and none were employed without having it in their power to
obtain ready payment for their services. To that class of people whose
daily labour was their support, the depreciation was no disadvantage.
Expending their money as fast as they received it, they always got its full
value. The reverse was the case with the rich, or those who were disposed to hoarding. No agrarian law ever had a more extensive operation
than continental money. That for which the Gracchi lost their lives in
Rome was peaceably effected in the United States, by the legal tender of
these depreciating bills. The poor became rich, and the rich became poor.
Money lenders, and they whose circumstances enabled them to give credit,
were essentially injured. All that the money lost in its value was so much
taken from their capital, but the active and industrious indemnified themselvee, by conforming the price of their services to the present state of the
depreciation. The experience of this time inculcated on youth two salutary lessons-the impolicy of depending on paternal acquisitions, and the
necessity of their own exertions. They who were in debt, and possessed
property of any kind, could easily make the latter extinguish the former.
Every thing that was useful when brought to market readily found a purchaser. A hog or two would pay for a slave; a few cattle for a comfortable house; and a good horse for an improved plantation. A small part of
the productions of a farm would discharge the long outstanding accounts
due front its owner. The dreams of the golden age were realized to the
poor man and the debtor, but unfortunately, what these gained was just so
much taken ~irom others.
The evils of depreciation did not terminate with tne war. They extend
to the present hour. That the helpless part of the community were legislatively deprived of their property, was among the lesser evils which resulted from the legal tender of the depreciated bills of credit. The iniquity
of the laws estranged the minds of many of the citizens from the habits
and love of justice.
The nature of obligations was so far changed, that he was reckoned the
honest man who from principle delayed to pay his debts. The mounds
which government had erected, to secure the observance of honesty in the
commercial intercourse of mnan with man, were broken down Truth,
238 THE CAMPAIGN 01' 1779.
honour, and justice were swept away by the overflowing deluge of legal
iniquity, nor have they yet assumed their ancient and accustomed seats.
Time and industry have already, in a great degree, repaired the losses of
property which the citizens sustained during the war. but both have
hitherto failed in effacing the taint which was then communicated to their
principles, nor can its total ablution be expected till a new generation arises,
unpractised in the iniquities of their fathers.,' I!
a~~~~~~~fS~ ~~~~~~ /tliJ
PAUL JONES.
CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS..... " HE engagement between the. M_.... HE Serapis a nd the Bon Homme
___________ __ Richard was the most despe-, —-_:_~ ______ rate in naval chronicles. As
3__ - g a close and deadly fight, hand
to hand, and accompanied by
- all the dreadful circumstances
that can attend a sea-engage- i; E ment, it has no parallel. Its
i incidents have been selected
- as the foundation of fictitious
narratives of maritime comrnbats, from exceeding in intense
interest the boldest imaginings of the poet and the novelist.
This battle was fought on the 23d September, under a full harvest
239
240 CAPTURE OF THE SER APIS.
moon, —thousands of spectators, we are told, watched the engagement from
the English shore, with anxiety corresponding to the deep interest of the
game. No account of this memorable engagement can equal the simple
and animated narrative of the main actor, which we purpose to adopt. It
is to be noticed, that while Jones engaged the Serapis, the Pallas fought
the Countess of Scarborough. The commencement of the engagements
was simultaneous, but the Countess of Scarborough had struck while the
Serapis still held desperately out.
" On the 21st," says Jones, "we saw and chased two sail off Flamborough Head; the Pallas chased in the north-east quarter, while the Bon
Homme Richard, followed by the Vengeance, chased in the south-west;
the one I chased, a brigantine collier in ballast, belonging to Scarborough,
was soon taken, and sunk immediately afterwards, as a fleet then appeared
to the southward. This was so late in the day, that I could not come up
with the fleet before night; at length, however, I got so near one of them
as to force her to run ashore between Flamborough Head and the Spurn.
Soon after I took another, a brigantine from Holland, belonging to Sunderland, and at daylight the next morning, seeing a fleet steering towards me
from the Spurn, I imagined them to be a convoy bound from London for
Leith, which had been for some time expected. One of themn had a pendant hoisted, and appeared to be a ship of force. They had not, however,
courage to come on, but kept back, all except the one which seemed to be
armed, and that one also kept to windward, very near the land, and on the
edge of dangerous shoals, where I could not with safety approach. This
induced me to make a signal for a pilot, and soon afterwards two pilots'
boats came off. They informed me that a ship that wore a pendant was
an armed merchantman, and that a king's frigate lay there in sight, at
anchor, within the Humber, awaiting to take under convoy a number of
merchant ships bound to the northward. The pilots imagined the Bon
Homme Richard to be an English ship-of-war, and consequently communicated to me the private signal which they had been required to make. I
endeavoured by this means to decoy the ships out of the port; but the
wind then changing, and, with the tide, becoming unfavourable for them,
the deception had not the desired effect, and they wisely put back. The
entrance of the Humber is exceedingly difficult and dangerous, and as the
Pallas was not in sight, I thought it imprudent to remain off the entrance,
therefore steered out again to join the Pallas off Flamborough Head. In
the night we saw and chased two ships until three o'clock in the mornir.g
when, being at a very small distance from them, I made the private signal
of reconnoissance, which I had given to each captain before I sailed from
Groix: one-half of the answer only was returned. In this position both
sides lay to till daylight, when the ships proved to be the Alliance and the
Pallas.
CAPTURE OF'THE SERAPIS. 241
THE RICHARD AND SERA PIS. BEGINNING OF THe., ACTION.
"On the morning of that day, the 23d, the brig from Holland not being
n sight, we chased a brigantine that appeared laying to, to windward.
About noon we saw and chased a large ship that appeared coming round
Flamborough Head from the northward, and at the same time I manned
and armed one of the pilot-boats to send in pursuit of the brigantine,
which now appeared to be the vessel that I had forced ashore. Soon after
this a fleet of forty-one sail appeared off Flarnborough Head, bearing
N. N. E. This induced me to abandon the single ship which had then
anchored in Burlington Bay; I also called back the pilot-boat, and hoisted
a signal for a general chase. When the fleet discovered us bearing down,
atll the merchant ships crowded sail towards the shore. The two ships of
war that protected the fleet at the same time steered from the land, and
made the disposition for battle. In approaching the enemy, I crowded
every possible sail, and made the signal for the line of battle, to which the
Alliance showed no attention. Earnest as I was for the action, I could not
reach the commodore's ship until seven in the evening, being then within
pistol-shot, when he hailed the Bon Homme Richard. We answered him
by firing a whole broadside.
"The battle, being thus begun, was continued with unremitting turv
Every method was practised on both sides to gain an advantage, and rake
each other; and I must confess that the enemy's ship, being much more
manageable than the Bon Homme Richard, gained thereby several times
an advantageous situation, in spite of my best endeavours to prevent it
VOL. 1I.-31 X
242 CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS.
As I had to deal with an enemy of greatly superior force, I was under the
necessity of closing with him to prevent the advantage which he had over
me in point of manceuvre. It was my intention to lay the Bon Homme
Richard athwart the enemy's bow; but as that operation required great
dexterity in the management of both sails and helm, and some of our
braces being shot away, it did not exactly succeed to my wish. The
enemy's bowsprit, however, came over the Bon Homme Richard's poop by
the mizen-mast, and I made both ships fast together in that situation,
which, by the action of the wind on the enemy's sails, forced her stern
close to the Bon Homme Richard's bow, so that the ships lay square alongside of ea'ch other, the yards being all entangled, and the cannon of each
ship touching the opponent's. When this position took place, it was eight
o'clock, previous to which the Bon Homme Richard had received sundry
eighteen-pound shots below the water, and leaked very much. My battery of twelve-pounders, on which I had placed my chief dependence,
being commanded by Lieutenant Dale and Colonel Weibert, and manned
principally with American seamen and French volunteers, was entirely
silenced and abandoned. As to the six old eighteen-pounders that formed
the battery of the lower gun-deck, they did no service whatever, except
firing eight shot in all. Two out of three of them burst at the first fire,
and killed almost all the men who were stationed to manage them. Before
this time, too, Colonel de Chamillard, who commanded a party of twenty
soldiers on the poop, had abandoned that station, after having lost some of
his men. I had now only two pieces of cannon (nine-pounders) on the
quarter-deck that were not silenced, and not one of the heavier cannon was
fired during the rest of the action. The purser, M. Mease, who commanded the guns on the quarter-deck, being dangerously wounded in the
head, I was obliged to fill his place, and with great difficulty rallied a few
men, and shifted over one of the lee quarter-deck guns, so that we afterwards played three pieces of nine-pounders upon the enemy. The tops
alone seconded the fire of this little battery, and held out bravely during
the whole of the action, especially the main-top, where Lieutenant Stack
commanded. I directed the fire of one of the three cannon against the
main-mast, with double-headed shot, while the other two were exceedingly
well served with grape and canister shot, to silence the enemy's musketry
and clear her decks, which was at last effected. The enemy were, as I
have since understood, on the instant of calling for quarters, when the
cowardice or treachery of three of my under-officers induced them to call
to the enemy. The English commodore asked me if I demanded quarters,
and I having answered him in the most determined negative, they renewed
the battle with double fury. They were unable to stand the deck: but
the fire of their cannon, especially the lower battery, which was entirely
formed of ten-pounders, was incessant; both ships were set on fire'n
CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS. 243
TEE_ RICHARD AD SERAPIS. CLOSE ACTION
THE RICHARD ALND SERAPIS. CLOSE ACTION.
Various places, and the scene was dreadful beyond the reach of language.
To account for the timidity of my three under-officers, I mean the gunner,
the carpenter, and the master-at-arms, I must observe, that the first two
were slightly wounded, and, as the ship had received various shot under
water, and one of the pumps being shot away, the carpenter expressed his
fears that she would sink, and the other two concluded that she was sinking, which occasioned the gunner to run aft on the poop, without my
knowledge, to strike the colours. Fortunately for me, a cannon-ball had
(lone that before, by carrying away the ensign-staff; he was therefore
reduced to the necessity of sinking, as he supposed, or of calling for quarter, and he preferred the latter.
"All this time the Bon Homme Richard had sustained the action alone,
and the enemy, though much superior in force, would have been very glad
to have got clear, as appears by their own acknowledgments, and by their
having let go an anchor the instant that I laid them on board, by which
mreans they would have escaped had I not made them well fast to the Bon
Homme Richard.
"At last, at half-past nine o'clock, the Alliance appeared, and I now
thought the battle at an end; but, to my utter astonishment, he discharged
a broadside full into the stern of the Bon Homme Richard. We called to
him for God's sake to forbear firing into the Bon Homme Richard; yetthey passed along the off-side of the ship, and continued firing. There
was no possibility of his mistaking the enemy's ships for the Bon Homrme
Richard, there being the most essential difference in their appearance and
construction. Besides, it was then full moonlight, and the sides of the Bon
Homme Richard were all black, while the sides of the prize were all yellow. Yet, for the greater security, I showed the signal of our reconnoissance, by putting out three lanterns, one at the head, an t-her at the stern,
244 CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS.
and the third in the middle, in a horizontal line. Every tongue cried that
he was firing into the wrong ship, but nothing availed; he passed round,
firing into the Bon Homme Richard's head, stern, and broadside, and by
one of his volleys killed several of my best men, and mortally wounded t.
good officer on the forecastle only. My situation was really deplorable,
the Bon Homme Richard received various shot under water from the
Alliance; the leak gained on the pumps, and the fire increased much on
board both ships. Some officers persuaded me to strike, of whose courage
and good sense I entertained a high opinion. My treacherous master-atarms let loose all my prisoners without my knowledge, and my prospects
became gloomy indeed. I Would not, however, give up the point. The
enemy's mainmast began to shake, their firing decreased fast, ours rather
increased, and the British colours were struck at half an hour past ten
o'clock.
"This prize proved to be the British ship of war the Serapis, a new
ship of forty-four guns, built on the most approved construction, with two
complete batteries, one of them of eighteen-pounders, and commanded by
the brave Commodore Richard Pearson. I had yet two enemies to encounter, far more formidable than the Britons, —I mean fire and water.
The Serapis was attacked only by the first, but the Bon Honmme Richard
was assailed by both; there was five feet water in the hold, and though it
was moderate from the explosion of so much gunpowder, yet the three
pumps that remained could with difficulty only keep the water from gaining. The fire broke out in various parts of the ship, in spite of all the
water that could be thrown in to quench it, and at length broke out as low
as the powder magazine, and within a few inches of the powder. In that
dilemma I took out the powder upon deck, ready to be thrown overboard
at the last extremity, and it was ten o'clock the next day, (the 24th,)
before the fire was entirely extinguished. With respect to the situation
of the Bon Homme Richard, the rudder was cut entirely off, the sternframe and transoms were almost entirely cut away, and the timbers by the
lower deck, especially from the main-mast towards the stern, being greatly
decayed with age, were mangled beyond my power of description, and a
person must have been an eye-witness to form a just idea of the tremendous
scene of carnage, wreck, and ruin, which everywhere appeared. Humanity
cannot but recoil from the prospect of such finished horror, and lament that
war should be capable of producing such fatal consequences.
"After the carpenters, as well as Captain Cottineau and other men of
sense, had well examined and surveyed the ship, (which was not finished
before five in the evening,) I found every person to be convinced that it
was impossible to keep the Bon Homme Richard afloat, so as to reach a
port, if the wind should increase, it being then only a very moderate
breeze I had but little time to remove my wounded, which now became
CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS. 245
unavoidable, and which was effected in the course of the night and next
morning. I was determined to keep the Bon Homme R:.chard afloat, and,
if possible, to bring her into port. For that purpose, the first lieutenant of
the Pallas continued on board with a party of men, to attend the pumps,
with boats in waiting, ready to take them on board in case the water should
gain on them too fast. The wind augmented in the night and the next
day, the 25th, so that it was impossible to prevent the good old ship from
sinking. They did not abandon her till after nine o'clock; the water was
then up to the lower deck, and a little after ten I saw, with inexpressible
grief, the last glimpse of the Bon Honmre Richard. No lives were lost
with the ship, but it was impossible to save the stores of any sort whatever. I lost even the best part of my clothes, books, and papers; and
several of my officers lost all their clothes and effects.
"Having thus endeavoured to give a clear and simple relation of the
circumstances and events that have attended the little armament under my
command, I shall freely submit my conduct therein to the censure of my
superiors and the impartial public. I beg leave, however, to observe, that
the force that was put under my command was far from being well composed, and as the great majority of the actors in it have appeared bent on
the pursuit of interest only, I am exceedingly sorry that they and I have
been at all concerned."
Such is the despatch which Commodore Jones transmitted from the Texei
to Dr. Franklin, and afterwards to Congress. It is painful to observe how
often he is forced to complain of the sordidness or cowardice of his associates. To a generous and elevated mind nothing could have been more
humiliating than this necessity. The pursuit of "interest alone" with
which he so frequently charges his associates, is, however, a positive virtue
compared with the gratuitous villany imputed to Landais, the commander
of the Alliance. The alleged conduct of this person, particularly during
the engagement between the Bon Homme Richaid and the Serapis, was so
daring in atrocity and treachery as to exceed all reasonable belief, were it
not solemnly asserted, as beyond all doubt it was firmly believed, by Jones.
The general conduct of Landais was that of a malignant madman, as much
incited by the prevailing influence of frenzy as actuated by deliberate
villany. His behaviour during the whole cruise was made the subject of
a set of charges drawn up by Jones in coming into the Texel, which were
attested, in whole or in part, by most of the officers of the Bon Homme
Richard and the Alliance. The fact of Landais firing into the Bon Hornmme
Richard is also confirmed by the log-book, which was preserved when the
ship sunk, and by a very interesting and seaman-like narrative of the engagewient, drawn up by Mr. Dale, then first lieutenant of the ship. The
brilliant success of Jones at this time, though far short of his own hopes
and projects, gave him a right to speak out on affairs which hlf a deeper
r2
246 CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS.
have experienced from the court of France, which I shall remember with
perfect gratitude until the end of my life, and will always endeavour to
merit, while I can consistent with my honour continue in the public service. I must speak plainly; as I have been always honoured with the
full confidence of Congress, and as I also flattered myself with enjoying
in some measure the confidence of the court of France, I could not but be
astonished at the conduct of Monsieur de Chaumnont, when, in the moment
of my departure from Groix, he produced a paper, a concordat, for me to
sign, in common with the officers whom I had commissioned but a few
days before. Had that paper, or even a less dishonourable one, been proposed to me at the beginning, I would have rejected it with just contempt,
and the word deplacement, among others, should have been necessary. I
cannot, however, even now, suppose that he was authorized by the court
to make such a bargain with me. Nor can I suppose that the minister of,he Marine meant that M. de Chaumont should consider me merely as a
colleague with the commanders of the other ships, and communicate to
CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS. 247
them not only all he knew, but all he thought, respecting our destination
and operations. M. de Chaumont has made me various reproaches on
account of the expense of the Bon Homrne Richard, wherewith I cannot
think I have been justly chargeable. M. de Chamillard can attest that the
Bon Hornme Richard was at last far from being well fitted or armed for
war. If any person or persons who have been charged with the expense
of that armament have acted wrong, the fault must not be laid to my
charge. I had no authority to superintend that armament, and the persons who had authority were so far from giving me what I thought neces
sary, that M. de Chaumont even refilsed, among other things, to allow me
irons to secure the prisoners of war.
"In short, while my life remains, if I have any capacity to render good
and acceptable services to the common cause, no man will step forth with
greater cheerfulness and alacrity than myself; but I am not made to be
dishonoured, nor can I accept of the haf-confidence of any man living.
Of course, I cannot, consistent with my honour and a prospect of success,
undertake future expeditions, unless when the object and destination is
communicated to me alone, and to no other person in the marine line. In
cases where troops are embarked, a like confidence is due alone to their
commander-in-chief. On no other condition will I ever undertake the
chief command of a private expedition; and when I do not command in
chief, I have no desire to be in the secret."
In the memorial drawn up for the private perusal of the king of France,
Jones says that it was his intention at this time to cruise off the south-west
of Ireland for twelve or fifteen days, in order to intercept the English
homeward-bound East India ships, which he had been informed would
return without'convoy, and sail for this point of land. This purpose,
which he confined to his own breast, and which would have been rendered
abortive by the misconduct of Landais, was quite compatible with the other
objects of the cruise, whether these were the West India, or Hudson's
Bay ships, or the Baltic fleet.
The earliness and accuracy of the information which Jones procured
while he lay in the various harbours of France is not a little remarkable.
Instead of receiving intelligence from the American ministers, he was
enabled, through his own private channels in England and other quarters,
to transmit to them information of the sailing of fleets and of the strength
of convoys. His former connections and mode of life may have given
him some facilities; and money, the universal agent, never appears to
have been with him an object of any consideration beyond its value as a
means of obtaining professional advancement.. He was able to supply the
French admiral, Count d'Orvilliers, with important information from London of the sailing of a large West India fleet, and even to acquaint him
with private transactions on board the squadrons of Keppel and Byron.
248 CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS.
Meanwhile, the squadron of Jones, -. bAich the narrative has left behind,
continued to be tossed about till the 3d of October, when it came to anchor
in the Texel, contrary to the judgment of the commodore, who wished to
gain the French harbour of Dunkirk, but was, he says, overruled by his
officers. The rendezvous he found was the cause of much personal vex.
ation to himself, though it proved of ultimate advantage to America, by
hurrying on the period when the Dutch were forced from their politic neutrality. The political importance of this measure might have been fore;
seen by Franklin, when, in the previous summer, he directed Jones, on
finishing his northern cruise, to take shelter in the Texel. By doing so,
the American minister greatly increased the perplexity of their high
mightinesses, on whom the cabinet of London already-and with good
reason-looked with suspicious eyes. By this step the Dutch were in
effect precipitated into the war rather sooner than suited their crafty and
selfish policy, which, in shuffling with all parties, sought to profit by all.
By compelling England to declare war, and the Dutch to declare openly
for the United States, an end was virtually put to a contest, in which Britain was left to contend single-handed with her refractory colonies, then
backed by France, Spain, and Holland.
Though the squadron of Jones had failed in its main purpose, and had
neither captured fleets nor put wealthy cities to ransom, the blow struck
at the maritime pride of England could not fail to be highly gratifying to
the Americans. Dr. Franklin immediately wrote, warmly congratulating
the victor. "For some days," says Franklin, "after the arrival of your
express, scarce any thing was talked of at Paris and Versailles, but your
cool conduct and persevering bravery during that terrible conflict. You
may believe that the impression on my mind was not less strong than that
on others,-but I do not choose to say, in a letter to yourself, all ] think on
such an occasion.
" The ministry are much dissatisfied with Captain Landais, and Monsieur
de Sartine has signified to me, in writing, that it is expected that I should
send for him to Paris, and call him to account for his conduct, particularly
for deferring so long his coming to your assistance; by which means, it is
supposed, the states lost some of their valuable citizens, and the king lost
many of his subjects, volunteers in your ship, together with the ship
itself.
"I have, accordingly, written to him this day, acquainting him that he
is charged with disobedience of orders in the cruise, and neglect of his
duty in the engagement; that a court-martial being at this time inconvenient, if not impracticable, J would give himn an early opportunity of offering what he has to say in his justification, and for that purpose direct him.o render himself immediately here, bringing with him such papers or teslimonies as he may think useful in his defence. I know not whether he
CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS. 249
will obey my orders, nor what the ministry would do with him if he
conies; but I suspect that they may, by some of their concise operations,
save the trouble of a court-martial. It will, however, be well for you to
furnish me with what you may judge proper to support the charges
against him, that I may be able to give a just and clear account to Congress. In the mean time it will be necessary, if he should refuse to come,
that you should put him under an arrest, and in that case, as well as if he
comes, that you should either appoint some person to the command, or
take it upon yourself; for I know of no person to recommend to you as fit
for that station.
"I am uneasy about your prisoners, (five hundred and four in number,)I wish they were safe in France. You will then have completed the glorious
work of giving liberty to all the Americans that have so long languishea
for it in the British prisons."
Jones also received the thanks of the Duc de la Vauguyon, the French
ambassador at the Hague, and the congratulations of numerous friends and
admirers
v33 BoN H=oMuL rIoHARD EsiIIN.:.
3 101BON HOM4IYC RIOHAlD 8INXltfO.
_ —- - - — VW ~=-~
iI~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~/
8AVAlNNAE BEFORE THlE RE VOLUTION.
CAMPAIGN OF 1780 IN THE SOUTHERN STATES.
~........,i;i HE successful defence of Savannah, to-,,,i~il' ii,/,,',~'igether with the subsequent departure of
I lKl ii;i Count d'Estaing from the coast of the'I l United States, soon dissipated all apprei;iii~!l ~ l
111!!; hensions previously entertained for the
rr!! i i I safety of New York. These circum11 11 11~ ~ lii|, ~stances pointed out to Sir Henry Clinton
- - the propriety of renewing offensive ope_g_ rations. Having effected nothing of imr
___ —...._= portance for the two preceding campaigns,
he turned his attention southwardly, and
regaled himself with flattering prospects of easy conquest, among the
weaker states. The suitableness of the climate for winter operations, the
richness of the country, and its distance from support, designated South
Carolina as a proper object of enterprise. No sooner, therefore, was the
departure of the French fleet known and confirmed, than Sir Henry Clinton
committed the command of the royal army in New York to Lieutenant250
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 251
general Kniphausen, and embarked for the southward, with four flank
battalions, twelve regiments, and a corps British, Hessian and provincial, a
powerful detachment of artillery, two hundred and fifty cavalry, together
with an ample supply of military stores and provisions. Vice-admiral
Arbuthnot, with a suitable naval force, undertook to convey the troops to
the place of their destination. The whole sailed frem New York. [Dec.
26, 1779.] After a tedious and dangerous passage, in which part of their
ordnance, most of their artillery, and all their cavalry horses were lost, the
fleet arrived at Tybee in Georgia, January 31. In a few days, the transports, with the army on board, sailed from Savannah for North Edisto, and
after a short passage the troops made good their landing about thirty miles
from Charleston, and on the 11th of February took possession of John's
Island and Stono Ferry, and soon after of James Island and Wappoo-cut.
A bridge was thrown over the canal, and part of the royal army took post
on the banks of Ashley river opposite to Charleston.
The assembly of the state was sitting when the British landed, but broke
up after " delegating to Governor Rutledge, and such of his council as he
could conveniently consult, a power to do every thing necessary for the
public good, except the taking away the life of a citizen without a legal
trial." The governor immediately ordered the militia to rendezvous.
Though the necessity was great, few obeyed the pressing call. A proclamation was issued by the governor, under his extraordinary powers,
requiring such of the militia as were regularly drafted, and all the inhabitants and owners of property in the town, to repair to the American
standard and join the garrison immediately, under pain of confiscation.
This severe though necessary measure produced very little effect. The
country was much dispirited by the late repulse at Savannah.
The tedious passage from New York to Tybee gave the Americans
time to fortify Charleston. This, together with the losses which thit; royal
army had sustained in the late tempestuous weather, induced Sir Henry
Clinton to despatch an order to New York for reinforcements of men and
stores. He also directed Major-general Prevost to send on to him twelve
hundred men from the garrison of Savannah. Brigadier-general Patterson,
at the head of this detachment, made his way good over the river Savannah, and through the intermediate country, and soon after joined Sir Henry
Clinton near the banks of Ashley river. The royal forces without delay
proceeded to the siege. At Wappoo on James Island, they formed a depot,
and erected fortifications both on that island and on the main, opposite to
the southern and western extremities of Charleston. [March 29.] An,idvanced party crossed Ashley river, and soon after broke ground at the
distance of eleven hundred yards from the American works. At successive
periods, they erected five batteries on Charleston neck. The garrison was
equally assiduous in preparing for its defence. The wcrks which had
252 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
been previously thrown up were strengthened and extended. Lines and
redoubts were continued across from Cooper to Ashley river. In front of
the whole was a strong abattis, and a wet ditch made by passing a
canal from the heads of swamps, which run in opposite directions. Between the abattis and the lines, deep holes were dug at short intervals.
The lines were made particularly strong on the right and left, and so constructed as to rake the wet ditch in almost its whole extent. To secure the
centre, a hornwork had been erected, which, being closed during the siege,
formed a kind of citadel. Works were also thrown up on all sides of the
town, where a landing was practicable. Though the lines were no more
than field works, yet Sir Henry Clinton treated them withthe respectful
homage of three parallels. From the 3d to the 10th of April, the first
parallel was completed, and immediately after the town was summoned to
surrender. On the 12th, the batteries were opened, and from that day an
almost incessant fire was kept up. About the time the batteries were
opened a work was thrown up near Wando river, nine miles from town,
and another at Lempriere's Point, to preserve the communication with the
country by water. A post was also ordered at a ferry over the Santee, to
favour the coming in of reinforcements, or the retreat of the garrison when
necessary. The British marine force, consisting of one ship of fifty guns,
two of forty-four guns, four of thirty-two, and the Sandwich armed ship,
crossed the bar in front of Rebellion road and anchored in Five Fathom
Hole. The American force opposed to this was the Bricole, which, though
pierced for forty-four guns, did not mount half of that number, two of thirtytwo guns, one of twenty-eight, two of twenty-six, two of twenty, and the
brig Notre Dame of sixteen guns. The first object o.f its commander,
Commodore Whipple, was to prevent Admiral Arbuthnot from crossing the
bar, but on farther examination this was found to be impracticable. He
therefore fell back to Fort Moultrie, and afterwards to Charleston. The
crew and guns of all his vessels, except one, were put on shore to reinforce
the batteries.
Admiral Arbuthnot weighed anchor at Five Fathom Hole, and with the
advantage of a strong southerly wind and flowing tide, passed Fort Moultrie without stopping to engage it, and anchored near the remains of Fort
Johnson. Colonel Pinckney, who commanded on Sullivan's Island, kept
up a brisk and well-directed fire on the ships in their passage, which did
as great execution as could be expected. To prevent the royal armed vessels from running into Cooper river, eleven vessels were sunk in the
channel opposite to the Exchange. The batteries of the besiegers soon
obtained a superiority over those of the town. The former had twenty-one
mortars and royals, the latter only two. The regular force in the garrison
was much inferior to that of the besiegers, and but few of the militia could
be persuaded to leave their plantations, and reinforce their brethren inl the
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 25'i
capital. A camp was formed at Monk's Corner, to keep up the communication between the town and country, and the militia without the lines
were requested to rendezvous there: but this was surprised and routed
by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton. The British, having now less to fear,
extended themselves to the eastward of Cooper river. Two hundred and
fifty horse and six hundred infantry were detached on this service, but
nevertheless, in the opinion of a council of war, the weak state of the garrison made it improper to detach a number sufficient to attack even that
small force. About the 20th of April, Sir Henry Clinton received a reinforcement of three thousand men from New York. A second council of
war, held on the 21st, agreed that "a retreat would be attended with many
distressing inconveniences, if not altogether impracticable," and advised,
" that offers of capitulation, before their affairs became more critical, should
be made to General Clinton, which might admit of the army's withdrawing, and afford security to the persons and property of the inhabitants."
These terms being proposed, were instantly rejected, but the garrison
adhered to them, in hopes that succours would arrive from the neighbouring states. The bare offer of capitulating dispirited the garrison, but they
continued to resist in expectation of favourable events. The British
speedily completed the investiture of the town both by land and water.
After Admiral Arbuthnot had passed Sullivan's Island, Colonel Pinckney,
with one hundred and fifty of the men under his command, was withdrawn from that post to Charleston. [May 6.] Soon after, the fort on the
island was surrendered, without opposition, to Captain Hudson, of the
royal navy. On the same day, the remains of the American cavalry
which escaped from the surprise at Monk's Corner on the 14th of April,
were again surprised by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton at Laneau's ferry, on
Santee, and the whole either killed, captured, or dispersed. While every
thing prospered with the British, Sir Henry Clinton began a correspondence with General Lincoln, and renewed his former offers to the garrison
in case of their surrender. Lincoln was disposed to close with them as
far as they respected his army, but some demur was made with a view of
gaining better terms for the citizens, which it was hoped might be obtained
on a conference. This was asked: but Clinton, instead of granting it,
answered "that hostilities should recommence at eight o'clock." Nevertheless, neither party fired till nine. The garrison then recommenced
hostilities. The besiegers immediately followed, and each cannonaded the
other with unusual briskness. The British batteries of the third parallel
opened on this occasion. Shells and carcasses were thrown into almost all
parts of the town, and several houses were burned. The cannon and
mortars played on the garrison at a less distance than a hundred yards.
The Hessian chasseurs were so near the American lines, that with their
rifles they could easily strike any object that was visible on them. The
Y
254 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
British, having crossed the wet ditch by sap, advanced wvithin twenty-five
yards of the American works, and were ready for making a general assault
by land and water. All expectation of succour was at an end. The only
hope left was that nine thousand men, the flower of the British army,
seconded by a naval force, might fail in storming extensive lines defended
by less than three thousand men. Under these circumstances, the siege
was protracted till the 11th. On that day a great number of the citizens
addressed General Lincoln, in a petition, expressing their acquiescence in
the terms which Sir Henry Clinton had offered, and requesting his acceptance of them. On the reception -of this petition, General Lincoln wrote to
Sir Henry, and offered to accept the terms before proposed. The royal
commanders, wishing to avoid the extremity of a storm, and unwilling to
press to unconditional submission an enemy whose friendship they wished
to conciliate, returned a favourable answer. A capitulation was signed,
and Major-general Leslie took possession of the town on the next day, May
12. The loss on both sides during the siege was nearly equal. Of the
king's troops, seventy-six were killed and one hundred and eighty-nine
wounded. Of the Americans, eighty-nine were killed and one hundred
and forty wounded. Upwards of four hundred pieces of artillery were
surrendered. By the articles of capitulation, the garrison was to march
out of town, and to deposit their arms in front of the works, but the drums
were not to beat a British march, nor the colours to be uncased. The
continental troops and seamen were to keep their baggage, and remain
prisoners of war till exchanged. The militia were to be permitted to
return to their respective homes as prisoners on parole, and while they
adhered to their parole, were not to be molested by the British troops in
person or property. The inhabitants of all conditions to be considered as
prisoners on parole, and to hold their property on the same terms with the
militia. The officers of the army and navy to retain their servants, swords,
pistols, and baggage unsearched. They were permitted to sell their horses,
but not to remove them; a vessel was allowed to proceed to Philadelphia
with General Lincoln's despatches unopened.
The number which surrendered prisoners of war, inclusive of the militia
and every adult male inhabitant, was above five thousand, but the proper
garrison at the time of the surrender did not exceed two thousand five hundred.
The precise number of privates in the corntinental army was one thousand
nine hundred and seventy-seven, of which number five hundred were in the
hospitals. The captive officers were much more in proportion than the privates, and consisted of one major-general, six brigadiers, nine colonels, fourteen lieutenant-colonels, fifteen majors, eighty-four captains, eighty-four lieutenants, thirty-two second lieutenants and ensigns. The gentlemen of the
country, who were mostly militia officers, from a sense of honour repaired to
the defence of Charleston, though they could not bring with them privates
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 255
equal to their respective commands. The regular regiments were fully
officered, though greatly deficient in privates.
This was the first instance, in which the Americans had attempted to
defend a town. The unsuccessful event, with its consequences, demonstrated the policy of sacrificing the towns of the Union, in preference to
endangering the whole, by risking too much for their defence.
Much censure was undeservedly cast on General Lincoln, for attempting
the defence of Charleston. Though the contrary plan was in general the
best, he had particular reasons to justify his deviation from the example
of the commander-in-chief of the American army. Charleston was the
only considerable town in the southern extreme of the confederacy, and for
its preservation, South Carolina.and the adjacent states seemed willing to
make great exertions. The reinforcements, promised for its defence, were
fully sufficient for that purpose. The Congress, and the states of North
and South Carolina, gave General Lincoln ground to expect an army of
nine thousand nine hundred men to second his operations, but from a
variety of causes this army, including the militia, was little more than a
third of that number. As long as an evacuation was practicable, he had
such assurances of support, that he could not attempt it with propriety.
Before he could be ascertained of the futility of these assurances, the British had taken such a position, that in the opinion of good judges a retreat
could not be successfully made.
HORTLY after the surrender, the British commander
adopted sundry measures to induce the inhabitants to
return to their allegiance. It was stated to them in a
handbill, which, though without a name, seemed to flow
from authority: "That the helping hand of every man
was wanting to re-establish peace and good government
-that the commander-in-chief wished not to draw them
into danger, while any doubt could remain of his success, but as that
was now certain, he trusted that one and all would heartily join, and give
effect to necessary measures for that purpose." Those who had families
were informed "that they would be permitted to remain at home, and form
a militia for the maintenance of peace and good order, but from those who
had no families it was expected that they would cheerfully assist in driving
their oppressors, and all the miseries of war, from their borders." To
such it was promised, " that when on service, they would be allowed pay,
ammunition, and provisions in the same manner as the king's troops."
[May 22.] About the same time, Sir Henry Clinton, in a proclamation,
declared, "That if any person should thenceforward appear in arms in
order to prevent the establishment of his majesty's governmert in that
country, or should, under any pretence or authority whatever, attempt to
compe. any other person or persons so to do, or who should hinder the
256 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
71
TARLETON' S QUARTERS.
king's faithful subjects from joining his forces, or from performing those
duties their allegiance required, such persons should be treated with the
utmost severity, and their estates be immediately seized for confiscation."
[June 1.] In a few days after, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot,
in the character of commissioners for restoring peace, offered to the inhabitants, with some exceptions, "Pardon for their past treasonable offences,
and a reinstatement in the possession of all those rights and immunities
which they heretofore had enjoyed under a free British government, exempt from taxation, except by their own legislatures."
The capital having surrendered, the next object with the British was to
secure the general submission of the whole body of the people.
To this end, they posted garrisons in different parts of the country to
awe the inhabitants. They also marched with upwards of two thousand
men towards North Carolina. This caused an immediate retreat of some
parties of Americans, who had advanced into the northern extremity of
South Carolina, with the expectation of relieving Charleston. One of these,
consisting of about three hundred continentals, commanded by Colonel
Buford, was overtaken at the Waxhaws by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton,
and completely defeated. Five out of six of the whole were either killed
or so badly wounded, as to be incapable of being moved from the field of
battle; and this took place though they made such ineffectual opposition
as only to kill twelve and wound five of the British. This great dispro-;X n_- -~U.E —, iC4' Zst~r_~+laEdC t.uhctw-*%t _R.
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 257
LORD RAWDON.
portion of the killed on the two sides, arose front the circumstance that
Tarleton's party refused quarter to the Americans, after they had ceased
to resist and laid down their arms. Tarleton's quarter was thenceforward
a watchword.
Sir Henry Clinton, having left about four thousand men for the southern
service, embarked early in June with the main array for New York. On
his departure the command devolved on Lieutenant-general Cornwallis.
The season of the year, the. condition of the army, and the unsettled state
of South Carolina, impeded the immediate invasion of North Carolina
Earl Cornwallis despatched instructions to the principal loyalists in tha,
state, to attend to the harvest, pirepare provisions, and remain quiet till the
latter end of August or beginning of September. His lordship committed
the care of the frontier to Lcrd Rawdon, and repairing to Charletoi^
Voi. IT'-3). 4
~258 TIlE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
devoted his principal attention to the commercial and civil regulations of
South Carolina. In the mean time, the impossibility of fleeing with their
families and effects, and the want of an army to which the militia of the
states might repair, induced the people in the country to abandon all
schemes of farther resistance. At Beaufort, Camden, and Ninety-Six, they
generally laid down their arms, and submitted either as prisoners or as
subjects. Excepting the extremities of the state bordering on North Carolina, the inhabitants who did not flee out of the country preferred submission to resistance. This was followed by an unusual calm, and the British
believed that the state was thoroughly conquered. An opportunity was
now given to make an experiment from which much was expected, and for
the omission of which, Sir Henry Clinton's predecessor, Sir William Howe,
had been severely censured. It had been confidently asserted, that a majority of the Americans were well affected to the Btritish government, and
that, under proper regulations, substantial service might be expected from
them, in restoring the country to peace. At this crisis every bias in favour
of Congress was removed. Their armies in the southern states were either
captured or defeated. There was no regular force to the southward of
Pennsylvania, which was sufficient to awe the friends of royal government.
Every encouragement was held forth to those of the inhabitants who would
with arms support the old constitution. Confiscation and death were
threatened as the consequence of opposing its re-establishment. While
there was no regular army within four hundred miles to aid the friends of
independence, the British were in force posted over all the country. The
people were thus left to themselves, or rather strongly impelled to abandon
an apparently sinking cause, and arrange themselves on the side of the
conquerors. Under these favourable circumstances, the experiment was
made for supporting the British interest by the exertion of loyal inhabitants, unawed by American armies or republican demagogues. It soon appeared that the disguise which fear had imposed, subsisted no longer than
the present danger, and that the minds of the people, though overawed,
were actuated by a hostile spirit. In prosecuting the scheme for obtaining a military aid from the inhabitants, that tranquillity which previous
successes had procured was disturbed, and that ascendency which arms
had gained was interrupted. The inducement to submission with many
was a hope of obtaining a respite from the calamities of war, under the
shelter of British protection. Such were not less astonished than confounded, on finding themselves virtually called upon to take up arms in
support of royal government. This was done in the following manner.
after the inhabitants, by the specious promises of protection and security,
had generally submitted as subjects, or taken their parole as prisoners of
war, a proclamation was issued by Sir Henry Clinton, which set forth-' That it was proper for all persons to take an active part in settling and
THRI SOUTHERN CAMPA1GI~ OF 1780. 259
securing his majesty's government"-and in which it was declared "that
all the inhabitants of the province who were then prisoners on parole,
(those who were taken in Fort Moultrie and Charleston, and such as were
in actual confinement, excepted,) should, from and after tf e 20th of June,
be freed from their paroles, and restored to all the rights an1 duties belonging to citizens and inhabitants." And it was in the same proclamation
farther declared, "that all persons under the description above-mentioned,
who should afterwards neglect to return to their allegiance, and to his majesty's government, should be considered as enemies and rebels to the same,
and treated accordingly." It was designed by this arbitrary change of the
political condition of the inhabitants from prisoners to citizens, to bring
them into a dilemma, which would force them to talke an active part in
settling and securing the royal government. It involved a majority in the
necessity of either fleeing out of the country, or of becoming a British
militia. With this proclamation the declension of British authority commenced, for though the inhabitants, from motives of fear or convenience,
had generally submitted, the greatest part of them retained an affection for
their American brethren, and shuddered at the thought of taking arms
against them. Among such it was said, " If we must fight, let it be on
the side of America, our friends and countrymen." A great number considering this proclamation as a discharge from their paroles, armed themselves in self-defence, being induced thereto by the royal menaces, that
they who did not return to their allegiance as British subjects, must expect
to be treated as rebels. A greater number, from being in the power of the
British, exchanged their paroles as prisoners for the protection of subjects,
but this was done in many cases with a secret reservation of breaking
the compulsory engagement, when.a proper opportunity should present
itself.
A party always attached to royal government, though they had conformed to the laws of the state, rejoiced in the ascendency of the royal
arms, but their number was inconsiderable, in comparison with the multitude who were obliged by necessity, or induced by convenience, to accept
of British protection.
The precautions taken to prevent the rising of the royalists in North
Carolina, did not answer the end. Several of the inhabitants of Tryon
county, under the direction of Colonel Moore, took up arms, and were in a
few days defeated by the Whig militia, commanded by General Rutherford. Colonel Bryan, another loyalist, though equally injudicious as to
time, was successful. He reached the 71st regiment stationed in the
Cheraws with about eight hundred men, assembled from the neighbourhood of the river Yadkin.
While the conqur (rs were endeavouring to strengthen the party toy
royal government; the Americans were not inattentive to their interests
260 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF, 1780.
Governor Rutledge, who during the seige of Charlest n had been requested
by General Lincoln to go out of town, was industriously and successfully.
negotiating with North Carolina, Virginia, and Congress, to obtain a force
4r checking the progress of the British arms. Representations to the
same effect had also been made in due time by General Lincoln. Congress
ordered a considerable detachment from their main army to be marched to
the southward. North Carolina also ordered a large body of militia to
take the field. As the British advanced to the upper country of South
Carolina, a considerable number of determined Whigs retreated before
them, and took refuge in North Carolina. In this class was Colonel Sumter, a distinguished partisan, who was well qualified for conducting military
operations. A party of exiles from South Carolina made choice of him
for their leader. At the head of this little band of freemen, he returned to
his own state, and took the field against the victorious British, after the
inhabitants had generally abandoned all ideas of farther resistance. This
unexpected impediment to the extension of British conquests, roused all the
passions which disappointed ambition could inspire. Previous successes
had flattered the royal commanders with hopes of distinguished rank
among the conquerors of America, but the renewal of hostilities obscured
the pleasing prospect. Flushed with the victories they had gained in the
first of the campaign, and believing every thing told them favourable to
their wishes to be true, they conceived that they had little to fear on the
south side of Virginia. When experience refuted these hopes, they were
transported with indignation against the inhabitants, and confined several
of them on suspicion of their being accessary to the recommencement of
hostilities.
The first effort of renewed warfare was two months. after the fall of
Charleston, when one hundred and thirty-three of Colonel Sumter's corps
attacked [July 12] and routed a detachment of the royal forces and militia,
which were posted in a land at Williamson's plantation. This was the
first advantage gained over the British, since their landing in the be/ginning
of the year. The steady persevering friends of America, wh.o were very
numerous in the north-western frontier of South Carolina, turned out with
great alacrity to join Colonel Sumter, though opposition to the British
government had entirely ceased in every other part of the state. Hi: troops
in a few days amounted to six hundred men. With this increase of
strength, he made a spirited attack on a party of the British at Rocky
Mount, but as he had no artillery, and they were secured under cover of
earth filled in between logs, he could make no impression upon them, and
was obliged to retreat. Sensible that the minds of men are influenced by
enterprise, and that to keep militia together it is necessary to employ
them, this active partisan attacked another of the royal detachments, consisting of the Prince of Wales' regiment, and a large body of Tories, posted
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 261
at the Hanging Rock. The Prince of Wales' regiment was almost totally
destroyed. From two hundred and seventy-eight it was reduced to nine
The loyalists, who were of that party which had advanced from North
Carolina under Colonel Bryan, were dispersed. The panic occasioned by
the fall of Charleston daily abated. The Whig militia on the extremi-'ies of the state formed themselves into parties under leaders of their own
choice, an.d sometimes attacked detachments of the British army, but more
frequently those of their own countrymen, who as a royal militia were cooperating with the king's forces. While Sumter kept up the spirits of the
people by a succession of gallant enterprises, a respectable continental force
was advancing through the middle states, for the relief of their southern
brethren. With the hopes of relieving Charleston, orders were given
LMarch 26] for the Maryland and Delaware troops to march from General
Washington's head-quarters to South Carolina; but the quartermastergeneral was unable to put this detachment in motion as soon as was intended.
The manufacturers employed in providing for the army would neither
go on with their business, nor deliver the articles they had completed.
declaring they had suffered so much from the depreciation of the money
that they would not part with their property without immediate payment.
Under these embarrassing circumstances, the southern states required an
aid from the northern army, to be marched through the intermediate space
of eight hundred miles. The Maryland and Delaware troops were with
great exertions at length enabled to move. After marching through Jersey
and Pennsylvania, [April 16,] they embarked at the Head of Elk and
landed soon after at Petersburg, and thence proceeded through the country
towards South Carolina. This force was at first put under the command
of Major-general Baron de Kalb, and afterwards of General Gates. The
success of the latter in the northern campaigns of 1776 and 1777, induced
many to believe that his presence as commander of the southern army
would reanimate the friends of independence. While Baron de Kalb
commanded, a council of war had advised him to file off from the direct
road to Camden, towards the well-cultivated settlements in the vicinity of
the Waxhaws: but General Gates on taking the command did not conceive
this movement to be necessary, supposing it to be most for the interest of
the states that he should proceed immediately with his army, on the
shortest road to the vicinity of the British encampment. This led through
a barren country, in passing over which, the Americans severely felt the
scarcity of provisions. Their murmurs became audible, and there were
strong appearances of mutiny; but the officers who shared every calamity
in common with the privates, interposed, and conciliated them to a patient
sufferance of their hard lot. They principally subsisted on lean cattle,
picked up in the woods. The whole army was under the necessity of
262 THE SOUTHERN CAMPA.IGN OF 1780.
GRNERAL GATES.
using green corn and peaches, in the place of bread. They were sub.
sisted for several days on the latter alone. Dysenteries became common
in consequence of this diet. The heat of the season, the unhealthiness of
the climate, together with insufficient and unwholesome food, threatened
destruction to the army. The common soldiers, instead of desponding,
began after some time to be merry with their misfortunes. They used
" barvation" as a cant word, and vied with each other in burlesquing their
situation. The wit and humour displayed on the occasion contributed not
a little to reconcile them to their sufferings. The American army, [Aug.
13,] having made its way through a country of pine-barren, sand-hills and
swamps, reached Clermont, thirteen miles from Camden. The next day,
[14th,] General Stephens arrived with a large body of Virginia militia.
As the American army approached South Carolina, Lord Rawdon concentred his force at Camden. The retreat of the British from their outposts, the advances of the American army, and the impolitic conduct of
the conquerors towards their new subjects, concurred at this juncture to
produce a general revolt in favour of Congress. The people were daily
more dissatisfied with their situation. Tired of war, they had sub
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 17u. 263
mitted to British government with the expectation of bettering ther condition, but they soon found their mistake. The greatest address should have
been practised towards the inhabitants, in order to second the views of the
parent state, in re-uniting the revolted colonies to her government. That the
people might be induced to return to the condition of subjects, their minds
and affections, as well as their armies, ought to have been conquered.
This delicate task was rarely attempted. The officers, privates, and followers of the royal army, were generally more intent on amassing fortunes
by'plunder and rapine, than on promoting a re-union of the dissevered
members of the empire. Instead of increasing the real number of friends
to royal government, they disgusted those that they found. The highspirited citizens of Carolina, impatient of their rapine and insolence, rejoiced:
in the prospect of freeing their countrymen from its oppressors. Motives
of this kind, together with a prevailing attachment to the cause of independence, induced many to break through all ties to join General Gates,
and more to wish him the completest success.
The similarity of language and appearance between the British and
American armies, gave opportunities for imposing on the inhabitants.
Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with a party, by assuming the name and dress
of Americans, passed themselves, near Black River, for the advance of
General Gates's army. Some of the neighbouring militia were eagerly
collected by Mr. Bradley, to co-operate with his supposed friends, but after
some time the veil being thrown aside, Bradley and his volunteers were
carried to Camden, and confined there as prisoners.
General Gates, on reaching the frontier of South Carolina, issued a proclamation inviting the patriotic citizens "to join heartily in rescuing themselves and their country from the oppression of a government imposed on
them by the ruffian hand of conquest." He also gave "assurances of
forgiveness and perfect security, to such of the unfortunate citizens as had
been induced by the terror of sanguinary punishment, the menace of confiscation, and the arbitrary measures of military domination, apparently to
acquiesce under the British government, and to make a forced declaration
of allegiance and support to a tyranny, which the indignant souls of citizens resolved on freedom inwardly revolted at with horror and detestation," excepting only from this amnesty "those who, in the hour of devastation, had exercised acts of barbarity and depredation on the persons and
property of their fellow-citizens." The army with which General Gates
advanced, was, by the arrival of Stephens's militia, increased nearly to
four thousand men, but of this large number, the whole regular force was
only nine hundred infantry and seventy cavalry. On the approach of
Gates, Earl Cornwallis hastened from Charleston to Camden, and arrived
there on the 14th. The force which his lordship found collected on his
arrival, was seventeen hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. This
264 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
inferior number would have justified a retreat, but he chose rather to stake
his fortune on the decision of a battle. On the night of the 15th, he
marched from Camden with his whole force, intending to attack the Ame
ricans in their camp at Clermont. In the same night Gates, after ordering
his baggage to the Waxhaws, put his army in motion, with an intention of
advancing to an eligible position, about eight miles from Camden. The
American army was ordered to march at 10 o'clock P. M. in the following
order. Colonel Armand's advance cavalry. Colonel Porterfield's ligh:
infantry, on the right flank of Colonel Armand's in Indian file, two hundred
yards from the road. Major Armstrong's light infantry in the same order
as Colonel Porterfield's, on the left flank of the legion advanced guard of
foot, composed of the advanced pickets, first brigade of Maryland, second
brigade of Maryland-division of North Carolina, Virginia rear-guard,
volunteer cavalry, upon flanks of baggage equally divided. The light
infantry upon each flank were ordered to march up and support the
cavalry, if it should be attacked by the British cavalry, and Colonel
Armand was directed in that case to stand the attack at all events.
The advance of both armies met in the night and engaged. Some of
the cavalry of Armand's legion, being wounded in the first'fire, fell back
on others, who recoiled so suddenly, that the first Maryland regiment was
broken, and, the whole line of the army was thrown into confusion. This
first impression struck deep, and dispirited the militia. The American
army soon recovered its order, and both they and their adversaries kept
their ground, and occasionally skirmished. through the night. Colonel
Porterfield, a most excellent officer, on whose abilities General Gates particularly depended, was wounded in the early part of the night attack. In
the morning, a severe and general engagement took place. At the first
onset, a great body of the Virginia militia, who formed the left wing of
the army, on being charged with fixed bayonets by the British infantry,
threw down their arms, and with the utmost precipitation fled from the
field. A considerable part of the North Carolina militia followed the unworthy example, but the continentals, who formed the right wing of the
army, inferior as they were in numbers to the British, stood'their ground.and maintained the conflict with great resolution. Never did men acquit
themselves better: for some time they had clearly the advantage of their
opponents, and were in possession of a considerable body of prisoners:
overpowered at last by numbers, and nearly surrounded by the enemy,
they were compelled reluctantly to leave the ground. In justice to the
North Carolina militia it should be remarked, that part of the brigade, commanded by General Gregory, acquitted themselves well. They were
formed immediately on the left of the continentals, and kept the field while
they had a cartridge to fire. General Gregory himself was twice wounded
by a bayonet in bringing off his men, and several of his brigade, who were
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 265
r"IJ;,, I
BATTLEI OF' AMDE&, AND DEATE OF DE ZALB.
made prisoners, had no wounds except from bayonets. Two hundred and
ninety American wounded.prisoners were carried into Camden, after this
action. Of this tumber, two hundred and six were continentals, eightytwo were North Carolina militia, and two were Virginia militia. The
resistance made by each corps may in some degree be estimated from the
number of wounded. The Americans lost the whole of their artillery,
eight field-pieces, upwards of two hundred wagons, and the greatest part
of their baggage.: Almost all their officers were separated from their
respective commands. Every corps was broken in action and dispersed.
The fugitives who fled by the common road were pursued above twenty
miles by the horse of Tarleton's legion, and the way was covered with
arms, baggage, and wagons. Baron de Kalb, the second in command, a
brave and experienced officer, was taken prisoner, and died on the next
day of his wounds. The baron, who was a German by birth, had long
been in the French service. He had travelled through the British provinces, about the time of the stamp act, and is said to have reported to his
superiors on his return, " that the colonists were so firmly and universally
attached to Great Britain, that nothing could shake their loyalty." The
Congress resolved that a monument should be erected to his memory, in
VOL. 1I.-34 z
266 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
Annapolis, with a very honourable inscription. General Rutherford, of
North Carolina, was wounded and taken prisoner.
The royal army fought with great bravery, but the completeness of their
victory was in a great degree owing to their superiority in cavalry, and the
precipitate flight of the American militia. Their whole loss is supposed to
have amounted to several hundreds.
To add to the distresses of the Americans, the defeat of Gates was immediately followed by the surprise and dispersion of Sumter's corps. While
the former was advancing. near to the British army, the latter, who had
previously taken post between Camden and Charleston, took a number of prisoners, and captured sundry British stores, together with their convoy.
On hearing of the defeat of his superior officer, he began to retreat with
his prisoners and stores. Tarleton, with his legion and a detachment of
infantry, pursued with such celerity and address as to overtake and sur
prise this party at Fishing Creek. The British rode into their camp
before they were prepared for defence. The retreating Americans, having
been four days with little or no sleep, were more obedient to the calls of
nature, than attentive to her first law, self-preservation. Sumter had taken
every prudent precaution to prevent a surprise, but his videttes were so
overcome with fatigue, that they neglected their duty. With great difficulty he got a few to stand their ground for a short time, but the greater
part of his corps fled to the river or the woods. He lost all his artillery,
and his whole detachment was either killed, captured or dispersed. The
prisoners he had lately taken were all re-taken.
On the 17th and 18th of August about one hundred and fifty of Gates's
army rendezvoused at Charlotte. These had reason to apprehend that
they would be immediately pursued and cut to pieces. There was no
magazine of provisions in the town, and it was without any kind of de.
fence. It was therefore concluded to retreat to Salisbury. A circumstantial detail of this, would be the picture of complicated wretchedness. There
were more wounded men than could be conveniently carried off. The
inhabitants hourly expecting the British to advance into their settlement,
and generally intending to flee, could not attend to the accommodation of
the suffering soldiers. Objects of distress occurred in every quarter.
There were many who stood in need of kind assistance, but there were
few who could give it to them. Several men were to be seen with but one
arm, and some without any. Anxiety, pain and dejection, poverty, hurry
and confusion, promiscuously marked the gloomy scene. Under these circumstances the remains of that numerous army, which had lately caused
such terror to the friends of Great Britain, retreated to Salisbury, and soon
after to Hillsborough. General Gates had previously retired to this last
place, and was there in concert with the government of North Carolina
devising plans of defence, and for renewing military operations
TIIE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 267
Though there was no army to oppose Lord Cornwallis, yet the season
and oad health of his army, restrained him from pursuing his conquests.
By the complete dispersion of the continental forces, the country was in
his power. The present moment of triumph seemed therefore the most
favourable conjuncture for breaking the spirits of those who were attached
to independence. To prevent their future co-operation with the armies of
Congress, a severer policy was henceforward adopted.
_ NFORTUNATELY for the inhabitants, this was
taken up on grounds which involved thousands in
distress, and not a few in the loss of life. The British conceived themselves in possession of the rights
of sovereignty over a conquered country, and that
therefore the efforts of the citizens to assert their
independence exposed them to the penal consequences of treason and rebellion. Influenced by
these opinions, and transported with indignation against the inhabitants,
they violated the rights which are held sacred between independent hostile
nations. Orders were given by Lord Cornwallis, "that all the inhabitants
of the province, who had submitted, and who had taken part in this revolt,
should be punished with the greatest rigour —that they should be imprisoned, and their whole property taken from them or destroyed." He
also ordered in the most positive manner, "that every militia man, who
had borne arms with the British, and afterwards joined the Americans,
should be put to death." At Augusta, at Camden, and elsewhere, several
of the inhabitants were hanged in consequence of these orders. The men
who suffered had been compelled by the necessities of their families, and
the prospect of saving their property, to make an involuntary submission
to the royal conquerors. Experience soon taught them the inefficacy of
these submissions. This in their opinion absolved them from the obligations of their engagements to support the royal cause, and left them at
liberty to follow their inclinations. To treat men thus circumstanced, with
the severity of punishment usually inflicted on deserters and traitors, might
have a political tendency to discourage farther revolts, but the impartial
world must regret that the unavoidable horrors of war should be aggravated by such deliberate effusions of human blood.
Notwithstanding the decisive superiority of the British armies in South
Carolina, several of the most respectable citizens, though in the power of
their conquerors, resisted every temptation to resume the character of subjects. To enforce a general submission, orders were given by Lord Cornwallis, immediately after his victory, to send out of South Carolina a number of its principal citizens. Lieutenant-governor Gadsden, most of the
civil and militia officers and some others, who had declined exchanging
their paroles for the protection of British subjects, were taken up, put on
A68 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
GENE1BAL MO JLTRIE.
board a vessel in the harbour, and sent to St. Augustine. FAugust 27.2
General Moultrie remonstrated against the confinement and removal of
these gentlemen, as contrary to their rights derived from the capitulation
of Charleston. They at the same time challenged their adversaries to
prove any conduct of theirs, which merited expulsion from their country
and families. They received no farther satisfaction, than that the measure
had been "adopted from motives of policy." To convince the inhabitants
that the conquerors were seriously resolved to remove from the country, all
who refused to become subjects, an additional number of about thirty citizens of South Carolina, who remained prisoners on parole, were sent off'
to the same place in less than three months. General Rutherford and
Colonel Isaacs, loth of North Carolina, who had been lately taken near
Camden, w'ere associated with them.
To compel the re-establishment of British government, Lord Cornwallis,
in about four weeks after his victory, [Sept. 16,] issued a proclamation for
the sequestration of all estates belonging to the active friends of independence. By this he constituted " John Cruden, commissioner, with fi:ll
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 269
power and authority, on the receipt of an order or warrant, to take into his
possession the estates, both real and personal, (not included in the capitulation of Charleston,) of those in the service or acting under the authority of
the rebel Congress, and also the estates, both real and personal, of those
persons who, by an open avowal of rebellious principles, or by other notorious acts, manifested a wicked and desperate perseverance in opposing the
re-establishment of his majesty's just and lawful authority;" and it was
farther declared, " that any person or persons obstructing or impeding the
said commissioner in the execution of his duty, by the concealment or removal of property or otherwise, should on conviction be punished as aiding
and abetting rebellion."
An adherent to independence was now considered as one who courted
exile, poverty and ruin. Many. yielded to the temptation, and became
British subjects. The mischievous effects of slavery, in facilitating the
conquest of the country, now became apparent. As the slaves had no
interest at stake, the subjugation of the state was a matter of no consequence to them. Instead of aiding in its defence, they, by a variety of
means, threw the weight of their little influence into the opposite scale.
Though numbers broke through all the ties which bound them to support the cause of America, illustrious sacrifices were made at the shrine
of liberty. Several of the richest men in the state suffered their fortunes
to remain in the power and possession of their conquerors, rather than
stain their honour by joining the enemies of their country. The patriotism of the ladies contributed much to this firmness. They crowded on
board prison ships, and other places of confinement, to solace their suffering countrymen. While the conquerors were regaling themselves at concerts and assemblies, they could obtain very few of the fair sex to associate
with them; but no sooner was an American officer introduced as a
prisoner, than his company was sought for, and his person treated with
every possible mark of attention and respect. On other occasions, the
ladies, in a great measure, retired from the public eye, wept over the distresses of their country, and gave every proof of the warmest attachment
to its suffering cause. Among the numbers who were banished from their
families, and whose property was seized by the conquerors, many examples could be produced of ladies cheerfully parting with their sons, husbands and brothers, exhorting them to fortitude and perseverance, and
repeatedly entreating themn never to suffer family attachments to interfere
with the duty they owed to their country. When, in the progress of the
war, they were also comprehended under a general sentence of banishment, with equal resolution they parted with their native country, and the
nany endearments of home-followed their husbands into prison-ships
and distant lands, where they were reduced to the necessity of receiving
charity.
z2
270 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
Animated by such examples, as well as by a high sense of honour and
the love of their country, a great proportion of the gentlemen of South
Carolina deliberately adhered to their first resolution, of risking life and
fortune in support of their liberties. Hitherto the royal forces in South
Carolina had been attended with almost uninterrupted success. Their
standards. overspread the country, penetrated into every quarter, and
triumphed over all opposition.
The British ministry, by this flattering posture of affairs, were once
more intoxicated with the hope of subjugating America. New plans were
formed, and great expectations indulged, of speedily re-uniting the dissevered members of the empire. It was now asserted, with a confidence
bordering on presumption, that such troops as fought at Camden, put
under such a commander as Lord Cornwallis, would soon extirpate rebeIlion so effectually as to leave no vestige of it in America. The British
ministry and army, by an impious confidence in their own wisdom and
prowess, were duly prepared to give, in their approaching downfall, a
useful lesson to the world.
The disaster of the army under General Gates overspread at first the
face of American affairs with a dismal gloom; but the day of prosperity to
the United States began, as will appear in the sequel, from that moment
to dawn. Their prospects brightened up, while those of their enemies
were obscured by disgrace, broken by defeat, and at last covered with
ruin. Elated with their victories, the conquerors grew more insolent and
rapacious, while the real friends of independence became resolute and
determined.
We have seen Sumter penetrating into South Carolina, and recommencing a military opposition to British government. Soon after that
event, he was promoted by Governor Rutledge to the rank of brigadiergeneral. About the same time Marion was promoted to the same rank,
and in the north-eastern extremities of the state successfully prosecuted a
simiiar plan. This valuable officer, after the surrender of Charleston,
retreated to North Carolina. On the advance of General Gates, he
obtained a command of sixteen men. With these he penetrated through
the country, and took a position near the Santee. On the defeat of General Gates, he was comnpelled to abandon the state, but returned after an
absence of a few days. For several weeks he had under his command
only seventy men. At one time hardships and dangers reduced that number to twenty-five; yet with this inconsiderable number he secured himself in the midst of surrounding foes. Various schemes were tried to
detach the inhabitants from co-operating with him. Major Wemys t:urned
scores of houses on Pedee, Lynch's creek and Black river, belonging to
such as were supposed to do duty with Marion, or to be subservient to his
views. Tnis had an effect different from what was intended. Revenge
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 271
GENERAL MARION.
and despair co-operated with patriotism to make these ruined men keep
the field. Having no houses to shelter them, the camps of their countrymen became their homes. For several months Marion and his party were
obliged to sleep in the open air, and to shelter themselves in the recesses
of deep swamps. From these retreats they sallied out whenever an
opportunity of harassing the enemy, or of serving their country, presented
itself.
A d(~~Qs PPOSITION to British government was not wholly
confined to the parties commanded by Sumter and
Marion. It was at no time altogether extinct in
the extremities of the state. The disposition to
revolt, which had been excited on the approach
of General Gates, was not extinguished by his
defeat. The spirit of the people was overawed.
but not subdued. The severity with which revolters who fell into the
hands of the British were treated, induced those who escaped to persevere
and seek safety in swamps.
From the time of the general submission of the inhabitants in 1780.
pains had been taken to increase the royal force by the co-operation of the
272 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
yeomanry of the country. The British persuaded the people to form a
royal militia, by representing that every prospect of succeeding in their
scheme of independence was annihilated, and that a farther opposition
would only be a prolongation of their distresses, if not their utter ruin.
Major Ferguson, of the seventy-first regiment, was particularly active in
this business. He visited the settlements of the disaffected to the American
cause, and collected a corps of militia of that description, from which much
active service was expected. He advanced to the north-western settlements, to hold comrmunication with the lovalists of both Carolinas. From
his presence, together with assurances of an early movement of the royal
army into North Carolina, it was hoped that the friends of royal government would be roused to activity in the service of their king. In the
mean time every preparation was made for urging offensive operations, as
soon as the season and the state of the stores would permit.
That spirit of enterprise, which has already been mentioned as beginning to revive among the American militia about this time, prompted Colonel Clarke to make an attempt on the British post at Augusta in Georgia;
but in this he failed and was obliged to retreat. Major Ferguson, with the
hope of intercepting his party, kept near the mountains and at a considerable distance from support. These circumstances, together with the depredations of the loyalists, induced the hardy republicans, on the west side
of the Alleghany mountains, to form an enterprise for reducing that distinguished partisan. This was done of their own motion, without any
direction from the governments of America, or from the officers of the continental army.
There was, without any apparent design, az powerful combination of several detached commanders of several adjacent states. with their respective
commands of militia. Colonel Campbell of Virginia, Colonels Cleveland,
Shelby, Sevier, and McDowel, of North Carolina, together with Colonels
Lacey, Hawthorn and Hill, of South Carolina, all rendezvoused together,
with a number of men amounting to one thousand six hundred, though
they were under no general command, and though they were not called
upon to embody by any common authority, or indeed by any authority at
all, but that of a general impulse on their own minds. They had so little
of the mechanism of a regular army, that the colonels of some of the states
by common consent. commanded each day alternately. The hardships
these volunteers underwent were very great. Some of them subsisted for
weeks together, without tasting bread or salt, or spirituous liquors, and
slept in the woods without blankets. The running stream quenched their
thirst. At night the earth afforded them a bed, and the heavens, or at
most the limbs of trees, were their only covering. Ears of corn or porn
p:onsw thrown into the fire, with occasional supplies of beef or venison,,ille. and roasted in the woods, were th, chief articles of their provisions.
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 273
They had neither commissaries, quarter-masters. nor stores of any kind.
They selected about a thousand of their best men, and mounted them on
their fleetest horses. [Oct. 7.] These attacked Major Ferguson on the top
of King's mountain, near the confines of North and South Carolina. The
Americans formed three parties. Colonel Lacey of South Carolina led
one, which attacked on the west end. The two others were commanded
by Colonels Campbell and Cleveland, one of which attacked on the east
end, and the other in the centre. Ferguson with great boldness attacked
the assailants with fixed bayonets, and compelled them successively to
retire, but they only fell back a little way, and, getting behind trees and
rocks, renewed their fire in almost every direction. The British being
uncovered, were aimed at by the American marksmen, and many of them
were slain. An unusual number of the killed were found to have been
shot in the head. Riflemen took off riflemen with such exactness, that
they killed each other when taking sight, so effectually that their eyes
remained after they were dead, one shut and the other open, in the usual
manner of marksmen when levelling at their object. Major Ferguson
displayed as much bravery as was possible in his situation: but his encampment on the top of the mountain was not well chosen, as it gave the
Americans an opportunity of covering themselves in their approaches.
Had he pursued his march on charging and driving the first party of the
militia which gave way, he might have got off with the most of his men,
but his unconquerable spirit disdained either to flee or to surrender. After
a severe conflict he received a mortal wound. No chance of escape being
left, and all prospect of successful resistance being at an end, the contest
was ended by the submission of the survivors. Upwards of eight hundred became prisoners, and two hundred and twenty-five had been previously killed or wounded. Very few of the assailants fell, but in their
number was Colonel Williams, a distinguished militia officer in Ninety-six
district, who had been very active in opposing the re-establishment of British government. Ten of the royal militia who had surrendered were
hanged by their conquerors. They were provoked to this measure by the
severity of the British, who had lately hanged several of the captured
Americans, in South Carolina and Georgia. They also alleged that the
men who suffered were guilty of previous felonies, for which their I,,es
were forfeited by the laws of the land. The fall of Ferguson was in itself
a great loss to the royal cause. He possessed superior abilities as a partisan, and his spirit of enterprise was uncommon. To a distinguished capacity for planning great designs, he also added the practical abilities necessary to carry them into execution. The unexpected advantage which the
Americans gained over him and his party, in a great degree frustrated a
well concerted scheme for strengthening the British army by the co-opera.
tion of the Tory inhabitants, whom he had undertaken to discipline and,
Vol. I. —35
714 rIHE SOUTITEPRN C.AMPAI GN OF 1780.
II 5
tORD CORNWALL IS.
prepare tor active service. The total rout of the party, which had joined
Major Fergiuson, operated as a check on the future exertions of the loyalists.
The same timid caution, which made them averse to joining their countrymen in opposing the claims of Great Britain, restrained them from risking
any more in support of the royal cause. Henceforward they waited to see
how the scales were likely to incline, and reserved themselves till the
British army, by its own unassisted efforts, should gain a decided superiority.
In a few weeks after the general action near Camden, Lord Cornwallis
left a small force in that village, and marched with the main army towards
Salisbury, intending to push forwards in that direction. While on his way
hither, the North Carolina militia was very industrious and successful in
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 275
annoying his detachments. Riflemen frequently penetrated near his camp,
and from behind trees made sure of their objects. The late conquerors
found their situation very uneasy, being exposed to unseen dangers if they
attempted to make an excursion of only a few hundred yards from their
main body. The defeat of Major Ferguson, added to these circumstances,
gave a serious alarm to Lord Cornwallis, and he soon after retreated to
Winnsborough. As he retired, the militia took several of his wagons, and
single meh often rode up within gunshot of his army, discharged their
pieces, and made their escape. The panic occasioned by the defeat of
General Gates had in a great measure worn off. The defeat of Major
Ferguson, and the consequent retreat of Lord Cornwallis, encouraged the
American militia to take the field, and the necessity of the times induced
them to submit to stricter discipline. Sumter, soon after the dispersion of
his corps on the 18th of August, collected a band of volunteers, partly from
new adventurers, and partly from those who had escaped on that day.
With these, though for three months there was no continental army in the
state, he constantly kept the field in support of American independence.
He varied his position from time to time about Evoree, Broad and Tyger
rivers, and had freouent skirmishes with his adversaries. Having mountec
his followers, he infested the British parties with frequent incursions-bea.
up their quarters-intercepted their convoys, and so harassed them with
successive alarms, that their movements could not be made but with caution and difficulty. His spirit of enterprise was so particularly injurious
to the British, that they laid sundry plans for destroying his. force, but they
failed in the execution. [Nov. 12.] He was attacked at Broad River by
Major Wemys, commanding a corps of infantry and dragoons. In this
action the British were defeated, and their commanding officer taken prisoner. Eight days after he was attacked at Black Stocks, near Tyger
river, by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton. The attack was begun with one
hundred and seventy dragoons and eighty men of the sixty-third regiment.
A considerable part of Sumter's force had been thrown into a large log
barn, from the apertures of which they fired with security. Many of the
sixty-third regiment were killed. Tarleton charged with his cavalry, but,
being unable to dislodge the Americans, retreated, and Sumter was left in
quiet possession of the field. T'he loss of the British in this action was
considerable. Among their killed were three officers, Major Money, Lieutenant Gibson and Cope. The Americans lost very few, but General
Sumter received a wound, which for several months interrupted his gallant
enterprises in behalf of his country. His zeal and activity in animating
the militia, when they were discouraged by repeated defeats, and the bravery and good conduct he displayed in sundry attacks on the British de
tachments, procured him the applause of his countrymen, and the thanks
of Congress
276 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
For the three months which followed the defeat of the American army
near Camden, General Gates was industriously preparing to take the field.
[November.] Having collected a force at Hillsborough, he advanced to
Salisbury, and very soon after lo Charlotte. He had done every thing in
his power to repair the injuries of his defeat, and was again in a condition
to face the enemy; but from that influence which popular opinion has
over public affairs in a commonwealth, Congress resolved to supercede
him, and to order a court of inquiry to be held on his conduct. This was
founded on a former resolve, that whoever lost a post should be subject to
a court of inquiry. The cases were noways parallel; he had lo.,t a battle
but not a post. The only charge that could be exhibited against General
Gates was, that he had been defeated. His enemies could accuse him of
no military crime, unless that to be unsuccessful might be reckoned so.
The public, sore with their losses, were desirous of a change, and Congress found it necessary to gratify them, though at the expense of the feelings of one of their best, and till August, 1780, one of their most successful
officers. Virginia did not so soon forget Saratoga. [December 28.] When
General Gates was at Richmond, on his way home from Carolina, the
House of Burgesses of that state unanimously resolved "that a committee
of four be appointed to wait on General Gates, and assure him of their
high regard and esteem, and that the remembrance of his f6rmer glorious
services could not be obliterated by any reverse of fortune; but that ever
mindful of his great merit, they would omit no opportunity of testifying
to the world the gratitude which the country owed to him in his military
character."
These events, together with a few unimportant skirmishes not worthy
of being particularly mentioned, closed the campaign of 1780, in the
southern states. They afforded ample evidence of the folly of prosecuting
the American war. Though British conquests had rapidly succeeded
each other, yet no advantages accrued to the victors. The minds of the
people were unsubdued, or rather more alienated from every idea of returning to their former allegiance. Such was their temper, that the
expense of retaining them in subjection would have exceeded all the
profits of the conquest. British garrisons kept down open resistance in
the vicinity of the places where they were established, but as soon as they
were withdrawn, and the people left to themselves, a spirit of revolt hostile
to Great Britain always displayed itself, and the standard of independence,
whensoever it was prudently raised, never wanted followers from the active
and spirited part of the community.
L-ul~~~r~.lsvar w ~ 4 D.. In_~ v-8 ----
CAPTURS 0O ANDRN
CAMP'AIGN OF 1780, IN THE NORTHERN STATES.
-= = _ —~ —~..... HILE the war raged in South Carolina, the campaign of 1780, in the
—; —'~~ t[.~ northern states, was barren of im'..~_ r portant events. At the close of the:4 preceding campaign, the American
1. 5 _ s northern army took, post at Morristoxwn, and built themselves huts,
i agreeably to the practice which
had been first introduced at Valley
3 Forge. This position was well calculated to cover the country from
the excursions of the British, being
only twenty miles from New York.
In January, Lord Stirling made an effectual attempt to surprise a party
of the enemy on Staten Island. While he was on the island, a number
of persons from the Jersey side passed over and plundered the inhabitants
who had submitted to the British government. In these times of confusion, licentious persons fixed themselves near the lines which divided the
British frorr the Americans. Whensoever an opportunity offered, they
were in the habit of going within the settlements of the opposite party,
and, under the pretence of distressing their enemies, committed the most
2A 277
278 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
shameful depredations. In the first months of the year 1780, w,i.h'e the
royal army was weakened by the expedition against Charleston, the British were apprehensive for their safety in New York. The rare circum.
stance which then existed, of a connection between the main and York
Island, by means of ice, seemed to invite to the enterprise, but the force
and equipments of the American army were unequal to it. Lieutenantgeneral Knyphausen, who then commanded in New York, apprehending
such a design, embodied the inhabitants of the city as a militia for its
defence. They very cheerfully formed themselves into companies, and
discovered great zeal in the service.
In June, an incursion was made into Jersey from New York, with five
thousand men, commanded by Lieutenant-general Knyphausen. They
landed at Elizabethtown, and proceeded to Connecticut Farms. In this
neighbourhood lived the Rev. Mr. James Caldwell, a Presbyterian clergyman, of great activity, ability, and influence, whose successful exertions in
animating the Jersey nmilitia to defend their rights, had rendered him particularly obnoxious to the British. When the royal forces were on their
way into the country, a soldier came to his house, in his absence, and
shot his wife, Mrs. Caldwell, instantly dead, by levelling his piece directly
at her through the window of the room in which she was sitting with her
children. Her body, at the request of an officer of the new levies, was
moved to some distance, and then the house and every thing in it was
reduced to ashes. The British burnt about twelve other houses, and also
the Presbyterian church, and then proceeded to Springfield. As they
advanced they were annoyed by Colonel Dayton with a few militia. On
their approach to the bridge near the town, they were farther opposed by
General Maxwell, who, with a few continental troops, was prepared to
dispute its passage. They made a halt, and soon after returned to Elizabethtown. Before they had retreated, the whole American army at Morristown marched to oppose them. While this royal detachment was in
Jersey, Sir Henry Clinton returned with his victorious troops from Charleston to New York. He ordered a reinforcement to Knyphausen, and the
whole advanced a second time towards Springfield. They were now opposed by General Greene, with a considerable body of continental troops.
Colonel Angel, with his regiment and a piece of artillery, was posted to
secure the bridge in front of the town. A severe action took place which
lasted forty minutes. Superior numbers forced the Americans to retire.
General Greene took post with his troops on a range of hills, in hopes of
being attacked. Instead of this, the British began to burn the town.
Near fifty dwelling-houses were reduced to ashes. The British then
retreated, but were pursued by the enraged militia, till they entered Elizabethtown. T'he next day they set out on their return to New York.
The loss of the Americans in the action was about eighty, and that of the
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 279.:
GENEX RL GREENE.
British was supposed to be considerably more. It is difficult to tell what
was the precise object of this expedition. Perhaps the royal commanders
hoped to get possession of Morristown, and to destroy the American stores.
Perhaps they flattered themselves that the inhabitants were so dispirited
by the recent loss of Charleston, that they would submit without resistance; and that the soldiers of the continental army would desert to them:
but if these were their views, they were disappointed in both. The firm
opposition which was made by the Jersey farmers, contrasted with the conduct of the same people in the year 1776, made it evident that not only
their aversion to Great Britain continued in full force, but that the practical
habits of service and danger had improved the country militia, so as to
bring them near to an equality with regular troops.
By such desultory operations were hostilities carried on at this time in
the northern states. Individuals were killed, houses were burnt, and
much mischief done; but nothing was effected which tended either to
reconcilement or subjugation.
The loyal Americans who had fled within the British lines, commonly
called refugees, reduced a predatory war into system. On their petition
2&sC THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780
to Sir Henry Clinton, they had been, in the year 1779, permitted to set up
a distinct government in New York, under a jurisdiction called the honourable board of associated loyalists. They had something like a fleet of smal.
privateers and cruisers, by the aid of which they committed various depredations. A party of them who had formerly belonged to Massachusetts,
went to Nantucket, broke open the warehouses, and carried off every thing
that fell in their way. They also carried off two loaded brigs, and two or
three schooners. In a proclamation they left behind them, they observed,
"that they had been deprived of their property, and compelled to abandon
their dwellings, friends and connections; and that they conceived themselves warranted, by the laws of God and man, to wage war against their
persecutors, and to endeavour, by every means in their power, to obtain
compensation for their sufferings." These associated loyalists eagerly
embraced every adventure, which gratified either their avarice or their
revenge. Their enterprises were highly lucrative to themselves, and extremely distressing to the Americans. Their knowledge of the country
and superior means of transportation enabled them to make hasty descents
and successful enterprises. A war of plunder, in which the feelings of
humanity were often suspended, and which tended to no valuable public
purpose, was carried on in this shameful manner, from the double excitements of profit and revenge. The adjoining coasts of the continent, and
especially the maritime parts of New Jersey, became scenes of waste and
havoc.
The distress which the Americans suffered from the diminished value
of their currency, though felt in the year 1778, ani still more so in the
year 1779, did not arrive to its highest pitch till the year 1780. Under
the pressure of sufferings from this cause, the officers of the Jersey line
addressed a memorial to their state legislature, setting forth, "that four
months' pay of a private would not procure for his family a single bushel
of wheat; that the pay of a colonel would not purchase oats for his horse;
that a common labourer or express-rider received four times as much as
an American officer." They urged, "that unless a speedy and ample
remedy was provided, the total dissolution of their line was inevitable,"
and concluded with saying, "that their pay should either be made up in
Mexican dollars, or in something equivalent." In addition to the insufficiency of their pay and support, other causes of discontent prevailed. The
original idea of a continental army, to be raised, paid, subsisted and regulated upon an equal and uniform principle, had been in a great measure
exchanged for state establishments. This mischievous measure partly
originated from necessity, for state credit was not quite so much depreciated as continental. Congress not possessing the means of supporting
their army, devolved the business on the component parts of the confederacy. Some states, from their internal ability and local advantages, fur
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 281
hished their troops not only with clothing, but with many conveniencies.
Others supplied them with some necessaries, but on a more contracted
scale. A few, from their particular situation, could do little or nothing at
all. The officers and men in the routine of duty, mixed daily and compared circumstances. Those who fared worse than others, were dissatisfied with a service which made such injurious distinctions. From causes
of this kind, superadded to a complication of wants and sufferings, a disposition to mutiny began to show itself in the American army. This broke
forth into full action among the soldiers which were stationed at Fort
Schuyler. Thirty-one of the men of that garrison went off in a body.
Being pursued, sixteen of them were overtaken, and thirteen of the sixteen were instantly killed. About the same time, two regiments of Connecticut troops mutinied and got under arms. They determined to return
ome, or to gain subsistence at the point of the bayonet. Their officers
reasoned with them, and urged every argument that could either interest
their pride or their passions. They were reminded of their good conduct,
of the important objects for which they were contending, but their answer
was, "our sufferings are too great, and we want present relief." After
much expostulation, they were at length prevailed upon to go to their
huts. It is remarkable, that this mutinous disposition of the Connecticut
troops was in a great measure quelled by the Pennsylvania line, which in
a few months, as shall hereafter be related, planned and executed a much
more serious revolt than that which they now suppressed. While the
army was in this feverish, state of discontent from their accumulated dis
tresses, a printed paper, addressed to the soldiers of the continental army
was circulated in the American camp. This was in the following words:
"The time is at length arrived, when all the artifices and falsehoods of the
Congress and of your commanders can no longer: conceal from you the
miseries of your situation. You are neither fed, clothed, nor paid. Your
numbers are wasting away by sickness, famine, and nakedness, and rapidly
so by the period of your stipulated services being expired. This is now
the period to fly from slavery and fraud."
"I am happy in acquainting the ~old countrymen that the affairs of Ireland are fully settled, and that Great Britain and Ireland are united as well
from interest as from affection. I need not tell you who are born in America, that you have been cheated and abused. You are both sensible that
in order to procure your liberty you must quit your leaders and join your
real friends, who scorn to impose upon you, and who will receive you with
open arms, kindly forgiving all your errors. You are told you are surrounded by a numerous militia. This is also false. Associate then together,
make use of your firelocks, and join the British army, where you wid be
permitted to dispose of yourselves as you please."
About the same time, or rather a little before, the news arrived of the
V OL. 11.-36 2 A 2
282 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
reduction of Charleston, and the capture of the whole American southern
army. Such was the firmness of the common soldiery, and so strong their
attachment to the cause of their country, that though danger impelled,
want urged, and British favour invited them to a change of sides, yet on
the arrival of but a scanty supply of meat for their immediate subsistence,
military duty was cheerfully performed, and no uncommon desertion took
place.
So great were the necessities of the American army, that General Washington was obliged to call on the magistrates of the adjacent counties for
specified quantities of provisions, to be supplied in a given number of
days. At other times he was compelled to send out detachments of his troops,
to take provisions at the point of the bayonet from the citizens. This ex
pedient at length failed, for the country in the vicinity of the army afforded
no further supplies. These impressments were not only injurious to the
morals and discipline of the army, but tended to alienate the affections of
the people. Much of the support, which the American general had previously experienced from the inhabitants, proceeded from the difference of
treatment they received from their own army, compared with what they
suffered from the British. The general, whom the inhabitants hitherto
regarded as their protector, had now no other alternative but to disband his
troops, or to support them by force. The situation of General Washington was eminently embarrassing. The army looked to him for provisions,
the inhabitants for protection of their property. To supply the one, and
not offend the other, seemed little less than an impossibility. To preserve
order and subordination in an army of free republicans, even when well
fed, paid and clothed, would have been a work of difficulty; but to retain
them in service and restrain them with discipline, when destitute, not only
of the comforts, but often of the necessaries of life, required address and
abilities of such magnitude as are rarely found in human nature. In this
cnoice of difficulties, General Washington not only kept his army together,
but conducted with so much discretion, as to command the approbation
both of the army and of the citizens.
So great a scarcity, in a country usually abounding with provisions, appears extraordinary, but various remote causes had concurred about this
time to produce an unprecedented deficiency. The seasons, both in 1779
and 1780, were unfavourable to the crops. The labours of the husbandmen, who were attached to the cause of independence, had been frequently
interrupted by the calls of militia duty. Those who cared for neither side,
or who from principles of religion held the unlawfulness of war, or who
were secretly attached to the royal interest, had been very deficient in
industry. Such sometimes reasoned that all labour on their farms, beyond
a bare supply of their own necessities, was unavailing; but the principal
cause o" the sufferings cf the army, was the daily diminishing value of the
THE NORTHE RN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 283
continental bills of credit. The farmers found, that the longer they delayed
the payment of the taxes, the less quantity of country produce would discharge the stipulated sum. They also observed, that the longer they kept
their grain on hand, the more of the paper currency was obtained in exchange
for it. This either discouraged them from selling, or made them very
tardy in coming to market. Many secreted their provisions and denied
their having any, while others, who were contiguous to the British, secretly
sold to them for gold or silver. The patriotism which, at the commencement of the war, had led so many to sacrifice property for the good of their
country, had in a great degree subsided. Though they still retained their
good wishes for the cause, yet these did not carry them so far as to induce
a willingness to exchange the hard-earned produce of their farms, for a
paper currency of a daily diminishing value. For provisions carried to
New York, the farmers received real money, but for what was carried to
the Americans, they received only paper. The value of the first was
known, of the other daily varying, but in an unceasing progression from
bad to worse. Laws were made against this intercourse, but they were
executed in the manner laws uniformly have been, in the evasion of which
multitudes find an immediate interest.
In addition to these disasters from short crops, and depreciating money,
disorder and confusion pervaded the departments for supplying the army.
Systems for these purposes had been hastily adopted, and were very inadequate to the end proposed. To provide for an army under the best
establishments, and with a full military chest, is a work of difficulty, and,
though guarded by the precautions which time and experience have suggested, opens a door to many frauds-; but it was the hard case of the
Americans to be called on to discharge this duty without sufficient knowledge of the business, and under ill-digested systems, and with a paper
currency that was not two days of the same value. Abuses crept in,
frauds were practised, and economy was exiled.
To obviate these evils, Congress adopted the expedient of sending a
committee of their own body to the camp of their main army. Mr. Schuyler of New York, Mr. Peabody of New Hampshire, and Mr. Mathews of
South Carolina, were appointed. They were furnished with ample powers
and instructions to reform abuses-to alter preceding systems, and to establish new ones in their room. This committee proceeded to camp in May,
1780, and thence wrote sundry letters to Congress and the states, in which
they confirmed the representations previously made of the distresses and
disorders everywhere prevalent. In particular they stated, " that the
army was unpaid for five months-that it seldom had more than six days'
provision in advance, and was on several occasions for sundry successive
days without meat —that the army was destitute of forage-that the medical department had neither sugar, coffee, tea, chocolate, wine nor spiritu
284 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
ous liquors of any kind-that every department of the army was without
money, and had not even the shadow of credit left —that the patience of
the soldiers, borne down by the pressure of complicated sufferings, was on
the point of being exhausted."
A tide of misfortunes from all quarters was at this time pouring in upon
the United States. There appeared not, however, in their public bodies,
the smallest disposition to purchase safety by concessions of any sort.
They seemed to rise in the midst of their distresses, and to gain strength
from the pressure of calamities. When Congress could neither command
money nor credit for the subsistence of their army, the citizens of Philadelphia formed an association to procure a supply of necessary articles for
their suffering soldiers. The sum of three hundred thousand dollars was
subscribed in a few days, under the direction of the patriotic merchant,
Robert Morris, and converted into a bank, the principal design of which
was to purchase provisions for the troops, in the most prompt and efficacious manner. The advantages of this institution were great, and particularly enhanced by the critical time in which it was instituted. The loss
of Charleston, and the subsequent British victories in Carolina, produced
effects directly the reverse of what were expected. It being the deliberate
resolution of the Americans never to return to the government of Great
Britain, such unfavourable events as threatened the subversion of independence operated as incentives to their exertions. The patriotic flame
which had blazed forth in the beginning of the war was re-kindled. A
willingness to do, and to suffer, in the cause of American liberty, was revived in the breasts of many. These dispositions were invigorated by
private assurances, that his most Christian majesty would, in the course
of the campaign, send a powerful armament to their aid. To excite the
states to be in readiness for this event, Congress circulated among them an
address of which the following is a part:-"The crisis calls for exertion.
Much is to be done in a little time, and every motive that can stimulate
the mind of man presents itself to view. No period has occurred in this
long and glorious struggle, in which indecision would be so destructive on
the one hand, and on the other, no conjuncture has been more favourable
to great and deciding efforts."
The powers of the committee of Congress in the American camp were
enlarged so far as to authorize them to frame and execute such plans as, in
their opinion, would most effectually draw forth the resources of the country, in co-operating with the armament expected from France. In this
character they wrote sundry letters to the states, stimulating them to vigor.
ous exertions. It was agreed to make arrangements for bringing into the
f eld thirty-five thousand effective men, and to call on the states for specific
supplies of every thing necessary for their support. To obtain the men,
it was proposed to complete the regular regiments by drafts from the militia
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 285
and to make up what they fell short of thirty-five thousand effectives, by
calling forth more of the militia. Every motive concurred to rouse the
activity of the inhabitants. The states, nearly exhausted with the war,
ardently wished for its determination. An opportunity now offered for
striking a decisive blow, that might at once, as they supposed, rid the
country of its distresses. The only thing required on the part of the
United States, was to bring into the field thirty-five thousand men, and to
make effectual arrangements for their support. The tardiness of deliberation in Congress was in a great measure done away, by the full powers
given to their committee in camp. Accurate estimates were made of
every article of supply necessary for the ensuing campaign. These, and
also the numbers of men wanted, were quotaed on the ten northern states
in proportion to their abilities and numbers. In conformity to these requisitions, vigorous resolutions were adopted for carrying them into effect.
Where voluntary enlistments fell short of the proposed number, the deficiencies were, by the laws of several states, to be made up by drafts or lots
from the militia. The towns in New England, and the counties in the
middle states, were respectively called on for a specified number of men.
Such was the zeal of the people in New England, that neighbours would
often club together, to engage one of their number to go into the army.
Being without money, in conformity to the practice usual in the early
stages of society, they paid for military duty with cattle. Twenty head
were frequently given as a reward for eighteen months' service. Maryland directed her lieutenants of counties to class all the property in their
respective counties, into as many equal classes as there were men wanted,
and each class was, by law, obliged, within ten days thereafter, to furnish
an able-bodied recruit to serve during the war; and in case of their neglecting or refusing so to do, the county lieutenants were authorized to procure men at their expense, at any rate not exceeding fifteen pounds in
every hundred pounds' worth of property, classed agreeably to the law.
Virginia also classed her citizens, and called upon the respective classes for
every fifteenth man for public service. Pennsylvania concentrated the
requisite power in her president, Joseph Reed, and authorized him to draw
forth the resources of the state, under certain limitations, and, if necessary, to declare martial law over the state. The legislative part of these
complicated arrangements was speedily passed, but the execution, tnough
uncommonly vigorous, lagged far behind. Few occasions could occur in
which it might be so fairly tried, to what extent, in conducting a war, a
variety of wills might be brought to act in unison. The result of the
experiment was, that however favourable republics may ne to the liberty
and happiness of the people Ain the time of peace, they will be greatly
deficient in that vigour and despatch, which military operations require
286 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
unless they imitate the policy of monarchies, by committing the executive
departments of government to the direction of a single will.
While these preparations were making in America, the armament which
had been promised by his most Christian majesty was on its way. As
soon as it was known in France, that a resolution was adopted to send out
troops to the United States, the young French nobility discovered the
greatest zeal to be employed on that service. Court favour was scarcely
ever solicited with more earnestness, than was the honour of serving under
General Washington. The number of applicants was much greater than
the service required. The disposition to support the American revolution
was not only prevalent in the court of France, but it animated the whole
body of the nation. The winds and waves did not second the ardent
wishes of the French troops. Though they sailed from France on the
1st of May, 1780, they did not reach a port in the United States till the
10th of July following. On that day, to the great joy of the Americans,
M. de Ternay arrived at Rhode Island, with a squadron of seven sail of
the line, five frigates, and five smaller armed vessels. He likewise convoyed a fleet of transports with four old French regiments, besides the
legion de Lauzun, and a battalion of artillery, amounting in the whole to
six thousand men, all under the command of Lieutenant-general Count de
Rochambeau. To the French, as soon as they landed, possession was
given of the forts and batteries on the island, and by their exertions they
were soon put in a high state of defence. In a few days after their arrival, an address of congratulation from the general Assembly of the State
of Rhode Island, was presented to Count de Rocharnbeau, in which they
expressed "their most grateful sense of the magnanimous aid afforded to
the United States, by their illustrious friend and ally, the monarch of
France, and also gave assurances of every exertion in their power for the
supply of the French forces, with all manner of refreshments and necessaries for rendering the service happy and agreeable." Rochambeau declared in his answer, "that he only brought over the vanguard of a much
greater force which was destined for their aid; that he was ordered by the
king, his master, to assure them that his whole power should be exerted
for their support." "The French troops," he said, "were under the
strictest discipline, and acting under the orders of General Washington,
would live with the Americans as brethren. He returned their compliments by an assurance, that as brethren, not only his own life, but the
lives of all those under his command were devoted to their service."
General Washington recommended in public orders to the American
officers, as a symbol of friendship and affection for their allies, to wear
black and white cockades, the ground to be of the first colour, and the
relief of the second.
THE NORTHERN CA.vlPAEiGN OF 1730. 28S
The French troops, united both in interest and affection with the Americans, ardently longed for an opportunity to co-operate with them against
the common enemy. The continental army wished for the same with
equal ardour. One circumstance alone seemed unfavourable to this spirit
of enterprise. This was the deficient clothing of the Americans. Some
whole lines, officers as well as men, were shabby, and a great proportion
of the privates were without shirts. Such troops, brought alongside
even of allies fully clad in the elegance of uniformity, must have been
more or less than men to feel no degradation on the contrast.
Admiral Arbuthnot had only four sail of the line at New York, when
M. de Ternay arrived at Rhode Island. This inferiority was in three
days reversed, by the arrival of Admiral Greaves with six sail of the line.
The British admiral, having now a superiority, proceeded to Rhode
Island. He soon discovered that the French were perfectly secure from
any attack by sea. Sir Henry Clinton, who had returned in the preceding month with his victorious troops from Charleston, embarked about
eight thousand of his best men, and proceeded as far as Huntingdon Bay,
on Long Island, with the apparent design of concurring with the British
fleet in attacking the French force at Rhode Island. When this movement took place, General Washington set his army in motion, and proceeded to Peekskill. Had Sir Henry Clinton prosecuted what appeared
to be his design, General Washington intended to have attacked New
York in his absence. Preparations were made for this purpose, but Sir
Henry Clinton instantly turned about from Huntingdon Bay towards New
York.
In the mean time, the French fleet and army being blocked up at Rhode
Island, were incapacitated from co-operating with the Americans. Hopes
were, nevertheless, indulged, that by the arrival of another fleet of his
mostChristian majesty then in the West Indies, under the command of
Count de Gruichen, the superiority would be so much in favour of the
allies, as to enable them to prosecute their original intention, of attacking
New York. When the expectations of the Americans were raised to the
highest pitch, and when they were in great forwardness of preparation to
act in concert with their allies, intelligence arrived that Count de Gruichen
had sailed for France. This disappointment was extremely mortifying.
The Americans had made uncommon exertions, on the idea of receiving
such aid from their allies as would enable them to lay effectual siege to
New York, or to strike some decisive blow. Their towering expectations
were in a moment levelled with the dust. Another campaign was antici
pated, and new shades were added to the deep cloud, which for some time
past had overshadowed American affairs.
The campaign of 1780 passed away in the northern states, as has been
belated, in successive disappointments and reiterated distresses. The
______________________ ___________________ _____
2SS TTHIE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
GENERLB ARNOLD.
country was exhausted, the continental currency expiring. The army,
for want of subsistence, kept inactive, and brooding over its calamities.
While these disasters were openly menacing the ruin of the American
cause, treachery was silently undermining it. A distinguished officer
engaged, for a stipulated sum of money, to betray into the hands of the
British an important post committed to his care. General Arnold, who
committed this foul crime, was a native of Connecticut. That state,
remarkable for the purity of its morals, for its republican principles and
patriotism, was the birth-place of a man, to whom none of the other states
have produced an equal. He had been among the first to take up arms
against Great Britain, and to widen the breach between the parent state and
the colonies. His distinguished military talents had procured him every
honour a grateful country could bestow. Poets and painters had marked
Ct__,4:. ___-__ Sxt.__
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 289
nim as a suitable subject for the display of their respective abilities. He
possessed an elevated seat in the hearts of his countrymen, and was in the
full enjoyment of a substantial fame, for the purchase of which the wealth
of worlds would have been insufficient. His country had not only loaded
him with honours, but forgiven him his crimes. Though in his accounts
against the states, there was much room to suspect fraud and imposition,
yet the recollection of his gallantry and good conduct, in a great measure,
served as a cloak to cover the whole. He who had been prodigal of life
in his country's cause, was indulged in extraordinary demands for his services. The generosity of the states did not keep pace with the extravagance of their favourite officer. A sumptuous table and expensive equipage, unsupported by the resources of private fortune, unguarded by the
virtues of economy and good management, soon increased his debts beyond
a possibility of his discharging them. His love of pleasure produced the
love of money, and that extinguished all sensibility to the obligations of
honour and duty. The calls of luxury were various and pressing, and
demanded gratification, though at the expense of fame and country. Contracts were made, speculations entered into, and partnerships instituted
which could not bear investigation. Oppression, extortion, misapplication
of public money and property, furnished him with the farther means of
gratifying his favourite passions. In these circumstances, a change of
sides afforded the only hope of evading a scrutiny, and, at the same time,
held out a prospect of replenishing his exhausted coffers. The disposition of the American forces in the year 17S0, afforded an opportunity of
accomplishing this so much to the advantage of the British, that they
could well afford a liberal reward for the beneficial treachery. The American army was stationed in the strongholds of the highlands on both sides
of the North River. In this arrangement, Arnold solicited for the command of West Point. This has been termed the Gibraltar of America.
It was built after the loss of Fort Montgomery, for the defence of the
North River, and was deemed the most proper for commanding its navigation. Rocky ridges, rising one behind another, rendered it incapable of
being invested by less than twenty thousand men.. Though some, even
then, entertained doubts of Arnold's fidelity, yet, General Washington, in
the unsuspecting spirit of a soldier, believing it to be impossible that
honour should be wanting in a breast which he knew'was the. seat of
valour, cheerfully granted his request, and intrusted him with the important post. General Arnold, thus invested with command, carried on a
negotiation with Sir Henry Clinton, by which it was agreed that the former
should make a disposition of his forces, which would enable the latter to
surprise West Point under such circumstances, that he would have the
garrison so completely in his power, that the troops must either lay down
their arms or be cut to pices. The object of this negotiation was the
VOL. 11.-37 2 i
290 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
strongest post of the Americans, the thoroughfare of communication
between the eastern and southern states, and was the repository of their
most valuable stores. The loss of it would have been severely felt.
The agent employed in this negotiation on the part of Sir Henry Clinton, was Major Andre, adjutant-general of the British army, a young officer
of great hopes and of uncommon merit. Nature had bestowed on him an
elegant taste for literature and the fine arts, which by industrious cultivation he had greatly improved. He possessed many amiable qualities, and
very great accomplishments. His fidelity, together. with his place and
character, eminently fitted him for this business; but his high ideas of
candour, and his abhorrence of duplicity, made him inexpert in practising
those arts of deception which it required. To favour the necessary communications, the Vulture sloop-of-war had been previously stationed in the
North River, as near to Arnold's posts as was practicable, without exciting
suspicion. Before this a written correspondence between Arnold and
Andre had been for some time carried on, under the fictitious names of
Gustavus and Anderson. [Sept. 21.] A boat was sent at night from the
shore to fetch Major Andre. On its return, Arnold met him at the beach,
without the posts of either army. Their business was not finished till it
was too near the dawn of dav for Andre to return to the Vulture. Arnold
told him he must be concealed till the next night. For that purpose, he
was conducted within one of the American posts, against his previous stipulation and knowledge, and continued with Arnold the following day.
The boatmen refused to carry him back the next night, as the Vulture,
from being exposed to the fire of some cannon brought up to annoy her,
had changed her position. Andre's return to New York by land was
then the only practicable mode of escape. To favour this he quitted his
uniform, which he had hitherto worn under a surtout, for a common coat,
and was furnished with a horse, and under the name of John Anderson,
with a passport "to go to the lines of White Plains, or lower if he thought
proper, he being on public business." He advanced alone and undisturbed a great part of the way. When he thought himself almost out of
danger, he was stopped by three of the New York militia, who were with
others scouting between the outposts of the two armies. Major Andre,
instead of producing his pass, asked the man who stopped him "where
he belonged to," who answered "to below," meaning New York. He
replied "so do I," and declared himself a British officer, and pressed that
he might not be detained. He soon discovered his mistake. His captors
proceeded to search him: sundry papers were found in his possession.
These were secreted in his boots, and were in Arnold's handwriting.
They contained exact returns of the state of the forces, ordnance and
defences at West Point, with the artillery orders, critical remarks on the
works, &c.
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 291
Andre offered his captors a purse of gold and a new valuable watch, if
they would let him pass, and permanent provision and future promotion,
if they would convey and accompany him to New York. They nobly
disdained the proffered bribe, and delivered him a prisoner to Lieutenantcolonel Jameson, who commanded the scouting parties. In testimony of
the high sense entertained of the virtuous and patriotic conduct of John
Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Vert, the captors of Andre,
Congress resolved "That each of them receive annually two hundred dollars
in specie during life, and that the board of war be directed to procure for
each of them a silver medal, on one side of which should be a shield with
this inscription, Fidelity; and on the other, the following motto, Vincit.mBnor Patrie: and that the commander-in-chief be requested to present
the same, with the thanks of Congress, for their fidelity and the eminent
service they had rendered their country." Andre, when delivered to
Jameson, continued to call himself by the name of Anderson, and asked
leave to send a letter to Arnold, to acquaint him with Anderson's detention.
This was inconsiderately granted. Arnold, on the receipt of this letter,
abandoned every thing, and went on board the Vulture sloop-of-war.
Lieutenant-colonel Jameson forwarded to General Washington all the
papers found on Andre, together with a letter giving an account of the
whole affair, but the express, by taking a different route from the general,
who was returning from a conference at Hartford with Count de Rochambeau, missed him. This caused such a delay as gave Arnold time to effect
his escape. The same packet which detailed the particulars of Andre's
capture, brought a letter from him, in which he avowed his name and character, and endeavoured to show that he did not come under the description of a spy. The letter was expressed in terms of dignity without insolence, and of apology without meanness. He stated therein, that he held
a correspondence with a person under the orders of his general. That his
intention went no farther than meeting that person on neutral ground, for
the purpose of intelligence, and that, against his stipulation, his intention,
and without his knowledge beforehand, he was brought within the American posts, and had to concert his escape from them. Being taken on his
return, he was betrayed into the vile condition of an enemy in disguise.
His principal request was, that " whatever his fate might be, a decency of
treatment might be observed, which would mark, that though unfortunate,
he was branded with nothing that was dishonourable, and that he was involuntarily an impostor."
General Washington referred the whole case of Major Andre to the examination and decision of a board, consisting of fourteen general officers
On his examination, he voluntarily confessed every thing that related to
himself, and particularly that he did not come ashore under the protection
of a flag. The board did not examine a single witness. bllt founded their
292 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
ANDRE'S PRISON.
report on his own confession. In this they stated the following facts
"rrhat Major Andre came on shore on the night of the 21st of SeptembeT
in a private and secret manner, and that he changed his dress within the
American lines, and under a feigned name and disguised habit passed their
works, and was taken in a disguised habit when on his way to New York,
and when taken, several papers were found in his possession, which contained intelligence for the enemy." From these facts they farther reported it as their opinion, " That Major Andre ought to be considered as a
spy, and that agreeably to the laws and usages of nations he ought to suffei
death."
Sir Henry Clinton, Lieutenant-general Robertson, and the late American
general Arnold, wrote pressing letters to General Washington, to prevent
the decision of the board of general officers from being carried into effect.
General Arnold in particular urged, that every thing done by Major Andre
was done by his particular request, and at a time when he was the acknowledged commanding officer in the department. He contended "that he
had a right to transact all these matters, for which, though wrong, Major
Andre ought not to suffer." An interview also took place between General
Robertson, on the part of the British, and General Greene, on the part of
the Americans. Every thing was urged by the former, that ingenuity or
humanity could suggest for averting the proposed execution. Greene made
a proposition for delivering up Andre for Arnold; but this could not be
Acceded to by the British, without offending against every principle of
policy. Robertson urged "that Andre went on shore under the sanction
Andre ought not to suffer." An interview also took place between al
Robrton onte par o fteBitisndGerlreeohpatf
THIE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 293
(of a flag, a.nd that being then in Arnold's power, he was not accountable
for his subsequent actions, which were said to be compulsory." To this it
was replied, "that he was employed in the execution of measures very
foreign from the objects of flags of truce, and such as they were never
meant to authorize or countenance, and that Major Andre in the course of
his examination had candidly confessed, that it was impossible for him to
suppose that he came on shore under the sanction of a flag." As Greene
and Robertson differed so widely both in their statement of facts, and the
inferences they drew from them, the latter proposed to the former, that the
opinions of disinterested gentlemen might be taken on the subject, and
proposed Knyphausen and Rochambeau. Robertson also urged that Andre
possessed a great share of Sir Henry Clinton's esteem; and that he would
be infinitely obliged if he should be spared. He offered that in case Andre
was permitted to return with him to New York, any person whatever, that
might be named, should be set at liberty. All these arguments and
entreaties having failed, Robertson presented a long letter from Arnold, in
which he endeavoured to exculpate Andre, by acknowledging himself the
author of every part of his cond uct, "and particularly insisted on his conling from the Vulture, under a flag which he had sent for that purpose."
lie declared that if Andre suffered, he should think himself bound in
honour to retaliate. He also observed "that forty of the principal inhabitants of South Carolina had justly forfeited their lives, which had hitherto
been spared only through the clemency of Sir Henry Clinton, but who
could no longer extend his mercy if Major Andre suffered: an event
which would probably open a scene of bloodshed, at which humanity must
revolt." He entreated Washington by his own honour, and for that of
humanity, not to suffer an unjust sentence to touch the life of Andre, but
if that warning should be disregarded and Andre suffer, he called heaven
and earth to witness, that he alone would be justly answerable for the torrents of blood that might be spilt in consequence."
Every exertion was made by the royal commanders to save Andre, but
without effect. It was the general opinion of the American army that his,
life was forfeited, and that national dignity and sound policy required that
the forfeiture should be exacted.
Andre, though superior to the terrors of death, wished to die like a
soldier. To obtain this favour, he wrote a letter to General Washington,
fraught with sentiments of military dignity. From an adherence to the
usages of war, it was not thought proper to grant this request; but his
delicacy was saved from the pain of receiving a negative answer. The
guard which attended him in his confinement, marched with him to the
place of execution. The way over which he passed was crowded on
each side by anxious spectators. Their sensibility was strongly impressed
by beholding a well-dressed youth, in the bloom of life, of a peculiarly
a2
294 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
engaging person, mien and aspect, devoted to immediate execution. Major
Andre walked with firmness, composure and dignity, between two officers
of his guard, his arm being locked in theirs. Upon seeing the preparations
at the fatal spot, he asked with some degree of concern, "Must I die In
this manner?" He was told it was unavoidable. He replied, "I am
reconciled to my fate, but not to the mode;" but soon subjoined, " It will
be but a momentary pang." He ascended the cart with a pleasing countenance, and with a degree of composure which excited the admiration
and melted the hearts of all the spectators. He was asked, when the fatal
moment was at hand, if he had any thing to say? he answered, "Nothing,
but to request that you will witness to the world that I die like a bravy
man." The succeeding moments closed the affecting scene.
This execution was the subject of severe censures. Barbarity, cruelty
and murder, were plentifully charged on the Americans, but the impartial
of all nations allowed, that it was warranted by the usages of war. It
cannot be condemned, without condemning the maxims of self-preservation, which have uniformly guided the practice of hostile nations. The
finer feelings of humanity would have been gratified, by dispensing with
the rigid maxims of war in favour of so distinguished an officer, but these
feelings must be controlled by a regard for the public safety. Such was
the distressed state of the American army, and so abundant were their
causes of complaint, that there was much to fear from the contagious
nature of treachery. Could it have been reduced to a certainty that there
were no more Arnolds in America, perhaps Andre's life might have been
spared; but the necessity of discouraging farther plots fixed his fate, and
stamped it with the seal of political necessity. If conjectures in the boundless field of possible contingencies were to be indulged, it might be said
that it was more consonant to extended humanity to take one life, than by
ill-timed lenity to lay a foundation, which probably would occasion not
only the loss of many, but endanger the independence of a great country.
Though a regard to the public safety imposed a necessity for inflicting
the rigours of martial law, yet the rare worth of this unfortunate officer
made his unhappy case the subject of universal regret. Not only among
the partizans of royal government, but among the firmest American republicans, the friendly tear of sympathy freely flowed, for the early fall of this
amiable young man. Some condemned, others justified, but all regretted
the fatal sentence which put a period to his valuable life.
This grand project terminated with no other alteration in respect of the
British, than that of their exchanging one of their best officers for the worst
man in the Americar army. Arnold was immediately made a brigadiergeneral in the service of the king of Great Britain. The failure of the scheme
respecting West Point made it necessary for him to dispel the cloud which
overshadowed his character oy the performance of some signal service for
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 295
nl, new masters. The condition of the American army afforded him a
prospect of doing something of consequence. He flattered himself that, by
the allurements of pay and promotion, he should be able to raise a numerous force from among the distressed American soldiery. He therefore
took methods for accomplishing this purpose, by obviating their scruples
and working on their passions. His first public measure was issuing an
address, directed to the inhabitants of America, dated from New York, five
days after Andre's execution. In this he endeavoured to justify himself
for deserting their cause. He said, "that vhen he first engaged in it he
conceived the rights of his country to be in danger, and that duty and
honour called him to her defence. A redress of grievances was his only
aim and object. He however acquiesced in the declaration of independence, although he thought it precipitate. But the reasons that were
then offered to justify that measure no longer could exist, when Great
Britain, with the open arms of a parent, offered to embrace them as children and to grant the wished-for redress. From the refusal of these proposals, and the ratification of the French alliance, all his ideas of the justice
and policy of the war were totally changed, and from that time he had
become a professed loyalist." He acknowledged that "in these principles he had only retained his arms and command for an opportunity to
surrender them to Great Britain." This address was soon followed by
another, inscribed to the officers and soldiers of the continental army.
This was intended to induce them to follow his example, and engage in
the royal service. He informed them that he was authorized to raise a
corps of cavalry and infantry, who were to be on the same footing with the
other troops in the British service. To allure the private men, three
guineas were offered to each, besides payment for their horses, arms and
accoutrements. Rank in the British army was also held out to the American officers, who would recruit and bring in a certain number of men,
proportioned to the different grades of military service. These offers were
proposed to unpaid soldiers, who were suffering from the want of both
food and clothing, and to officers who were in a great degree obliged to
support themselves from their own resources, while they were spending
the prime of their days, and risking their lives in the unproductive service
of Congress. Though they were urged at a time when the paper currency was at its lowest ebb of depreciation, and the wants and distresses
of the American army were at their highest pitch, yet they did not produce the intended effect on a single sentinel or officer. Whether the circumstances of Arnold's case added new shades to the crime of desertion,
or whether their providential escape from the deep-laid scheme against
West Point gave a higher tone to the firmness of the American soldiery,
cannot be unfolded: but either from these or some other causes, desertion
wholly ceased at this remarkable period of the war.
296 THE NORTHERN CAMiPAIGN OF 1780.
MAJO ANDRE.
It is matter of reproach to the United States, that they brougnt into
public view a man of Arnold's character, but it is to the honour of human
nature that a great revolution and an eight years' war produced but one.
In civil contests, for officers to change sides has not been unusual, but in
the various events of the American war, and among the many regular
officers it called to the field, nothing occurred that bore any resemblance to
the conduct of Arnold. His singular case enforces the policy of conferring high trusts exclusively on men of clean hands, and of withholding
all public confidence from those who are subjected to the dominion of
pleasure.
A gallant enterprise of Major Talmadge about this time deserves notice.
He crossed the sound to Long Island with eighty men, made a circuitous
march of twenty miles to Fort George, and reduced it without any other
loss than that of one private man wounded. He killed and wounded
eight of the enemy, captured a lieutenant-colonel, a captain, and fifty-five
privates.
MUTINY IN THE ARMY.
HL HOUGH General Arnold's address to his countrymen
i: produced no effect in detaching the soldiery of America from the unproductive service of Congress, their
/m k~ 5 steadiness could not be accounted for, from any melioration of their circumstances. They still remained
without pay, and without such clothing as the season
required. They could not be induced to enter the
British service, but their complicated distresses at length broke out into
deliberate mutiny. This event, which had been long expected, made its
first threatening appearance in the Pennsylvania line. The common soldiers enlisted in that state were for the most part natives of Ireland; but,
though not bound to America by the accidental tie of birth, they were
inferior to none in discipline, courage, or attachment to the cause of independence. They had been, but a few month's before, the most active
instruments in quelling a mutiny of the Connecticut troops, and had on all
occasions done their duty to admiration. An ambiguity in the terms of
their enlistment furnished a pretext for their conduct. A great part of
them were enlisted for three years, or during the war —the three years
were expired, and the men insisted that the choice of staying or going
remained with them, while the officers contended that the choice was in
the state.
The mutiny was excited by the non-commissioned officers and privates,
in the night of the 1st of January, 1781, and soon became so universal in
the line of that state as to defy all opposition. The whole, except three
VOL I-38
298 MUTINY IN TIlE ARMY.
GENEBRL WA.TN AND TEH MUTZIX3R&B
regiments, upon a signal for the purpose, turned out under arms without
their officers, and declared for a redress of grievances. The officers, in
vain, endeavoured to quell them. Several were wounded, and a captain
was killed in attempting it. General Wayne presented his pistols, as if
about to fire on them; they held their bayonets to his breast, and said,
"We love and respect you, but if you fire, you are a dead man. We are
not going to the enemy; on the contrary, if they were now to come out,
you should see us fight under your orders with as much alacrity as ever;
but we will be no longer amused, we are determined on obtaining our just
due." Deaf to-arguments and entreaties, they, to the number of thirteen
hundred, moved off in a body from Morristown, and proceeded in good
order, with their arms and six field-pieces, to Princeton. They elected
temporary officers from their own body, and appointed a serjeant-major,
who had formerly deserted from the British army, to be their commander
General Wayne forwarded provisions after them, to prevent their plundering the country for their subsistence. They invaded no man's property,
farther than their immediate necessities made unavoidable. This was
readily submitted to by the inhabitants, who had long been used to exactions of the same kind, levied.for similar purposes by their lawful rulers
They professed that they had no object in view, but to obtain what was
iustly due to them, nor were their actions inconsistent with that profession
MUTINY IN THE AR MY. 299
Congress sent a committee of their body, consisting of General Sullivan,
Mr. Mathews, Mr. Atlee, and Dr. Witherspoon, to procure an accornmodation. The revolters were resolute in refusing any terms, of which a redress of their grievances was not the foundation. Every thing asked of their
country, they might, at any time after the 6th of January, have obtained
from the British, by passing over into New York. This they refused.
Their sufferings had exhausted their patience, but not their patriotism
Sir Henry Clinton, by confidential messengers, offered to take them under
the protection of the British government-to pardon all their past offences —
to have the pay due them from Congress faithfully made up, without any
expectation of military service in return, although it would be received if
voluntarily offered. It was recommended to them to move behind the
South River, and it was promised that a detachment of British troops
should be in readiness for their protection, as soon as desired. In the
mean time, the troops passed over from New York to Staten Island,
and the necessary arrangements were made for moving them into New
Jersey, whensoever they might be wanted. The royal commander was
not less disappointed than surprised, to find that the faithful though revolting' soldiers disdained his offers. The messengers of Sir Henry Clinton
were seized and delivered to General Wayne. President Reed and
General Potter were appointed, by the council of Pennsylvania, to accommodate matters with the revolters. They met them at Princeton, and
agreed to dismiss all whose terms of enlistment were completed, and admitted the oath of each soldier to be evidence in his own case. A board
of officers tried and condemned the British spies, and they were instantly
executed. President Reed offered a purse of a hundred guineas to the
mutineers, as a reward for their fidelity in delivering up the spies; but
they refused to accept it, saying, " That what they had done was only a
duty they owed their country, and that they neither desired nor would
receive any reward but the approbation of that country for which they
had so often fought and bled."
[January 17.] By these healing measures the revolt was completely
quelled; but the complaints of the soldiers, being founded in justice, were
first redressed. Those whose time of service was expired obtained their
discharges, and others had their arrears of pay in a great measure made
up to them. A general amnesty closed the business. On this occasion,
the commander-in-chief stated in a circular letter to the four eastern
states, the well-founded complaints of his army, and the impossibility of
keeping them together, under the pressure of such a variety of sufferings.
General Knox was requested to be the bearer of these despatches, and to
urge the states to an immediate exertion for the relief of the soldiers. He
visited Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island;
and with great earnestness, and equal success, described the wants of the
300 MUTINY IN THE kRMY.
army. Massachusetts gave twenty-four silver dollars to each mnan of her
line; and also furnished them with some clothing. Other states about the
same time made similar advances.
[January, 1781.] The spirit of mutiny proved contagious. About one
hundred and sixty of the Jersey troops followed the example of the Pennsylvania line; but they did not conduct with equal spirit, nor with equal
prudence. They committed sundry acts of outrage against particular
officers, while they affected to be submissive to others. Major-general
Howe, with a considerable force, was ordered to take methods for reducing
them to obedience. Convinced that there was no medium between dignity
and servility, but coercion, and that no other remedy could be applied
without the deepest wound to the service, he determined to proceed against
them with decision. General Howe marched from Kingwood about midnight, and by the dawning of the next day had his men in four different
positions, to prevent the revolters from making their escape. Every
avenue being secured, Colonel Barber of the Jersey line was sent to them,
with orders immediately to parade without arms, and to march to a particular spot of ground. Some hesitation appearing among them, Colonel
Sprout was directed to advance, and only five minutes were given to the
mutineers to comply with the orders which had been sent them. This
had its effect, and they to a man marched without arms to the appointed
ground. The Jersey officers gave a list of the leaders of the revolt, upon
which General Howe desired them to select three of the greatest offenders.
A field court-martial was presently held upon these three, and they were
unanimously sentenced to death. Two of them were executed on the spot,
and the executioners were selected from among the most active in the
mutiny. The men were divided into platoons, and made public concessions to their officers, and promised by future good conduct to atone for
past offences.
These mutinies alarmed the states, but did not produce permanent relief
to the army. Their wants with respect to provisions were only partially
supplied, and by expedients from one short time to another. The most
usual was ordering an officer to seize on provisions wherever found. This
differed from robbing only in its being done by authority for the public
service, and in the officer being always directed to give the proprietor a
certificate of the quantity and quality of what was taken from him. At
first some reliance was placed on these certificates as vouchers to support
a future demand on the United States; but they soon became so common
as to be of little value. Recourse was so frequently had to coercion, both
legislative and military, that the people not only lost confidence in public
credit, but became impatient under all exertions of authority for forcing
their property from them. That an army should be kept together under
such circumstances, so far exceeds credibility, as to make it necessary to
MUTINY IN THE ARMY. 301
produce some evidence of the fact. The American General Clinton, in a
letter to General Washington, dated at Albany, April 16, 1781, wrote as
follows: "There is not now (independent of Fort Schuyler) three days' pro.
vision in the whole department for the troops in case of an alarm, nor any
prospect of procuring any. The recruits of the new levies I cannot
receive, because I have nothing to give them. The Canadian families, 1
have been obliged to deprive of their'scanty pittance, contrary to every
principle of humanity. The quartermaster's department is totally useless
the public armory has been shut up for near three weeks, and a tota.
suspension of every military operation has ensued." Soon after this
General Washington was obliged to apply nine thousand dollars, sent by
the state of Massachusetts for the payment of her troops, to the use of the
quartermaster's department, to enable him to transport provisions from the
adjacent states. Before he consented to adopt this expedient, he had consumed every ounce of provision which had been kept as a reserve in the
garrison of West Point; and had strained impress by military force to so
great an extent that there was reason to apprehend the inhabitants, irritated
by such frequent calls, would proceed to dangerous insurrections. Fort
Schuyler, West Point, and the posts up the North River, were on the point
of being abandoned by their starving garrisons. At this period of the war,
there was little or no circulating medium, either in the form of paper or
specie, and in the neighbourhood of the American army there was a real
want of necessary provisions. The deficiency of the former occasioned
many inconveniences, and an unequal distribution of the burdens of the
war; but the insufficiency of the latter had wellnigh dissolved the army,
and laid the country in every direction open to British excursions.
These events were not unforeseen by the rulers of America. From the
progressive depreciation of their bills of credit, it had for some time past
occurred, that the period could not be far distant, when they would cease
to circulate. This crisis, which had been ardently wished for by the enemies, and dreaded by the friends of American independence, took place in
1781; but without realizing the hopes of the one, or the fears of the other.
New resources were providentially opened, and the war was carried on
with the same vigour as before. A great deal of gold and silver was about
this time introduced into the United States, by a beneficial trade with the
French and Spanish West India islands, and by means of the French army
in Rhode Island. Pathetic representations were made to the ministers of
his Most Christian Majesty by General Washington, Dr. Franklin, and
particularly by Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens, who was sent to the court
of Versa;lles as a special minister on this occasion. The king of France
gave the United States a subsidy of six millions of livres, and became theii
security for ten millions more, borrowed for their use in the United Nether
lands. A regular system of finance was also about this time adopted. All
2 C
302 MUTINY IN TIHE ARMY.
matters relative to the treasury, the supplies of the army and the accounts,
were pat under the direction of Robert Morris, who arranged the whole
with judgment and economy. The issuing of paper money by the authority of government was discontinued, and the public engagements were
made payable in coin. The introduction of so much gold and silver,
together with these judicious domestic regulations, aided by the bank,
which had been erected the preceding year in Philadelphia, extricated
Congress from much of their embarrassment, and put it in their power to
feed, clothe, and move their army.
About the same time the old continental money, by common consent,
ceased to have currency. Like an aged man expiring by the decays of
nature, without a sigh or groan, it fell asleep in the hands of its last possessors. By the scale of depreciation the war was carried on five years,
for little more than a million of pounds sterling, and two hundred millions
of paper dollars were made redeemable by five millions of silver ones. In
other countries such measures would probably have produced popular
insurrections, but in the United States they were submitted to without any
tumults. Public faith was violated, but, in the opinion of most men, public good was promoted. The evils consequent on depreciation had taken
place, and the redemption of the bills of credit at their nominal value, as
originally promised, instead of remedying the distresses of the sufferers,
would in many cases have increased them, by subjecting their small
remains of property to exorbitant taxation. The money had in a great
measure got out of the hands of the original proprietors, and was in the
possession of others, who had obtained it at a rate of value not exceeding
what was fixed upon it by the scale of depreciation.
Nothing could afford a stronger proof that the resistance of America to
Great Britain was grounded in the hearts of the people, than these events.
To receive paper bills of credit issued without any funds, and to give
property in exchange for them, as equal to gold or silver, demonstrated
the zeal and enthusiasm with which the war was begun; but to consent
to the extinction of the same after a currency of five years, without any
adequate provision made for their future redemption, was more than would
have been borne by any people who conceived that their rulers had separate interests or views from themselves. The demise of one king, and the
coronation of a lawful successor, have often excited greater commotions in
royal governments, than took place in the United States on the sudden
extinction of their whole current money. The people saw the necessity
which compelled their rulers to act in the manner they had done, and
being well convinced that the good of the country was their object,
quietly submitted to measures, which, under other circumstances, would
scarcely have been expiated by the lives and fortunes of their authors.
INVASION OF VIRGINIA.
HILE the Americans were suffering the complicated calamities which introduced the year 1781,
their adversaries were carrying on the most extensive plan of operation which had ever been
~- ~,hll ~ attempted since the war. It had often been objected to the British commanders, that they had not
conducted the war in the manner most likely to
effect the subjugation of the revolted provinces. Military critics in particular found fault with them for keeping a large army idle at New York,
which they said, if properly applied, would have been sufficient to make
successful impressions; at one and the same time, on several of the states.
The British seem to have calculated the campaign of 1781, with a view to
make an experiment of the comparative merit of this mode of conducting
military operations. The war raged in that year not only in the vicinity
of British head-quarters at New York, but in Georgia, South Carolina,
North Carolina, and in Virginia. The latter state, from its peculiar situa
304 INVASION OF VIRGINTA,
RN OLD'S DI)ESCENT ON VIROIN IA.
tion, and from the modes of building, planting and living, which had teen
adopted by the inhabitants, is particularly exposed, and lies at the mercy
of whatever army is master of the Chesapeake. These circumstances,
together with the pre-eminent rank which Virginia held in the confederacy,
pointed out the propriety of making that state the object of particular
attention. To favour Lord Cornwallis's designs in the southern states,
Major-general Leslie, with about two thousand men, had been detached
from New York to the Chesapeake in the latter end of 1780; but subsequent events induced his lordship to order him from Virginia to Charleston,
with the view of his more effectually co-operating with the army under
his own immediate command. Soon after the departure of General Leslie,
Virginia was again invaded by another party from New York. This was
commanded by General Arnold, now a brigadier in the royal army. His
force consisted of about sixteen hundred men, and was supported by
such a number of armed vessels as enabled him to commit extensive
ravages on the unprotected coasts of that well-watered country. The
invaders landed about fifteen miles below Richmond, and in two days
marched into the town, where they destroyed large quantities of tobacco,
salt, rum, sail-cloth, and other merchandise. Successive excursions were
made to several other places, in which the royal army committed similar
devastati ns.
INVASION OF VIRGINIA. 305
[Jan. 20.] In about a fortnight, they marched into Portsmouth, and began
to fortify it. The loss they sustained from the feeble opposition of the dispersedr inhabitants was inconsiderable. The havoc made by General
Arnold, and the apprehension of a design to fix a permanent post in Virginia, induced General Washington to detach the Marquis de La Fayette,
with twelve hundred of the American infantry, to that state, and also to
urge the French in Rhode Island to co-operate with him, in attempting to
capture Arnold and his party. The French commanders eagerly closed
with the proposal. Since they had landed in the United States, no proper
opportunity of gratifying their passion for military fame had yet presented
itself. They rejoiced at that which now offered, and indulged a cheerful
hope of rendering essential service to their allies by cutting off the retreat
of Arnold's party. With this view, their fleet, with fifteen hundred additional men on board, sailed [March 8] from Rhode Island for Virginia.
D'Estouches, who, since the death of De Ternay, on the preceding December, had commanded the French fleet, previous to the sailing of his whole
naval force, despatched the Eveille, a sixty-four gun ship, and two
frigates, with orders to destroy the British ships and frigates in the Chesapeake. These took [March 25] or destroyed ten vessels, and captured
the Romulus, of forty-four guns. Arbuthnot, with a British fleet, sailed
[March 10] from Gardiner's Bay in pursuit of D'Estouches. The former
overtook [March 16] and engaged the latter off the capes of Virginia.
Tne British had the advantage of more guns than the French, but the
latter were much more strongly manned than the former. The contest
between the fleets, thus nearly balanced, ended without the loss of a ship
on either side; but the British obtained the fruits of victory so far as to
frustrate the whole scheme of their adversaries. The fleet of his most
Christian majesty returned to Rhode Island without effecting the object of
the expedition. Thus was Arnold saved from imminent danger of falling
into the hands of his exasperated countrymen. The day before the
French fleet returned to Newport, a convoy arrived in the Chesapeake
[March 25] from New York, with Major-general Phillips and about two
thousand men. This distinguished officer, who, having been taken at
Saratoga, had been lately exchanged, was appointed to be commander of
the royal forces in Virginia. Phillips and Arnold soon made a junction,
and carried every thing before them. They successively defeated those
bodies of militia which came in their way. The whole country was open
to their excursions. On their embarkation from Portsmouth, a detachment
visited Yorktown, but the main body proceeded to Williamsburgh. On
the 22d of April they reached Chickapowing. A party proceeded up
that river ten or twelve miles, and destroyed much property. On the
24th they landed at City-point, and soon after they marched for Petersburgh. About Mne mile from the townn they were opposed by a smL.l force
VOL. II -39 2 C
306 INVASION OF VIRGINIA.
commanded by Baron Steuben; but this, after making a gallant resistance
was compelled to retreat.
[April 27.] At Petersburgh they destroyed four thousand hogshead,
of tobacco, a ship, and a number of smnall vessels. Within three days one
party marched to Chesterfield court-house, and burned a range of barracks,
and three hundred barrels of flour. On the same day, another party under
the command of General Arnold marched to Osborne's. About four miles
above that place, a small marine force was drawn up to oppose him. General Arnold sent a flag to treat with the commander of this fleet, but he
declared that he would defend it to the last extremity. Upon this refusal,
Arnold advanced with some artillery, and fired upon him with decisive
effect from the banks of the river. Two ships and ten small vessels loaded
with tobacco, cordage, flour, &c., were captured. Four ships, five brigan
tines and a number of small vessels were burnt or sunk. The quantity
of tobacco taken or destroyed in this fleet exceeded two thousand hogsheads, and the whole was effected without the loss of a single man on the
side of the British. [April 30.] The royal forces then marched up the
fork till they arrived at Manchester. There they destroyed one thousand
two hundred hogsheads of tobacco; returning thence they made great havoc
at Warnlic. They destroyed the ships on the stocks, and in the river, and
a large range of rope-walks. A magazine of five hundred barrels of flour,
with a number of warehouses, and of tanhouses, all filled with their respective commodities, were also consumed in one general conflagration.
On the 9th of May they returned to Petersburgh, having, in the course of
the preceding three weeks, destroyed property to an immense amount.
With this expedition, Major-general Phillips terminated a life, which in all
his previous operations had been full of glory. At early periods of his
military career, on different occasions of a preceding war, he had gained
the full approbation of Prince Ferdinand, under whom he had served in
Germany. As an officer he was universally admired. Though much of
the devastations committed by the troops under his command may be vindicated on the principles of those who hold that the rights and laws of
war, are of equal obligation with the rights and laws of humanity, yet
the friends of his fame have reason to regret that he did not die three
weeks sooner.
CAMPAIGN OF 1781-OPERATIONS IN THE TWO CAROLINAS AND GEORGIA.
[~[~- ~]IHE successes which, with a few checks, followed the
-_ p- British arms since they had reduced Savannah and
Charleston, encouraged them to pursue their object
by advancing from south to north. A vigorous invasion of North Carolina was therefore projected, for
the business of the winter which followed General
IP-~ l Gates's defeat. The Americans were sensible of the
necessity of reinforcing and supporting their southern
army, but were destitute of the means of doing it. Their northern army
would not admit of being farther weakened, nor was there time to march
over the intervening distance of seven hundred miles, but if men could have
been procured and time allowed for marching them to South Carolina, money
for defraying the unavoidable expenses of their transportation could not be
commanded, either in the latter end of 1780, or the first months of 1781.
Though Congress was unable to forward either men or money, for the
relief of the southern states, they did what was equivalent. They sent
them a general, whose head was a council, and whose military talents
were equal to a reinforcement. The nomination of an officer for this important trust was left to General Washington. He mentioned General
Greene, adding for reason, "that he was an officer in whose abilities and
308 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
integrity, from a long and intimate experience, he had the most entire confidence."
The army, after its defeat and dispersion on the 16th of August, 1780,
rendezvoused at Hillsborough. In the latter end of the year they advanced to Charlottetown. At this place General Gates transferred the
command to General Greene. The manly resignation of the one was
equalled by the delicate disinterestedness of the other. Expressions of
civility, and acts of friendship and attention were reciprocally exchanged.
Greene, upon all occasions, was the vindicator of Gates's reputation. In
his letters and conversation, he uniformly maintained that his predecessor
had failed in n,, part of his military duty, and that he had deserved success, though he could not command it. Within a few hours after Greene
took charge of the army, a report was made of a gallant enterprise of
Lieutenant-colonel Washington. Being out on a foraging excursion, he
had penetrated within thirteen miles of Camden, to Clermont, the seat of
Lieutenant-colonel Rigely, of the British militia. This was fortified by a
block-house, and encompassed by an abattis, and was defended by upwards
of one hundred of the inhabitants, who had submitted to the British government. Lieutenant-colonel Washington advanced with his cavalry, and
planted the trunk of a pine-tree, so as to resemble a field-piece. The
lucky moment was seized, and a peremptory demand of an immediate surrender was made, when the garrison was impressed with the expectation
of an immediate cannonade in case of their refusal. The whole surrendered at discretion, without a shot on either side. This fortunate incident,
through the superstition to which most men are more or less subject,
was viewed by the army as a presage of success under their new commander.
When General Greene took the command, he found the troops had made
a practice of going home without permission, staying several days or
weeks, and then returning to camp. Determined to enforce strict discipline, he gave out that he would make an example of the first deserter of
the kind he caught. One such being soon taken, was accordingly shot, at
the head of the army, drawn up to be spectators of the punishment. This
had the desired effect, and put a stop to the dangerous practice.
The whole southern army at this time consisted of about two thousand
men, more than half of which were militia. The regulars had been for
a long time without pay, and were very deficient in clothing. All sources
of supply from Charleston were in possession of the British, and no im
ported article could be obtained from a distance less than two hundred
miles. The procuring of provisions for this small force was a matter of
difficulty. The paper currency was depreciated so far as to be wholly
unequal to the purchase of even such supplies as the country affcrded.
Hard money had not a physical existence in any hands accessible to the
L_
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 309
Americans. The only resource left for supplying the army was by the
arbitrary mode of impress. To seize on the property of the inhabitants.
and at the same time to preserve their kind affections, was a difficult business and of delicate execution, but of the utmost moment, as it furnished
the army with provisions without impairing the disposition of the inhabitants to co-operate with it in recovering the country. This grand object
called for the united efforts of both. Such was the situation of the country, that it was almost equally dangerous for the American army to go for.
ward or stand still. In the first case every thing was hazarded; in the
last the confidence of the people would be lost, and with it all prospect of
being supported by them. The impatience of the suffering exiles and
others, led them to urge the adoption of rash measures. The mode of
opposition they preferred was the least likely to effect their ultimate wishes.
The nature of the country, thinly inhabited, abounding with swamps, and
covered with woods-the inconsiderable force of the American army, the
number of the disaffected, and the want of magazines, weighed with
General Greene to prefer a partisan war. By close application to his new
profession, he had acquired a scientific knowledge of the principles and
maxims for conducting wars in Europe, but considered them as often inapplicable to America. When they were adapted to his circumstances he
used them, but oftenser deviated from them, and followed his own practical
judgment, founded on a comprehensive view of his real situation.
ITH an inconsiderable army, miserably provided,, z ~l ~General Greene took the field against a superior
British regular force,which had marched in triumph
two hundred miles from the seacoast, and was
flushed with successive victories through a whole
campaign. Soon after he took the command, he
divided his force, sending General Morgan, with a
respectable detachment, to the western extremity of South Carolina, and
about the same time marched with the main body to Hicks's creek, on the
north side of the Pedee, opposite Cheraw Hill.
After the general submission of the militia in the year 1780, a revolution took place highly favourable to the interest of America. The residence of the British army, instead of increasing the real friends to royal
government, diminished their number, and added new vigour to the opposite party. The British held a post in Ninety-six for thirteen months,
during which time the country was filled with rapine, violence, and murder. Applications were daily made for redress, yet in that whole period,
there was not a single instance wherein punishment was inflicted, either
on the soldiery or the Tories. The people soon found that there was no
security for their lives, liberties, or property, under the military government
of British officers, careless of their civil rights. The peaceable citizens
310 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
were reduced to that uncommon distress, in which they had more to feat
from oppression than resistance. They therefore most ardently wished for
an American force. Under these favourable circumstances General Greene
detached General Morgan to take a position in that district. The appearance of this force, a sincere attachment to the cause of independence, and
the impolitic conduct of the British, induced several persons to resume
their arms, and to act in concert with the continental troops.
When this irruption was made into the district of Ninety-six, Lord Cornwallis was far advanced in his preparations for the invasion of North Carolina. To leave General Morgan in his rear, was contrary to military policy.
In order, therefore, to drive him from this station, and to deter the inhabitants from joining him, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton was ordered to proceed
with about eleven hundred men, and "push him to the utmost." He had
two field-pieces, and a superiority of infantry in the proportion of five to
four, and of cavalry in the proportion of three to one. Besides this inequality
of force, two-thirds of the troops under General Morgan were militia. [Jan.
17, 1781.] With these fair prospects of success, Tarleton engaged Morgan
at the Cowpens, with the expectation of driving him out of South Carolina.
The latter drew up his men in two lines. The whole of the southern militia,
with one hundred and ninety from North Carolina, were put under the command of Colonel Pickens. These formed the first line, and were advanced a
few hundred yards before the second, with orders to form on the right of the
second, when forced to retire. The second line consisted of the light infantry, and a corps of Virginia militia riflemen. Lieutenant-colonel Washington, with his cavalry and about forty-five militia men, mounted and equipped
with swords, were drawn up at some distance in the rear of the whole. The
open wood in which they were formed, was neither secured in front, flank,
or rear. On the side of the British, the light legion infantry and fusileers,
though worn down with extreme fatigue, were ordered to form in line.
Before this order was executed, the line, though far from being complete,
was led to the attack by Tarleton himself. They advanced with a shout
and poured in an incessant fire of musketry. Colonel Pickens directed
the men under his command to restrain their fire, till the British were
within forty or fifty yards. This order, though executed with great firmness, was not sufficient to repel their advancing foes. The militia fell
back. The British advanced and engaged the second line, which after an
obstinate conflict was compelled to retreat to the cavalry. In this crisis,
Lieutenant-colonel Washington made a successful charge on Captain Ogilvie, who with about forty dragoons was cutting down the militia, and forced
them to retreat in confusion. Lieutenant-colonel Howard, almost at the
same moment, rallied the continental troops and charged with fixed bayonets. The example was instantly followed by the militia. Nothing could
exceed the astonishment and confusion of the British occasioned by these
TI lE CAM PAIG N OF 1781. 311
BA.TTLE OF THEE COWPR1S.
unexpected charges. Their advance fell back on their rear, and communicated a panic to the whole. Two hundred and fifty horse which had
not been engaged fled with precipitation. The pieces of artillery were
seized by the Americans, and the greatest confusion took place among the
infantry. While they were in this state of disorder, Lieutenant-colonel
Howard called to them, to "lay down their arms," and promised them good
quarter. Some hundreds accepted the offer and surrendered. The first
battalion of the seventy-first, and two British light infantry companies, laid
down their arms to the American militia. A party which had been left
some distance in the rear to guard the baggage, was the only body of infantry that escaped. The officer of that detachment, on hearing of Tarleton's defeat, destroyed a great part of the baggage, and retreated to Lord
Cornwallis. Upwards of three hundred of the British were killed or
wounded, and above five hundred prisoners were taken. Eight hundred
muskets, two field-pieces, thirty-five baggage wagons, and one hundred
dragoon horses, fell into the hands of the conquerors. The Americans
had only twelve men killed and sixty wounded.
General Mo gan's good conduct on this memorable day was honoured
by Congress with a gold medal. They also presented medals of silver to
Lieutenant-colonels Washington and Howard, a sword to Colonel Pickens,
a brevet-majority to Edward Giles, the general's aid-de-camp, and a captaincy to Baron Glassbeck. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, hitherto triumph
312 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
-':t.
G]1Z R i L MOR(-AN.
ant in a variety of skirmishes, on this occasion lost his laurels, though
he was supported by the seventh regiment, one battalion of the seventyfirst, and two companies of light infantry; and his repulse did more
essential injury to the British interest than was equivalent to all the preceding advantages he had gained. It was the first link in a chain of
causes which finally drew down ruin, both in North and South Carolina,
on the royal interest. That impetuosity of Tarleton which had acquired
him great reputation, when on former occasions he had surprised an incautious enemy, or attacked a panic-struck militia, was at this time the occasion of his ruin. Impatient of delay, he engaged with fatigued troops,
and led them on to action, before they were properly formed, and before
the reserve had taken its ground. He was also guilty of a great oversight in not bringing up a column of cavalry to support and improve the
advantages he had gained when the Americans retreated.
Lord Cornwallis, though preparing to extend his conquests northwardly,
was not inattentive to the security of South Carolina. Besides the force
at Charleston, he left a considerable body of troops under the command of
Lord Rawdon. These were principally stationed at Camden, from which
central situation they might easily be drawn forth to defend the frontiers
or to suppress insurrections. To facilitate the intended operations against
North Carolina MIajor Craig, with a detachment of about three hundred
'THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 313
men from. Charleston, and a small marine force, took possession of Wilminaton. While these arrangements were making, the year 1781 commenced with the fairest prospects to the friends of British government.
The arrival of General Leslie in Charleston, with his late command in Virginia, gave Earl Cornwallis a decided superiority, and enabled him to
attempt the reduction of North Carolina, with a force sufficient to bear
down all probable opposition. Arnold was before him in Virginia, while
South Carolina, in his rear, was considered as completely subdued. His
lordship had much to hope and little to fear. His admirers flattered him
with the expectation, that his victory at Camden would prove but the dawn
of his glory; and that the events of the approaching campaign would
immortalize his name as the conqueror, at least of the southern states.
Whilst Lord Cornwallis was indulging these pleasant prospects, he received intelligence, no less unwelcome than unexpected, that Tarleton, his
favourite officer, in whoml he placed the greatest confidence, instead of
driving Morgan out of the country, was completely defeated by him.
This surprised and mortified, but did not discourage his lordship. He
hoped, by vigorous exertions, soon to obtain reparation for the late disastrous event, and even to recover what he had lost. With the expectation
of retaking the prisoners captured at the Cowpens, and to obliterate the
impression made by the issue of the late action at that place, his lordship
instantly determined on the pursuit of General Morgan, who had moved
off towards Virginia with his prisoners. The movements of the royal
army, in consequence of this determination, induced General Greene
immediately to retreat from Hick's Creek, lest the British, by crossing the
upper sources of the Pedee, should get between himr and the detachment,
which was encumbered with the prisoners. In this critical situation, General Greene left the main army under the command of General Huger, and
rode a hundred and fifty miles through the country, to join the detachment
under General Morgan, that he might be in front of Lord Cornwallis, and
direct the motions of both divisions of his army, so as to form a speedy
junction between them. Immediately after the action, on the 17th of
January, Morgan sent on his prisoners under a proper guard, and having
made every arrangement in his power for their security, retreated with
expedition. Nevertheless, the British gained ground upon him. Morgan
intended to cross the mountains with his detachment and prisoners, that
he might more effectually secure the latter: but General Greene, on his
arrival, ordered the prisoners to Charlotteville, and directed the troops te
Guilford Court-house, to which place he had also ordered General Huger
to proceed with the main army.
In this retreat, the Americans underwent hardships almost incredible
Many of them performed this march without shoes, over frozen ground
which so gashed their naked feet, that the blood marked every step of their
VOL.. —40 2 D
314 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
progress. They were sometimes without meat, often wit} out flour, an
always without spirituous liquors. Their march led them through a barren
country which scarcely afforded necessaries for a few straggling inhabit
ants. In this severe season also, with very little clothing, they were daily
reduced to the necessity of fording deep creeks, and of remaining wet
without any change of clothes, till the heat of their bodies and occasional
fires in the woods drie4 their tattered rags. To all these difficulties they
submitted without the loss of a single sentinel by desertion. Lord Cornwallis reduced the quantity of his own baggage, and the example was followed by the officers under his command. Every thing that was not
necessary in action, or to the existence of the troops, was destroyed. No
wagons were reserved except those loaded with hospital stores, salt and
ammunition, and four empty ones for the use of the sick. The royal
arniy, encouraged by thee example of his lordship, submitted to every
hardship with cheerfulness They beheld, without murmuring, their most
valuable baggage destroyed, their sp irituous liquors staved, when they
were entering on hard service, and under circumstances which precluded
every prospect of supply.
HE British had urged the pursuit with so much rapidity, that they reached the Catawba on the evening
of the same day on which their fleeing adversaries
had crossed it. Before the next morning a heavy
fall of rain made that river impassable. The Ame.
ricans, confident of the justice of their cause, considered this event as an interposition of Providence in
their favour. It is certain that if the rising of the river had taken place
a few hours earlier, General Morgan with his whole detachment and five
hundred prisoners would have scarcely had any chance of escape. When
the fresh had subsided so far as to leave the river fordable, a large proportion of the king's troops received orders to be in readiness to march at one
o'clock in the morning. [February 1.] Feints had been made of passing
at several different fords, but the real attempt was made at a ford near
McCowan's, the north banks of which were defended by a small guard of
militia commanded by General Davidson. The British marched through
the river upwards of five hundred yards wide and about three feet deep,
sustaining a constant fire from the militia on the opposite bank, without
returning it till they had made good their passage. The light infantry
and grenadier companies, as soon as they reached the land, dispersed the
Americans; General Davidson, the brave leader of the latter, was killed
at the first onset. The militia throughout the neighbourirng settlements
were dispirited, and but few of them could be persuaded to take or keep.he field. A small party which collected about ten miles from the ford
was attacked, and dispersed by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton. All the fords
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 315
were abandoned, and the whole royal army crossed over without any farther
opposition. The passage of the Catawba being effected, the Americans
zontinued to flee and the British to pursue. The former by expeditious
movements crossed the Yadkin, partly in flats, and partly by fording, on
the second and third days of February, and secured their boats on the north
side. Though the British were close in their rear, yet the want of boats
and the rapid rising of the river from preceding rains made their crossing impossible. This second hair-breadth escape was considered by the Americans
as a farther evidence that their cause was favoured by Heaven. That
they in two successive instances should effect their passage, while their
pursuers, only a few miles in their rear, could not follow, impressed
the religious people of that settlement with such sentiments of devotion,
as added fresh vigour to their exertions in behalf of American independence.
The British having failed in their first scheme of passing the Yadkin,
were obliged to cross at the upper fords; but before this was completed,
the two divisions of the American army made a junction at Guildford
court-house. [Feb. 7.] Though this had taken place, their combined
numbers were so much inferior to the British, that General Greene could
not with any propriety risk an action. He therefore called a council of
officers, who unanimously concurred in opinion that he ought to retire over
the Dan, and to avoid an engagement till he was reinforced. Lord Cornwallis, knowing the inferiority of the American force, conceived hopes, by
getting between General Greene and Virginia, to cut off his retreat, intercept his supplies and reinforcements, and oblige him to fight under many
disadvantages. With this view, his lordship kept the upper country,
where only the rivers are fordable-supposing that his adversaries, from
the want of a sufficient number of flats, could not make good their passage
in the deep water below, or in case of their attempting it, he expected to
overtake and force them to action before they could cross. In this expectation he was deceived. General Greene, by good management, eluded
his lordship. The British urged their pursuit with so much rapidity, that
the American light troops were, on the 14th, compelled to retire upwards
of forty miles. By the most indefatigable exertions General Greene had
that day transported his army, artillery and baggage, over the river Dan
into Virginia. So rapid was the pursuit, and so narrow the escape, that
the van of the pursuing British just arrived as the rear of the Americans
had crossed. The hardships and difficulties which the royal army had
undergone in this march, were exceeded by the mortification that all their
toils and exertions were to no purpose. They conceived it next to impossible that General Greene could escape, without receiving a decisive blow.
They therefore cheerfully submitted to difficulties, of which they who
reslie in cultivated countries can form no adequate ideas. After sur
316 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
mounting incredible hardships, when they fancied themselves within grasp
of their object, they discovered that all their hopes were blasted.
The continental army having been driven out of North Carolina, Earl
Cornwallis thought the opportunity favourable for assembling the loyalists.
With this view he left the Dan, and proceeded to Hillsborough. On his
arrival there, he erected the king's standard, and published a proclamation, inviting all loyal subjects to repair to it with their arms and ten days'
provision, and assuring them of his readiness to concur with them in effectual measures for suppressing the remains of rebellion, and for the reestablishment of good order and constitutional government. Soon after the
king's standard was erected at Hillsborough, some hundreds of the inhabitants rode into the British camp. They seemed to be very desirous of
peace, but averse to any co-operation for procuring it. They acknowledged
the continentals were chased out of the province, but expressed their apprehensions that they would soon return, and on the whole declined to
take any decided part in a cause which yet appeared dangerous. Notwithstanding the indifference or timidity of the loyalists near Hillsborough,
Lord Cornwallis hoped for substantial aid from the inhabitants between
Haw and Deep river. He therefore detached Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton
with four hundred and fifty men, to give countenance to the friends of royal
government in that district. Greene being informed that many of the in,
habitants had joined his lordship, and that they were repairing in great
numbers to make their submission, was apprehensive that unless some
spirited measures were immediately taken, the whole country would be
lost to the Americans. He therefore concluded, at every hazard, to recross
the Dan. This was done by the light troops, and these on the next day
were followed by the main body, accompanied %with a brigade of Virginia
militia. [Feb. 21.] Immediately after the return of the Americans to
North Carolina, some of their light troops, commanded by General Pickens
and Lieutenant-colonel Lee, were detached in pursuit of Tarleton, who
had been sent to encourage the insurrection of the loyalists. Three hundred and fifty of these Tories, commanded by Colonel Pyle, when on their
way to join the British, fell in with this light American party, and mistook
them for the royal detachment sent for their support. The Americans
attacked them, labouring under this mistake, to great advantage, and cut
them down as they were crying out "God save the King," and making
protestations of their loyalty. Natives of the British colonies who were
of this character, more rarely found mercy than European soldiers. They
were considered by the Whig Americans as being cowards, who not only
wanted spirit to. defend their constitutional rights, but who unnaturally cooperated with strangers in fixing the chains of foreign domination on themselves and countrymen. Many of them on this occasion suffered the extremity of military vengeance. Tarleton was refreshing his legion, about
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 317
a mile from this scene of slaughter. Upon hearing the alarm, he re-crosseda
the Haw and returned to Hillsborough. On his retreat he cut down several of the royalists, as they were advancing to join the British army, mistaking them for the rebel militia of the country. These events, together
with the return'of the American army, overset all the schemes of Lord
Cornwallis. The tide of public sentiment was no longer in his favour.
The recruiting service in behalf of the royal army was entirely stopped.
The absence of the American army, for one fortnight longer, might have
turned the scale. The advocates for royal government being discouraged
by these adverse accidents, and being also generally deficient in that ardent
zeal which characterized the patriots, could not be induced to act with
confidence. They were so dispersed over a large extent of a thinly settled country, that it was difficult to bring them to unite in any common
plan. They had no superintending Congress to give system or concert to
their schemes. While each little district pursued separate measures, all
were obliged to submit to the American governments. Numbers of them,
who were on their way to join Lord Cornwallis, struck with terror at the
unexpected return of the American army, and with the unhappy fate of
their brethren, went home to wait events. Their policy was of that timid
kind, which disposed them to be more attentive to personal safety than to
the success of either army.
- _ - ___ - HOUGH General Greene had recrossed, his plan
was not to venture upon an immediate action,
but to keep alive the courage of his party-to
[~ i I — depress that of the loyalists, and to harass the:____ lforagers and detachments of the British, till
reinforcements should arrive. While Greene
was unequal even to defensive operations, he
\ _,, M lay seven days within ten miles of Cornwallis's
camp, but took a new position every night, and
kept it a profound secret where the next was to
_____. —....- be. By such frequent movements, Lord Cornwallis could not gain intelligence of his situation in time to profit by it.
He manceuvred in this manner, to avoid an action, for three weeks, during
which time he was often obliged to ask bread from the common soldiers,
having none of his own. By, the end of that period, two brigades of militia from North Carolina, and one from Virginia, together with four hundred regulars, raised for eighteen months, joined his army, and gave him
a superiority of numbers. He, therefore, determined no longer to avoid
an engagement. Lord Cornwallis having long sought for this, no longer
delay took place on either side. The American army consisted of about
four thousand four hundred men, of which more than one-half were militia.
The British of about two thousand four hundred, thiefly troops grown
2D2
318 THE t(AMPAIGN OF( 1781.
veteran in victories. Tle former was drawn up in three lines. The
front composed of North Carolina militia, the second of Virginia militia,
the third and last of continental troops, commanded by General Huger and
Colonel Williams. After a brisk cannonade in front, the British advanced
in three columns. The Hessians on the right, the guards in the centre,
and Lieutenant-colonel Webster's brigade on the left, and attacked the
front line. This gave way when their adversaries were at the distance of
a hundred and forty yards, and was occasioned by the misconduct of a
colonel, who, on the advance of the enemy, called out to an officer at sonmdistance, "that he would be surrounded." The alarm was sufficient:
without inquiring into the probability of what had been injudiciously suggested, the militia precipitately quitted the field: as one good officer
may sometimes mend the face of affairs, so the misconduct of a bad one
may injure a whole army. Untrained nmen when on the field are similar to each other. The difference of their conduct depends much on
incidental circumstances, and on none more than the manner of their
being led on, and the quality of the officers by whom they are commanded.
The Virginia militia stood their ground, and kept up their fire till they
were ordered to retreat. General Stevens, their commander, had posted
forty riflemen, at equal distances, twenty paces in the rear of his brigade,
with orders to shoot every man who should leave his post. That brave
officer, though wounded through the thigh, did not quit the field. The
continental troops were last engaged, and maintained the conflict with great
spirit for an hour and a half. At length, the discipline of veteran troops
gained the day. They broke the second Maryland brigade, turned the
American left flank, and got in rear of the Virginia brigade. They appeared to be gaining Greene's right, which would have encircled the
whole of the continental troops; a retreat was therefore ordered. This
was made in good order, and no farther than over the Reedy Fork, a distance of about three miles. Greene halted there, and drew up till he had
collected most of the stragglers, and then retired to Speedwell's iron
works, ten miles distant from Guilford. The Americans lost four pieces
of artillery and two ammunition wagons. The victory cost the British
dear. Their killed and wounded amounted to several hundreds. The
guards lost Colonel Stuart and three captains, besides subalterns. Colonel
Webster, an officer of distinguished merit, died of his wounds, to the great
regret of the whole royal army. Generals O'Hara and Howard, and
Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, were wounded. About three hundred of the
continentals, and one hundred of the Virginia militia, were killed or
wounded. Among the former, was Major Anderson, of the Maryland
line, a most valuable officer; of the latter, were Generals Huger and Ste,
vens The early retreat of the North Carolinians saved them from much
THE; CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 319
loss. The American army sustained a great diminution, by the numerous
fugitives, who, instead of rejoining the camp, went to their homes. Lord
Cornwallis suffered so much that he was in no condition to improve the
advantages he had gained. The British had only the name, the Americans all the good consequences of a victory. General Greene retreated,
and Lord Cornwallis kept the field, but, notwithstanding, the British interest in North Carolina was from that day ruined. [March 18.] Soon
after this action, Lord Cornwallis issued a proclamation, setting forth his
complete victory, and calling on all loyal subjects to stand forth, and take
an active part in restoring order and good government, and offering a pardon and protection to all rebels, murderers excepted, who would surrender
themselves on or before the 20th of April. On the next day after this
proclamation was issued, his lordship left his hospital and seventy-five
wounded men with the numerous loyalists in the vicinity, and began a
march towards Wilmington, which had the appearance of a retreat.
Major Craig, who, for the purposes of co-operating with his lordship, had
been stationed at Wilmington, was not able to open a water communication with the British army while they were in the upper country. The
distance, the narrowness of Cape Fear river, the commanding elevation
of its banks, and the hostile sentiments of the inhabitants on each side of
it, forbade the attempt. The destitute condition of the British army, made
it necessary to go to these supplies, which, for these reasons, could not be
brought to them.
General Greene no sooner received information of this movement of Lord
Cornwallis, than he put his army in motion to follow him. As he had no
means of providing for the wounded of his own and the British forces, he
wrote a letter to the neighbouring inhabitants of the Quaker persuasion,
in which he mentioned his being brought up a Quaker, and urged them to
take care of the wounded on both sides. His recommendations prevailed, and the Quakers supplied the hospitals with every comfort in their
power.
[March 28.] The Americans continued the pursuit of Cornwallis till
they had arrived at Ramsay's mill, on Deep River, but, for good reasons,
desisted from following him any fa-ther.
Lord Cornwallis halted and refre bed his army for about three weeks at
Wilmington, and then marched across the country to Petersburg, in Virginia. Before it was known that his lordship had determined on this
movement, the bold resolution of returning to South Carolina was formed
by General Greene. This animated the friends of Congress in that quarter. Had the American army followed his lordship, the southern states
would have conceived themselves conquered; for their hopes and fears
prevailed just as the armies marched north or south. Though Lord Cornwallis marched through North Carolina to Virginia, yet, as the American
320 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
A?
$J poJz.D___ L L - iz I!. -_J- __ __ ____. -L__ [Ii)> x ____....,.
MARION INVITING THE BRITISH OFFICERT TO DINE.
army returned to South Carolina, the people considered that movement of
his lordship in the light of a retreat.
While the two armies were in North Carolina, the Whig inhabitants of
South Carolina were animated by the gallant exertions of Sumter and
Marion. These distinguished partisans, while surrounded with enemies,
kept the field. Though the continental army was driven into Virginia,
they did not despair of the commonwealth. Having mounted their followers, their motions were rapid, and their attacks unexpected. With
their light troops they intercepted the British convoys of provisions,
infested their outposts, beat up their quarters, and harassed their detachments with such frequent alarms that they were obliged to be always on
their guard. In the western extremity of the state, Sumter was powerfully
supported by Colonels Niel, Lacey, Hill, Winn, Bratton, Brandon, and
others, each of whom held militia commissions, and had many friends.
In the north-eastern extremity, Marion* received, in like manner, great
assistance from the active exertions of Colonels Peter Horry and Hugh
Horry, Lieutenant-colonel John Baxter, Colonel James Postell, Major John
Postell, and Major John James.
* Marion's character, and his destitute condition in the woods, are illustrated by the
well-known anecdote of his offering the British officer (sent with a message to him) a
dinner of roasted sweet potatoes. The officer is said to have abandoned the service rather
than be employed against patriots who could practise such self-denial.
i _. v - _ 5 < M 4.,,:.'3i^We {SJ_
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 321
The inhabitants, either as affection or vicinity induced them, arranged
themselves under some of the militia officers, and performed many gallant
enterprises. These, singly, were of too little consequence to merit a particular relation, but in general they displayed the determined spirit of the
people and embarrassed the British. One in which Major John Postell
commanded may serve as an illustration of the spirit of the times, and particularly of the indifference for property which then prevailed. Captain
James De Peyster, of the royal army, with twenty-five grenadiers, having
taken post in the house of the major's father, the major posted his small
command of twenty-one militia-men in such positions as commanded its
doors, and demanded their surrender. This being refused, he set fire to
an out-house, and was proceeding to burn that in which they were posted,
and nothing but the immediate submission of the whole party restrained
him from sacrificing his father's valuable property, to gain an advantage to
his country.
While Lord Cornwallis was preparing to invade Virginia, General
Greene determined to recommence offensive military operations in the
southern extreme of the confederacy, in preference to pursuing his lordship into Virginia. General Sumter, who had warmly urged this measure, was about this time authorized to raise a state brigade, to be in service for eighteen months. He had also prepared the militia to co-operate
with the returning continentals. With these forces an offensive war was
recommenced in South Carolina, and prosecuted with spirit and success.
Before Greene set out on his march for Carolina, he sent orders to
General Pickens to prevent supplies from going to the British garrisons at
Ninety-Six and Augusta, and also detached Lieutenant-colonel Lee to
advance before the continental troops. The latter, in eight days, penetrated through the intermediate country to General Marion's quarters upon
the Santee. The main army, in a few more days, completed their march
from Deep River to Camden. The British had erected a chain of posts
from the capital to the extreme districts of the state, which had regular
communications with each other. Lord Cornwallis being gone to Virginia,
these became objects of enterprise to the Americans. While General
Greene was marching with his main force against Camden, Fort Watson,
which lay between Camden and Charleston, was invested by General
Marion and Lieutenant-colonel Lee. The besiegers speedily erected a
work which overlooked the fort, though that was built on an Indian mound
upwards of thirty feet high, from which they fired into it with such execution that the besieged durst not show themselves. Under these circumstances, the garrison, consisting of one hundred and fourteen men, surrendered by capitulation.
Camden, before which the main American army was encamped, is a;illage situated on a plain. covered on the south and east sides by the
VOL. 11.-41
322'THEE CINAMPAIGN OF 1781
Wateree and a creek, the western and northern by six redoubts. It was
defended by Lord Rawdon, with about nine hundred men. The American army, consisting only of about an equal number of continentals, and
between two and three hundred militia, was unequal to the task of
carrying this post by storm, or of completely investing it. General
Greene therefore'took a good position about a mile distant, in expectation
of alluring the garrison out of their lines. Lord Rawdon armed his whole
force, and with great spirit sallied on the 25th of April. An engagement
ensued. Victory for some time evidently inclined to the Americans, but
in the progress of the action the premature retreat of two companies eventually occasioned the defeat of the whole American army. Greene, with
his usual firmness, instantly took measures to prevent Lord Rawdon from
mproving the success he had obtained. He retreated with such order
that most of his wounded and all his artillery, together with a number of
prisoners, were carried off. The British retired to Camden, and the
Americans encamped about five miles from their former position. Their'oss was between two and three hundred. Soon after this action, General
3reene, knowing that the British garrison could not subsist long in Camden without fresh supplies from Charleston or the country, took such positions as were most likely to prevent their getting any.
Lord Rawdon received a reinforcement of four or five hundred men by
the arrival [May 7] of Colonel Watson from Pedee. With this increase
of strength, he attempted, on the next day, to compel General Greene to
another action, but found it to be impracticable. Failing in this design,
he returned to Camden and burned the jail, mills, many private houses,
and a great deal of his own baggage. He then evacuated the post, and
retired to the southward of Santee. His lordship discovered as much prudence in evacuating Camden as he had shown bravery in its defence.
The fall of Fort Watson broke the chain of communication with Charleson, and the position of the American army, in a great measure, intercepted supplies from the adjacent country. The British in South Carolina.
now cut off from all communication with Lord Cornwallis, would have
hazarded the capital, by keeping large detachments in their distant outposts. They therefore resolved to contract their limits by retiring within
the Santee. This measure animated the friends of Congress in the extremities of the state, and disposed them to co-operate with the American
army. While Greene lay in the neighbourhood of Camden, he hung in
one day eight soldiers, who had deserted from his army. This had such
effect afterwards, that there was no desertion for three months. On the
day after the evacuation of Camden, [May 11,] the post at Orangeburg,
consisting of seventy British militia atrd twelve regulars, surrendered to
General Sumter. On the next day, [May 12,] Fort Motte capitulated.
This was situated.%ove the fork on the south side of the Congaree. The
_.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 323
I F F _
) r OT Pr ] L= 3L L %rSL I
M R S. MOTTEI PRB E S NTIN T HE ARROWS.
British had built their works round Mrs. Motte's dwelling-house. She,
with great cheerfulness, furnished the Americans with arrows for firing
her own house. These, being thrown by them on its roof, soon kindled
into flame. The firing of the house, which was in the centre of the
British works, compelled the garrison, consisting of one hundred and sixtyfive men, to surrender at discretion.
[May 14.] In two days more the British evacuated their post at Nelson's Ferry, and destroyed a great part of their stores. On the day following, Fort Granby, garrisoned by three hundred and fifty-two men,
mostly royal militia, surrendered to Lieutenant-colonel Lee. Very advantageous terms were given them, from an apprehension that Lord Rawdon
was marching to their relief.
Their baggage was secured, in which was included an immense quantity of plunder. The American militia were much disgusted at the terms
allowed the garrison, and discovered a disposition to break the capitulation
and kill the prisoners; but Greene restrained them, by declaring, in the
most peremptory manner, that he would instantly put to death any one
who should offer violence to those who, by surrendering, were under hts
protection.
General Marion, with a party of militia, marched, about this time, to
Georgetown, and began regular approaches against the British post in tha!
place. On the first night after his men had broken ground, their adversaries evacuated their works, and retreated to Charleston; shortly after,
324 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
one Manson, an inhabitant of South Carolina, who had joined the BritisNh
appeared in an armed vessel, and demanded permission to land his men
in the town. This being refused, he sent a few of them ashore, and set
fire to it. Upwards of forty houses were speedily reduced to ashes.
In the rapid manner just related, the British lost six posts, and abandoned all the north-eastern extremities of South Carolina. They still
retained possession of Augusta and Ninety-Six, in addition to their posts
near the seacoast. Immediately after the surrender of Fort Granby, Lieutenant-colonel Lee began his march for Augusta, and in four days completed it.
[May 21.] The British post at Silver Bluff, with a field-piece and considerable stores, surrendered to a detachment of Lee's legion, commanded
by Captain Rudolph. Lee, on his arrival at Augusta, joined Pickens,
who, with a body of militia, had for some time past taken post in
the vicinity. They jointly carried on their approaches against Fort Cornwallis, at Augusta, in which Colonel Brown commanded. Two batteries were erected within thirty yards of the parapet, which overlooked
the fort. From these eminences the American riflemen shot into the
inside of the works with success: the garrison buried themselves, in a
great measure, under ground, and obstinately refused to capitulate, till the
necessity was so pressing, that every man who attempted to fire on the.
besiegers was immediately shot down. [June 5th.] At length, when
farther resistance would have been madness, the fort, with about three
hundred men, surrendered on honourable terms of capitulation. The
Americans, during the siege, had about forty men killed and wounded.
After the surrender, Lieutenant-colonel Grierson, of the British militia,
was shot by the Americans. A reward of a hundred guineas was offered,
but in vain, for the perpetrator of the perfidious deed. Lieutenantcolonel Brown would probably have shared the same fate, had not his conquerors furnished him with an escort to the royal garrison in Savannah.
Individuals whose passions were inflamed by injuries, and exasperated
with personal animosity, were eager to gratify revenge in violation of the
laws of war. Murders had produced murders. Plundering, assassinations, and house-burnings had become common. Zeal for the king or the
Congress were the ostensible motives of action; but in several of both
sides, the love of plunder, private pique, and a savageness of disposition,
led to actions which were disgraceful to human nature. Such was the
state of parties in the vicinity of Savannah river, and such the exasperation of Whigs against Tories, and of Tories against Whigs; and so much
had they suffered from and inflicted on each other, that the laws of war,
and the precepts of humanity, afforded but a feeble security for the observance of capitulations on either side. The American officers exerted
themselves to procure to their prisoners that safety which many of the
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 325
inhabitants, influenced by a remembrance of the sufferings of themselves
and of their friends, were unwilling to allow them.
While operations were carrying on against the small posts, Greene proceeded with his main army and laid siege to Ninety-Six, in which Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, with upwards of five hundred men, was advantageously posted. On the left of the besiegers was a work erected in the
form of a star. On the right was a strong blockade fort, with two blockhouses in it. The town was also picketed in with strong pickets, and
surrounded with a ditch and a bank, near the height of a common parapet.
The besiegers were more numerous than the besieged, but the disparity
was not great.
[May 25.] The siege was prosecuted with indefatigable industry.
The garrison defended themselves with spirit and address. On the morning after the siege began, a party sallied from the garrison, and drove the
advance of the besiegers from their works. The next night, two strong
block batteries were erected at the distance of three hundred and fifty
yards. Another battery, twenty feet high, was erected within two hundred and twenty yards, and soon after a fourth one was erected within one
hundred yards of the main fort, and lastly, a- rifle battery was erected,
thirty feet high, within thirty yards of the ditch; from all of which, the
besiegers fired into the British works. The abattis was turned, and a
mine and two trenches were so far extended as to be within six feet of the
ditch. At that interesting moment, intelligence was conveyed into the
garrison, that Lord Rawdon was near at hand, with about two thousand
men for their relief. These had arrived in Charleston, from Ireland, after
the siege began, and were marched for Ninety-Six, on the seventh day
after they landed. [June 18.] In these circumstances, General Greene
had no alternative but to raise the siege or attempt the reduction of the
place by assault. The latter was attempted. Though the assailants displayed great resolution, they failed of success. On this, General Greene
raised the siege, and retreated over the Saluda. His loss in the assault
and previous conflicts was about a hundred and fifty men. Lieutenantcolonel Cruger deservedly gained great reputation by this successful
defence. He was particularly indebted to Major Greene, who had bravely
and judiciously defended that redoubt, for the reduction of which the
greatest exertions had been made. Truly distressing was the situation of
the American army. When they were nearly masters of the whole country, they were compelled to seek safety by retreating to its utmost extremity. In this gloomy situation, Greene was advised to retire, with his
remaining force, to Virginia. To suggestions of this kind he nobly replied, "I will recover South Carolina, or die in the attempt." This distinguished officer, whose genius was most vigorous in those perilous extremities when feeble minds abandon themselves to despair, adopted the only
2E
326 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
X080IUSO.
expedient now left him, that of avoiding an engagement till the British
force should be divided. Lord Rawdon, who, by rapid marches, was
near Ninety-Six at the time of the assault, pursued the Americans as far
as the Enoree river, but without overtaking them. Desisting from this
fruitless pursuit, he drew off a part of his force from Ninety-Six, and
fixed a detachment at the Congaree.
At the siege of Ninety-Six, the Polish general, Kosciusko, was present,
serving in the cause of American liberty.
General Greene, on hearing that the British force was divided, faced
about to give them battle. Lord Rawdon, no less surprised than alarmed
at this unexpected movement of his lately retreating foe, abandoned the
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1731. 327
Congaree in two days after he had reached it, and marched to Oranges
burgh. [July 12.] General Greene in his turn pursued and offered him
oattle. His lordship would not venture out, and his adversary was too
weak to attack him in his encampment, with any prospect of success.
Reasons similar to those which induced the British to evacuate Camden,
weighed with them about this time, to withdraw their troops from NinetySix. While the American army lay near Orangeburgh, Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, having evacuated the post he had gallantly defended, was
marching with the troops of that garrison, through the forks of Edisto, to
join Lord Rawdon at Orangeburgh. General Greene being unable to prevent their junction, and still less so to stand before their combined force,
retired to the high hills of Santee. The evacuation of Camden having
been effected by striking at the posts below it, the same manceuvre was
now attempted to induce the British to leave Orangeburgh. With this
view, Generals Sumter and Marion, with their brigades, and the legion
cavalry, were detached to Monk's Corner and Dorchester. They moved
down different roads, and commenced separate and successful attacks, on
convoys and detachments in the vicinity of Charleston. In this manner
was the war carried on. While the British kept their forces compact,
they could not cover the country, and the American general had the prudence to avoid fighting. When they divided their army, their detachments were attacked and defeated. While they were in the upper coun
try, light parties of Americans annoyed their small posts in the lower settlements. The people soon found that the late conquerors were not able
to afford them their promised protection. The spirit of revolt became
general, and the royal interest declined daily.
The British having evacuated all their posts to the northward of Santee
and Congaree, and to the westward of Edisto, conceived themselves able
to hold all that fertile country which is in a great measure enclosed by
these rivers. They therefore once more resumed their station, near the
junction of the Wateree and Congaree. This induced General Greene to
concert farther measures for forcing them down towards Charleston. He
therefore crossed the Wateree and Congaree, and collected his whole
force on the south side of the latter, intending to act offensively. On his
approach the British retired about forty miles nearer Charleston, and took
post at the Eutaw Springs. General Greene advanced with two thousand
men, to attack them in their encampment at this place. Hi,, force was
drawn up in two lines: The first was composed of militia, and the second
of continental troops. As the Americans advanced they fell in with two
parties of the British, three or four miles ahead of their main army. These,
being briskly attacked, soon retired. The militia continued to pursue and
fire, till the action became general, and till they were obliged to gi-.e way.
They were well supported by the continental troops. In the ho test of
328 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
the action, Colonel O. Williams and Lieutenant-colonel Campbell, with the
Maryland and Virginia continentals, charged with trailed arms. Nothing
could surpass the intrepidity of both officers and men on this occasion.
They rushed on in good order through a heavy cannonade and a shower
of musketry, with such unshaken resolution, that they bore down all before them. Lieutenant-colonel Campbell, while bravely leading his men
on to that successful charge, received a mortal wound. After he had
fallen he inquired who gave way, and being informed that the British
were fleeing in all quarters, replied, " I die contented," and immediately
expired. The British were vigorously pursued, and upwards of five hundred of them were taken prisoners. On their retreat they took post in a
strong brick house, and in a picketted garden. From these advantageous
positions they renewed the action. Four six-pounders were ordered up
before the house from under cover of which the British were firing. The
Americans were compelled to leave these pieces and retire, but they left a
strong picket on the field of battle, and only retreated to the nearest water
in their rear. In the evening of the next day, Lieutenant-colonel Stuart,
who commanded the British on this occasion, left seventy of his wounded
men and a thousand stand of arms, and moved from the Eutaws towards
Charleston. The loss of the British, inclusive of prisoners, was upwards
of eleven hundred men; that of the Americans above five hundred, in
which number were sixty officers. Congress honoured General Greene,
for his good conduct in this action, with a British standard and a golden
medal. They also voted their thanks to the different corps and their commanders.
Soon after this engagement, the Americans retired to their former position on the high hills of Santee, and the British took post in the vicinity
of Monk's Corner. In the close of the year, Ceneral Greene moved down
into the lower country, and about the same time the British abandoned
their outposts, and retired with their whole force to the quarter-house on
Charleston Neck. The defence of the country was given up, and the conquerors, who had lately carried their arms to the extremities of the state,
seldom aimed at any thing more than to secure themselves in the vicinity
of the capital. The crops, which had been planted in the spring of the
year under British auspices, and with the expectation of affording them
supplies, fell into the hands of the Americans and administered to them a
seasonable relief. The battle of Eutaw may be considered as closing the
national war in South Carolina. A few excursions were afterwards made
by the British, and sundry small enterprises were executed, but nothing
of more general consequence than the loss of property and of individual
lives. Thus ended the campaign of 1781, in South Carolina. At its commencement the British were in force over all the state; at its close they
aurst not, but with great precaution, venture twenty miles from Charleston
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 229
History affords but few instances of commanders, who have achieved so
rmuch with equal means, as was done by General Greene in the short space
of a twelvemonth. He opened the campaign with gloomy prospects, but
closed it with glory. His unpaid and half-naked army had to contend
with veteran soldiers, supplied with every thing that the wealth of Britain
or the plunder of Carolina could procure. Under all these disadvantages,
he compelled superior numbers to retire from the extremity of the state,
and confine themselves in the capital and its vicinity. Had not his mind
been of the firmest texture, he would have been discouraged; but his enemies found him as formidable on the evening of a defeat, as on the morning after a victory.'qL I.-42 iE 2
i~ii
J
GE]ORG E TH:rE THIRD.
CAMPAIGN OF 1781 —OPERATIONS IN YIRGINIA —CORNWALLIS CAPTURED —NEW LONDON DESTROYED.
________ T has already been mentioned that Lord
___________ Cornwallis, soon after the battle of Guilford,. ---- marched to Wilmington, in North Carolina.
_7j _M When he had completed that march, various
plans of operation were presented to his
view. It was said in favour of his proceeding southwardly, that the country between
____ ~ Wilmington and Camden was barren and
of difficult passage —that an embarkation
—' ~ ~ for Charleston would be both tedious and
disgraceful — that a junction with the royal forces in Virginia, and the pro..
secution of solid operations in that quarter, wouid be the most effectual
330
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 331
plan for effecting and securing the submission of the more southern states.
Other arguments, of apparently equal force, urged his return to South Ca
rolina. Previous to his departure for Virginia, he had received inforina
-ion that General Greene had begun his march for Camden, and he had
eason from past experience to fear that if he did not follow him, the inha
itants, by a second revolt, would give the American army a superiority
over the small force left under Lord Rawdon. Though his lordship was
very apprehensive of danger from that quarter, lhe hoped either that Lord
Rawdon woald be able to stand his grouna, or that General Greene would
follow the royal army to Virginia, or in the most unfavourable event he
flattered himseif, that, by the conquest of Virginia, the recovery of South
Carolina would be at any time practicable. His lordship having too much
pride to turn back, and preferring the extensive scale of operations which
Virginia presented, to the narrow one of preserving past conquests, determined to leave Carolina to its fate. [April 25.] Before the end of April,
he therefore proceeded on his march, from Wilmington towards Virginia.
To favour the passage of the many rivers with which the country is intersected, two boats were mounted on carriages and taken along with his
army. The king's troops proceeded several days without opposition, and
almost without intelligence. The Americans made an attempt at Swift
creek, and afterwards at Fishing creek, to stop their progress, but without
any effect. The' British took the shortest road to Halifax, and on their
arrival there defeated several parties of the Americans, and took some
stores, with very little loss on their side. The Roanoke, the Meherrin, and
the Nottaway rivers were successively crossed by the royal army, and withl
little or no opposition from the dispersed inhabitants. [May 20.] In less
than a month, the march from Wilmington to Petersburgh was completed.
The latter had been fixed upon as the place of rendezvous, in a private
correspondence with General Phillips. By this combination of the royal
force previously employed in Virginia, with the troops which had marched
from Wilmington, Lord Cornwallis was at the head of a very powerful
army. This junction was scarcely completed, when Lord Cornwallis received Lord Rawdon's report of the advantage he had gained over General
Greene, on the 25th of the preceding month. About the same time he
received information that three British regiments had sailed from Cork for
Charleston.
These two events eased his mind of all anxiety for South Carolina, and
inspired him with brilliant hopes of a glorious campaign. He considered
himself as having already subdued both the Carolinas, and as being in a
fair way to increase his military fame, by the addition of Virginia to the
list of his conquests. By the late combination of the royal forces under
Phillips and Cornwallis, and by the recent arrival of a reinforcement of
fifteen hundred men directly trom New York. Virginia became the princi
332 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
pal theatre of operations for the remainder of the campaign. The form:
dable force, thus collected in one body, called for the vigorous exertions of
the friends of independence. The defensive operations, in opposition to
it, were principally intrusted to the Marquis de Lafayette. Early in the
year he had been detached from the main American army on an expedition, the object of which was a co-operation with the French fleet in capturing General Arnold. On the failure of this, the marquis marched back
as far as the head of Elk. There he received an order to return to Virginia to oppose the British forces, which had become more formidable by the
arrival of a considerable reinforcement, under General Phillips. He proceeded without delay to Richmond, and arrived there the day before the
British reached Manchester, on the opposite side of James river. Thus
was the capital of Virginia, at that time filled with almost all the military
stores of the state, saved from imminent danger. So great was the superiority of numbers on the side of the British, that the marquis had before
him a labour of the greatest difficulty, and was pressed with many embarrassments. In the first moments of the rising tempest, and till he could
provide against its utmost rage, he began to retire with his little-army,
which consisted only of about one thousand regulars, two thousand militia,
and sixty dragoons.
ORD CORNWALLIS advanced from Petersburgh
to James river, which he crossed at Westown, and
thence marching through Hanover county, crossed
the South Anna or Pamunkey river. The marquis followed his motions, but at a guarded distance. The superiority of the British army, especially of their cavalry, which they easily supplied
with good horses from the stables and pastures of
private gentlemen in Virginia, enabled them to traverse the country in all
directions. Two distant expeditions were therefore undertaken. The one
was to Charlotteville, with the view of capturing the governor and Assembly of the state. The other to Point of Fork, to destroy stores. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, to whom the first was committed, succeeded so far
as to disperse the Assembly, capture seven of its members, and to destroy
a great quantity of stores at and near Charlotteville. The other expedition, which was committed to Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, was only in part
successful, for the Americans had previously removed the most of their
stores from Point of Fork. In the course of these marches and countermarches, immense quantities of property were destroyed, and sundry unimportant skirmishes took place. The British made many partial conquests, but these were seldom of longer duration than their encampments.
The young marquis, with a degree of prudence that would have done
honour to an old soldier, acted so cautiously on the defensive and made
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 335
so judicious a choice of posts, and showed so much vigour and design in
his movements, as to prevent any advantage being taken of his weakness.
In his circumstances, not to be destroyed was triumph. He effected a
junction at Racoonford with General Wayne, who was at the head of eight
hundred Pennsylvanians. While this junction was forming, the British
got between the American army and its stores, which had been removed
from Richmond to Albemarle old court-house. The possession of these
was an object with both armies. The marquis by forced marches got
within a few miles of the British army, when they were two days' march
from Albemarle old court-house. The British general considered himself
as sure of his adversary, for he knew that the stores was his object; and
he conceived it impracticable for the marquis to get between him and the
stores, but by a road in passing which he might be attacked to advantage.
The marquis had the address to extricate himself from this difficulty, by
opening in the night a nearer road to Albemarle old court-house, which
had been long disused and was much embarrassed. [June 18.] To the
surprise of Lord Cornwallis, the marquis fixed himself the next day between the British army and the American stores. Lord Cornwallis, finding his schemes frustrated, fell back to Richmond. About this time the
marquis's army was reinforced by Steuben's tro~ops, and by militia from
the parts adjacent. He followed Lord Cornwallis, and had the address to
impress him with an idea that the American army was much greater than
it really was. His lordship therefore retreated to Williamsburg. [June 26.]
The day after the main body of the British army arrived there, their rear
was attacked by an American light corps under Colonel Butler, and sustained a considerable loss.
About the time Lord Cornwallis reached Williamsburg, he received intelligence fiom New York, setting forth the danger to which the royal
army in that city was exposed from a combined attack that vras said to be
threatened by the French and Americans. Sir Henry Clinton therefore
required a detachment from Lord Cornwallis, if he was not engaged in
any important enterprise, and recommended to him a healthy station, with
an ample defensive force, till the danger of New York was dispersed.
Lord Cornwallis, thinking it expedient to comply with this requisition, and
judging that his command afterwards would not be adequate to maintain.
his present position at Williamsburg, determined to retire to Portsmouth.
For the execution of this project, it was necessary to cross James river.
The Marquis de Lafayette, conceiving this to be a favourable opportunity for
acting offensively, advanced on the British. General Wayne, relying on
the information of a countryman, that the main body of the British had
crossed James river, pushed forward with about eight hundred light troops
to harass their rear. Contrary to his expectations, he found the whole
British army drawn up ready to oppose him. He instantly conceived that
334 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
the best mode of extricating himself from his perilous situation wou d b,
to assume a bold countenance, and engage his adversaries before he attempted to retreat. [July 6.] He, therefore, pressed on for some time, and
urged an attack with spirit before he fell back. Lord Cornwallis, perhaps
suspecting an ambuscade, did not pursue. By this bold manceuvre, Wayne
got off with but little loss.
N the course of these various movements, the British
were joined by few of the inhabitants, and scarcely by
any of the natives. The Virginians for the most part
either joined the Americans, or, what was much more
common, kept out of the way of the British. To purchase safety by submission, was the policy of very few,
and these were for the most part natives of Britain.
After Earl Cornwallis had crossed James river, he
marched for Portsmouth. He had previously taken the necessary steps
for complying with the requisition of Sir Henry Clinton, to send a part of
his command to New York. But before they sailed, an express arrived
from Sir Henry Clinton with a letter, expressing his preference of IWAilliamsburg to Portsmouth.for the residence of the army, and his desire that
Old Point Comfort, or Hampton Road, should be secured as a station for
line-of-battle ships. The commander-in-chief, at the same time, allowed
his lordship to detain any part or the whole of the forces under his command, for completing this service. On examination, Hampton Road was
not approved of as a station for the navy. It being a principal object of
the campaign to fix on a strong permanent post or place of arms in the
Chesapeake for the security of both the army and navy, and Portsmouth
and Hampton Road having both been pronounced unfit for that purpose,
Yorktown and Gloucester Points were considered as most likely to accord
with the views of the royal commanders. Portsmouth was, therefore,
evacuated, and its garrison transferred to Yorktown. Lord Cornwallis
availed himself of Sir Henry Clinton's permission to retain the whole force
under his command, and impressed with the necessity of establishing a
strong place of arms in the Chesapeake, applied himself with industry to
fortify his new posts, so as to render them tenable by his present army,
amounting to seven thousand men, against any force that he supposed
likely to be brought against them.
At this period, the officers of the British navy expected that their fleet
in the West Indies would join them, and that solid operations in Virginia
would in a short time re-commence with increased vigour.
[August 30.] While they were indulging these hopes, Count de Grasse,
with a French fleet of twenty-eight sail of the line from the West Indies,
entered the Chesapeake, and about the same time intelligence arrived, that
the French and American armies, which had been lately stationed in the
THE CAMANPAIGN OF 1781. 335
tnore northern states, were advancing towards Virginia. Count dte Grasse,
without loss of time, blocked up York river with three large ships and
some frigates, and moored the principal part of his fleet in Lynhaven bay.
Three thousand two hundred French troops, brought in this fleet from the
WTest Indies, commanded by the Marquis de St. Simon, were disembarked
and soon after formed a junction with the continental troops under the
Marquis de Lafayette, and the whole took post at Williamsburg. An attack on this force was intended, but before all the arrangements subservient to its execution were fixed upon, letters of an early date in September were received by Lord Cornwallis from Sir Henry Clinton, announcing
that he would do his utmost to reinforce the royal army in the Chesapeake,
or make every diversion in his power, and that Admiral Digby was hourly
expected on the coast. On the receipt of this intelligence, Earl Cornwallis, not thinking himself justified in hazarding an engagement, abandoned
the resolution of attacking the combined force of Lafayette and St. Simon.
It is the province of history to relate what has happened, and not to indulge
conjectures in the boundless field of contingencies; otherwise it might be
added that Earl Cornwallis, by this change of opinion, lost a favourable
opportunity of extricating himself from a combination of hostile force,
which by farther concentration soon became irresistible. On the other
hand, if an attack had been made, and that had proved unsuccessful, he
would have been charged with rashness in not waiting for the promised
co-operation. On the same uncertain ground of conjecturing what ought
to have been done, it might be said that the knowledge Earl Cornwallis
had of public affairs, would have justified him in abandoning Yorktown,
in order to return to South Carolina. It seems as though this would have
been his wisest plan; but either from an opinion that his instructions to
stand his ground were positive, or that effectual relief was probable, his
lordship thought proper to risk every thing on the issue of a siege. An
attempt was made to burn or dislodge the French ships in the river,
but none to evacuate his posts at this early period, when that measure was
practicable.
Admiral Greaves, with twenty sail of the line, made an effort for the
relief of Lord Cornwallis, but without effecting his purpose. [Sept. 7.]
When he appeared off the capes of Virginia, M. de Grasse went out to
meet him, and an indecisive engagement took place. The British were
willing to renew the action; but De Grasse, for good reasons, declined it.
His chief object in coming out of the capes was to cover a French fleet
of eight line-of-battle ships, which was expected from Rhode Island. In
conformity to a preconcerted plan, Count de Barras, commander of this
fleet, had sailed for the Chesapeake, about the same time De Grasse sailed
from the West Indies for the same place. To avoid the British fleet, he
had taken a circuit by Bermuda. For fear that the British fleet might
336 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
intercept him on his approach to the capes of Virginia, De Grasse came
out to be at hand for his protection. While Greaves and De Grasse were
manceuvering near the mouth of the Chesapeake, Count de Barras passed
the former in the night, and got within the capes of Virginia. This gave the
fleet of his most Christian majesty a decided superiority. Admiral Greaves
soon took his departure, and M. de Grasse re-entered the Chesapeake.
All this time, conformably to the well-digested plan of the campaign,
the French and the American forces were marching through the middle
states on their way to Yorktown. To understand, in their proper connection, the great events shortly to be described, it is necessary to go back
and trace the remote causes which brought on this grand combination of
fleets and armies which put a period to the war.
The fall of Charleston, in May, 1780, and the complete route of the
American southern army in August following, together with the increasing
inability of the Americans to carry on the war, gave a serious alarm to
the friends of independence. In this low ebb of their affairs, a pathetic
statement of their distresses was made to their illustrious ally, the king of
France. To give greater efficacy to their solicitations, Congress appointed
Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens their special minister, and directed him,
after repairing to the court of Versailles, to urge the necessity of a speedy
and effectual succour, and, in particular, to solicit for a loan of money,
and the co-operation of a French fleet, in attempting some important enterprise against the common enemy. His great abilities as an officer had
been often displayed; but on this occasion, the superior talents of the
statesman and negotiator were called forth into action. Animated as he
was with the ardour of the warmest patriotism, and feeling most sensibly
for the distresses of his country, his whole soul was exerted to interest the
court of France in giving a vigorous aid to their allies. His engaging
manners and insinuating address procured a favourable reception to his
representations. He won the hearts of those who were at the helm of
public affairs, and inflamed them with zeal to assist a country whose cause
was so ably pleaded, and whose sufferings were so pathetically represented. At this crisis, his most Christian majesty gave his American allies
a subsidy of six millions of livres, and became their security for ten millions more, borrowed for their use in the United Netherlands. A naval
co-operation was promised, and a conjunct expedition against their common foes was projected.
The American war was now so far involved in the consequences of
naval operations, that a superior French fleet seemed to be the only hinge
on which it was likely soon to take a favourable turn. The British army
being parcelled in the different seaports of the United States, any division
of it, blocked up by a French fleet, could not long resist the superior combined force which might be brought to operate against it. The Marquis
THE CAMPAIGN O} 1781 337
de Castries, who directed the marine of France, with great precision calculated the naval force which the British could concentrate on the coast of
the United States, and disposed his own in such a manner as insured him
a superiority. In conformity to these principles, and in subserviency to
the design of the campaign, M. de Grasse sailed in March, 1781, from
Brest, with twenty-five sail of the line, several thousand land forces, and
a large convoy amounting to more than two hundred ships. A small part
of this force was destined for the East Indies, but M. de Grasse, with the
greater part, sailed for Martinique. The British fleet then in the West
Indies had been previously weakened by the departure of a squadron for
the protection of the ships which were employed in carrying to England
the booty which had been taken at St. Eustatius. The British admirals,
Hood and Drake, were detached to intercept the outward-bound French
fleet, commanded by M. de Grasse, but a junction between his force and
eight ships of the line, and one of fifty guns, which were previously at
Martinique and St. Domingo, was, nevertheless, effected. By this combi.
nation of fresh ships from Europe, with the French fleet previously in the
West Indies, they had a decided superiority. M. de Grasse having
finished his business in the West Indies, sailed in the beginning of August
with a prodigious convoy. After seeing this out of danger, he directed
his course for the Chesapeake, and arrived there, as has been related, on
the 30th of the same month. Five days before his arrival in the Chesapeake, the French fleet in Rhode Island sailed for the same place. These
fleets, notwithstanding their original distance from the scene of action and
from each other, coincided in their operations in an extraordinary manner,
far beyond the reach of military calculation. They all tended to one
object, and at one and the same time, and that object was neither known
nor suspected by the British, till the proper season for counter-action was
elapsed. This coincidence of favourable circumstances extended to the
marches of the French and American land forces. The plan of operations had been so well digested, and was so faithfully executed by the different commanders, that General Washington and Count Rochambeau had
passed the British head-quarters in New York, and were considerably advanced in their way to Yorktown, before Count de Grasse had reached the
American coast. This was effected in the following manner. [May 6.]
Monsieur de Barras, appointed to the command of the French squadron &t
Newport, arrived at Boston with despatches for Count Rochambeau. An
interview soon after took place at Wethersfield;ibetween General Washington, Knox, and Du Portail, on the part of the Americans, and Count
de Rochambeau and the Chevalier Chastelleux, on the part of the French.
At this interview, an eventual plan of the whole campaign was fixed.
This was to lay siege to New York, in concert with a French fleet,which was to arrive on the coast in the month of August. It was agre'.d
VOL. 11. —43 2 F
338 THE CAAMPAIGN OF 1781.
that the French troops should march toward the North Rive- Letters
were addressed by Gener'al Washington, to the executive officers of New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Jersey, requiring then
to fill up their battalions, and to have their quotas, six thousand two hundred militia, in readiness, within a week of the time they might be called
for. Conformably to these outlines of the campaign, the French troops
marched from Rhode Island in June, and early in the following month
joined the American army. About the time this junction took place,
General Washington marched his army from their winter encampment,
near Peekskill, to the vicinity of Kingsbridge. General Lincoln fell down
the North River with a detachment in boats, and took possession of the
ground where Fort Independence formerly stood. An attack was made
upon him, but was soon discontinued. The British, about this time, retired
with almost the wholefof their force to York Island. General Washington
hoped to be able to commence operations against New York, about the
middle, or, at farthest, the latter end of July. Flat-bottomed boats, sufficient to transport five thousand men, were built near Albany, and brought
down the Hudson river to the neighbourhood of the American army before
New York. Ovens were erected opposite to Staten Island, for the use of
the French troops. Every movement was made which was introductory
to the commencement of the siege. It was not a little mortifying to
General Washington, to find himself on the 2d of August to be only a
few hundreds stronger than he was on the day his army first moved from
their winter quarters. To have fixed on a plan of operations, with a foreign officer, at the head of a respectable force: to have brought that force
from a considerable distance, in confident expectation of reinforcements,sufficiently large to commence effective operations against the common
enemy, and at the same time to have engagements in behalf of the state
violated in direct opposition to their own interest, and in a manner derogatory to his personal honour, was enough to have excited storms and
tempests in any mind less calm than that of General Washington. He
bore this hard trial with his usual magnanimity, and contented himself
with repeating his requisitions to the states, and at the same time urged
them by every tie, to enable him to fulfil engagements entered into on their
account, with the commander of the French troops.
The tardiness of the states, which at other times had brought them near the:brink of ruin, was now the accidental cause of real service. Had they
sent forward their recruits for the regular army, and their quotas of militia,
as was expected, the siege of New York would have commenced in the
latter end of July or early in August. While the season was wasting away;ln expectation of these reinforcements, Lord Cornwallis, as has been men-;toned, fixed himself near the capes of Virginia. His situation there, the arri-'val of a reinforcement of three thousand Germans from Europe to New
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 339
York, the superior strength of that garrison, the failure of the states in filling
up their battalions and imbodying their militia, and especially recent intelli
gence from Count de
Grasse, that his destination was fixed to
3__._. ~:~ the Chesapeake, con
curred about the mid.
iB3SB-~~i _ _ _ die of August to make
a total change of the
plan of the campaign.;?THE appearance of an intention to attack New
York was nevertheless kept up. While this
deception was played off, the allied army crossed....... - the North River, and passed on by the way of
- Philadelphia, through the intermediate country
to Yorktown. An attempt to reduce the Bri— ~-~ -i tish force in Virginia promised success with
more expedition, and to secure an object of nearly equal importance as the
reduction of New York. No one can undertake to say what would have
been the consequence, if the allied forces had persevered in their original
plan; but it is evident from the event, that no success could have been
greater, or more conducive to the establishment of their schemes, than
what resulted from their operations in Virginia.
While the attack of New York was in serious contemplation, a letter
from General Washington, detailing the particulars of the intended operations of the campaign, being intercepted, fell into the hands of Sir Henry
Clinton. After the plan was changed, the royal commander was so much
under the impression of the intelligence contained in the intercepted letter,
that he believed every movement towards Virginia to be a feint, calculated
to draw off his attention from the defence of New York. Under the influence of this opinion, he bent his whole force to strengthen that post, and
suffered the French and American armies to pass him without any molestation. When the best opportunity of striking at them was elapsed, then
for the first time he was brought to believe that the allies had fixed on Virginia for the theatre of their combined operations. As truth may be made
to answer the purposes of deception, so no feint of attacking New York
could have been more successful than the real intention.
In the latter end of August the American army began their march to
Virginia, from the nelghbourhocd of New York. General Washington
had advanced as far as Chester before he received the news of the arrival
of the fleet, commanded by Monsieur de Grasse. The French troops
marched a. the same time, and for the same place. In the course of this
iummler th,-y passed through all the extensive settlements which lie
340 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
between Newport and Yorktown. It seldom, if ever, happened beii,re,
that an army led through a foreign country, at so great a distance from
their own, among a people of different principles, customs, language, and
religion, behaved with so much regularity. In their march to Yorktown
they had passed through five hundred miles of a country abounding in
fruit, and at a time when the most delicious productions of nature, growing
on and near the public highways, presented both opportunity and temptation to gratify their appetites. Yet so complete was their discipline, that
in tnis long march scarce an instance could be produced of a peach or an
apple being taken without the consent of the inhabitants. General Washington and Count Rochambeau reached Williamsburg on the 14th of September. They, with General Chastelleux, Du Portail, and Knox, proceeded to visit Count de Grasse, on board his ship, the Ville de Paris, and
agreed on a plan of operations.
The count afterwards wrote to Washington, that in case a British fleet
appeared, " he conceived that he ought to go out and meet them at sea,
instead of risking an engagement in a confired situation." This alarmed
the general. He sent the Marquis de Lafayette, with a letter to dissuade
him from the dangerous measure. This letter, and the persuasions of the
marquis, had the desired effect.
The combined forces proceeded on their way to Yorktown, partly by
land, and partly down the Chesapeake. The whole, together with a body
of Virginia militia, under the command of General Nelson, amounting in
the aggregate to twelve thousand men, rendezvoused at Williamsburg, on
the 25th of September, and in five days after, moved down to the investiture of Yorktown. The French fleet at the same time moved to the
mouth of York river, and took a position which was calculated to prevent
Lord Cornwallis either from retreating, or receiving succour by water.
Previously to the march from Williamsburg to Yorktown, Washington
gave out in general orders as follows: "If the enemy should be tempted
to meet the army on its march, the general particularly enjoins the troops
to place their principal reliance on the bayonet, that they may prove the
vanity of the boast, which the British make of their peculiar prowess, in
deciding battles with that weapon."
HE combined army halted in the evening, about two miles
from Yorktown, and lay on their arms all night. On the
next day, Colonel Scammell, an officer of uncommon merit,
and of the most amiable manners, in approaching the outer
~~p98~~ g works of the British, was mortally wounded and taken prisoner. About this time, Earl Cornwallis received a letter from Sir Henry
Clinton, announcing the arrival of Admiral Digby, with three ships of the
line from Europe, and the determination of the general and flag officers in
New York to embark five thousand men in a fleet, which would probably
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 341
R. 3t'I____ -N — -
CAPT"RE OF THE REDOUBTS.
sail on the 5th of October-that this fleet consisted of twenty-three sail of
the line, and that joint exertions of the navy and army would be made for
his relief. On the night after the receipt of this intelligence, Earl Cornwallis quitted his outward position, and retired to one more inward.
The works erected for the security of Yorktown on the right, were
redoubts and batteries, with a line of stockade in the rear. A marshy
ravine lay in front of the right, over which was placed a large redoubt.
The morass extended along the centre, which was defended by a line of
stockade, and by batteries: on the left of the centre was a hornwork with
a ditch, a row of fraize and an abattis. Two redoubts were advanced
before the left. The combined forces advanced and took possession of the
ground from which the British had retired. About this time, the legion
cavalry and mounted infantry passed over the river to Gloucester. Gene.
ral de Choisy invested the British post on that side so fully, as to cut off
all communication between it and the country. In the mean time the
royal army was straining every nerve to strengthen their works, and their
artillery was constantly employed in impeding the operations of the combined army. On the 9th and 10th of October, the French and Americans
opened their batteries. They kept up a brisk and well-directed fire front
heavy cannon, from mortars, and howitzers. The shells of the besiegers
reached the ships in the harbour; the Charon of forty-four guns, and a
2 2
342 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
transport ship, were burned. On the 10th, a messenger arrived with a
despatch from Sir Henry Clinton to Earl Cornwallis, dated on the 30th of
September, which stated various circumstances tending to lessen the pro
bability of relief being obtained, by a direct movement from New York
Earl Cornwallis was at this juncture advised to evacuate Yorktown, and
after passing over to Gloucester, to force his way into the country. Whether this movement would have been successful, no one can with certainty
pronounce, but it could not have produced any consequences more injurious to the royal interest than those which resulted from declining the
attempt. On the other hand, had this movement been made, and the royai
army been defeated or captured in the interior country, and'n the mean
time had Sir Henry Clinton, with the promised relief, reached Yorktown,
the precipitancy of the noble earl would have been, perhaps, more the
subject pf censure, than his resolution of standing his ground and resisting
to the last extremity. From this uncertain ground of conjectures, I proteed to relate real events. [October 11.] The besiegers commenced their
second parallel two hundred yards from the works of the besieged. Two
redoubts which were advanced on the left of the British greatly impeded
the progress of the combined armies. It was, therefore, proposed to carry
them by storm. To excite a spirit of emulation, the reduction of the one
was committed to the French, of the other to the Americans. The assailants marched to the assault with unloaded arms; having passed the abattis
and palisades, they attacked on all sides, and carried the redoubt in a few
minutes, with the loss of eight killed, and twenty-eight wounded. Lieutenant-colonel Laurens personally took the commanding officer prisoner.
His humanity, and that of his associates, so overcame their resentments,
that they spared the British, though they were charged when they went
to the assault, to remember New London, (the massacres at which place
shall be hereafter related,) and to retaliate by putting the men in the redoubt to the sword. Being asked why they had disobeyed orders by
bringing them off as prisoners, they answered, "We could not put them
to death, when they begged for their lives." About five of the British
were killedt, and the rest were captured. Colonel Hamilton, who conducted the enterprise, in his report to the Marquis de Lafayette, mentioned,
to the honour of his detachment, "that incapable of imitating examples
of barbarity, and forgetting recent provocations, they spared every man
who ceased to resist."
The French were equally successful on their part. They carried the
redoubt assigned to them with rapidity, but lost a considerable number of
men. These two redoubts were included in the second parallel, and faciiitated the subsequent operations of the besiegers. The British could not
with propriety risk repeated sallies. One was projected at this time,
[Oct. 16,] consisting of four hundred men, commanded by Lieutenant
rHE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 343
8UERRTNDER OF CORNWALLIS.
(olonel Abercrombie. He proceeded so far as to force two redoubts, and,o spike eleven pieces of cannon. Though the officers and soldiers display d great bravery in this enterprise, yet their success produced no'sse tial advantage. The cannon were soon unspiked and rendered fit for
serv ce.
By this time the batteries of the besiegers were covered with nearly a
hur dred pieces of heavy ordnance, and the works of the besieged were so
dai aged, that they could scarcely show a single gun. Lord Cornwallis
had now no hope left but from offering terms of capitulation or attempting
a escape. He determined on the latter. This, though less practicable
t an when first proposed, was not altogether hopeless. Boats were prepared to receive the troops in the night, and to transport them to Gloucester-Point. After one whole embarkation had crossed, a violent storm
of wind and rain dispersed the boats employed on this business, and frustrated the whole scheme. The royal army, thus weakened by division,
was exposed to increased danger.
Orders were sent to those who had passed, to re-cross the river to York
t-vmn. With the failure of this scheme the last hope of the British army
34,% THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
expired. Longer resistance could answer no good purpose, ana m.ghL
occasion the loss of many valuable lives. Lord Cornwallis therefore wrote
a letter to General Washington, requesting a cessation of arms for twentyfour hours, and that commissioners might be appointed to digest terms of
capitulation. It is remarkable, while Lieutenant-colonel Laurens, the
officer employed by General Washington on this occasion, was drawing up
these articles, that his father was closely confined in the tower of London,
of which Earl Cornwallis was constable. By this singular combination
of circumstances, his lordship became a prisoner to the son of his own
prisoner.
[Oct. 19.] The posts of York and Gloucester were surrendered by a
capitulation, the principal articles of which were as follows: The troops to
be prisoners of war to Congress, and the naval force to France. The
officers to retain their side-arms, and private property of every kind; but
all property, obviously belonging to the inhabitants of the United States, to
be subject to be reclaimed. The soldiers to be kept in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, and to be supplied with the same rations as are
allowed to soldiers in the service of Congress. A proportion of the officers
to march into the country with the prisoners; the rest to be allowed to
proceed on parole to Europe, to New York, or to any other American
maritime post in possession of the British. The honour of marching out
with colours flying, which had been refused to General Lincoln on his
giving up Charleston, was now refused to Earl Cornwallis; and General
Lincoln was appointed to receive the submission of the royal army at
Yorktown precisely in the same way his own had been conducted, about
eighteen months before. Lord Cornwallis endeavoured to obtain permission for the British and German troops to return to their respective countries, under no other restrictions than an engagement not to serve against
France or America. He also tried to obtain an indemnity for those of the
inhabitants who had joined him; but he was obliged to recede from the
former, and also to consent that the loyalists in his camp should be given
up to the unconditional mercy of their countrymen. His lordship nevertheless obtained permission for the Bonetta sloop of war to pass unexamined to New York. This gave an opportunity of screening such of
them as were most obnoxious to the Americans.
The regular troops of France and America, employed in this siege, consisted of about seven thousand of the former, and five thousand five hundred of the latter; and they were assisted by about four thousand militia.
On the part of the combined army, about three hundred were killed or
wounded. On the part of the British, about five hundred; and seventy
were taken in the redoubts, which were carried by assault on the 14th
of October. The troops of every kind that surrendered prisoners of war,
exceede4 seven thousand men; but so great was the number of sick and
THE CA.MPAIGN OF 1781. 34P
wounded, that there were only three thousand eight hundred capable of
bearing arms. The French and American engineers and artillery merited
and received the highest applause. Brigadier-generals du Portail and
Knox were both promoted to the rank of major-generals on account of
their meritorious services. Lieutenant-colonel Gouvion and Captain Rochefontaine, of the corps of engineers, respectively received brevets, the former to the rank of a colonel, and the latter to the rank of a major.
Congress honoured General Washington, Count de Rochambeau, Count
de Grasse, and the officers of the different corps, and the men under them,
with thanks for their services in the reduction of Lord Cornwallis. The
whole project was conceived with profound wisdom, and the incidents of
it had been combined with singular propriety. It is not therefore wonderful, that, from the remarkable coincidence in all its parts, it was crowned
with unvaried success.
A British fleet, and an army of seven thousand men, destined for the
relief of Lord Cornwallis, arrived off the Chesapeake on the 24th of October; but on receiving advice of his lordship's surrender, they returned to
Sandy Hook and New York. Such was the fate of that general from
whose gallantry and previous successes the speedy conquest of the southern states had been so confidently expected. No event during the war
bid fairer for oversetting the independence of at least a part of the confederacy, than his complete victory at Camden; but, by the consequences of
that action, his lordship became the occasion of rendering that a revolution
which, from his previous success, was in danger of terminating in a rebellion. The loss of his army may be considered as the closing scene of the
continental war in North America.
The troops under the command of Lord Cornwallis had spread waste
and ruin over the face of all the country for four hundred miles on the sea
coast, and for two hundred miles to the westward. Their marches from
Charleston to Camden, from Camden to the river Dan, from the Dan,
through North Carolina, to Wilmington; from Wilmington to Petersburg,
and from Petersburg through many parts of Virginia, till they finally settled in Yorktown, made a route of more than eleven hundred miles.
Every place through which they passed in these various marches, experienced the effects of their rapacity. Their numbers enabled them to go
whithersoever they pleased; their rage for plunder disposed them to take
whatever they had the means of removing; and their animosity to the
Americans led them often to the wanton destruction of what they could
neither use nor carry off. By their means thousands had been involved
in distress. The reduction of such an army occasioned unusual transports
of joy in the breasts of the whole body of the people. Well authenticated
testimony asserts that the nerves of some were so agitated as to produce
convulsions, and that at least one man expired under the tide of pleasure
VOL. II.-44
346 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781
which flowen upon him when informed of his lordship's surrender.* The
people throughout the United States displayed a social triumph and exulta.
tion which no private prosperity is ever able fully to inspire. General
Washington, on the day after the surrender, ordered "that those who
were under arrest should be pardoned and set at liberty." His orders
closed as follows: "Divine service shall be performed to-morrow in the
different brigades and divisions. The commander-in-chief recommends,
that all the troops that are not upon duty do assist at it with a serious deportment, and that sensibility of heart, which the recollection of the surprising
and particular interposition of Providence in our favour claims." Congress, on receiving the official account of the great events which had taken
place at Yorktown, resolved [Sept. 6] to go in procession to church, and
return public thanks to Almighty God for the advantages they had gained.
They also issued a proclamation for " religiously observing, through the
United States, the 13th of December as a day of thanksgiving and prayer."
The singularly interesting event of captivating a second royal army produced strong emotions, which broke out in all the variety of ways with
which the most rapturous joy usually displays itself.
HILE the combined armies were advancing to the
__) siege of Yorktown, an excursion was made from
New York, which was attended with no small
loss to the Americans. General Arnold, who
had lately returned from Virginia, was appointed
to conduct an expedition, the object of which
was the town of New London in his native country. The troops employed therein were landed
in two detachments or, each side of the harbour
[Sept. 6.] The one was commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Eyre and the
other by General Arnold. The latter met with little opposition. Fort
Trumbull and a redoubt which was intended to cover the harbour, not being tenable, were evacuated, and the men crossed the river to Fort Griswold
on Groton Hill. This was furiously attacked by Lieutenant-colonel Eyre:
the garrison defended themselves with great resolution, but after a severe
conflict of forty minutes, the fort was carried by the assailants. The
Americans had not more than six or seven men killed, when the British
carried their lines, but a severe execution took place afterwards, though
resistance had ceased. An officer of the conquering troops inquired on
his entering the fort, who commanded. Colonel Ledyard answered, "I
did, but you do now," and presented him his sword. The colonel was
immediately run through the body and killed. Between thirty and forty
* The doorkeeper of Congress, an aged man, died suddenly, immediately after hearing
of the capture of Lord Cornwallis's army. This death was universally ascribed to a vio.
ent emotion of political joy.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 3417
were wounded, and about forty were carried off prisoners. On the side
of the Brilosh forty-eight were killed, and one hundred and forty-five
wounded; among the latter was Major Montgomery, and namong the former
was Colonel Eyre. About fifteen vessels, loaded with the effects of the
inhabitants, retreated up the river, and four others remained in the harbour
unhurt, but all excepting these were burned by the communication of fire
from the burning stores. Sixty dwelling-houses and eighty-four stores
were reduced to ashes. The loss which the Americans sustained by the
destruction of naval stores, of provisions and merchandise, was immense.
General Arnold, having completed the object of the expedition, returned in
eight days to New York. The Americans lost many valuable men, and
much of their possessions, by this incursion, but the cause for which they
contended was uninjured. Expeditions which seemed to have no higher
object than the destruction of property, alienated their affections still farther
from British government. They were not so extensive as to answer the
ends of conquest, and the momentary impression resulting from them produced no lasting intimidation. On the other hand, they excited a spirit of
revenge against the authors of such accumulated distresses.
The year 1781 terminated, in all parts of the United States, in favour of
the Americans. It began with weakness in South Carolina, mutiny in
New Jersey, and devastation in Virginia; nevertheless, in its close, the
British were confined to their strong-holds in or near New York, Charleston, and Savannah, and their whole army in Virginia was captured. They
in the course of the year had acquired much plunder by which individuals
were enriched, but their nation was in no respect benefited. The whole
campaign passed away on their part without one valuable conquest, or the
acquisition of any post or place, from which higher purposes were answered,
than destroying public stores or distressing individuals, and enriching the
officers and privates of their army and navy. The important services rendered by France to the Americans cemented the union of the two nations
with additional ties. The orderly, inoffensive behaviour of the French
troops in the United States, contrasted with the havoc of property made
by the British in their marches and excursions, was silently turning the
current of popular esteem in favour of the former, and working a revolution in the minds of the inhabitants, greatly conducive to the establishment
of that which had taken place in the government. The property of the
inhabitants of Rhode Island received no damage of any account from the
French troops, during their eleven months' residence among them. The
soldiers were rather a guard than a nuisance. The citizens met with no
interruption when prosecuting their lawful business, either by night or
day, and were treated with every mark of attention and respect. While
the progress of the British army, in a circuitous march of eleven bumared
miles from Charleston to yorktown, was marked with rapine and desola.
348 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
tion, the march of the French troops from Rhode Island to the same
place, a distance nearly equal in a right line, was productive of no inconvenience to the intermediate inhabitants. They were welcome guests
wherever they came, for they took nothing by fraud and force, but punctually paid for all they wanted with hard money. In a contest where the
good will of the people had so powerful an influence on its final issue,
such opposite modes of conduct could not fail of producing their natural
effects. The moderation and justice of the French met with its reward in
the general good will of the people, but the violence and rapine of the
British contributed, among other things, to work the final overthrow of all
their schemes in America.
~. N the last day of this year [Dec. 1781] Henry Laurens
was released from his long confinement in the Tower
of London. He had been committed there, as already
related, on the 6th of October, 1780, "On suspicion
of high treason," after being examined in the presence
of Lord Stormont, Lord George Germaine, Lord
Hillsborough, Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Justice Addington, and others. The commitment was accompanied
with a warrant to the lieutenant of the Tower to receive and confine him.
Their lordships' orders were "To confine him a close prisoner; to be
locked up every night; to be in the custody of two warders; not to suffer
him to be out of their sight one moment, day nor night; to allow him no
liberty of speaking to any person, nor to permit any person to speak to
him; to deprive him of the use of pen and ink; to suffer no letter to be
brought to him, nor any to go from him." Mr. Laurens was then fifty-five
years old, and severely afflicted with the gout and other infirmities. In
this situation he was conducted to apartments in the Tower, and wvas shut
up in two small rooms which together made about twenty feet square, with
a warder for his constant companion, and a fixed bayonet under his window, without any friend to converse with, and without any prospect or
even the means of correspondence. Being debarred the use of pen and
ink, he procured pencils, which proved a useful substitute. After a
month's confinement, he was permitted to walk out on limited ground, but
a warder with a sword in his hand followed close behind. This indulgence
was occasionally taken for about three weeks, when Lord George Gordon,
who wan also a prisoner in the Tower, unluckily met and asked Mr. Laurens to walk with him. Mr. Laurens declined the offer, and instantly returned to his apartment. Governor Gore caught at this transgression of
orders, and locked him up for thirty-seven days, though the attending
warder exculpated him from all blame. At the end of that time the governor relented so far as to permit his prisoner to walk on the parade before.ne dofr, but this honour, as coming from him, was refused. General
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 349
Vernon, on hearing of what had passed, gave orders that Mr. Laurens
should be permitted to walk out, and this exercise was in consequence
thereof resumed, after an intermission of two months and a half.
About this time [Feb. 26, 1781] an old friend and mercantile correspondent, having solicited the secretaries of state for Mr. Laurens's enlargement on parole, and having offered his whole fortune as security for his
good conduct, sent him the following message: "Their lordships say, if
you will point out any thing for the benefit of Great Britain, in the present
dispute with the colonies, you shall be enlarged." This proposition filled
him with indignation, and provoked a sharp reply, part of which was in
the following words: "I perceive from the message you sent me, that if I
were a rascal I might presently get out of the Tower, but I am not. You
have pledged your word and fortune for my integrity. I will never dishonour you nor myself. I can foresee what will come to pass. Happen
to me what may, I fear no possible consequences."
The same friend soon after [March 7] visited Mr. Laurens, and being
left alone with him, addressed him as follows: "I converse with you this
morning, not particularly as your friend, but as the friend of Great Britain.
I have certain propositions to make for obtaining your liberty, which I
advise you should take time to consider." Mr. Laurens desired to know
what they were, and added, " That an honest man required no time to give
an answer, in a case where his honour was concerned. If," said he, "the
secretaries of state will enlarge me upon parole, I will strictly conform to
my engagement to do nothing directly or indirectly to the hurt of this klngdom. I will return to America, or remain in any part of England which
may be assigned, and surrender myself when demanded." It was
answered, "No, sir, you must stay in London among your friends: the
ministers will often have occasion to send for and consult you: you can
write two or three lines to the ministers, and baiely say you are sorry for
what is past. A pardon will be granted: every man has been wrong, at
some time or other of his life, and should not be ashamed to acknowledge
it." Mr. Laurens replied, "I will never subscribe to my own infamy,
and to the dishonour of my children." He was then told of long and painful confinernent, and hints were thrown out of the possible consequences
of his refusal: to which he replied, "I am afraid of no consequences but
such as would flow from dishonourable acts."
In about a week after this interview, Major-general James Grant, who
had long been acquainted with Mr. Laurens, and had served with him
near twenty years before, on an expedition against the Cherokee Indians,
visited him in the Tower, and talked much of the inconveniences of his
situation,and then addressed him thus: "Colonel Laurens, I have brought
paper and pencil to take down any propositions you have to make to the administration, and I will deliver theni myself." Mr. Laurens repl;ed, "I have
2 G
350 TIlIE CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
pencil and paper, but not one proposition, beyond repeating a request to
be enlarged on parole. I had well weighed what consequences might
follow before I entered into the present dispute. I took the path of justice
and honour, and no personal evils can cause me to shrink."
About this time, Lieutenant-colonel Laurens, the eldest son of Henry
Laurens, arrived in France, as the special minister of Congress. The
father was requested to write to the son to withdraw himself from the court
of France, and assurances were given that it would operate in his favour.
To these requests he replied, "My son is of age, and has a will of his
own; if I should write to him in the terms you request, it would have no
effect: he would only conclude, that confinement and persuasion had softened me. I know him to be a man of honour; he loves me dearly, and
would lay down his life to save mine; but I am sure he would not sacrifice
his honour to save my life, and I applaud him."
[June 29.] Mr. Laurens penciled an address to the secretaries of state
for the use of pen and ink, to draw a bill of exchange on a merchant in
London who was in his debt, for money to answer his immediate exigencies, and to request that his youngest son might be permitted to visit him,
for the purpose of concerting a plan for his farther education and conduct
in life. This was delivered to their lordships; but they, though they had
made no provision for the support of their prisoner, returned no answer.
Mr. Laurens was thus left to languish in confinement under many infirmities, and without the means of applying his own resources on the spot, for
his immediate support.
As soon as Mr. Laurens had completed a year in the Tower, he was
called upon to pay nine pounds seven shillings and ten pence sterling to
the two warders for attending on him. To which he replied, "I was sent
to the Tower by the secretaries of state without money (for aught they knew)
-their lordships have never supplied me with any thing-it is now upwards of three months since I informed their lordships that the fund I had
hitherto subsisted upon was nearly exhausted, and prayed for leave to draw
a bill on Mr. John Nutt, who was in my debt, which they have been
pleased to refuse by the most grating of all denials, a total silence, and now
a demand is made for nine pounds seven shillings and ten pence. If their
lordships will permit me to draw money where it is due to me, I will continue to pay my own expenses, but I will not pay the warders whom I
never employed, and whose attendance I shall be glad to dispense with."
Three weeks after, the secretaries of state consented that Mr. Laurens
should have the use of pen and ink, for the purpose of drawing a bill
of exchange, but they were taken away the moment that business was
done.
About this time, Henry Laurens, jun., wrote an humble request to Lord
Hillsborough, for permission to see his father, which his lordship refused
THEi CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 351
to grant. He had at first been permitted to visit his father and converse
with him for a short time; but these. interviews were no longer permitted
They nevertheless occasionally met on the lines and saluted each other,
but durst not exchange a single word, lest it might occasion a second confinement, similar to that to which Lord George Gordon had been accessary.
As the year 1781 drew near a close, Mr. Laurens's sufferings in the
Tower became generally known, and excited compassion in his favour, and
odium against the authors of his confinement. It had been also found, by
the inefficacy of many attempts, that no concessions could be obtained from
him. It was, therefore, resolved to release him, but difficulties arose about
the mode. Mr. Laurens would not consent to any act, which implied that
he was a British subject, and he had been committed as such, on charge
of high treason. Ministers, to extricate themselves from this difficulty, at
length proposed to take bail for his appearance at the court of King's
Bench. When the words of the recognisance, "Our sovereign lord the
King," were read to Mr. Laurens, he replied in open court, "Not my
sovereign," and with this declaration he, with Mr. Oswald and Mr. Anderson as his securities, entered into an obligation for his appearance at
the court of King's Bench the next Easter term, and for not departing
thence without leave of the court. Thus ended a long and a painful farce.
Mr. Laurens was immediately released. When the time of his appearance
at court drew near, he was not only discharged from all obligations to at.
tend, but was requested by Lord Shelburne to go to the continent, in subserviency to a scheme for making peace with America. Mr. Laurens,
startled at the idea of being released without any equivalent, as he had
uniformly held himself to be a prisoner of war, replied, that " He durst not
accept himself as a gift, and that as Congress had once offered Lieutenantgeneral Burgoyne for him, he had no doubt of their now giving Lieutenant.
general Earl Cornwallis for the same purpose."
s]|eutF~::S;'0~s~;S';i<.__~_,
COMMODORE BARRY.
COMMODORE BARRY'S VICTORY.
N the fall of 1781, orders were received
by Commodore Barry to fit the Alliance for taking the Marquis de Lafayette and Count de Noailles to France,
*11 I; on public business. On the 25th of
December, she sailed from Boston,
with them on board.
The Alliance left L'Orient in February, 1782, from which time she con~i-S~\~a g nWB~~ Etinued cruising, with great success,
till March of the following year;
- ~ O Fwhen, shortly after leaving Havanna,
whither she had been ordered, to bring the United States a large quantity
of specie, having in company the continental ship Luzerne, of twenty
guns, Captain Greene, three frigates were discovered right ahead, two
leagues distant; the American vessels were hove about; the enemy gave
chase. The Luzerne not sailing as fast as the Alliance, tht commodore
35'2
---— 1 —— ~~ - --—` ~~. —- — ~. I-.-.....: —::!.:.>......... -.:- L.-'.'::i:-_T- -:_'_...::-: _:..._" —:..'..; —;:-_:......i ~ -......... - -.- -.-" -~-.'.:......
_.~-.._-::4 —._-. = -.
l F:; —-- -:-R —iV: l~1i i
&llzana~ and Atalant&
~~~~~~-. _ —
COMMODORE BARRY'S VICTORY 355
ordered her captain to throw her guns overboard. A sail was then discovered on her weather-bow, bearing down upon them; the Alliance hove
out a signal, which was answered; she proved to be a French ship, of
fifty guns. Relying upon her for assistance, the commodore concluded to
bring the headmost of the enemy's ships to action; after inspiring his crew
by an address, and going from gun to gun, and cautioning his men against
too much haste, and not to fire until ordered, he prepared for action. The
enemy's ship was of equal size with the Alliance; a severe engagement
followed: it was very soon perceptible that the Alliance was gaining the
advantage; most of the enemy's guns were silenced; and after an action
of fifty minutes, the ship was so severely damaged, that she hoisted a
signal of distress, when her consorts joined her. The loss on board the
Alliance was very trifling —three killed and eleven wounded. The enemy's loss was severe —thirty-seven killed and fifty wounded. The other
English frigates were watching the movements of the French ships; the
captain of which, upon coming up with the Alliance, assigned as a reason for keeping aloof from the action, that he was apprehensive the Alliance had been taken, and that the engagement was only a decoy. Chase
was made, but the French ship being unable to keep up with the American, it was given over.
A gentleman of distinguished naval reputation, when in the Mediterranean with the American squadron, was introduced to Captain James
Vaughan, now Vice-admiral of the Red, the commander of the British
frigate engaged with the Alliance. In the course of the conversation, he
made particular inquiry after Captain Barry; related the circumstances
of the action; and, with the frankness of a generous enemy, confessed
that he had never seen a ship so ably fought as the Alliance; that he had
never before, to use his own words, "received such a drubbing, and that
he was indebted to the assistance of his consorts."
JU( __
OAPTAII BARNEY.
CAPTAIN BARNEY'S VICTORY.
N the 8th of April, 1782, Captain Barney, in the HyderAlly, of sixteen guns and a hundred and ten men,
sailed from Philadelphia to convoy a fleet of merchantmen to the capes of the Delaware. While the fleet
was lying in Cape May road, waiting for a fair wind to
take them out to sea, two ships and a brig, a part of the
enemy's force, were discovered standing in for them.
Captain Barney immediately made the signal for his convoy to get under
way and proceed up the bay, which orders they were not slow in obeying, with the exception of one ship, which had a few guns on board; and
her commander very gallantly determined to abide the issue. He was no
great help to Barney, for as soon as the action commenced, he, in his haste
to get to sea, out of reach of the enemy's balls, ran his ship aground, and
escaped with his men, by climbing out to the end of the jib-boom, and
jumping ashore, while the ship was taken by the enemy.
Captain Barney kept astern of his convoy, watching the motions of the
British vessels with great earnestness. He saw that the brig and one of
the ships were following him up the bay through the Cape May channel,
while the other ship was manceuvering to run ahead thrrcagb the other
36
I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ —.~-.-.:. —. —...
I~~~~~~ ~ ~~.. — ~ —- _~~~ ~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~, —- -~. —. ~ — - -. ) -=_:__ ~ -::
CAPTAIN BARNEY'S VICTORY. 359
channel, and prevent the convoy from proceeding up the bay. The brig
was the first to come up. She gave the Hyder-Ally a broadside and
passed on; Captain Barney did not return the fire, reserving his shot for
the ship, which was coming up rapidly. She advanced within pistol-shot
without firing a gun, probably thinking that Barney would not dare to
oppose her progress. At this moment, however, the Hyder-Ally opened
her ports and gave a well-directed broadside, which told her determination
in sea-terms, which were not easy to be misunderstood. The enemy then
closed in and showed a determination to board; but Barney, perceiving
immediately the difficulty of his situation, and knowing that if they succeeded in boarding him, he would have to face a vastly superior force,
instantly walked l.p to the man at the helm and told him to interpret his
next order " by the rule of contrary," to do exactly that which is opposed
to the command. Soon after, when the enemy was ranging alongside,
preparatory to boarding, Captain Barney called out, in a voice intended to
be heard on board the adverse ship, "Hard a-port your helmn-do you
want him to run aboard of us?" The seaman immediately understood the
order, and put his helm hard a-starboard, by which admirable manceuvre
the enemy's jib-boom caught in the fore rigging of the Hyder-Ally, and
there remained entangled during the short but glorious action which followed. The Hyder-Ally thus gained a raking position, and such was the
terrible quickness and effect of her fire,-having fired twenty broadsides
in twenty-six minutes —that in less than half an hour from the firing of
the first broadside, the ship was obliged to strike her colours. But the
other ship was now coming rapidly up, and Captain Barney had only time
to send on board a lieutenant and thirty-five men, with orders to proceed
up immediately after the fleet, while he himself covered the rear. The
brig, seeing that the ship had struck, ran aground, to avoid being captured.
The ship continued to work her way up the river, as the taking possession
of the first was so quick and unexpected that the captain had not time to
destroy his book of signals, and Captain Barney having ordered his lieutenant to hoist the British flag on the prize, while he pulled down the American on board the Hyder-Ally, the ship thought that the American ship
had struck; she, therefore, towards evening, dropped her anchor, making a
signal as she did so to the prize-ship, which she did not expect to be under
other orders-and believing that she was then working her will among the
defenceless convoy.
After the ship had given up the chase, and dropped her anchor for the
night, Captain Barney hailed his prize, and inquired what her name,
character, and force were. He was answered, "The General Monk, of
Lwenty guns, and one hundred and thirty-six men, under the command of
Captain Rodgers, of the Royal Navy." The Hyder-Ally had only four
men killed and eleven wounded; while the General Monk had lost twenty
360 CAPTAIN BARNEY'S VICTORY.
men killed and thirty-three wounded. Among the former, were five of
the officers —and among the latter, were Captain Rodgers himself, and
every other officer on board, except one midshipman!
The Legislature of Pennsylvania passed a vote of thanks to Captain
Barney, and ordered a gold-hilted sword to be prepared for him; which
was soon after presented to him, in the name of. the state, by Governor
~ickinson.
_______ _ ___ _ ______________ A
I'qm
CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.
HE dreadful catastrophe of Cornwallis, like
j-'~-~' ~-' ~[~1 that of Burgoyne, was felt less by the British
from the actual amount of loss sustained,
than from the impression which it made
upon the public mind of Europe. In
Britain, the popular feeling had been raised
above former disasters by indignation against
the league of the continental powers, and
by the brilliant promises which the suc-~ s1 ~m ~~ cesses in the southern colonies seemed to
afford. During the session of 1780-1781,
indeed, Mr. Fox, who now figured as leader
of the opposition, predicted that these would be very ephemeral,and repelled
any expectation of finally recovering the lost colonies. Ministers, hovever, were still confident, and generally supported by the nation. In the
course of the year 1781, however, the horizon of Europe assumed a darker
aspect. A commercial treaty and other connections formed by Holland
with the colonies led to a declaration of war against her, involving a consequent collision with almost the whole naval power of the continent. The
Empress of Russia, taking advantage of the state of affairs, placed herself
at the head of what was termed the armed neutrality, having in view to
limit the right of search hitherto exercised by Great Britain; and though
this did not lead to any actual hostility, it rendered the situation of the
country still more critical.
VOL I1.-46 2 t.3f
36Cj2 CLOSE OF 1IE EVOLUTIONARY WAR.
When, to the severe pressure thus caused, was added the disastrous in
telligence from the new continent, there arose in the nation a cry for peace
and for the recognition of American independence, as vehement as formerly
for war and supremacy. This was a result, however, for which the cabinet was by no means prepared. On the assembling of parliament, 27th
November, 1781, the king's speech still expressed a determination to persevere, and the hope of a finally auspicious issue. Lord North indeed
admitted that it was no longer expedient to carry on the war as formerly
by marching armies into the interior; his plan was to maintain the present
posts, to support the loyalists, and be ready to take advantage of circuln
stances. Under this view, the estimates were formed on a reduced scale;
and an understanding was intimated, that no large reinforcements would
be sent out to replace the losses sustained. The opposition members,
however, while they traced the disasters to the misconduct of the ministry,
urged the folly of Britain continuing to waste her strength in such a hopeless contest. Both the address and estimates, however, were carried by
majorities of about two to one, and the recess suspended further discussion.
When the houses reassembled on the 20th January, the unpopularity of
government had been aggravated by the capture of Minorca, and of St.
Christopher, with several smaller islands in the West Indies. The opposition, led by a phalanx of statesmen of the first rank-Fox, Pitt, Burke,
Rockingham, Shelburne-determined to push matters to extremity. They
were greatly encouraged by the result of a motion by Mr. Fox concerning
the conduct of the naval war, which was negatived by only 205 to 183.
It became then evident that the country gentlemen were going over, and
that persevering efforts would soon effect the grand object of ejecting the
present ministry. A similar motion, on the 19th February, was defeated
by only nineteen; and on the 22d, General Conway moved an address,
deprecating the continuance of the war in America, and offering aid in a
plan of reconciliation. After an animated debate, it was negatived by a
majority of only one; when the final issue could not be doubtful. On the
27th, he renewed his motion in another shape; and the minister, though
only attempting to parry it by an adjournment, was left in a minority of
nineteen. The general then moved, that, the house would consider as enemies to their king and country all who should advise or attempt the further
prosecution of the war. This was not resisted. Lord North, indeed,
while lamenting his lot in holding office under such distressful circumstances, clung to it with extraordinary pertinacity. It was even intimated,
that ministers were ready to become instruments in carrying out the measures thus dictated to them by parliament. Lord Germaine, more consistent,
had resigned as soon as he saw the cabinet coming round to tths conclusion. Nothing could less accord with the views of the opposi, n tnan
CLO E OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 363
such an arrangement, which was indeed liable to obvious objections; and
seeing that their adversaries would yield only to direct attack, they did not
hesitate to employ that course. On the 8th March, 1782, Lord John
Cavendish moved a series of resolutions, arraigning the misconduct of
ministers, as having caused all the recent disasters. In this extremity
however, some of the country gentlemen rallied round the premier, who
urged not without reason that every measure now denounced had been
sanctioned by large and constant majorities. He obtained in consequence
the small one of ten, which however was regarded as an earnest of final
triumph to the opposite party. On the 15th a resolution of no-confidence
was moved by Sir John Rous.' Lord North made a sort of overture to
assist in the formation of a coalition cabinet, which was indignantly
rejected. His majority was reduced to nine; and to follow up the blow,
Mr. Fox announced a similar motion for the 19th; but on that day, Lord
Surrey, the intended mover, was anticipated by a declaration that "ministers were no more." The premier made a concluding speech, explaining
and defending the policy pursued during his long administration. In a few
days, a new cabinet was arranged, having at its head the Marquis of Rockingham, supported by Fox, Burke and others, all advocates of peace, and
pledged to obtain it, even by sacrificing dominion over the revolted colonies.
Lord North had already been privately feeling his way towards this
object. Even early in 1781, the Empress of Russia had offered her mediation, which Britain had accepted; and at her request, the Emperor of
Germany agreed to become a party. France, however, declined acceding, till she could treat along with her transatlantic ally, whom she invited
to send plenipotentiaries for that purpose. Congress sent Messrs. Jay,
Laurens, and Jefferson to act in concert with Adams, then ambassador at
Paris; and they requested Dr. Franklin, though intending to return, that
he would remain till this weighty affair was concluded. The powers
were almost unlimited, except that they were to agree to nothing short of
entire independence, and to make no arrangement without the knowledge
and concurrence of the French ministers, by whose advice and opinion
they were ultimately to govern themselves. It was agreed that the Congress should be held at Vienna; but difficulties soon arose as to the footing
on which it should be conducted. Mr. Adams protested against himself
or his associates appearing in any other character than as representatives
of an independent state; while the cabinet of London declared that peace
could only be made when the league between France and the revolted
colonies should be dissolved. This view was even supported -by the allied
courts, who proposed, indeed, that the two negotiations should be carried
on and concluded together, but still as distinct transactions. As the two
parties would not recede from these opposite views, the whole mediatory
scheme was broken up.
364 CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.
The new ministry, however, made no delay in opening negotiations on a
lower basis, and with a thorough desire of bringing them to a favourabl6
conclusion. The agreement was formed, after, it is supposed, considerable
objection on the part of the king, and also of Lord Shelburne, to concede
to the States their claim of entire independence. Mr. Oswald was sent
over to Paris in a private character, to sound both parties. The Count de
Vergennes expressed his readiness to enter into negotiation in concert with
the American plenipotentiaries, wishing that Paris might be made the
theatre. Both these requests were conceded; and on the 7th May, Mr.
Grenville went over with full powers. In his first interview, he intimated
the expectation, that on the acknowledgment of American independence,
the object for which France had entered into the war, she would restore
the conquests made during its progress; but Vergennes decidedly refused
to admit such a stipulation
Serious obstacles thus opposed the progress of the treaty; and these
were much increased by the death, on the 1st July, of the Marquis of
Rockingham, a minister highly esteemed. The place of premier then
devolved on Lord Shelburne, who had on former occasions expressed himself very strongly against the grant of independence; and a difference,
understood to exist on that subject, induced Fox and Burke to withdraw
from the administration. Encouragement to take higher ground might be
derived from the state of helplessness and exhaustion into which the United
States government had fallen, as it war found impossible to draw from its
separate members funds at all adequate to the maintenance of the army,
which was thus incapable of undertaking any important enterprise. It is
even asserted that Clinton undertook, if supplied with a reinforcement
of ten thousand men, to reconquer all the colonies. He - had, however,
been recalled by the new ministry, and his place supplied by Sir Guy
Carleton.
These surmises proved to rest on a very slender foundation. According
to Mr. Fox's own explanation, the only difference of opinion was, whether
the independence should be at once recognised, or should be reserved as
an article of the treaty of peace. The negotiation proceeded as before,
except that Mr. Fitzherbert, who enjoyed the confidence of the new ministry, took the place of Mr. Grenville; but Mr. Oswald still continued to
conduct the American treaty. It appears, indeed, that Mr. Jones, afterwards celebrated as Sir William Jones, went to Paris, and submitted to Dr.
Franklin an imaginary fragment of Polybius, respecting the dissensions
between Atbens and her colonies. Its tenor was to sound him respecting
a continued union, on a completely equal footing, between Britain and
the American states; but it does not appear that any direct notice was
taken of this kind of overture. Congress, in October, 1782, published a
resolution not to accept of any thing short of entire independence, nor tc
CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 365
separate from France. The negotiation went on smoothly. Mr. Oswald's
commission had been to treat with the colonies or plantations in America,
terms to which Mr. Jay strongly objected; and though both Vergennes
and Franklin were satisfied, yet on a representation being made, a new
one was sent over on the 21st September, altering the expression to United
States of America. Oswald appears to have been a good easy man, earnestly desirous of bringing the negotiation to a favourable conclusion. The
great satisfaction which both Franklin and Adams express, in the temper
with which he carried on the discussion, justifies seemingly the suspicion,
that he was scarcely a match for the veteran and energetic negotiators
against whom he was pitched.
There remained no longer any question as to the grant of independence;
but there were still three subjects of warm discussion: 1. The western
boundary, which the British wished to be formed by the Ohio, while the
states demanded its extension to the lakes. 2. Their requisition of a share
in the rich fisheries of Newfoundland, and other northern American coasts.
3. The compensation demanded by the British for the loyalists, who, adhering to the mother-country, had been driven out of the colonies. On all
these points the Americans were prepared to make a most resolute stand;
but they had soon the mortification to find, that the allied cabinet was disposed, respecting them all, to take a cold and even unfriendly part. This
they were found to express, not only to themselves, but even to the British
negotiators, particularly in respect to the loyalist compensation. Mr. Adams
assigns several reasons for this disposition, which seem rather fanciful.
Probably in this monarchical cabinet, amid all the force of political interest,
there was a strong feeling in favour of loyalty. The French ministers,
too, aiming at extensive objects of their own, felt that the more the Americans gainted, the less share could they themselves expect of what England
might be willing to cede.
The commissioners now found themselves in a peculiar situation. Mr
Oswald's earnest desire of peace, and also of concluding one separate from
France, afforded every assurance of gaining from him the objects considered
essential. On the other hand, their instructions bound themn strictly to act in
concert with the French king; a course to which the States really lay
under strong obligations. It was determined, however, under the prompting of Adams, to discard that consideration, and to conclude with all possible speed a separate preliminary treaty with Mr. Oswald. They succeeded almost to their most sanguine hopes. The river St. Lawrence and
the lakes were fixed as the leading boundaries, thereby extending their
frontier at least to the Mississippi. They were allowed to take fish on the
great bank, and within three leagues of the shores of Newfoundland and
Nova Scutia, and to dry them on any of the unsettled coasts. With regard
to compensation for the loyalists, they contrived to satisfy the English by
2ia2
366 CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.
a stipulation, that Congress would recommend it to the individual states
and they knew too well the degree of attention paid to such recommendations, to suppose that they had committed themselves very deeply by this
article. The treaty was signed on the 30th November, 1782.
It became soon necessary to communicate this intelligence to Vergennes.
who wrote on the occasion an indignant letter to Dr. Franklin, accusing
him of having violated at once his insteuctions from Congress and his obligations to the French king, and demanding an explanation. That statesman, who had really nothing to say in vindication, thought it best to plead
guilty. He only urged, that his offence amounted merely to an indiscretion, a failure of bienseance, which he trusted would not interrupt their
present happy union. He made lavish protestations of respect and gratitude to the French monarch, promising that nothing should be concluded
without his concurrence. Vergennes probably saw that his compunction
was not very deep; and in fact Adams at the same time wrote a letter to
Mr. Livingstone, foreign minister, strenuously justifying his conduct and
that of his colleagues. At such a distance, and in untried circumstances,
some discretion was necessary; and they would have been much to blame
if, by following instructions issued in ignorance of important facts, they had
thrown away great advantages that were within their reach. It does not
appear in fact that any censure was ever passed on their having, contrary
to orders, secured valuable benefits to their country.
The French cabinet do not seem to have been impelled by resentment
to any serious breach. They had moved at first slowly, standing on very
high ground; but the victory of Rodney, the signal repulse of the allied
armaments before Gibraltar, and the dilapidated state of their finances,
which led in a few years to so fatal a crisis, made them very much in
earnest on the subject. On the 20th January, 1783, the preliminary treaty
was signed between France, Spain, and Great Britain; and on the 3d September, the definitive treaties of all the powers were signed together. That
of America was ratified by Congress on the 14th January, 1784.
The United States had thus brought this long struggle to a triumphant
issue; yet it left them in a state of peculiar distress and exhaustion. They
had incurred a debt of forty-two millions of dollars, (above nine million
pounds sterling,) besides twenty-four millions incurred by the particular
states. The power of Congress to provide for this burden, and generally
to execute any of the functions of government, had become almost a nullity.
Of eight millions of dollars, which they had demanded in 1782, as absolutely necessary for these purposes, they had received only four hundred
and twenty thousand. Much of the territory had been laid waste by the
war, while foreign commerce was nearly annihilated, and internal trade
greatly obstructed, through restrictions imposed by the separate legislatures,
who were wholly disinclined to submit to any gerneral regulation. Hence,
CLOSE OF TtIE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 367
too, it became impossible to enter into any commercial arrangement with
foreign nations.
The most urgent pressure arose from the arrears and claims of the army,
amounting still to about ten thousand men. During several years they had
been almost in a state of starvation, receiving a very small proportion of
their pay, and in depreciated currency. They had been flattered by promises of ample liquidation as soon as the contest should terminate; but on
seeing the near approach of this event, and of their own consequent dissolution, they began deeply to speculate how and by whom these promises
were to be fulfilled. Congress was manifestly incapable of doing more
than hand them over to the states, with a favourable recommendation, the
efficacy of which long experience had taught them to estimate. The officers
in 1780 had received the promise of half-pay; but many states hatl expressed
strong scruples against this measure as unconstitutional and aristocratic, and
seemed little inclined to burden at once their consciences and their purses
by its fulfilment. Amid these considerations, a disposition arose among
the troops to use the arms which they held in their hands as the means of
obtaining justice. A colonel, respectable from age and services, wrote to
Washington in the name of a number of his brother officers, pointing out the
deplorable state of the country, the manifest inefficiency of a republican constitution, and the necessity of adopting a mixed government, in which the
power and even the name of king might not be omitted. It was evident
at whom he hinted; and Washington had certainly a very fair prospect
of being able to assume the sovereign authority. That patriotic commander, however, indignantly repelled the idea, expressing a painful regret
that it should have arisen among any part of the army.
This proposal was not renewed; but as the prospects of peace became
brighter, the anxieties of the army deepened. In Decembei, 1783, the
officers intrusted a committee of their number with a memorial to Congress, representing their distressing situation, complaining that the promises
hitherto made had produced only shadows, and demanding their substantial execution. They offered, since objections had been made to the half.
pay, to commute it for a certain number of years of the full amount. Some
of the members strongly supported their claim, proposing five full years
as a fair compensation; but as the consent of nine states could not be obtained, the consideration of the affair dropped. The committee reported
this result to the officers, among whom the ferment soon became extreme.
On the 10th March, a meeting was called by an anonymous notice, accompanied with a letter, written, as was afterwards ascertained, by Major
Armstrong. It complained in glowing terms of their hardships; while
their country, instead of rewarding their services, trampled upon their
rights, disdained their cries, and insulted their distresses. "Can you," it
was said, " consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution; and, retir
368 CLOSE OF TIlE REVOLU'rONARY WAR.
ing from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can
you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the
miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in
honour? —Awake; attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. If
the present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain!" He proposed,
therefore, instead of a milk and water memorial, to send a remonstrance,
the tenor of which might harmonize with that of the letter. Doubtless the
meeting, if held, would have fully responded to these sentiments. Washington, however, was fortunately in the camp, and acted with his usual
firmness and prudence. Besides dealing with individuals, he called a
general meeting instead of the proposed irregular one. He reprobated the
tenor of the letter, and the implied proposal of either deserting their country or turning their arms against her; at the same time expressing the
strongest sense of their merits, and pledging himself to use his utmost
efforts to obtain their demands. A complete turn was thus given to their
feelings;-they unanimously declared full confidence in him, and appointed
a committee, who drew up a series of resolutions avowing their abhorrence
of the propositions made in the letter, but expressing a desire that the commander would write to the President of Congress, earnestly soliciting a
speedy decision. Washington did write in very strong language, which,
coupled doubtless with a knowledge of the serious insurrectionary movements, procured an assent of nine states to the terms demanded. There
were, however, no funds to make good this vote; and all the address of
Washington was necessary to induce the troops to disband upon the mere
engagement of Congress. Indeed, a small detachment, which swelled to
three hundred, marched to the house of Assembly, and threatened that
body, but were soon put down; and the pledges given to the army were,
we believe, ultimately fulfilled.
On the 24th March, 1783, a French vessel from Cadiz brought a
letter from Lafayette, announcing the signature of the preliminary treaty.
Soon after, Sir Guy Carleton gave an official notice of the same tenor. It
was not, however, till the 25th November, that-the definitive articles
having been concluded-the British army evacuated New York, and the
Americans, from West Point, entered. On the 4th December, Washington took a solemn and deeply affecting farewell of his companions in arms,
with whom he had passed through so many trying scenes and vicissitudes.
On the 23d, he repaired to Annapolis, then the seat of Congress, into whose
hands he resigned his commission, and retired, finally, as he believed and
wished, into private life.
FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.
HE Union was delivered from any imminent
danger; yet it lay in a helpless, inert, distracted state, unable to command either tran/ F quillity at home, or respect abroad. The
small remnant of regard for the authority of
Congress, which had survived while there
~lilp~// ~ 8 /was any sense of peril, entirely ceased. Its
members in vain urged the state assemblies
to agree to a common duty on imports and
r exports, and to such general regulations of
7 trade as might afford a basis for a commercial treaty. The mercantile states imagined that these measures would'
operate upon them unequally; and New York, the centre of this interest,
absolutely refused its concurrence. Congress had power to make treaties,
but not to enforce their observance; to contract debts, but not to pay them.
Early in -1783, they drew up a plan for meeting at least the interest of the
national debt; and Washington hesitated not to write to the several governors, urging, in the strongest terms, its adoption. -Some impression' was at
first made; but the states soon relapsed into their habitual indifference.:
During fourteen months, there were:paid into the public treasury only
four hundred and eighty-two thousand eight hundred and ninety dollars;
and the foreign interest was only defrayed by a fresh loan made in Holland. There was, indeed, a party throughout the confederation, zealous
VOL II.-7 369
370 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.
to support the central authority, and to maintain public credit; but an
other and powerful one arose, hostile to the former, and indifferent to the
latter. They began even to cherish an indisposition to pay any taxes
whatever, or to place themselves at all under legal restraint. Conventions were formed, under whose direction mobs broke into the court-houses
and dispersed the judges. Hence, not only public securities were reduced
to a trifling value, but private property was greatly depreciated, from the
uncertainty of protection.
It is remarkable, that the centre of this lawless spirit should have been
in New England. It prevailed there among a majority of the active young
cultivators, with whom a theory became popular, that, having all contributed to defend the national property, they had all an equal right to its
possession. In New Hampshire, a body of malecontents entered Exeter
and made prisoners the general Assembly of the state. The citizens,
however, rose and crushed the movement in a few hours. A much
stronger body in Massachusetts took possession of the court-house, first at
Northampton, and then at Worcester. All conciliatory measures having
been vainly tried, the governor with difficulty raised funds chiefly among
the citizens of Boston, called out four thousand militia, and placed them
under General Lincoln. Before his arrival, however, a daring leader,
Daniel Shays, with eleven hundred followers, marched to attack the arsenal; but General Sheppard had assembled a force for its defence, and on
the approach of the insurgents, being unable to intimidate them either by
threats or by firing over their heads, he ordered a real discharge, by which
three were killed, when the rest fled precipitately. They continued in
arms, however, till Lincoln came up, when they retreated and endeavoured
to negotiate for delay. He rejected all their overtures; and, pressing
rapidly forward, obliged them to disperse in every direction. Their leaders
either fled the territory, or fell into his hands. Fourteen were condemned
to death, but afterwards pardoned.
The heads of the Revolution beheld with deep concern this abortive result
of so many efforts; their country distracted at home, disgraced abroad. Yet
it was difficult to discover any remedy which would be practicable, and
consistent with their principles. Chance led them on. Washington had
contemplated, with great interest, a plan for uniting the Potomac and the
Ohio, and thus connecting the eastern and western waters. He made a
journey of six hundred and eighty miles on horseback, taking minute notes
of every thing which could be subservient to this project. His influence,
and the real importance of the design, induced the legislatures of Virginia
and Maryland to send commissioners to Alexandria to deliberate on the
subject. They met in March, 1785, and having spent some time at
Mount Vernon, determined to recommend another commission, which
might establish a general tariff or. imports. The Virginian legislature not
FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 371
only agl:ed, but invited the other states to send deputies to meet at Annapolis. In September, 1786, they had arrived from five only, and with too
rnited powers. A number of able statesmen, however, were thus assembled, who, feeling deeply the depressed and distracted state of the country,
became sensible that something on a much greater scale was necessary to
raise her to prosperity, and give her a due place among the nations.
They drew up a report and address to all the provincial Assemblies,
strongly representing the inefficiency of the present federal government,
and earnestly urging them to send delegates to meet at Philadelphia in
May, 1787. Congress, in February, passed resolutions recommending
this measure, of which, however, they did not perhaps anticipate all the
results.
The states very readily responded to this call; and at the appointed
time, the delegates from all except one had assembled. Never perhaps had any body of men combined for so great a purpose-to form a
constitution which was to rule so numerous a people, and probably during
so many ages. The members, consisting of the ablest men in America.
were not unworthy of, nor unfit for, so great a trust. Washington, who
appeared at the head of the Virginian deputation, was unanimously elected
president of the whole. They had Leen appointed merely to revise the
articles of confederation; yet they had not deliberated long, when they
determined that the existing Congress must be entirely thrown overboard
The question, however, what was to be substituted in its place, was one of
extreme difficulty.
On the 29th May, Edmund Randolph, an eminent Virginian statesman, submitted a series of resolutions, imbodying the plan of a new constitution. He proposed to form a general government, which should have
a legislature, executive, and judiciary; a revenue, army, and navy, all
entirely independent of the states. It was to conduct peace, war, treaties,
and all national transactions. This plan met with general favour, yet a.onsiderable body insisted, that it involved too mighty a change; that they
*vere delegated to improve the existing system, not to extinguish it, and
substitute one entirely new. Mr. Patterson of New Jersey submitted
another, enlarging the powers of Congress, attaching to it an executive and;udiciary, yet leaving its resources and supplies to be procured through
the medium of the state governments. This was considered as retaining
still the feature by which it was rendered necessarily inefficient. Being
put to the vote on the 19th June, it was supported, indeed, by New York,
New Jersey, and Delaware; but seven states gave a complete negative.
The opposition to Mr. Randolph's resolutions being thus overcome, a
committee, composed of himself and four others, was appointed to reduce
hem into the form of a constitution. On the 6th August, they submitted
a draft of one, which was the subject of long deliberation, and underwent
372 FEDERAL C 3NSI IT UT'ION.
HA MILTON.
many important alterations. In this and the former debate the main contest lay between the great and the small states, the former demanding a
weight proportioned to their population and resources, the latter contending that they would be thus overwhelmed and oppressed. The struggle
was severe, and matters seemed once at a complete stand, when a committee was appointed, which, in three days, suggested a compromise.
The House of Representatives was to be proportioned to the population;
but in the Senate each state was to have an equal vote. This was carried
by a considerable majority. A difficult question also arose respecting the
slaves in the southern states, to whom no vote was allowed; but who, it
was contended, formed an essential element in the power and resources of
these communities. A compromise was made: three-fourths of them,
under the title of "other persons," were to be added to the list upon
which the number of representative members was to be apportioned.
On the 8th September, Messrs. Johnson, Hamilton, Morris, Madison,
and King, were named a committee "to revise the style, and arrange the
articles." It-was presented by them on the 12th; yet the convention continued making amendments to the very last day. The result was, on the
whole, very different from that originally contemplated. Having arisen,
FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 373
however, out of collision and compromise between all the different interests
that divided the country, it had probably been rendered more safe and
practicable.
On the 17th September, this grand question came finally under decision.
The Constitution was then signed by thirty-nine of the fifty-five members,
being more than two-thirds of the whole nuniber. It was next submitted
to Congress, and by them transmitted to tile provincial legislatures, who
were invited to call conventions to take it into consideration. The stipulation was, that it should come into operation as soon as the ratification of
nine states had been obtained; but this was an object of considerable difficulty. In 1787, it was adopted in conventions, unanimously, by Georgia,
New Jersey, and Delaware, and by large majorities in Pennsylvania,
Connecticut, Maryland, and South Caroiina.'l'wo, however, were still
wanting before it could be acted on, whence the Massachusetts convention, which met in the beginning of 178S, was viewed with intense interest. Its fate there appeared doabtl'jil, f'il o(nci i feclings and recent
discontents. Hancock, who had been soi coinsj)icuJus through the revolution, strenuously opposed it, without the admission of certain proposed
amendments, by which state rights might be more fully guarded. It was
supported with the utmost eloquence by Fisher Ames, and finally carried
by the small majority of 187 to 168. In New Hamlpshire, the greater
number of delegates came instructed to vote against it; but after an adjournment, a majority of eleven was at last procured.
The requisite number of nine had thus been obtained; yet there were
still wanting the important states of Virginia, New York, and North Carolina, without which it could scarcely be brought into action. In the first,
the contest was long and fervid, and the displays of oratory are said to have
been the most splendid ever yet made in America. Randolph and Madison took the lead in support of the measure, while Patrick Henry assailed
it with eloquence almost unrivalled. He denounced it as a revolution
more radical than that which had separated America fiomr Britain. The
convention had been delegated solely to amend the old federation, instead
of which they had formed a great consolidated government, vesting in it the
whole prerogative, and leaving to the states merely the poor laws, roads,
bridges, and other trifling concerns. In the warmth of' debate, he seemed
to threaten resistance if the motion were carried; yet at last declared that
even then he would remain a peaceful citizen, only devoting his head, his
hand, his heart, to obtain redress in a constitutional manner. The measure was finally carried by eighty-eight to eighty. New York, thus left
iearly alone, could only persevere at the cost of throwing herself entirely
out of the Union. Yet, though the measure was supported by Jay, Hamilton, and Livingston, statesmen of the highest character, it was carried only
by a majority of five and with the demand of most extensive amendments.
21
37-4 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.
Ample ground was now afforded for putting the new constitution A
movement, and the question arose, who was first to act as chief magistrate.
All its friends agreed in looking to Washington as the individual whose
weight of character and reputation would unite all suffrages, and whose
steady judgment would guide the vessel amid the difficulties in which it
must for some time be involved. Of this general feeling he was soon
apprized; yet he seems to have felt the most deep and unfeigned reluctance to undertake the task. He even declared, in a letter to General
Lincoln, that it would be the greatest sacrifice of personal feelings and
wishes that he had ever been called upon to make. He cherished a strong
partiality for a life of rural retirement, and could hope no higher reputation
than that already attained, which would even be endangered by placing
himself in a new and untried situation. Having publicly renounced political life, he dreaded the reproach of inconsistency, and doubted not that,
while making a reluctant sacrifice, he would be supposed to act from the
mere impulse of vulgar ambition. His friends, however, urged that he
could not possibly resist the general call. Colonel Hamilton, a statesman
of the highest character, wrote a series of letters, representing that his aid
was indispensable-without it the new system could have no fair trial:
that having gone so far in its support, he was pledged and could not
recede without dishonour; in short, that no option was left. After this
correspondence, though not giving an absolute consent, he seems never to
have seriously h.esitated.
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WVASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.,,9,, WING to various delays, the House of Representatives did not meet till the 20th March, 1789, nor. A is It 4 the Senate till the 6th April following. In that
body, the votes for the President being examined,
were found all, without a single exception, to have
been given in favour of Washington. There was
something peculiarly grand in this unanimous
consent of a groeat natio;n in favour of a man distinguished only by solid
merit, without the brilliant qualities which usually attract popular admiration. The possession of one whose merit crushed all dissent, was referred
to by Adams, who had been named Vice President, as a special blessing
of Providence on this first opening of the Union. A messenger was immediately despatched to Washington at Mount Vernon, and having probably
formed his resolution, he at once accepted the high office. Yet in an
address to the citizens of Alexandria, he declared himself unable to
describe his painful emotions on the occasion, and to a confidential friend
compared them to those of a culprit going to execution. His progress to
Philadelphia, however, resembled a triumph. He was escorted by parties
of militia, and welcomed by crowds of spectators. The bridge over the
Schuylkill was studiously decorated, an arch of laurel formed for him to
pass under, a civic crown was dropped on his head, and at night the city
was illuminated.
On the 30th April, the new President, with considerable pomp, and in
presence of a vast concourse of people, took the oath of office. He then
proceeded to the Senate, and, in a sensible and pious address, without
specifying any particular measure, explained the general principles that
were to guide his conduct. He intimated, as formerly, his intention to
decline the emoluments of the office, limiting himself to the repayment of
his necessary expenses. The Senate made a most cordial reply, in which
VOL. II.-48 2 2 377
.378 WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
they said —" In you all parties confide; in you all interests unite; and ws
have no doubt that your past services, great as they have been, will be
equalled by your future exertions." The answer of the House of Representatives was in a tone equally gratifying.
The most urgent consideration in Congress was the raising of a revenue
by duties on imported goods. The necessity of this measure had been
fully agreed upon by a majority of the states; yet there arose many
opinions and conflicting interests as to the articles and the amount. The
proposition to make a difference between those in foreign and native bottoms was objected to as favouring the shipping in preference to the agricultural interest. It was, however, carried to a certain extent; but another,
for a distinction in favour of those powers which had concluded commer
cial treaties with the states, after being passed in the lower House, was
negatived in the Senate.
Another very urgent object was the organization and filling of the public
departments. It was determined that there should be three,-of the Treasury, of War, and of Foreign Affairs, with a secretary at the head of each.
The Constitution had provided that the nomination should rest with the
President, subject to the approbation of the Senate; but in the course of
debate, a question arose, whether the former, by his single power, should be
able to remove these officers. It was strongly urged that such a prerogative would raise his power to an exorbitant height, and enable him to do
great injustice to deserving individuals. It was answered, that the person
raised by the people to so high a station could not reasonably be supposed
capable of such nmisconduct; and that, in thus acting, he would expose
himself to impeachment. The motion was carried in the lower House by
a majority of 34 to 20, but in the Senate only by the casting vote of the
Vice President. The personal confidence placed in Washington is supposed to have been the chief cause of this privilege being intrusted to the
chief magistrate; and the predictions of its never being used for political
purposes, or with hardship to individuals, have not been fulfilled, nor have
the expected remedies ever been applied.
The President, thus empowered to form a cabinet, proceeded to that
delicate task with his usual strict integrity and simple regard for the public good. He had refused to give any pledge in answer to numerous
applications on the subject, and thus reserved himself perfectly unbiassed.
The Treasury, the department of most immediate importance, was intrusted
to Colonel Hamilton. This choice was founded upon a long intimacy withl.hat eminent statesman, and was fully justified by his performance of its
duties; yet it proved a somewhat troublous one, as respected the President
himself. Hamilton had embraced with ardour those opinions which might
be termed ultra-federal, being believed to have desired a stronger government, and one more nearly approximating to the British, than the other
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 379!. Xt
GENERAL ENOX
framers would consent to; he is even supposed to have desired a Senate
and President for life. Disappointed in these views, he lent himself
frankly and cordially to promote the working of the adopted system; yet
his measures bore always a stamp of his real sentiments; and as the public feeling soon began to run in an opposite direction, he became more and
more unpopular. The next step was to give the department of Foreign
Affairs to Mr. Jefferson, who had been absent five years on diplomatic missions, in which he had highly distinguished himself, and proved indeed
eminently qualified to conduct this department. But he embraced, to an
extent not then known, or probably fully developed, the political system
most opposite to that of Hamilton. Becoming always more attached to it,
he acquired thereby a large share of popular favour, but introduced violert
dissensions into the cabinet General Knox was continued at the head of
the War Department, which he had previously held. These three officers
were understood to form a cabinet, whose opinion, either verbal or written,
— 9 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
380 WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
the President could require upon any subject; but they were allowed no conu
trol over his decision.
The next object of consideration for Congress was the amendments proposed by New York and Virginia. These states attached to them such
importance, that they had given their reluctant consent to the Constitution
only in the hope of their adoption. Mr. Madison accordingly brought for.
ward twelve; but which were in fact rather evasions than fulfilments of
the demands of his constituents. They consisted chiefly in provisions for
the security of personal rights; the only onD having the desired tendency
being a stipulation that every power not expressly delegated to the united
government was reserved to the states. The advocates of the amendments
treated with the utmost indignation this virtual rejection of their claims,
and the refusal to call a convention to deliberate upon the subject. Even
while admitting Mr. Madison's proposals to be so far good, they opposed
their adoption as a mere opiate to divert the public mind from the call for
more substantial benefits. It was therefore through the exertions of the
federal party itself, that the articles, as the Constitution required, were
referred to the states. The latter were very ill satisfied; but the popularity of the united government was so strong and growing, that they were
obliged to smother their chagrin, and give up any farther resistance.
After a course of proceedings generally approved by the nation, Congress rose on the 29th September. The second session met in January,
1790, and was distinguished by a grand financial plan submitted by Hamilton. The public debt of the Union was stated at fifty-four millions of dollars, of which eleven and three quarters were foreign, chiefly due to
France and Holland; and there were besides twenty-five millions owing
by the different states. It was proposed to fund this whole amount, and
make provision for the payment of the interest, with a sinking fund for its
gradual liquidation. This plan, in its successive provisions, met with the
most pertinacious opposition. The system was altogether objected to by
some as giving to the debt a more permanent character, and as having
involved the governments of the Old World in deep embarrassment. It was
easy to show that, funded or unfunded, the debt must be paid, while in the
former shape it could be dealt with much more easily, and on better terms.
Many, however, contended that a reduction ought to be made on its
amount. Through the low state of public credit, it had mostly passed
from the original holders to speculative purchasers, who had obtained it at
a very low rate, (even of 2s. 6d. in the pound,) and would make an exorbitant profit, if, beyond expectation, they should receive payment in full.
It was urged on the other side that the value had been received, that the
national honour was pledged, and its credit was gone if it refused fulfi!ment. Mr. Madison, however, made a motion which met with great
favour, that the purchasers should receive the highest price which govern
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 381
ment paper had borne in the market, and the difference be paid to the
original lender. It was admitted by his opponents that the latter had suffered severe hardship; yet the original contract, making the money payable to assignees or bearer, would thus be violated. The very principle of
the issue was to be transferable; it would be both impracticable and ruinous to public credit for government to open afresh transactions between
individuals. The motion was lost by a great majority.
The most strenuous contest, however, arose respecting the assumption
by the general government of the debts contracted by the particular states.
These, it was argued, had been incurred to defray the expense of the great
contest which was common to all; chiefly too by those on whose soil the
military operations ha i been waged, and who in other respects had thereby
suffered. Massachusetts, in particular, had borne the first brunt of the
war, and had provideithe necessary resources before any congress was
recognised to which she could look for aid. The consequence however
was, that the distribution was very unequal, and those states whose amount
was small, were not much inclined to assume an equal share of the general
burden. One or two, as Virginia, which by great efforts had paid off a
considerable part, seemed to have particular ground of complaint. After
a long and animated debate of several days, it was carried in the representatives, but by a very narrow majority. Immediately after, North Carolina
having acceded to the Union, her deputies came in and turned the scale.
By a majority of two voices, the resolution was recommitted, and afterwards negatived. Its advocates, however, continued the struggle, and a
compromise was at last effected, by which the amount was reduced to
twenty-one millions, and assumed in specific proportions from the different
states. The claims of Massachusetts and South Carolina, which amounted
to more than ten millions and a half, were thus reduced to four millions
each. In this shape it at length passed both houses by very small majorities. The whole of Hamilton's plan was thus carried with some slight
modification, and is now generally acknowledged to have been wise and
politic; indeed, its good effects were speedily evident. Yet all its provisions were in the interest of the central government; and it required an
extent of impost to which the Americans were not well prepared to sub
mit. Having indeed undertaken the war with a special view to escape
taxation, they could not but severely feel the result of being obliged to pay
ten times the amount ever demanded by the mother-country. Virginia
passed resolutions strongly censuring the measure'; the first step of that
nature taken by any state legislature.
Undismayed by this opposition, Hamilton proceeded, in the third session,
to complete the circle of his financial operations. The most delicate part
still remained, of imposing new taxes to defray the interest of the debt.
A general assent had been given; yet when the specific objects came to be
382 WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
fixed, they pressed painfully upon various interests. Additional duties on im.
ported goods were admitted as following of course; but they would not yield
the requisite amount without an addition of two hundred thousand pounds,
proposed to be levied on distilled spirits. The tax was unexceptionable, and
any other would in fact have been more odious; yet it could be branded
with the hateful title of excise, and affected an indulgence to which the
western settlers especially were strongly addicted. The states, too, viewed
with much jealousy this intrusion into their internal concerns of a powei
considered almost as foreign. Four, in the course of its discussion, passed
resolutions against it. This did not prevent its being passed by a large
majority; yet a military force was in some places necessary to carry it into
execution.
Hamilton followed it up with the plan of a national bank for aiding the
operations of government. The contest upon this subject in the legislature was still more severe. Such an institution was said not only to be of
doubtful utility, but to be beyond the powers granted by the Constitution to
the general government. In fact no mention had been made of a right to
vest peculiar privileges in this or indeed any corporation. In reply, it
was represented as promising the greatest advantages, while, being necessary, or at least highly useful in relation to other powers specially granted,
it might be considered as implied in them. The measure was carried by
nineteen votes; yet being presented to the President for his sanction, he
found his cabinet completely divided, Hamilton and Knox advising him to
approve, Jefferson and Randolph to exercise his veto. He called for written opinions from them; and those of Hamilton and Jefferson on opposite
sides are considered as having exhausted the subject. After full collsideration, he decided on giving his sanction to the bill.
Hamilton had thus carried all his measures, yet not without exposing
himself to considerable odium. Two parties had now been regularly
formed, and woi,ed up to great mutual exasperation. The original opposition to the Union had nearly ceased; its advantages both to the dignity
and interests of the nation were generally admitted. Even the terms of
the Constitution were no longer arraigned; but wherever they left room foI
any doubt, each faction eagerly urged its own interpretation. What made
this contest strongly felt, was its raging in the heart of the cabinet, the two
leading members of which, politically and personally opposed, accused
each other, one as an advocate of high prerogative and even of monarchy,
the other as a democrat and anarchist. The mind of Washington moved
in a sphere generally superior to party. While sanctioning the measures
of Hamilton, he blamed his violence, and being unwilling to part with his
antagonist, whose official conduct was meritorious, he earnestly, but vainly,
remonstrated with both, seeking to soften their extreme hostility. Upon
the whole, he himself, being considered justly as not mixing in the strife
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 383
of faction, incurred little odium, and was still looked up to with v neration
by both parties.
In March, 1791, the first Congress terminated, and another was elected,
in which the federal party still maintained a majority. The opening session was chiefly distinguished by Washington's first exercise of the veto.
A census having been taken in 1790, by which the population appeared
to be nearly four millions, Congress were called upon to apportion accordingly the number of deputies. They made such a distribution, that in
some cases the proportion fixed by the Constitution of one in thirty thousand was exceeded. Here, too, the cabinet was divided; but the President, now following Jefferson's advice, objected to the measure, and the
houses acquiesced. Next session, it was necessary to impose some new
taxes, and the question arose, whether those appropriated to the national
debt should be perm~pent, as recommended by the secretary to the Treasury, or should require an annual vote. The latter course was strongly
supported by the popular interest, and lost only by the casting vote of the
speaker. The same body afterwards brought forward a series of charges
against Hamilton's official conduct, to which the press fiercely responded;
yet they were successfully refuted, and negatived by large majorities.
Early in 1793, the critical period arrived of the close of Washington's
first term of office. He seems to have felt, as before, an unfeigned anxiety
to return into private life; but all the leading men, even Jefferson among
the foremost, urged in the strongest terms the duty of remaining. The
tendencies to anarchy appeared still so strong as to be checked only by the
weight of his character and influence. A unanimous re-election indicated
that the feelings of the people towards him had undergone no change.
Adams, however, as vice-president, was opposed by Governor Clinton, of
New York, and gained the appointment only by seventy-seven votes to
fifty. Besides the violent internal conflict, a formidable Indian war had
for some time been raging, and in the negotiations with the European
powers difficulties had arisen, aggravated by the breaking out of the revolution in France. We must now look back to take a connected view of
these important objects.
It is painful to observe that the Indians always regarded the "Big
Knives," or, as they afterwards termed them, the " Thirteen United Fires,"
with the bitterest enmity. In the last war they had taken a decided part
with the British, who incurred thereby reproaches not unmerited. The
general government, indeed, appears to have desired to treat them with
justice and humanity; but they could not control the numerous and fierce
body of back-settlers, who took the lead in the new states of Kentucky
and Georgia. General Knox admits that the intercourse between those of
the former state and the Indians was one of reciprocal outrage, demanding
a critical investigation to discover on which side the greatest wrongs
384 WASHINGTON'S ADMINIST RATION.
were committed." The regular system seems to have been, whenever any
settlers were killed, for a party to set out and slay the first Indians they
met, without any inquiry whether they were of the guilty tribe. Knox
mentions a party of Kentuckians who made an inroad into the Wabash
territory, and killed a number of Piankeshaws, a tribe who prided themselves on their attachment to the United States; but he observes that all
bearing the name of Indians were objects of aversion. Afterwards, when
fair prospects of peace had arisen, they were interrupted- by Captain
Beard crossing the Tennessee and killing a number of friendly Indians;
but the report states such a prejudice to exist on the frontier, that the deed
must be left unpunished. In other quarters, two men having been slain
and scalped by a body of Creeks, the militia set out, overtook, and killed
twelve Indians, but presently discovered that they belonged to a different
tribe from the murderers. Yet, when its chief demanded the leader of
the expedition, the reporter declares that his blood "runs warm in his
veins" at the idea, and calls rather for further chastisement. Hence we
cannot disbelieve the Indian complaint, that one after another of their best
families was killed, and no punishment ever followed. A letter appears
from the Tennessee chiefs, Cornplanter, New-Arrow, and Big-tree, to
General Knox, complaining that several of their best and perfectly innocent
countrymen had been murdered by Captain Brady of the States service.
They add: " We hope you will not suffer all the good people to be killed;
but your people are killing them as fast as they can." They complain
elsewhere of the bitter hatred with which they are regarded, and of being
considered as "animals fit only to be exterminated." Indeed, we find
Washington at a later period candidly stating as "an important truth,
which continually receives new confirmations, that the provisions heretofore made with a view to the protection of the Indians from the violence of
the lawless part of our frontier inhabitants are insufficient. It is demonstrated that these violences can now be perpetrated with impunity."
There is no doubt that they, too, were often the aggressors, and that their
retaliation was terrible; yet we find several parties of commissioners
stating, that they discovered a disposition to cultivate amicable relations,
which prudent measures might have rendered effectual. Another grievous
circumstance to them was the loss of their lands, which they were induced:by present temptations to agree to, but afterwards bitterly felt and repented.
A Cherokee chief complains that whenever an interview was asked, under
"whatever pretext, this was always the real object. They must part with
no more hunting-grounds —they must perish to a man in their defence.
Cornplanter complains that he and others incurred this reproach, being
asked: "Brothers of our fathers, where is the place which you have
Preserved for us to lie down upon?" and he adds: "We must know from. you whethe' you mean to leave us and our children any land to till." The
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 385
government sanctioned no means of acquisition except purchase; yet it is
admitted that many of its subjects unjustly extended their surveys, and
hunted in the very heart of the Indian territory.
The general government was doubtless thus placed in a very painful
condition-unable to control the violence of the border militia, yet in a
manner obliged to aid in the protection of its people. The Indians were
encouraged by their former alliance with the British, who still retained
their western posts, though disavowing, seemingly with truth, that tley
now fomented any hostile movement. The Spaniards also, indignant at
the loss of the Mississippi territory, carried on secret intrigues among them.
Yet they seem to have been overawed by the formation of the "Thirteen
United Fires;" and in 1788 a negotiation was opened with the northern
tribes. In October, Mr. Wynn held a friendly conference with their
great chiefs; and on the 9th January, 1789, a treaty was concluded at
Fort Harmar, embracing the Wyandots, Delawares, Ottawas, Chippewas,
Sacs, and Pottawatomies. On the 7th August, 1790, another was entered
into with the southern nation of the Creeks. They were by these treaties
secured in the possession of their present lands, only engaging not to sell
them to any other nation except the States; they were even allowed, if no
injury was done, to hunt on grounds belonging to the latter. Mutual
wrongs were to be redressed, not by retaliation, but by appeal to the proper
authorities. There remained, however, fierce tribes Jn the Miami and
the Wabash, between whom and the Kentuckians there had long raged
"war to the knife," from which little prospect appeared of either party
desisting. In these circumstances, General Knox, while admitting the
wrongs to be quite mutual, very coolly lays down the alternative of either
extirpating or making peace with these tribes. Happily the motives of
justice and humanity were reinforced by those of national character, and
by the still more cogent one that there did not exist means of effecting the
extirpation. The Union had only six hundred regular troops, and the
finances would not support above two thousand five hundred of every
description, a number inadequate to the object. Orders were therefore
sent to stop, if possible, the inroads of the Kentuckians, and to make overtures to the savages. Both attempts having proved abortive, no alternative remained but to make war with the best means in their power.
In September, 12'90, General Harmar was sent forward with three hundred and twenty regulars, who, being reinforced by the militia of Pennsylvania and Kentucky, formed a corps of fourteen hundred and fifty-threwi
men. The Indians on his approach set fire to their villages; but this was
nothing, unless they could be brought to an engagement. Harmar, how
ever, instead of advancing himself with the- main body, sent forward Colonel
Harden, with two hundred and ten men, of whom only thirty were regu-,.rs. They were attacked; the militia fled; the others were nearly cut
VOL. 1. —-l9 2 K
386 WASIliN GTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
off, including a gallant youth, son to General Scott. The general theu
sent forward Harden with three hundred and sixty men, who speedily
encountered another large body. After a brave contest, in which this
party lost nearly half their number, they retreated on the main body.
Ilarmar claimed the victory-on what ground Marshall owns it is difficult
to discern. His conduct in keeping behind and encountering the enermy
with these small detachments seems most unaccountable; yet, on being
tr;'d by a court-martial, he was acquitted.
To retrieve this failure, Washington obtained authority to raise two
thousand men for six months' service; not likely to constitute a very efficient force. From various difficulties it could not be forwarded till the end
of 1791, when it was placed under General St.Clair, governor of the
western territory. The object was to destroy the settlements on the Miami,
and expel the natives from that district. St. Clair, with fourteen hundred
men, advanced on the 3d of November to the vicinity of these villages,
where he took post to await reinforcements. Before sunrise next day the
troops were roused by the sound of the Indian war-cry; the enemy were
in the camp, and in a few minutes had penetrated throughout, and even to
the rear. Invisible death continued to pour in from every side; the assailants, stretched on the ground, or lurking behind trees, were seen only
as they sprung from one covert to another. As usual, a number of the
militia fled, when the others, with broken ranks, bore the whole brunt, and
the officers, who were veteran and brave, became fatally exposed. Several
charges were made with the bayonet; but in this scene of confusion they
could not be effectively followed up. St. Clair at length saw no alternative
but to order a retreat, which was effected in the utmost confusion. His
loss amounted to six hundred and thirty-one killed, among whom were
General Butler, and thirty-seven other officers, and two hundred and sixtythree wounded. Yet by a committee of inquiry in Congress he was fully
acquitted, which we cannot but think another instance of extreme leniency,
since it seems impossible to consider him as having taken due precaution
against surprise.
This intelligence fell like a thunderbolt upon the government, which
had already to struggle against a strong spirit of discontent. It was easy
to foresee, what indeed immediately ensued, that all the treaties would be
dissolved, and a general savage confederacy formed against the United
States. Washington, impressed with the necessity of having some kind
of reglar force, proposed to raise three regiments of infantry for three
years, which, with a squadron of cavalry, would give a total of five thousand. The opposition strongly objected, arraigning the origin of the war,
insisting that it should now be purely defensive, and that the border militia
were the best fitted for it, —a most delusive idea, when their conduct had
been its chief cause. The motion was carried; but such a strong desire
VWASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION..337
GENERAL vWAYNI DEF}ATING THE INDIANS.
of peace was manifested, that Washington, though with scarcely a hope
of success, sent two distinguished officers with proposals; but both were
unhappily murdered by the savages. The Miami and Wabash Indians
opened communications with all the tribes that had entered into the treaty
at Fort Harmar, and even with part of the Creeks and Cherokees. A
meeting was held of sixteen nations, in which it was determined to accept
of no terms short of making the Ohio the boundary between them and the
States.
Though St. Clair had been acquitted, he was not continued in the command; his place being supplied by General Wayne. That officer, however, could not fully bring forward his strength till the summer of 1794.
He then, with two thousand six hundred regulars and one thousand and.
twenty-nine mounted militia, advanced along the Miami. On the 7th
July, Major McMahon, occupying a fortified post, was attacked by a strong
body, who were repulsed; yet they rallied, and kept up a fire during the
whole day. He lost twenty-two killed and thirty wounded, four of the
former being officers. Wayne now pushed forward upon their main fort
of Grand Glaize, which he reached on the 8th of August. It had been
precipitately abandoned the preceding evening, and, he believes, would
have been surprised had not a deserter from his own army given warning.
He then advanced upon the main body, drawn up at six miles distance
under cover of a British fort. Major Price, commanding his vanguard,
was driven back, but the troops soon after came in view of the enemy.
388 WASHINGTON'S AD MiN ISTRATION.
They held a position well fitted for their peculiar warfare, being within
a thick wood, encumbered with felled trees; and their line, in three divisions, within supporting distance, extended two miles. Wayne had the
sagacity to discover, that against this enemy, so posted, a regular fire in
line would be wholly ineffective. He directed his troops to march through
the wood with trailed arms, then with the bayonet rouse the enemy from
their covert, and when they were up, pour in a close, well-directed fire,
followed up by a brisk charge. The cavalry, in two bodies, under General
Scott and Captain Campbell, were, by a circuitous route, to come on their
right and left flanks. The attack, however, made by the foremost line,
according to the above directions, was attended with such immediate suc
cess, that the second line and the cavalry only partially came into action.
The enemy were dislodged from their position, and driven in confusion
through the woods, till they found shelter under the guns of the English
fort. The American loss, however, was greater than seems quite to accord
with so very easy a victory, amounting to thirty-three killed, and one hundred wounded, of whom eleven died. An angry correspondence followed
between Wayne and the British commander; the former complaining that
he should hold a fortified position there at all, and afford shelter to the Indians; while the latter replies that he occupied the place by orders of his
government, and that Wayne had broken the laws of war by advancing
within pistol-fire, when he ought not to have come nearer than-cannon-shot.
Wayne now laid waste the country, destroying the villages for fifty miles
on each side of the Miami; then returned to Grand Glaize, and began fortifying his positions. Though his triumph deterred many tribes from joining the cause, the main enemy remained in arms, while his own forces
were mouldering away, through the unhappy system of temporary enlistment. The militia ought to have remained till the 14th November; but
by the middle of October they were seized, he says, with such violent
symptoms of home-sickness, that it became necessary to dismiss them.
The legion was reduced to a skeleton; and by May next, the period of
service for all would expire. The forts were becoming tolerably strong,
but were in great danger of being left without garrisons; so that unless
extraordinary exertions were made to reinforce the army, it would have
fought, bled, and conquered in vain. Secretary Pickering was thus obliged
to give to Congress the unwelcome intimation, that an additional force
would be necessary, even to maintain a defensive attitude. The Indians,
however, appear to have been stunned by the blow, and by seeing, doubt-'ess, that there was a method by'vhich they could be vanquished. A
number moved westward, and some even crossed the Mississippi. They
were probably finally determined by the evacuation of all the western forts
by Britain in June, 1795. On the 16th, four chiefs came and presented
he calumet of peace, and were followed, on the 3d July, by a more nume
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 389
Pa is deputation, all declaring their desire of a treaty with the Fifteen
Fires. Their reception was courteous; two forfeited lives of their countrymen were spared; and the negotiation, proceeding with the most favourable disposition, terminated in the treaty of Greenville, in which ten nations were included. A considerable cession of land was required; in
other respects, the terms were the same as on former occasions.
About the same time, the Union was agitated by trouble from another
quarter. We have already observed, that the duty on distilled spirits had
excited strong dissatisfaction, particularly in the border districts. The four
western counties of Pennsylvania took the lead, and were then in so rude
a state, that the law could be but imperfectly enforced. The disturbance
commenced with a strong expression of opinions hostile to the measure,
and reprobation of those who accepted any office in the collection of the
revenue. At a meeting held on the 23d August, 1791, the acceptors were
declared enemies of their country, and resolutions passed to hold no communication with them. On the 7th September, delegates were named to
earry on a regular opposition. Several persons employed in the collection,
or even letting a house for the purpose, were tarred, feathered, and their
hair cut off; nor were they released button a promise not to repeat such
heinous offences. Attempts were made to gain the malcontents by lenient
measures, and even by modifications introduced into the act; but they
were thus only rendered more daring, and at length organized a regular
resistance not only to this law, but to the whole authority of the United
States. In the summer of 1794, the marshal, attempting to execute a process, was assailed by an armed party of thirty or forty, and being taken
prisoner, was compelled by threats of immediate death to promise never to
repeat such a step. In July, a band advanced to the house of Melville,
the inspector, and though repulsed, soon came back, reinforced to the
amount of five hundred. Having in vain demanded admittance, they attacked the building, and, with the loss of one killed and three wounded,
finally carried and set it on fire. The marshal and inspector had fled, and,
by a circuitous route down the Ohio, reached Washington. The malcontents next stopped and opened the mails, thus discovering the persons hostile to their views, whom they obliged also to quit the territory. Washington felt extreme distress at these events, being most unwilling to array
citizen against citizen, and publish the dishonour of such excesses. The
object, too, could only be effected by a call upon the neighbouring states
for a large militia force, and considerable doubts were felt as to their obedience. His cabinet agreed, however, that no choice was left; and notice
was given for this force to be in readiness, while commissioners endeavoured to treat with the insurgents. They found the men of property and
intelligence, though they had kindled the flame, alarmed at the extent to
which it had spread, yet unable to control it. Sixty of them formed a
2 x 2
390 WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
committee of safety; and, after a conference, decided, by a majority o!
thirty-four to twenty-three, that it was the interest of the people to accept
the proposals of government. They durst not, however, make the agree.
ment final without an appeal to the people. Persons of character in each
listrict were named to take the sense of the public. Many, however,
were found hostile; Pittsburg alone was quite favourable; and in Washington, the agreement was made only in confidence of repeal. On the
whole, there appeared no prospect of obtaining any regular obedience to
the laws. Washington, seeing no alternative, called upon the states of
Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, and New Jersey, to furnish fifteen thousand militia. Anxiety had been felt as to the result; but these states,
though somewhat discontented on this and on other grounds, made scarcely
any hesitation in enforcing the authority of the general government. The
troops, commanded by the Governor of Virginia, advanced in two columns
into the disturbed territory. The number had been made so large, in the
hope that, by overpowering all attempts at opposition, it might save bloodshed. This was happily fulfilled; no resistance was attempted; the ringleaders either fled, or were taken and treated with lenity.:~ ~E <. Y this lime foreign affairs had become of engrossing importance; and we must here take a conX siderable retrospect, having reserved the subject
to be treated in a consecutive manner. Britain
was of course the power whose enmity was
most to be dreaded. In fact, there soon arose
serious differences as to the execution of several
points in the late treaty. The articles relating
to the payment of debts and the restitution of
property rested chiefly with the states, who paid no greater regard to the
demands of the present Congress than to those of the former. Not only
did they neglect the required means of implementing their obligations, but
they passed acts of a directly opposite tendency. Britain, in retaliation,
withheld the surrender of the western forts-a circumstance peculiarly
distressing, from the encouragement it afforded to Indian hostility. John
Adams, one of the most eminent statesmen of the Revolution, was therefore
sent, in 1785, on a mission to London. He was well received, and introduced to the king, who, in answer to a very courteous speech, declared
his desire to cultivate friendship with the United States. "I wish you,
sir," said he, "to believe, and that it may be understood in America, that' have done nothing in the late contest but what I thought myself indispenaably bound to do by the duty which I owed to my people. I will be
very frank with you. I was the last to conform to the separation; but the
separation having been made, and having become inevitable, I have always
raid as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the
WASH INGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 391
United States as an independent power." When, however, Adams addressed a memorial to Lord Carmarthen, secretary of state, demanding the
delivery of the forts, he was met by a statement of infractions committed
on the part of the United States, and assured, that when these were
redressed, the treaty would be fully executed. Unable to repel the allegations, he could merely undertake to transmit them to Congress. No disposition was shown, as had been hoped, to conclude a commercial treaty.
or to send a minister in return. The cabinet seems to have considered the
American government as in a disunited state, likely for a long time to be a
prey to anarchy, and destitute of political consideration.
This report was made to Congress, who could not deny the charges;
but the blame rested with the states, who were earnestly solicited to rescind
such of their acts as obstructed the execution of the treaty; but to this
request they paid only their usual partial and imperfect attention. The
affair thus remained in a precarious state, and irritation continued to ferment in the minds of the people. On the formation of the united government, Washington anxiously contemplated the opening of more regular
and satisfactory communications; but unwilling to commit the national
dignity by a direct overture, he engaged Governeur Morris, in whom he
greatly confided, and who happened to be in England on his private affairs,
quietly to sound the cabinet. While professing friendly dispositions, however, the British government repeated the former complaints, representing
the losses thereby sustained as greater than could now admit of redress,
and showing no disposition to surrender the western posts, which they
were suspected of desiring to retain with a view to the fur trade. Thus
the relation between the two nations continued unsatisfactory and precarious. Not long after, however, Mr. Hammond was sent out as plenipotentiary, and arrived in October, 1791, when Major Pinkney was deputed
in the same character to the court of London. A regular diplomatic intercourse was thus established between the two powers.
PAIN, though the ally of America during the
great contest, had not since viewed her with an
eye altogether friendly. We have seen how'K ~~,~~ \/X m )the American negotiators eluded the claims of
that power on the Mississippi and its terri-'/ = ll~, \tory, reducing her to the necessity of renouncing them
or maintaining the contest alone. The Spanish court did
not now attempt to press their territorial demand beyond
the 31st degree of latitude; but in regard to the boundaries of Florida, which had been ceded to her by the treaty, the two parties
entertained widely different views. The Americans likewise anxiously de
*;rcd the navigation of the Mississippi to the sea, and had introduced an
L
392 WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
article to that effect in the English treaty; but Spain repelled, as foreign
to all her views, this intrusion of strangers into the heart of her territory.
As Mr. Jay was setting out for Madrid with full powers, he was anticipated by the arrival of Don Diego de Gardoqui, with whom he immediately began to negotiate. That envoy, however, showed the strongest
determination upon both the above points, though offering, if they were
conceded, some important commercial advantages in exchange. Jay was
inclined to have concluded a treaty for twenty-five or thirty years, during
which the states should forbear using the navigation without renouncing
their right. He urged to Congress that there was little prospect, during
that period, of the settlements being so extended as to render the navigation of much value; while at its close they would probably be better able
to assert their claims. The decision of the Senate was, however, necessary: and in that body, seven northern states indeed voted for Mr. Jay's
proposal, but five southern against it. As the Constitution required nine
to sanction a treaty, this amounted to a negative. Indeed, as soon as the
proposition transpired, a complete flame was kindled, which seemed almost
to threaten the Union. Resolutions poured in from the western territories,
expressing the utmost astonishment and indignation at the idea of sacrificing a right which they deemed inalienable; and the Virginian Assembly
warmly concurred. Congress was obliged to pass a resolution, asserting
the right in the most unequivocal terms; and there remained thus no basis
on which the negotiation with Spain could proceed.
That country remained thus in a hostile attitude, the effects of which
were somewhat severely felt. The vessels which attempted to descend
the Mississippi were seized and forfeited; agents were employed among
the Creeks and other hostile Indians, to whom even arms were forwarded.
Yet the position of the question was so hopeless, that no fresh attempt was
made till the beginning of 1793, when Spain, being involved in a serious
dispute with Britain regarding Nootka Sound, might, it was hoped, be
more accommodating. Mr. Carmichael was empowered to open a negotiation at Madrid, and his proposal was well received, but to his dismay he
found Gardoqui again the negotiator. That person professed the most
cordial readiness to enter on the subject, yet raised many delays; and
when the main points came under discussion, was found as immovable as
ever. He declared his government would on no account open the Mississippi navigation, or allow any foreigners to enter her American territory.
All that could be listened to would be the fixing of a dep8t at the frontier,
to which the goods could be brought, and conveyed down by Spanish
barks. The proposed limits of Florida were stated to be equally inadmissible. In short, the views of the negotiators were found "so widely
divergent, that they could not be brought within the circle of negotiation."
WASHI NGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 393
The employment of agents among the Indians was at first denied, but on
undoubted proofs being produced, was acknowledged and defended.
RANCE alone, of these powers, professed an ardent
attachment to the young republic, of which she
considered herself almost a parent. Yet circumstances arose which rendered her friendship more
embarrassing than the hostility of the other parties,
/ebbt~E 4 though no serious inconvenience ensued till the
arrival of the important crisis of the Revolution.
This event was at first generally hailed by the
Americans as accordant with their political ideas, and likely to draw closer
their ties with so great a nation; but when it advanced with such formidable rapidity —when the monarchy was entirely swept away, and the whole
power placed in a convention of the people-wide differences of opinion
arose. Many in the nation enthusiastically applauded these changes,
desired to fraternize with the new republic, and even to break down those
limited checks upon popular power which their own system comprised.
More reflecting men, and especially the federal chiefs, viewed it as wanting any principle of stability, and as the harbinger of anarchy and desolation; an opinion early and boldly avowed by Hamilton, whose unpopularity
was thus greatly augmented. Washington viewed the subject with his
usual dignified coolness, and chiefly in reference to the conduct which he
himself ought to pursue. No doubt was felt as to the propriety of
acknowledging any government which the French people might deliberately establish; but Governeur Morris, the ambassador, in witnessing
the furious and doubtful conflict of factions, proceeded with a degree of
cautious circumspection which gave offence to the extreme republicans
both in France and America.
Matters assumed a much more serious aspect when war broke out between
France and England, and Genet, an ardent republican, was announced to be
coming out as ambassador. The main difficulty was, that the treaty of alliance
included a defensive guarantee of the French West Indies, and might thus be
construed as obliging America to make common cause with herally. The President then held long and anxious consultations with his cabinet both by speech
and writing; and their opinions were divided. Hamilton and his party urged,
that the French government being entirely changed, and the war offensive on
their part, America was in no degree bound to co-operate; that this ought to
be announced at once to the new ambassador, who besides should not be received with the same respect as one from a regular and established power.
But Jefferson contended that his reception should be as usual, and that the
question of war should be for the present reserved. On the first point
Washington concurred; but after serious deliberation, he determined upon
adopting a course of strict neutrality, and ordered a proclamation to tb
VOL. II-50
394 WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
effect to be prepared and published. This important step, which experi.
ence amply justified, was nevertheless at great variance with the present
temper of the nation; and his popularity received a severe temporary
bhock, which however never altered his determined adherence to this
course.
Genet was instructed not to demand that the United States should be.
come parties in the war; and a letter which he brought, addressed to the
people, stated, that "their immense distance prevented their taking a concern in the glorious regeneration of Europe." Yet he brought with him
secret instructions to form if possible a national agreement to guaranty the
sovereignty of the people, and punish those powers which still kept up an
exclusive commercial and colonial system. As this, however, could not be
hoped from the timid and wavering conduct of the executive, it was to the
people he was chiefly to look. He landed on the 8th April, not in the
Chesapeake, but at the southern port of Charleston, and instead of proceeding to deliver his credentials, began to exercise sovereign functions,
commissioning and directing the equipment of privateers against the English trade, and authorizing the consul to hold courts for the condemnation
of the prizes. He was encouraged by the enthusiastic applauses of the
people, from among whom the crews of these vessels were easily completed. In such occupations, five weeks were spent before he arrived at
Philadelphia. His entry there was triumphal; crowds lined his route,
and on the following day addresses were presented from numerous societies, expressing the warmest attachment to the French republic.
Being introduced on the 18th at the state-house, he met a much cooler
reception. Washington indeed addressed him cordially, expressing strong
attachment to his nation, but, it was remarked, made no mention of the Revolution. Genet delivered his message, admitting the neutrality of the States,
but strongly urging the immediate payment of the balance of about seventeen
millions of francs still due to France, either in money or in convertible bonds
or securities; offering as an inducement, that the value should be taken in
American merchandise. This application fell to be reported on by Hamilton, the man of all others least inclined to forward it. He' observed that
the government had paid their instalments regularly, and even somewhat
in advance, but only by fresh loans, for which the present disturbed state
of Europe was very unfavourable. Their credit being strained to the
utmost, could not admit of throwing into circulation a new mass of notes
or other securities. Jefferson therefore intimated the impossibility of
granting the request. By this time complaints poured in from the English
ambassador and other quarters respecting vessels of that nation captured
by those fitted out under Genet's commission. Washington again sole-nnly called for the opinions of his divided cabinet. All agreed that privateers could not be permitted to be equipped in the American ports; but
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 395
the doubt was whether government should order the restoration of the
ships actually taken. According to Jefferson, it was not responsible for
acts done without its sanction, and might leave the question to be decided
on the courts; but Hamilton more reasonably urged, that government was
responsible for, and bound to redress wrongs done by its subjects to foreign
powers. Washington, reserving this point, proceeded at once to intimate
to the ambassador and instruct the governors, that this outfit of privateers
could not be permitted. Afterwards, upon the opinion of the judges, the
restoration of the prizes was ordered. The ambassador, in return, remonstrated on cases of British cruisers taking French goods out of American
vessels, but was told that this was according to the old and established
law of nations; Britain having never assented to the demand of the armed
neutrality, that free bottoms should make free goods. Genet replied in the
most insolent terms, such indeed as have scarcely a parallel in the annals
of diplomacy. He derided the references to Vattel and to the old law of
nations as altogether obsolete and misplaced in this age of renovation.
They were not to lower themselves to the level of antiquated politics and
diplomatic subtleties. It was not thus that the American people wished
him to be treated. He could not suppose-he wished he could disbelieve-that such measures were conceived in the heart of George Washington, that celebrated hero of liberty. In fine, he said: "The French,
too confiding, are punished for having believed that the American nation
had a flag,-had any regard for its laws,-any consciousness of its strength,
or sentiment of its dignity." He hinted in his letters, and was understood
to declare openly in private, his intention of appealing from the government to the people, who continued strongly attached to him and- to the
French cause. A formidable opposition was organized against Washington's administration, who were represented as a band of aristocrats attached
to England, and leagued with that European confederacy, "transcendent
in power, and unparalleled in iniquity, which threatened to subvert the
liberties of the world." The orders respecting the French cruisers were
reluctantly and imperfectly obeyed; and they hesitated not in repeated
instances to set sail in defiance of them.
UCH conduct it was considered impossible any longer
to endure. In August, it was determined by the unanmous opinion of the cabinet, that a letter should be
written to Mr. Morris at Paris, detailing the various
acts by which Genet had set the government at defiance, and which amounted actually to an attempt to
make himself co-sovereign of the country. It was impossible that two separate authorities could exist in
one state. His recall was therefore solicited, and, if he persevered,
it might become necessary to suspend his functions, even before a successor
396 WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION
could arrive. This letter, being communicated to the ambassador, called
forth a most extraordinary and violent reply. He denounced it as the
work of aristocrats, friends of monarchy and of England, and consequently enemies to those principles which all good Frenchmen had embraced with religious enthusiasm. Alarmed at the popularity reflected on
him by the attachment of the American people, they had united to calumniate him in the eyes of his fellow-citizens. They had excited the president
to write this violent diatribe, and to demand his recall, —a step which might
pass between despot and despot, but was here entirely misplaced. The
American people were more outraged than himself; with them alone and
their representatives the decision rested; the president, a mere executive
officer, had no right to set aside treaties or to change their meaning. He
intimated an intention to print the whole correspondence, that the Ameri
can people, whose esteem was dearer to him than life, might judge if
he were worthy of the paternal reception they had deigned to give him.
After this defiance, he proceeded with unabated activity in his former
course. He had organized two expeditions, one from Carolina and Georgia
against Florida, the other from Kentucky against New Orleans. The
people of this last state, indignant at being still debarred from the navigation of the Mississippi, had ardently embraced the project, and collected a
strong force to support it. Washington sent orders to the governor to
stop the movements; but his answer was so lukewarm, and expressed so
many doubts of his power, that it was judged necessary to order General
Wayne to take a position on the Ohio, by which alone the expedition was
prevented from descending. That from Georgia was also guarded against;
and the French having granted the recall of Genet, his successor Fauchet
arrived in February, 1794. They soon after requested in return the recall
of Mr. Morris, whose place was supplied by'Mr. Monroe, the Virginian
senator, ardently attached to free institutions.
Washington's attention had already been turned to the relations of the
Union with Great Britain, who still held the western posts, and with whom
all the grounds of dispute continued unsettled. These alleged grievances
rankled in the minds of the people, and were greatly strengthened by the
attachment to France, and enmity to the coalition against her, now so widely
diffused. The popular cry for war was shared by the representatives, and
opposed by only a very narrow majority in the Senate. Washington, on
the contrary, highly deprecated a rupture with the mistress of the seas,
and the entire destruction of commerce thence inevitable. He dreaded,
moreover, the nation being thrown into the arms of France, and the communication of the tyrannical anarchy which desolated that country, and
had too many partisans in America. He determined to brave the popular
clamour, and make a great effort to restore peace. John Jay, the supreme
judge, who had been much employed in diplomacy, was appointed envoy
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 397
extraordinary, a choice which appears to us singular, yet has several times
been adopted in America. The House of Representatives were so exasperated, that they carried, by a majority of twenty, a bill for suspending all
commercial intercourse with Britain; and it was negatived in the Senate
only by the casting vote of the vice-president.
On the envoy's arrival, the court of London, involved in a great continental war, showed itself not indisposed to any reasonable terms for averting an additional enemy. The king gave Jay a very gracious reception,
and Lord Grenville showed every disposition to a conciliatory discussion.
On the complaints of illegal seizure, the courts were stated to be the proper quarter to seek redress; but the time for doing so would be prolonged.
Before the period fixed for the delivery of the western posts, the violations
on the part of America had taken place, and were the sole ground of'
their being retained. A demand for the restoration of negroes could not be
acceded to, as they had come in by proclamation, trusting to British honour. After long discussion, and several written counter-propositions, it
was agreed that the western posts should be surrendered by 1st June,
1796; and that the United States government should compensate British
creditors for losses sustained by impediments to the collection of debts.
The amount was to be decided by commissioners, two on each side, with
power to choose a fifth; and the sum of six hundred thousand pounds was
ultimately awarded. The same arrangement was to be made for deciding
upon British illegal captures, and also upon the northern boundary line,
which was already a subject.of discussion. Jay had been instructed not
to regard a commercial treaty as indispensable, but to attempt it, if he saw
fair prospects of success. The dispositions of the cabinet were found so
favourable, that with little difficulty one was arranged, by which the
Americans were placed on the footing of the most favoured neutrals, and
even allowed to trade with the West Indies in vessels not exceeding seventy
tons. The two treaties were finally incorporated and signed on the 19th
November, 1794. Instructions had been given to obtain, if possible, some
extension of the rights of neutrals, and relaxation of the laws respecting
contraband of war; but upon this subject the English cabinet were found
inflexible, and it was not seemingly introduced into any written proposal.
There was even an article which appeared to imply that certain commodities not usually contraband might be seized, though not confiscated, but
the owners indemnified.
On the 7th March, 1796, Washington received the treaty, and considering it on the whole as favourable as could reasonably be hoped for, he
submitted it on the 8th June, to the Senate. Considerable difference of
opinion prevailed, and it was approved by the bare constitutional majority of two-thirds. The article respecting the West Indies was not sanctioned, on account of an engagement not to export cotton, as being a
2L.....- I
398 WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
produce of those islands, while Mr. Jay was not aware, that in the United
States themselves it was already rising into importance; but this was not
likely to be insisted on by Britain. After serious deliberation, therefore,
the President determined to affix his signature. The contents, however,
had already transpired, and had kindled among the popular party, and
the partisans of France, the most violent indignation. They exclaimed,
that the interests of the nation were not only neglected, but sold; that its
honour was tarnished, and the long much-valued alliance with France
completely renounced. ResolUtions to this effect, beginning in Boston,
spread through all the great cities, and thence over the Union. A number
took a more sober view of the matter, but were nearly overborne by the
general clamour. At the next meeting of Congress, the subject came
before the representatives, among whom a decided majority shared this
sentiment; but they were met by a serious constitutional question. Ac.
cording to the Federals, as soon as a treaty was ratified by the President
and Senate, it became the supreme law of the land; the other house
could not obstruct, but were bound to concur in its execution. The Democrats held this as an exorbitant power lodged in these parties, who might
thus carry any measure they pleased, by merely inserting it in a foreign
treaty. None, it was said, could be accounted final till consented to by
the Representatives, nor could they be called upon to aid in the execution
of one which they disapproved. Their only step, however, was, on the
motion of Mr. Livingston, to address the President for copies of Mr. Jay's
instructions, and other documents connected with the negotiation; but
Washington, in a long reply, declined this as both unconstitutional and
inexpedient. This decision surprised the house, and was very ill received;
yet ultimately, the necessity of fulfilling the required provisions was carried by fifty-one to forty-eight.
The cloud of unpopularity which, from these causes, hung over the
closing career of Washington was very painful to him, yet it never seems
to have shaken his determination to pursue that line which appeared to
him right. He savs, in his plain way, "there is but one straight course
in those things, and that is, to seek truth and pursue it steadily."* In fact,
he saw, even in his lifetime, this gloom dispersed; and American writers
generally allow, that on no occasion did he render to his country more signal services. Never, perhaps, was the benefit more conspicuous, of the
duration given to the tenure both of the Senate and the Executive, since
elections made during the interval of the Gallic phrensy would almost certainly have precipitated the nation into a long and ruinous war.
The concluding years of his administration were also troubled by the
resignation of the leading members of his cabinet. Indeed, there never
perhaps had been one composed in so peculiar a manner, of men holding
the most opposite extremes of political opinion, and cherishing, besides,
WASHIlNGTON'S ADAMINI STRATION. 399
a personal antipathy. Jefferson employed, as translating clerk in his
office, one Freneau, who edited a journal, of which the President complained that there was not an act of his government which it did not
fiercely attack. But the secretary, who generally concurred in its sentiments, would not interpose. He complains, indeed, but without sufficient
reason, that he produced his opinions in the council only to see them
suffer martyrdom. Washington, though much harassed by this position,
was still willing to have the opposite opinions pleaded before him, and to
decide on them as a judge. Though, leaning strongly towards Hamilton,
he was reluctant to be left under his influence without a check. He urged
Jefferson to remain, and when, in December, 1793, the resignation was
insisted on, he supplied his place by Randolph, who entertained similar
sentiments. In the beginning of 1795, Hamilton followed the example,
partly from private motives, and partly, no doubt, from his increasing unpopularity. He was succeeded, on his own recommendation, by Wolcott.
In the beginning of 1796, the second term of Washington's presidency
was to terminate; and, notwithstanding the late popular clamours, it':
believed that had he agreed to stand a third time, the choice would have
been decided, and even again unanimous. His determination, however,
to retire into private life, was now immovable. The two houses drew up
addresses, strongly expressing their high estimation of his character, and
of the conduct of his administration. That of the Senate passed unanimously; but in the other house, Giles, the popular leader, concurring in
the applause of his character, would not extend it to his system of government, or even express regret at his retirement. He was supported by only
a few, and the address was carried by a large majority. Washington, at
the same time, published an address to the people, exposing the principles
on which their public conduct ought to be guided. It is written with great
ability, and has ever since been regarded as almost a second constitutional
charter. To adhere strongly to the Union, and shun the sectional distinctions of Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western-to avoid the
extremes of party spirit-to venerate religion and morality as the main
pillars of public welfare-to cultivate friendship with all nations, without a
passionate attachment to any —these are the leading objects of exhortation.
The composition is said to have employed four months, and to have been
chiefly prepared by Hamiilton; but it breathes nothing of that monarchical
spirit of which he has b rn so much accused.
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS.
HE election of a new president tested the strength of
( g It\2~ oparties. The Democrats nominated Jefferson in spite
of his professed reluctance, while the Federals, afraid
to propose Hamilton, supported John Adams. After
a severe struggle, the small majority of seventy-one
to sixty-eight appeared in favour of the latter, the
result of which, according to the curious arrangement
of the Constitution, was to make his opponent vice-president. This union
of conflicting elements was the less embarrassing, as the latter officer has
no active functions assigned to him, and remains merely in reserve. The
two statesmen, during the revolutionary struggle, had been united in the
closest friendship; and though its changes had brought them to opposite
sides of the political wheel, great personal regard was still professed.
Overtures of co-operation were even made, but without being followed up;
and Jefferson became as before a violent adversary to the government of
which he ostensibly formed a member.'
The attention of the new President was immediately called to the critical state of the national relations with France. When the Directory agreed
to the recall of Genet, and requested that of Morris, Washington, anxious
to conciliate them, selected Monroe, an able man, and imbued with an enthusiastic admiration of the French republic. The President's impartiality
seems to have here carried him too far, making him choose a representative whose views so little harmonized with his own. Monroe's first despatches show him to have been one of those who ardently desired to identify the cause and interest of the two republics. He arrived when France
*tad newly emerged from the reign of blood under Robespierre; but this
he represents as a mere temporary interruption to the auspicious career
400
~~~~i~~~PI ~,....-~~~-~ —-- z'~'
\II~~~~~~~~~~~
- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ r S,~ j t"~ ~l" ii,~
-l____ ~%~1 ______ 4;
ADMINISTRATION Or JOHN ADAMS. 403
of liberty. Even the Mountain party had, he thought, been useful till the
overthrow of monarchy; and having then attempted to establish a tyranny
of their own, they had justly fallen. That system was at an end; the
guillotine would never again be erected, and the republic was advancing
in a happy career of freedom. The French government, being apprized
of these sentiments, gave him the most distinguished reception: he was
publicly presented to the Convention, and in answer to their address of
welcome, expressed the strong sympathy and attachment felt by America
owards France, saying: "Republics should draw near each other." Being warned from home that this language was not in accordance with his
instructions, which had enjoined the strictest neutrality, he. still defended
himself, and continued the same course. It clearly transpires, that he had
held communications tending to a co-operation of the two powers against
Britain and Spain. Amid this intercourse, he was struck as by a thunderbolt with the intelligence of Jay's treaty with the former power; and the
indignant disappointment then expressed by the French government would
doubtless be faintly repelled by one who shared it. On learning, however,
the doubts as to its ratification, his hopes revived; he represented to his
government the triumphant position of France, her anxiety for a close alliance, and that there was no object which America might not in that case
obtain through her aid. Washington, to whom these views were wholly
foreign, disregarded them, and signed the treaty.
The rage felt on this occasion by the French government was doubtless aggravated by the opposite hopes with which they had been inspired. Fauchet,
their ambassador, declared that they considered the States as having thus
"knowingly and evidently sacrificed their connections with the republic."
Orders were issued for the capture of vessels carrying provisions to any
British port, and extensive depredations were in consequence committed.
Washington, clearly perceiving that no redress could be expected through
the agency of the present ambassador, determined to send another, and
chose Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, a known friend of liberty, and
who had not appeared in any of the measures complained of by France.
That government, however, considered the recall of Monroe as the climax
of its wrongs, and when he and the new minister waited on La Croix
with their letters of recall and credence, they were treated with marked
coldness. Before parting, they were led to suppose that Pinckney would
be acknowledged; but two days after, Monroe received a letter intimating
that this could not take place till the French grievances were redressed.
Pinckney complained in vain of not being allowed even to explain his mission; nay, he was refused letters of hospitality, without which, at that
time, no stranger was permitted to remain in Paris, and was warned that
his next accounts would probably be from the lieutenant-general of police.
He determined, however, not to leave Paris without a written order; and
404 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS
the government seemed reluctant to go so far as either to issue one or throw
him into prison. In this precarious position he remained several weeks,
when, on intelligence being received of Napoleon's successes in Italy, the
mandate to depart was sent, and he repaired to the Hague. Monroe, who
had just before been somewhat coolly treated, now met with the most
marked attention; and in the parting address, deep regret at his recall was
mingled with a direct appeal to the people of America against their government. The Directory also sent a message to the council of Five Hundred,
recommending that all vessels laden in whole or part with English goods
should be declared lawful prizes.
When these tidings arrived in America, Adams, who had succeeded as
President, called an extraordinary meeting of Congress. In a message of
16th May, 1797, he exposed, with indignant comments, the conduct of the
French government, and recommended an augmentation both of the naval
and military force; yet he intimated the design to make a fresh attempt at
negotiation, for which purpose Marshall and Gerry were joined in a commission with Pinckney. They were comparatively well received by Talleyrand, now foreign minister, and though their character was not publicly
acknowledged, they obtained cards of hospitality. He warned them that
the Directory were greatly exasperated at the President's speech, and a
private agent from him, named in the despatches X, soon visited them, and
expatiated strongly on this subject. He intimated, however, that there was
one way by which this wrath might be softened, and the whole matter adjusted; this was by money. Provided a loan of one million two hundred
thousand pounds were made to the government, and a douceur of fifty
thousand pounds paid to Talleyrand for his own use, and that of the Directory, he would guaranty that every thing should be well arranged.
They replied, that they had brought no instructions to treat on such a subject, and could do nothing without reference to America. Being afterwards pressed to say simply Yes or No, they gave a decided negative. Yet
X with two coadjutors, Y (Mr. Bellamy, of Hamburg) and Z, (M. Hauteval,) continued to urge the point in every possible manner; and boasts
were even made of the triumphant progress of the French arms, and the
humiliating peace imposed on Austria. Venice had fallen; England would
soon follow; and America might dread the same fate. The consent of
their government might be necessary for the loan; but for the fifty thousand pounds, their own powers were sufficient; there was a banker ready
to honour their draft. They were asked if they had not been aware that
at Paris nothing could be obtained without money; and having declared a
total want of suspicion of this fact, were told that any American in the
city could have informed them. When they expatiated on the claims of
their country to good treatment, the agent showed extreme impatience, and
at the first interval said: all this was very fine, but he did not come to
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS. 405
C APTU R]E OF L IN S U r~ (G s N.
listen to speeches; it was Yes or Ni, -t-;e liftv th!lusand t Ijounds. "Gentlemen," said he at another timrle, "you do not c(lue to the point; it is
money-you must offier money." Although Talleyrand did not personally
treat, they met these agents at his house, where the discussions were
partly carried on. They at length drew up a lengthened statement of
their claims and grievances, intimating, that unless they were attended to,
there could be no object in their remaining longer. Marshall and Pinckney
were welcomed and even urged to depart; but Gerry, by threats of immediate war, was induced to remain; a concession of which his government
disapproved. On the 18th of January, 1798, a law was passed subjecting
to capture every vessel which should contain any article of British fabric
or produce.
The report of these transactions, when conveyed to America, kindled
a feeling of unanimous and indignant resistance. The French party,
which had appeared almost dominant, was suddenly reduced to a small
minority. Those who attempted to argue that it would be cheaper to subnit than to resist, were considered as betraying the honour of their country.
"Millions for defence, not a cent for tribute!" was the general cry. The
envoys made a kind of triumphal entry into Philadelphia; and Jefferson
complains, that from being nearly in the front of popular favour, he was
thrown far into the background. Congress readily authorized an augmentation both of the naval and military force, and to defray the expense, a
considerable amount even of internal taxes, hitherto so odious, including
one on land, was imposed. Washington consented to come forth from his
406 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS.
retirement, and assume the command of the army, in which he appointed
Hamilton his second. Hostilities were even commenced by sea. Commodore Truxtun, with the frigate Constellation of thirty-eight guns, cap-:ured the French L'Insurgente of forty. He had also obliged another,
the Vengeance of fifty guns, to strike her colours; but she escaped during
the night.
The French government do not seem to have ever seriously intended
war, but only hoped by the threat to make America yield to their terms.
Finding her immovable, and being ashamed of the exposures made by the
negotiators, Talleyrand now disavowed his agents, and expressed to Gerry
the strongest wish for peace, without any demand of loans or pecuniary
terms. Even when that minister had been recalled, he sent after him to
Havre a new decree, professedly mitigating those formerly complained of,
though it did not contain any important provision. He took the stronger
step of communicating through Pichon, ambassador at the Hague, to Mr.
Murray, American resident there, his wish for peace, which he pretended
even having always done every thing in his power to promote. Adams
on receiving these overtures, did not certainly display that anti-gallican
spirit so strongly alleged by the opposite party. He immediately prepared
a new commission, and to give it the greater weight, solicited the venerable Patrick Henry, who had lately been governor of Virginia, to place
himself at its head. As he declined on account of his age, Oliver Ellsworth, chief justice, was substituted, and was combined with Mr. Murray.
A pledge was only required, that the embassy should be treated according
to the usage of civilized nations; and this was promptly accorded. On
their arrival at Paris, a complete revolution had taken place; Napoleon,
returning from Egypt, had grasped with an iron hand the reins of power.
He had been in no degree mixed up with the late transactions, and seems
to have been desirous, at least in the first instance, to make his administration proceed smoothly. Every facility was, therefore, given to the negotiation, which, on the 31st July, 1801, ended in a satisfactory treaty. The
injurious decrees were repealed, and a liberal compensation stipulated for
the depredations committed under them.
Before this satisfactory result, Washington was no more. Though suffering under some infirmities, he had enjoyed general good health till the
13th December, 1799, when, in consequence of severe exposure to cold,
he was seized with an inflammation of the windpipe. On the 14th, it
terminated in death, which he met with exemplary calmness and fortitude.
When the tidings were conveyed to Congress, then sitting, a deep and
general mourning ensued, and all party feelings were for the moment
hushed. The Assembly at once broke up; an imposing funeral procession was arranged, and numerously attended. Many orations in honour
of his memory were pronounced there and in different parts of the Union.
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS. 407
It was even decreed that a marble monument should be erected in the
capital, and his body deposited under it; but through party spirit and
extreme economy, this was never carried into execution, and his remains
still repose at Mount Vernon.
During the first strong impression produced by the outrages on the part
of France, Adams and his ministry had carried all before them. But
when the cloud of war, which had seemingly impended, was dispersed,
and it appeared even probable that she had never intended such a measure, a great reaction took place. Her votaries derided what they termed
the X Y Z negotiation, representing, though seemingly without reason,
these agents as having acted without any authority. But the severest
trial was when the new taxes, the necessity for which was no longer felt,
came to be levied. They encountered general discontent, and in some
cases open resistance. Amid the first excitement, no difficulty had been
found in inducing Congress to pass an alien act, with very stringent provisions: also another, imposing restrictions upon the press; but these
measures, being quite new, and foreign to the national habits and ideas,
soon became odious.
A' OlBGNZRAL ZATON.'i-
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
$4 >' NEW presidential election having come on In: - 4 1801, it soon appeared that the democratic inte-,{1'~.~% ~' rest was in the ascendant. Jefferson, its head,
____< \ being again opposed by Adams, obtained a ma-,'~ GJ G' ~' jority of seventy-three to sixty-five; yet his suci ~ ~ ~ n~~p \p cess Ia-s checkered by a singular incident. Aaron
Burr, a bustling adventurer of doubtful character,
- ~ ~ had made himself generally acceptable to the
$ CV VLI l Democrats, who voted for him in the view that
he might become vice-president. The votes happened to be exactly,t equal; in which case the Constitution had provided that the House of
Representatives should decide. Here, however, the Federals, viewing
j efferson as their arch-enemy, threw themselves into the interest of Burr,; and produced there too an exact equality. No remedy had been provided
for this double contingency and the machine of government seemed to
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JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION. 411
have run down. The votes were taken again and again, and always with
the same result. A proposition was made, and received with some favour,
that the House itself should appoint a provisional government. This the
Democrats most fiercely resisted, threatening a convention of the people,
or even an insurrection. At length, after thirty-five equal ballotings, one
individual went over, and placed Jefferson in the presidential chair.
This statesman was not unworthy of the eminence to which he had
risen. He possessed a wider range of knowledge and information than
Washington, whom he equalled in talent, perhaps even in honesty of purpose. Yet he had not that greatness of character which raised the other
so high above all his contemporaries. His mind moved in a lower sphere.
He was completely a partisan, not only adopting extreme political opinions,
but viewing his opponents with severe personal bitterness. We find him
collecting speeches that escaped them at table, and on other familiar occasions, thence inferring, probably without reason, a design to overthrow the
Constitution. Yet he did not himself propose any alterations upon the
republican side, and professed an attachment to the federal branch almost
as decided as that of Washington. His primary object was the reduction
of the large military and naval establishment formed by his predecessor,
and thus removing the additional taxes imposed by him. This was a
popular measure, and afforded, of course, immediate relief; yet afterwards,
in the hour of need, it appeared to have been carried to an extreme. He
first introduced the practice, since adopted to a vast extent, of removing
officers, even in subordinate situations, whose political opinions were adverse to those of the President. He professes to have taken this course
with great reluctance, and mostly where the appointments had been made
by Adams from political motives, and even after being aware that his own
election was hopeless. Yet it is remarkable, that this stretch of a doubtful executive power has been made almost wholly by presidents professing
principles of the highest democracy.
The new chief magistrate was soon involved in a transaction of very
great importance. Intelligence was received that Napoleon had extorted
from Spain the cession of Louisiana, granting in compensation the succession of the Duke of Parma, a Spanish prince, to the grand-duchy of Tuscany. That court had, however, yielded with much reluctance, and only
from being overawed by the superior power of France. This intelligence
excited great alarm in the American cabinet. The possession of this territory by Spain, a weak and sluggish power, had been sufficiently harassing; what then might be expected on its transference to the most stirring
and active nation in Europe? The first and very painful result was the
withdrawal of the right of deposit hitherto granted to New Orleans. An
attempt to resist was doubtful as to right, and still more so as to the means
of execution Jefferson, however, knowing the French government to be
412 JEFF F.I' 1 SON'S ADMINISTRATION.
NA POLEO N.
embarrassed as to funds, conceived the hope, that, for a large sum, they
might be induced to part with the territory; and, viewing the object as of
the deepest importance, he was disposed not to be sparing in the amount.
Livingston, Pinckney, and Monroe were appointed a commission for carrying on this delicate negotiation. On arriving at Paris, they found their
republican profession in bad odour with Napoleon, who, having determined
to establish absolute power, regarded them with dislike as demagogues
and anarchists. They did not scruple to obviate this by declaring that
they considered the present system the most desirable for France after her
severe recent agitations. They found the acquisition of Louisiana disapproved in the political circles, yet a favourite object with the First Consul
himself. He looked to it as a great colonial possession, which might rival
those of England; as a new Egypt —a place of reward for meritorious
officers, and of exile for those he suspected. Mr. King, the ambassador
to England, endeavoured to stir that court against it; but though dissatisfaction was expressed, no right was there felt to interfere. An expedition
of five to seven thousand men was prepared, and Bernadotte appointed to
command it. As, however, the First Consul began to contemplate hostile
relations with Britain, his mind opened to the American proposals. He
could not hope to maintain this transatlantic possession against her supe
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION. 413
rlor navy; while a large sum of money would be extremely convenient.
King, indeed, was warned by Mr. Addington, that the British government
would, in that event, take possession of the country. This was a new
ground of alarm; but he gave assurance, that they sought only to keep
it from France, and would be quite satisfied with its acquisition by the
United States. As hostilities became certain, Napoleon began seriously to
negotiate on the subject. The treaty had been opened only with respect
to New Orleans, and the territory west of the Mississippi; but he intimated that the eastern must also be included, which, indeed, by itself
could be of little value to him. This proposal being unexpected, the
envoys were unprovided with any instructions; yet, rightly appreciating
the great advantage of possessing both banks, they readily consented-a
conduct highly approved by the President. After a good deal of discussion, the price was fixed at sixty millions of francs, (~2,500,000,) and the
States were besides to pay twenty millions of francs (~800,000) of indemnnity stipulated to its subjects for injurious captures; making in all
~3,300,000. The sum, though considerable, bore little proportion to the
vast advantages which have since been reaped from the acquisition.
Jefferson, although gratified by this arrangement, felt a good deal ermbarrassed in laying it before Congress. No power to conclude such a treaty
was conveyed by the Constitution, and he was one who specially deprecated the general government going a step beyond its assigned functions.
Congress, however, with the exception of a small minority, showed too
much satisfaction at the event to be at all disposed to criticise its legality.
Spain only, who still held possession of the country, and had certainly
been treated with very little ceremony, made a strong remonstrance, that
she had ceded it under the engagement of its never being alienated, and
that the terms even had not been strictly fulfilled. She gave in afterwards
a solemn protest to the same effect. The American government turned a
deaf ear to such representations, and even prepared to assert the claim by
arms. Napoleon, on hearing of this dispute, intimated, that unless the
Spanish government yielded, he would join America in compulsory measures. This was enough for that court, who, on the 10th February, 1804,
intimated, through h-r minister, Don Pedro Cevallos, that her opposition
was withdrawn.
Public attention was now called to another subject, which had long
caused uneasiness and irritation. The piratical states of Barbary, whose
career had hitherto encountered no serious check, had been committing
extensive depredations on American commerce. They had even intimated
an intention not to discontinue them without a tribute, to which the nation
wai little inclined. As Tripoli had been particularly active, Commodore
Treble, in 1803, was sent against it with a fleet of seven sail. On his
arrival, Captain Bainbridge, with the frigate Philadelphia, was employed
2M2
414 JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
OOMMODOUR PREBLE.
to reconnoitre the harbour; but proceeding too far, his vessel grounded,
and fell into the hands of the enemy. He and his crew were made
prisoners, and treated with the usual barbarity.
The expedition was thus at a full stand, when Captain Eaton, consul at
Tunis, intimated that the throne of Tripoli was disputed by Hamet Cara
maili, a brother of the bashaw, who had found refuge and been well
received in Egypt. He proposed and was permitted to join this prince,
commanding the co-operation of the fleet. Eaton soon obtained Hamet's
concurrence, and, early in 1805, was invested with the command of a body
of troops which the latter had succeeded in raising. He marched across
the desert of Marmorica, summoned the frontier fortress of Derne, and,
though the commander made the defying reply, "My head or yours,"
overpowered him after a few hours of desperate fighting. On the 8th May,
the reigning bashaw came up with a strong force, and attempted to recover
the place, but was repulsed; and on the 10th June he sustained ancther
defeat. Immediately after, the American fleet was reinforced by the
frigate Constitution. While affairs thus wore a triumphant aspect, and
the capital was in alarm of immediate attack, Colonel Lear, the consul
J EFF' ER SO N'S ADMINISTRATION. 415
CAPTURE OF D E R N Z.
thought it most prudent to listen to overtures from the enemy and conclude.
a peace. It comprehended the delivery of the prisoners on both sides;
there being a balance of two hundred in favour of the bashaw, for which
sixty thousand dollars were to be paid. All co-operation was to be withdrawn from Hamet, in whose favour it was only stipulated, that his wife
and children should be released. That prince made loud complaints,
under which Jefferson evidently felt considerable uneasiness. He urged,
indeed, that no pledge had been given for his restoration to power; and
that his force, though so far successful, was not adequate to that achievement. Concerted movements may take place against a common enemy
without any mutual guarantee of each other's objects; yet, where both
have effectively co-operated, each seemingly may claim a share of the
advantage; and that of Hamet, on the present occasion, appears exceedingly slender.
In the end of 1804, Jefferson's first term of office expired. His
conduct having been altogether approved, and the democratic spirit being
still predominant, he was re-elected by one hundred and sixty-two votes
c(it of one hundred and seventy-six. Burr, who had disgusted the ruling
party by his conduct at the last election, was thrown out, and Clinton of
-116 JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
New York, a Democrat so decided that he had even opposed the Jornma
Lion of the Union, was elected in his place.
Burr, disappointed in this quarter, sought compensation by standing
candidate for the government of New York. He was supported by a
large body of the Federals; but Hamilton, a marl of high and honourable
mind, despising him as a reckless adventurer, opposed and defeated his
election. The disappointed candidate, taking advantage of some violen
language said to have been used by his opponent, sent him a challenge
The Americans, while rejecting the feudality of Europe, have retained ilr
full action this its barbarous remnant. The parties met, and at the first
fire Hamnilton fell. No event ever excited a more general] feeling of regret
throughout the States, where, in the party most adverse to him, his high
bearing, splendid talents, and political consistency, commanded general
respect.
Burr, however, restlessly sought some means of attaining distinction and
power. Ill September and October, 1806f, Jefferson learned that mysterious operations were proceeding along the Ohio; boats preparing, stores of
provisions collecting, and a number of suspicious characters in movement.
A confidential agent sent to the spot warned the President that Burr was
the prime mover; and General Wilkinson, who commanded near New
Orleans, intimated that propositions of a daring and dangerous import had
been transmitted to him by that personage. The ostensible pretext was,
the settlement of a tract of country said to have been purchased on the
Washita, a tributary of the Mississippi; but the various preparations, the
engagement for six months only, the provision of muskets and bayonets,
pointed to something altogether distinct. It was either the formation of
the western territory into a separate government, or an expedition against
Mexico, sought to be justified by a boundary difference that had arisen
with Spain, whose troops had actually crossed the Sabine. The former
project, if entertained, was given up, no encouragement being found in
the disposition of the people; and Burr's views were then confined to the
seizure of New Orleans, and collecting there as large a force as possible
for his ulterior design. His partisans abstained from all violence, and
made their designs known only by mysterious conversations; so that, on
being apprehended and brought to trial in Kentucky, he obtained a verdict of acquittal. The governor of Ohio, however, seized a quantity of
boats and stores; and strict watch was kept along the whole line. Bulrr
was only able, on the 25th of December, to assemble at the mouth of the
Cumberland river, from sixty to a hundred men, with whom he sailed
down the Mississippi. General Wilkinson had been instructed to settle
the Spanish difference as soon as possible, and direct all his attention to
securing New Orleans, and suppressing this enterprise. Burr, therefore,
finding no support in the country, was unable to resist the force prepared
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 417
against him; his followers dispersed, and he himself, endeavouring to
escape, was arrested on his way to Mobile. He was tried on a charge of
treason; but the chief justice was of opinion that, though Blanerhasset,
his coadjutor, had openly announced the project of attempting the separation of the states, there was no sufficient proof that Burr himself contemplated more than the Mexican expedition, which amounted only to the
levying of war against a power with whom the country was at peace.
He was thus acquitted of the main charge: yet Jefferson expresses himself much dissatisfied with the sentence, declaring his conviction of Burr's
guilt in every particular. The acquittal appeared to him to have been
prompted by that ultra-federal spirit with which he always charges the
Supreme Court. Burr went to Europe, and never again appeared on the
political theatre of the states.
About this time arose discussions that led to a long series of troubles.
The contest which had arisen between France and England spread over
the Continent, and was attended, on the part of Napoleon, with such signal
triumphs, as rendered him virtually its ni.ater. But, while all Europe
bent beneath his sway, he was goaded to madness by seeing Britain stand
erect and defying, while not a vessel could leave one of his own ports
without almost a certainty of capture. A struggle now ensued, very different from that hitherto waged between European kingdoms, when some
exterior provinces or appendages only were disputed. It was a question
of empire on one side and existence on the other; and each party thought
itself entitled to employ extreme means, and to pass the limits hitherto
sanctioned by the practice and public law of Europe. Napoleon, viewing
his mighty rival as resting solely upon commerce, imagined, that if he
could exclude her merchandise entirely from the continent, the root of her
power would wither, and she would fall an easy victim. His adversary,
on the other hand, conceived the hope, that by depriving the countries
under his sway of all the benefits of trade, a spirit of discontent would be
roused that might prove fatal to his dominion. Both parties inflicted on
themselves and on each other severe sufferings; and the hopes of both
proved finally abortive. Britain remained mistress of the seas, and
Europe lay still at the feet of Napoleon. Yet each persevered, in the
hope that the desired result was in silent operation, and that by a continuance of effective means it rmight at last arrive.
America had at first derived extraordinary advantages from this warlike
attitude of Europe. The most active, and finally almost the only maritime
neutral power, she had reaped a rich harvest by engaging in the commerce between the ports of the belligerent states, and kept an extensive
shipping employed in this carrying trade. But a severe reverse was felt
under these new measures, when her vessels could not appear in any of
the seas of Europe w';thout being liable to capture by one nation or the
Voi. 1i -5'3
|. _q A.r'.FERSON S,,DMiN i it APA
other. The proclamations of both were equally rigorous; but Britain
possessed so much more ample means of carrying hers into execution, that
they were the most severely felt. Another grievance was endured from
the same quarter. The great extension of the American shipping interest
offered ample employment to British seamen, who, by entering this service, obtained higher wages and escaped the hardship of serving by impressment in ships of war. Britain therefore claimed and exercised the
right of searching American vessels for these deserters, and, wherever
grounds of suspicion appeared, of calling upon them for proofs of American origin. She contended that the desertion, if unchecked, would proceed on so vast a scale, that the navy, her grand means of defence, would
be entirely crippled. The other party complained, that not only was the
national flag thus violated, but American citizens were, under this pretext,
seized and carried to distant ports, where they could not procure proofs of
their origin, and those actually produced were not duly regarded. In a
report to Congress, it is stated, that the number impressed since the beginning of the war had been four thousand two hundred and twenty-eight, of
whom nine hundred and thirty-six had been discharged. It was alleged,
that by far the greater proportion of these were native Americans, and
that in six hundred and ninety-seven recent cases, only twenty-three were
British and one hundred and five doubtful; but to these statements it
seems impossible not to demur.
}..'K......~. —.. HE first encroachment on the liberty of:!;i~ t ~~i a commerce was directed against the trans.I portation of the produce of the French
_ West Indies to the mother-country. It
was maintained by Britain, that the Ameri-, cans, having been formerly excluded from
- this employment, and admitted to it only
_ in consequence of the war, could not com4 /f ~ - plain of losing a branch which they had
never enjoyed; while they urged, that the
war' had conferred on Britain no new right.
-to interpcse. They entertained hopes of gaining their object in consequence of Mr. Fox's accession to power, in 1806. That statesman even
told Monroe, then ambassador, that he had ordered the practice of impressment to be suspended, but was not prepared to yield up the right. Jefferson, encouraged by this intelligence, added Pinckney to the embassy, with
the,view of concluding a final arrangement. On his arrival, however,
Fox had been seized with that illness which terminated in his death.
The commission were received by Lord Grenville, to whom the subject
was new, and who was pressed by the duties of other departments. Soon,
however, Lords Holland and. uckland being namled commissioners to
I
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION. 419
canrv on the negotiation, expressed the most conciliatory disposition, but
stated, that as all the law officers were in favour of the right of impress
ment, it could not be formally conceded, but would be exercised with the
greatest caution. It had been so, in fact, for some time, and no fresh
ground of complaint had arisen; an informal assurance was even giver
that the same lenient course would still be pursued. The Americans had
been instructed to make this point a sine qua non; but finding more than
the above unattainable, while terms that appeared satisfactory could be
secured on other subjects, they, at length, agreed to sign the treaty. On
its being transmitted to Jefferson, however, he at once determined on
refusing to ratify it, without even the usual course of submitting it to the
Senate. This, he conceived, when his own mind was completely made
up, would have been an empty form. He, therefore, sent it back, with
instructions that an attempt should be made to obtain at least a partial abolition, and also stating modifications which he considered necessary in
several of the other articles. He continued the same negotiators, and did
every thing in his power to sooth Monroe, hitherto his favourite diplomatist, who could but feel deeply wounded on this occasion.
The estrangement caused by this step was aggravated by a tragical inci
dent. Admiral Berkeley, then commanding on the coast, having learned
that several men belonging to his squadron were on board the United
States frigate Chesapeake, gave directions for their seizure by Captain
Humphreys, of the Leopard. That officer came up to the American vessel soon after it had sailed from Hampton roads, Virginia, and sent a boat's
crew on board, asking permission to search for the British deserters;
Barron, the commander, replied, that he could not allow his men to be
mustered by any other than himself. The boat returned, when a fire was
opened from the Leopard, which the American, being totally unprepared
for, was unable to return. In the course of twenty or thirty minutes, he
endeavoured to fit his vessel for action, but not having succeeded, and
three of his men being killed and eighteen wounded, he struck. To a
British officer, who then came on board, he offered his vessel as a prize;
but the other disclaimed any such view, and delivered a letter from Humphreys, deploring a loss which might have been avoided by amicable adjustment. He then took out four men, three of whom were alleged to te
Americans, and departed. Berkeley had committed a gross error in authorizing such a proceeding against a government armed vessel, respecting
which the right of search had never been claimed. A loud and general
clamour, in which all parties joined, was raised throughout the country;
and Jefferson issued a proclamation, excluding British ships of war from
all the waters of the United States.
When Monroe and Pinckney received these difficult matters to adjust, a
change deemed unfavourdble had taken place in the British cabinet. The
420 JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
i
AFF&AIR OF THE CHESAPEA:EE.
Whig ministry had been displaced in favour of the opposite party, sup
posed to be more decided both in hostility to France, and in the assertio(r
of British rights. Mr. Canning, however, the new foreign minister,
treated them with courtesy, when they presented the treaty unratified, anm]
with the proposed alterations. After some consideration, he intimated,
tnat since the rejection of a solemn deed, signed by the plenipotentiaries
of the States, a new negotiation on the same basis was inadmissible. In
adjusting a treaty, one party is supposed to ha,,e made concessions in
order to obtain similar ones from the other; and when the first were withdrawn, the last could be no longer binding. It was agreed, however, that
the relations of the two powers might remain for the present in a friendly
though informal position. In regard to the Chesapeake, he complained
that a violent measure of retaliation should have been adopted before any
attempt to seek redress by negotiation. Hie had no hesitation in disavowing the action of Admiral Berkeley, and was ready to treat for ample compensation. The Americans, however, had been instructed to decline
entering on the subject, unless in combination with a general arrangement
for relieving their vessels from impressment. This Mr. Canning considered as a question standing on entirely different ground, which could by
no means be mixed up with the other; and since they could not treat it
separately, a special mission would be sent out on the subject. Mr. Rose
was therefore despatched, and, on his arrival at Washington, intimated to
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION. 421
M.adison that he was ready to offer compensation, which would be ample,
and he trusted satisfactory. He was informed, however, that the subject
%ou'!d not be entertained, unless in combination with a security against
future impressment. Rose replied that he had no authority to treat on
any tupic but that of the Chesapeake; and this being refused, his mission
terminated. This repeated rejection of a compensation offered and pressed
could uot but expose the President to the suspicion of unwillingness to
lose lIbd of the excitement which the event had created. He seems to
have felt that this manceuvre could not be long continued, and some time
after wrote through Madison to Pinckney, that the offer, if again urged,
might be accepted.
Affairs;n Europe, meantime, were assuming a still more serious aspect.
Napoleon, after his victory at Jena, and entry into Berlin, which placed
him in a most triumphant position on the continent, became still more
eager to crush the only power that still defied him. In November, 1806,
he issued a decree, declaring the British isles in a state of blockade; this
was retaliated by an order in council on the 2d January, 1807, prohibiting
the trade by neutrals from any port under his sway to another. On the
11th of November, a fresh order declared, that all these countries were-to
be considered in a state of blockade; but some mitigations were afterwards
admitted in regard to vessels willing to trade through the British ports,
after paying a certain duty. These terms, however, were repelled by
America, as a levying of tribute, and as altogether inconsistent with the
independence of her flag. Enraged at this farther measure, Napoleon, on
the 17th December, 1807, issued, at Milan, another decree, subjecting to
confiscation every vessel which should have submitted to the conditions
imposed by England.
America was thus placed certainly in a hard situation, being unable to
send out a vessel to sea, which was not liable to capture by either belligerent. She might have been fully justified in imposing severe restrictions on the shipping and commerce of the offending parties; but instead
of this, Jefferson proposed and was supported by his party in carrying the
measure of an embargo, to be laid for an indefinite period on all vessels
within the ports of America. This step was marked by that violent and
extreme disposition to which democratic bodies are liable. It is singular,
as being carried by the interior and agricultural states, against the most
violent opposition from the northern and commercial ones, though the latter were almost the exclusive sufferers. They were told, indeed, that the
object was to procure for them redress, and that their vessels, thus detained in port, would be saved from capture and confi'3cation. They
thought, however, that they might have been consulted as to their own
interests, and not have had a remedy imposed which was deemed by them
ten times worse than the evil.
2 N
MADISON'S ADI INIS TRATION.
"".. 1 N 1809, the second term of Mr. Jefferson's office
expired, and he rejected all propositions for being
put a third time in nomination. The Federalists,
including now nearly the whole mercantile interest, proposed Pinckney, but were outvoted by a
large majority, Madison being elected President,
and Clinton again Vice-president. The former
had been distinguished as a federal leader, having
taken an active part in framing the Constitution, and overcoming the
resistance encountered by it in Virginia. Afterwards, he was active in
defeating the amendments proposed by that and other states. When,
however, a modified opposition was formed, seeking to limit its interpretation, and generally supporting the democratic interest, he decidedly
espoused that side, and became identified with Jefferson, its head, under
whom he long acted as secretary. His government was thus a virtual
continuation of the former, though his party feelings, and in particular his
enmity to Britain, were generally supposed to be less violent.
The first step certainly bore somewhat of this appearance. The absurd embargo law had produced ever-increasing irritation and even resistance; and it evidently could continue to be enforced only by arms. It
was, in consequence, exchanged for one doubtless of a less irrational
nature, which merely prescribed non-intercourse with both the offend&
422
...............................................................................
f............
NHIRMN.M.."IN R m H.............
O n..........
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION, 425
ing governments; and the President was empowered immediately to
remove it with regard to either of them which should repeal its hostile
decrees.
Soon after, a prospect seemed to open of a favourable termination. Mr.
Erskine, the English minister, received a paper, intimating that his cabinet were ready to repeal the orders in council, on the understanding that
the non-intercourse act should continue in operation against France, and
on condition that the British navy should be allowed to enforce it, without
which it would be nugatory; also, that America should abstain from any
commerce with the French colonies not enjoyed by her during peace. He
was authorized to show these written propositions to the American nminister; but unaccountably, instead of doing so, he announced simply, and
without any condition, the intention of his court to repeal the orders.
Madison certainly met the announcement very promptly, stating it to the
House of Representatives, and issuing a proclamation for the renewal of
intercourse in June, 1809. He was surprised, however, to receive a
despatch from Mr. Pinckney, mentioning the two annexed conditions;
when, Mr. Erskine being asked for an explanation, showed his original
instructions, actually containing these terms, which certainly changed
greatly the character of the offer, and were declared altogether inadmissible. The British cabinet then, of course, disavowed their minister's original communication, and recalled him. The Americans showed, on this
occasion, an extreme irritation, to which they seem little entitled, considering that they themselves had recently done the very same thing respecting a treaty signed by a more formal and accredited mission, and that
having seen the actual instructions, they could not doubt of the error
resting solely with the ambassador. That Mr. Madison, therefore, should
consider this non-ratification as a proof of rooted enmity to the States,
seems wholly unreasonable. In this state of affairs, Mr. Jackson, sent out
from Britain on a special mission, was received with great coldness, and
all communication refused except by writing. The ambassador was
offended by this treatment, and wrote in a tone not very conciliatory. In
the course of communication, he referred to the American government as
having seen Mr. Erskine's instructions, apparently with a view of showing
that blame did not rest with the British cabinet. Madison, understanding
the assertion to be, that he had seen them previous to revoking the nonintercourse act, and had thus acted very inconsistently, denied the state
ment. Jackson, doubtless under the same misunderstanding, repeated it
referring even to their own admission. The other treated this as giving
him the lie, and refused to hold any further intercourse with the British
negotiator.
The President, however, authorized Mr. Pinckney to continue the negotiation, even adding Mr. Monroe to the embassy, who does not, however.
VOL. I.-54 2 N 2
426 MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION.
appear to have arrived. The complaints against Mr. Jackson were by no
means fully admitted by Marquis Wellesley, now foreign minister, who
observed that he had disavowed any offensive intention; but as a mark of
friendly disposition, another plenipotentiary would be sent. Meantime,
the non-intercourse law having expired in May, 1810, the American go
vernment gave notice, that if either party would repeal its obnoxious decree,, this measure would be renewed against the other. Hopes even of
war seem to have been held out. Napoleon, determining to avail himself
of this prospect of annoying his adversary, issued, in August, a proclamation revoking the decrees from 1st November following, under the full
understanding that Britain was to withdraw her orders in council, or America make her rights be respected. Pinckney immediately called upon
Marquis Wellesley to meet this overture. The latter, while declaring the
high satisfaction with which he would relinquish the orders in the event
of actual repeal, could not do it upon this sort of conditional one, which,
requiring that of Britain to be antecedent, was not, therefore, in real operation. Though a new plenipotentiary to America was promised, none was
appointed; but the delay was explained, as solely owing to the difficulty
of finding one who would possess sufficient weight, and be acceptable to
the American government. Pinckney, however, on this ground, in the beginning of 1811, withdrew, leaving Mr. Russell to act as charge d'affaires.
Soon after, however, Mr. Foster came out as plenipotentiary. He
again brought offers of compensation for the Chesapeake, which, being
found ample, were at length accepted. Respecting the orders in council, very lengthy discussions ensued. Notwithstanding the alleged revocation, American vessels continued to be seized under the decrees; but it
was answered, that on complaint and remonstrance, they had been mostly
liberated. Reference was made by Foster to French proclamations, in
which the decrees were declared and gloried in, as still in full force. This,
the Americans said, was only in regard to European neutrals, and when
they were satisfied as to themselves, it was unreasonable to demand that
they should compel France to follow a certain course towards other nations,
or to receive British goods into her own dominions. Mr. Foster denied
any idea of such compulsion; yet they seem to have extorted from him
the admission, that a general revocation of the decrees must precede the
repeal of the British orders.
In these circumstances, the American government determined upon
making preparations for war; being assured of support from a majority
in Congress. Mr. Madison, in his message of 5th November, 1811, enumerated the wrongs sustained from Britain, and proposed an augmentation
of taxes, and of the naval and military force. Authority was given to
enlarge the army to thirty-five thousand men, to increase the navy, to raise
eleven millions of dollars, by doubling the duties of customs, and even
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 4'7
imposing internal duties, hitherto so much deprecated. In February, 1812
the public were excited by the publication of the correspondence of a Mr.
Henry, represented as having, three years before, attempted to stir up dis.
affection in the Northern States. His instructions, it appears, were merely
to ascertain the state of public feeling, and if any individual wished tc
open a communication with the British government, to offer himself as a
medium. He was employed altogether by General Craig, governor of
Canada, and his services were not recognised in Britain; upon which he:ame and gave the information to the adverse power
COrNCIL OF vINC NNES.
OOUI~OIL OF VINCENNES.
COUNCIL OF VINCENNES.
-. P to the year 1811, Tecumseh and his bro-~ - ther were engaged in constant intrigues
-~,,,,, L,, - against the United States. They had disturbed all the councils that were held, and
endeavoured to prevent every treaty that was
made. Surrounded by a lawless band, composed
of desperate renegadoes from various tribes, by the
young and hot, the dissolute and dishonest, they'._. — ~~ scarcely practised even the Punic faith of the Indian
code. They asserted that all the lands inhabited by Indians, belonged to
the tribes indiscriminately-that no tribe had a right to transfer any soil to
the whites, without the assent of all-and that, consequently, all the treaties that had been made were invalid.
In 1808, the Prophet established his principal place of rendezvous on the
Wabash, near the mouth of the Tippecance-a spot which soon became
428
COUNCIL OF VINCENNES. 429
Known as the Prophet's Town. Here a thousand young warriors, such as
we have described, rallied around him; sallying forth in greater or smaller
parties, to commit the most atrocious deeds of depredation and murder,
along the whole frontier of Indiana. Vincennes, the seat of government, was
often threatened; and the governor's house was scarcely considered safe
from the intrusion of the maddened savages. But the Prophet, while he
exercised his priestly function in such a manner as to excite the superstition
of his motley crew of followers, was indolent, sensual, and cowardly; and
his mal-administration soon reduced the number of his followers to less
than three hundred. Even these were so much impoverished by their
excesses and improvidence, that on one occasion they must have starved,
had not the benevolence of Governor Harrison induced him to send them a
supply of provisions. The return of Tecumseh, who had been absent on
a visit to the distant tribes, restored order.
In 1809, Governor Harrison purchased from the Delawares, Miamis,
and Potawatamies, a large tract of country on both sides of the AVabash,
and extending up that river about sixty miles above Vincennes. Tecumseh was absent, and his brother, not feeling himself interested,
made no opposition to the treaty; but the former, on his return, expressed
great dissatisfaction, and threatened some of the chiefs with death, who
had made the treaty. Governor Harrison, hearing of his displeasure.
despatched a messenger to invite him to come to Vincennes, and to assure
him, " that any claims he might have to the lands which had been ceded
were not affected by the treaty; that he might come to Vincennes and
exhibit his pretensions, and if they were found to be valid, the land would
be either given up, or an ample compensation be made for it."
Having no confidence in the faith of Tecumseh, the governor directed
that he should not bring with him more than thirty warriors; but he came
with four hundred completely armed. The people of Vincennes were in
great alarm, nor was the governor without apprehension that treachery was
intended. This suspicion was not diminished by the conduct of the chief,
who, on the morning after his arrival, refused to hold the council at the
place appointed, under an affected belief that treachery was intended on
our side.
A large portico in front of the governor's house had been prepared for
the purpose with seats, as well for the Indians as for the citizens who were
expected to attend. When Tecumseh came from his camp with about
forty of his warriors, he stood off, and on being invited by the governor,
through an interpreter, to take a seat, refused, observing that he wished
the council to be held under the shade of some trees in front of the house.
When it was objected that it would be troublesome to remove the seats, he
replied, "that it would only be necessary to remove those intended for
the whites-that the red men were accustomed to sit upon the earth
430 COUNCIL OF VINCENNEs.
which was their mother, and that they were always hapfy to recline upon
her bosom."
At this council, held on the 12th of August, 1810, Tecumseh delivered
a speech, of which we find the following report, containing the sentiments
uttered, but in a language very different from that of the Indian orator: —
"I have made myself what I am; and I would that I could nmake the
red people as great as the conceptions of my mind, when I think of the
Great Spirit that rules over all. I would not then come to Governor Elarrison to ask him to tear the treaty; but I would say to him, Brother,
you have liberty to return to your own country. Once, there was no
white man in all this country; then it belonged to red men, children of
the same parents, placed on it by the Great Spirit to keep it, to travel over
it, to eat its fruits, and fill it with the same race-once a happy race, but
now made miserable by the white people, who are never contented, but
always encroaching. They have driven us from the great salt water,
forced us over the mountains, and would shortly push us into the lakesbut we are determined to go no farther. The only way to stop this evil
is for all the red men to unite in claiming a common and equal right in the
land as it was at first, and should be now —for it never was divided, but
belongs to all. No tribe has a right to sell, even to each other, much less
to strangers who demand all, and will take no less. The white neoDle
have no right to take the land from the Indians who had it first-it is
theirs. They may sell, but all must join. Any sale not made by all, is
not good. The late sale is bad-it was made by a part only. Part do not
know how to sell. It requires all to make a bargain for all."
Governor Harrison, in his reply, said, "that the white people, when
they arrived upon this continent. had found the Miamis in the occupation
of all the country of the Wabash; and at that time the Shawanese were
residents of Georgia, from which they had been driven by the Creeks.
That the lands had been purchased from the Miamis, who were the true
and original owners of it. That it was ridiculous to assert that all the
Indians were one nation; for if such had been the intention of the Great
Spirit, he would not have put six different tongues into their heads, but
would have taught them all to speak one language. That the Miamis had
found it for their interest to sell a part of their lands, and receive for them
a further annuity, in addition to what they had long enjoyed, and the
benefit of which they had experienced, from the punctuality with which
the seventeen fires complied with their engagements; and that the Shaw
anese had no right to come from a distant country to control the Miamis uln
the disposal of their own property."
The interpreter had scarcely finished the explanation of these remarks,
when Tecumseh fiercely exclaimed, "It is false!" and giving a signal to
Wr' warriors, thev sprang upon their feet, from the green grass on which
COUNCIL OF VINCENNES 431
l___ — - _'-=-..,:a. — 6
I _L
FIR MN.ESS OF lARRISON.
they were sitting, and seized their war-clubs. The governor and the small
train which surrounded him were now in imminent danger. He was
attended by a few citizens, who were unarmed. A military guard of
twelve men, who had been stationed near him, and whose presence was
considered rather as an honorary than a defensive measure,-being exposed, as it was thought unnecessarily, to the heat of the sun in a sultry
August day, had been humanely directed by the governor to remove to a
shaded spot at some distance. But the governor, retaining his presence
of mind, rose and placed his hand upon his sword, at the same time directing those of his friends and suit who were about him, to stand upon their
guard. Tecumseh addressed the Indians in a passionate tone, and with
violent gesticulations. Major G.:R. C. Floyd, of the United States arliy,
who stood near the governor, drew his dirk; Winnemak, a friendly chief,
cocked his pistol, and Mr. Winans, a Methodist preacher, ran to the
governor's house, seized a gun, and placed himself in the door to defend
the family. For a few moments, all expected a bloody rencounter. The
guard was ordered up, and would instantly -have fire(l -upon the Indians,
bad it not been for the coolness of Governor Harrison, who restrained
432 COUNCIL OF VINCENNES.
them. He tLen calmly, but authoritatively, told Tecumseh, that " he was
a bad man —that he would have no further talk with him —that he must
return now to his camp, and take his departure from the settlements immediately."
The next morning, Tecumseh having reflected on the impropriety of
his conduct, and finding that he had to deal with a man as bold and vigilant as himself, who was not to be daunted by his audacious turbulence,
nor circumvented by his specious manceuvres, apologized for the affront
he had offered, and begged that the council might be renewed. To this
the governor consented, suppressing any feeling of resentment which he
might naturally have felt, and determined to leave no exertion untried, to
carry into effect the pacific views of the government. It was agreed that
each party should have the same attendance as on the previous day; but
the governor took the precaution to place himself in an attitude to com
mand respect, and to protect the inhabitants of Vincennes from violence,
by ordering two companies of militia to be placed on duty within the
village.
Tecumseh presented himself with the same undaunted bearing which
always marked him as a superior man; but he was now dignified and collected, and showed no disposition to resume his former insolent deportment.
He disclaimed having entertained any intention of attacking the governor,
but said he had been advised by white men to do as he had done. Two
white men-British emissaries undoubtedly-had visited him at his place
of residence, had told him that half the white people were opposed to the
governor, and willing to relinquish the land, and urged him to advise the
tribes not to receive pay for it, alleging that the governor would soon be
recalled and a good man put in his place, who would give up the land to
the Indians. The governor inquired whether he would forcibly oppose the
survey of the purchase. He replied, that he was determined to adhere
to the old boundary. Then arose a Wyandot, a Kikapoo, a Potawatamie,
an Ottawa, and a Winnebago chief, each declaring his intention to stand
ny Tecumseh. The governor then said that the words of Tecumseh
should be reported to the President; who would take measures to enforce
the treaty; and the council ended.
The governor, still anxious to conciliate the haughty savage, paid him a
visit next day at his own camp. He was received with kindness and
attention; his uniform courtesy and inflexible firmness having won the
respect of the rude warriors of the forest. They conversed for some time,
but Tecumseh obstinately adhered to all his former positions; and when
Governor Harrison told him that he was sure the President would not
yield to his pretensions, the chief replied, " Well, as the great chief is to
determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough into
his head to induce him to direct you to give up this land. It is true, he
i _ ~ ~,-~~ u~~~\~rchxrr;*Mnrff~~srp**My-rr~~~-~.jn*~\~I
COUNCIL OF VINCENNES. 433
is so far off, he will not be injured by the war. He may sit still in his
town, and drink his wine, while you and I will have to fight it out."
This is an accurate account of an interesting council, the proceedings
of which have been much misrepresented. A love for the romantic and
the marvellous has induced speeches to be written for Tecumseh, which
were never delivered. His conduct was distinguished on this occasion by
violence, not by eloquence; his art —was displayed in attempts to intimidate
the Americans, and to create an affray by stirring up the vindictive feelings of his followers, and not by any disply of argument.*
*Hall's Life of Harrison.
55
G NlZRAL ARRIO80.
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.
Vt X~l;pi,\ US this engagement has been well described by
McAffee, a gallant and accomplished Kentuckian,
we shall follow his account, making some slight
corrections from other authorities.
" On the evening of the 5th of November, the
army encamped at the distance of nine or ten
miles from the Prophet's Town. It was ascertained that the approach of the army had been
discovered before it reached Pine Creek. The
traces of reconnoitering parties were very often seen, but no Indians were
discovered until the troops arrived within five or six miles of the town, on
the 6th of November. The interpreters were then placed with the ad.
vanced guard, to endeavour to open a communication with them. The
Indians would, however, return no answer to the invitations that were made
4.4
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 435
to them for that purpose, but continued to insult our people by their gestures. Within about three miles of the town, the ground became broken
by ravines and covered with timber. The utmost precaution became necessary, and every difficult pass was examined by the mounted riflemen before
the army was permitted to enter it. The ground being unfit for the operation of the squadron of dragoons, they were thrown in the rear. Through
the whole march the precaution had been used of changing the disposition
of the different corps, that each might have the ground best suited to its
operations. Within about two miles of the town, the path descended a
steep hill, at the bottom of which was a small creek running through a
narrow fwet prairie, and beyond this a level plain partially covered with
oak timber, and without underbrush. Before the crossing of the creek,
the woods were very thick and intersected by deep ravines. No place
could be better calculated for the savages to attack with a prospect of success, and the governor apprehended, that the moment the troops descended
into the hollow they would be attacked. A disposition was therefore
made of the infantry to receive the enemy on the left and rear. A company of mounted riflemen was advanced a considerable distance from the
left flank to check the approach of the enemy; and the other two companies were directed to turn the enemy's flanks, should he attack in that
direction. The dragoons were ordered to move rapidly from the rear, and
occupy the plain in advance of the creek, to cover the crossing of the
army from an attack in front. In this order, the troops were passed over;
the dragoons were made to advance to give room to the infantry, and the
latter having crossed the creek, were formed to receive the enemiy in front
in one line, with a reserve of three companies-the dragoons, flanked by
mounted riflemen, forming the first line. During all this time, Indians
were frequently seen in front and on the flanks. The interpreters endeavoured, in vain, to bring them to a parley. Though sufficiently near to
hear what was said to them, they would return no answer, but continued
by gestures to menace and insult those who addressed them. Being now
arrived within a mile and a half of the town, and the situation being
favourable for an encampment, the governor determined to remain there
and fortify his camp, until he could hear from the friendly chiefs, whom
he had despatched from Fort Harrison, on the day he had left it, for the
purpose of making another attempt to prevent the recurrence of hostilities. These chiefs were to have met him on the way, but no intelligence
was yet received from them. Whilst he was engaged in tracing out the
lines of encampment, Major Daviess, and several other field-officers, approached him, and urged the propriety of immediately marching upon the
town. The governor answered that his instructions would not justify his
attacking the Indians as long as there was a probability of their complying
with the demands of the government, and that he still hoped to hear
436 BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.
something, in the course of the evening, from the friendly Indians, wnom
he had despatched from Fort.Harrison.
"To this it was observed, that as the Indians seen hovering about the
army had been frequently invited to a parley by the interpreters, ewho had
proceeded some distance from the lines for the purpose; and as these overtures had universally been answered by menace. and insult, it was very
evident that it was their intention to fight; that the troops were. in high
spirits and full of confidence; and that advantage ought to be taken of
their ardour, to lead them immediately to the enemy. To this, the governor answered, that he was fully sensible of the eagerness of- the troops;
and admitting the determined hostility of the Indians, and that their insolence was full evidence of -their intention to fight, yet he knew them too
well to believe that they would ever do this but by surprise, or on ground
which was entirely favourable to their mode of fighting. He was, therefore, determined not to advance with the troops, until he knew precisely
the situation of the town and the ground adjacent to it, particularly that
which intervened between it and the place where the army then wasthat it was their duty to fight..when they came in contact with the enemy
-it was his to take care that they should not engage in a situation where
their valour would be useless, and where a corps upon which he placed
great reliance would be unable to act-that the experience of the last two
hours ought to convince:every officer, that no reliance should be placed
upon the guides, as to the topography of the country-that, relying on
their information, the troops had been led into a situation so unfavourable,
that, but for the celerity wi-th.which they.changed their position, a.few
Indians might have destroyed them; he was, therefore, determined not to
advance to the town, until he had previously reconnoitered, either in person,-or by some one on whose-judgment he could rely. Major.-Daviess
immediately replied, that from the right of the position of the dragoons,
which was still in front, the openings made by the low grounds of the
Wabash could be seen; that with his, adjutant, D. Floyd, he. had advanced
to the bank which descends to the low grounds, and had a fair view of the
cultivated fiefids and the houses of the town,; and that the open woods, in
which the troops then. were, continued without.interruption ~to the town.
Upon this information, the governor said he would, advance, provided he
could get any proper person -to, go to the town.with a flag. Captain T.
Dubois, of Vincennes, having offered his services, he was despatched with
an interpreter to the Prophet, desiring to know whether he would now
comply with the terms that had been so often proposed: to him. The army
was -moved slowly after, in-order of -battlei. In a few moments, a messenger came from Captain Dubois, informing, the governor. that the Indians
were near him in considerable numbers, but that they would return no
answer to the interpreter, although they were sufficiently near to hear
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 437
what was said to them, and that,; upon his advancing, they cotistantly endeavoured to cut him off from the army. Governor Harrison, deeming
this last effort to open a negotiation sufficient to show his wish -for an
accommodation, resolved no longer to hesitate treating the Indians as enemies. He, therefore, recalled Captain Dubois, and moved on with a determination to attack them. He had not proceeded far, however, before he
nwas met by three Indians, one of them a principal counsellor to the Prophet. - They wiere sent, they said, to know why the army was advancing
upon themn-that the Prophet wished, if possible, to avoid hostilities:; that
he had s.ent a pacific message by the Miami and Potawatarnie chiefs, who
had come to him on the part:of the -governor-and that those chiefs had
unfortunately gone down on the south side of the Wabash.
SUSPENSION:of hostilities was accordingly agreed upon; and a meeting was to
take place the next day between Harrison
and the chiefs, to agree upon the terms of
peace. The governor further informed
them that he would go on to the Wabash,'and encamp there for the: night. Upon
marching a short distance farther, he came
in view of the town, which was seen at
some distance up the river, upon a commanding eminence.'Major Daviess and Adjutant Floyd had mistaken
some -scattering houses in the fields below, for the town itself. The
ground below the'town being. unfavourable for an' encampment, the'army
marched' on in the direction of the town, with a view to obtain a better
situation beyond it. The: troops were in an order of march, calculated, by
a single- conversion of:companies, to form the order of battle which it had
last assumed, the dragoons being in front.:,This corps, however, soon
became entangled in ground covered with brush and tops of fallen trees.
A halt was ordered, and Major Daviess directed to change position with
Spencer's rifle corps, which occupied the' open fields adjacent to the river.
the Indians' seeing this manceuvre, at the approach of the troops towards
the town, supposed&' they intended' to attack it, and immediately prepared
for defence.- Soie::of them'sallied out, and called to the advance corps
to halti The governor, upon this, rode' forward, and requested some of
the Indians to come to him, assured them that nothing was farther from
his thoughts than to attack them —that the ground below the town, on the
river, was not calculated for -an encampment, and that it was his intention
to search for a better orie above. -:He asked if there was any other water
convenient besides that which thie ri-ver: afforded; and an Indian, with
whom he was well acquaintedi answered, that the creek which had; been
crossed two- miles back, -ranthrough the'prairie to the north of the-.village.
2 o 2
438 BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.
A halt was then ordered, and some officers sent back to examine tne creek
as well as the river above the town. In half an hour, Brigade-major
Marston Clarke and Major VWaller Taylor returned, and reported that
they had found on the creek every thing that could be desirable in an
encampment —an elevated spot, nearly surrounded by an open prairie,
with water convenient, and a sufficiency of wood for fuel.
"An idea was propagated by the enemies of Governor Harrison, after
the battle of Tippecanoe, that the Indians had forced him to encamp on a
place chosen by them as suitable for the attack they intended. The place,
however, was chosen by Majors Taylor and Clarke, after examining all
the environs of the town; and when the army of General Hopkins was
there in the following year, they all united in the opinion, that a better
spot to resist Indians was not to be found in the whole country.
"The army now marched to the place selected, and encamped, late in
the evening, on a dry piece of ground, which rose about ten feet above
the level of a marshy prairie in front towards the town, and about twice
as high above a similar prairie in the rear; through which, near the bank.
ran a small stream, clothed with willows and brushwood. On the left of
the encampment, this bench of land became wider; on the right it gradually narrowed, and terminated in an abrupt point, about one hundred and
fifty yards from the right flank. The two columns of infantry occupied
the front and rear. The right flank, being about eight yards wide, was
filled with Captain Spencer's company of eighty men. The left flank,
about a hundred and fifty yards in extent, was composed of three companies of mounted riflemen, under General Wells, commanding as major."
The front line was composed of one battalion of United States infantry,
under Major Floyd, and a regiment of Indiana militia, under Colonel Bartholomew. The rear line consisted of a battalion of United States infantry,
under Captain Baen, commanding as major, and four companies of Indiana
volunteers, under Lieutenant-colonel Decker. The right flank was composed of Spencer's company of Indiana volunteer riflemen; the left flank
of Robb's company of Indiana volunteers, and Guiger's, a mixed company
of Kentucky and Indiana volunteers-a portion of United States troops
turning the left front, and left rear angles respectively. The cavalry
under Major Daviess were encamped in the rear of the front line, and left
flank, and held in reserve as a disposable force. The encampment was
not more than three-fourths of a mile from the Indian town.
"The order given to the army, in the event of a night attack, was for
each corps to maintain its ground at all hazards till relieved. The dragoons were directed, in such case, to parade dismounted, with their swords
on and their pistols in their belts, and to wait for orders. The guard for
the night consisted of two captains' commands of twenty-four men and
four rnn-commissioned officers; and two subalterns' guards of twenty men,
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 439
and non-commissioned officers-the whole under the command of a fieldofficer of the day.
"On the night of the 6th of November, the troops went to rest, as
usual, with their clothes and accoutrements on, and their arms by their
sDes. The officers were ordered to sleep in the same manner, and it was
the governor's invariable practice, to be ready to mount his horse at a
moment's warning. On the morning of the 7th, he arose at a quarter
before four o'clock, and sat by the fire conversing with the gentlemen of
his family, who were reclining on their blankets waiting for the signal,
which in a few minutes would have been given, for the troops to turn out.
The orderly drum had already been roused for the reveille. The moon
had risen, but afforded little light in consequence of being overshadowed
by clouds, which occasionally discharged a drizzling rain. At this moment, the attack commenced.
"The treacherous Indians had crept up so near the sentries as to hear them
challenge when relieved. They intended to rush upon the sentries and kill
them before they could fire; but one of them discovered an Indian creeping
towards him in the grass and fired. This was immediately followed by
the Indian yell, and a desperate charge upon the left flank. The guard in
that quarter gave way, and abandoned their officer without making any
resistance. Captain Barton's company of regulars, and Captain Guiger's
company of mounted riflemen, forming the left angle of the rear line,
received the first onset. The fire there was excessive; but the troops
who had lain on their arms, were immediately prepared to receive, and
had gallantly to resist the furious savage assailants. The manner of the
attack was calculated to discourage and terrify the men; yet, as soon as
they could be formed and posted, they maintained their ground with desperate valour, though but few of them had ever before been in battle.
The fires of the camp were extinguished immediately, as the light they
afforded was more serviceable to the Indians than to our men," —except
those opposite Barton's and Guiger's companies, which the suddenness of
the attack left no time to put out.
PON the first alarm, the governor mounted
his horse, and proceeded towards the point
- of attack; and finding the line much weakened there, he ordered two companies from,f l r_1TS~LP~i the centre of the rear line to march up, and form across
the angle in the rear of Barton's and Guiger's companies. In passing through the camp, towards the.-__ - 9left of the front line, he met with Major Daviess,
who informed him that the Indians, concealed behind some trees near the line, were annoying the troops very severely
in that quarter, and requested permission to dislodge them. In attempting
440 BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.
-BATTLE OF' TIPPCCAANOE.
this exploit he fell, mortally wounded, as did Colonel Isaac White of Indiana, who acted as a volunteer in his troop.
"In the mean time, the attack on Spencer's and' Warwick's companies,
on the right, be-came very Severe. -Captain' Spencer and his lieutenants
were all: killed, and: Captain Warwick- was mortally wounded. The
governor, in:passing towards that flank, found Captain Robb's company
near the centre: of the camp. They had been driven from their post; or
rather, had fallen back without orders.::He led them to the aid of Captain
Spencer, where they fought very bravely, having seventeen men killed
during the battle. While the governor was leading this company into
action, Colonel Owen, his aid, was killed at his side.- This gallant officer
was mounted on a very white:horse, and: as the- governor had ridden a
gray on the -day before,: i.t:is: probable that Owen was mistaken for him, as
it is certain that:he was killed by one of the only Indians- who broke
through the-: lines, and who are' supposed to have resolved-: to: sacrifice.
themselves in an attempt to insure victory, by: killing the. commander-in.
chief.- The governor happened not to be mounted on his own: gray; his
servant had accidentally tied that animal apart from the -other horses belonging to the general staff, and-in the confusion occasioned by the attack,
not:being able to find this horse as quickly as was —desirable, the governor
mounted anotner.
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 441
"Captain Prescott's company of United States infantry had filled up
the vacancy caused by the retreat of Robb's company. Soon after Davies.
was wounded, Captain Snelling, by order of the governor, charged upon
the same Indians and dislodged them with considerable loss. The battle
was now maintained on all sides with desperate valour. The Indians
advanced and retreated by a rattling noise made with deer-hoofs; they
fought with enthusiasm, and seemed determined on victory or death."
When the day dawned, Captain Snelling's company, Captain Posey's
under Lieutenant Allbright, Captain Scott's and Captain Wilson's, were
drawn from the rear, and formed on the left flank; while Cook's and
Baen's companies were ordered to the right. General Wells was ordered
to take command of the corps formed on the left, and with the aid of some
dragoons, who were now mounted, and commanded by Lieutenant Wallace, to charge the enemy in that direction, which he did successfully —
driving them into a swamp through which the cavalry could-not pursue
them. "At the same time, Cook's and Lieutenant Larrabe's companies,
with the aid of the -riflemen and militia on the right flank, charged the
Indians and put them to flight in
that quarter, which terminated the' l~' battle."
URING the time:of the contest, the
Prophet kept-himself secure on an
- adjacent eminence, singing a war- < Ax song. He had- told his followers
that the Great Spirit would render
the army of -the Americans unsuccessful, and that their bullets would'' 2 # L Ifnot, hurt the'Indians, who would
have light, while-their enemies' ~ —'..-... would be involved in thick darkness. Soon after the' battle commenced, he was informed that his men
were falling. He told them to fight, on, it would soon be as he had predicted, and then began to sing louder."
Tecumseh was not- present at this' engagement. -He was absent from
his people, on a visit to the southern- tribes, whom he was endeavouring
to unite in the, league'he was attempting to form against the United
States.
The battle"of Tippecanoe gave rise, to much discussion.- Some were
found who censured Governor Harrison, and -a few-claimed a part of the
glory: of the- day for Colonel Boyd.- The discontented,'however, were
chiefly thkose- who were opposed to the war, and who; from paiirty-feelings.
daenounced as well the acts of the' administration, as those of the -officers
appointed to carry them into effect Mr. Earrison's well-known repubO(,L. 1A.-X
442 BAT'ITLE OF TIPPECANOE.
lican principles, his attachment to Mr. Madison, his high standing, and the
zeal with which he seconded the views of the government, all conspired
to render him a mark for party detraction. Time has silenced those idle
rumours, and the laurels of the hero are now brightened by the gratitude
and admiration of his country. The field of Tippecanoe has become classic ground; the American traveller pauses there to contemplate a scene
which has become hallowed by victory; the people of Indiana contemplate, with pride, the battle-ground on which their militia won iinperishable honour, and their infant state became enrolled in the ranks of
patriotism.
But the handsome manner in which all the officers who served in that
engagement have since testified to the coolness, self-possession, and intrepidity of the general, has placed this matter in its proper light. As far
as any commander is entitled to credit, independent of his army, he merits,
and has received it. He shared every danger and fatigue to which his
army was exposed. In the battle he was in more peril than any other
individual; for he was personally known to every Indian, and exposed
himself fearlessly, on horseback, at all the points of attack, during the
whole engagement. Every important movement was made by his express
order.
The Kentucky legislature, notwithstanding the gloom which spread
over the state by the untimely loss of some of her most cherished and gallant sons, took an early opportunity of testifying their approbation, by the
following resolution:"Resolved, That in the late campaign against the Indians on the Wabash, Governor W. H. Harrison has, in the opinion of this legislature,
behaved like a hero, a patriot, and a general; and that, for his cool, deliberate, skilful, and gallant conduct in the late battle of Tippecanoe, he
deserves the warmest thanks of the nation."
The legislature of Indiana, also, passed complimentary resolutions, in
which the "superior capacity," "integrity," and "important services " of
the governor are recognised in the most grateful terms, while the militia
who were in the engagement, at a meeting held after their return, unanimously expressed their confidence in their leader, the cheerfulness with
which they had followed him, and the opinion that their success was attributable "to his masterly conduct in the direction and manceuvering of the
troops."
In 1816, a work was published at Keene, in New Hampshire, entitled
"A Journal of two campaigns of the fourth regiment of United States
infantry, by Adam Walker, a private in the fourth regiment." At the
thirty-first page of this book are found the following remarks, which form
the conclusion of Mr. Walker's account of the battle of Tippecamnoe
They were written by a person with whom General Harrison had no ac
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 443
quaintance, and who, doubtless, expressed the opinion of the common soldiers of that army.
"General Harrison received a shot through the rim of his hat. In the
heat of the action his voice was frequently heard, and easily distinguished,
giving his orders in the same calm, cool, and collected manner, with which
we had been used to receive them on drill or parade. The confidence of
the troops in the general was unlimited."
Again, he remarks, in speaking of a small portion of the militia, who
became dissatisfied by being detained from home longer than they had
expected: "He appeared not disposed to detain any man against his inclination; being endowed by nature with a heart as humane as brave, in his
frequent addresses to the militia, his eloquence was formed to persuade;
appeals were made to reason as well as feeling, and never were they made
in vain."
On the night preceding the morning of the battle, a negro man, who
was among the followers of the camp, but had been missed from his duty,
was found lurking near the governor's marquee and arrested. A drumhead court-martial was called for his trial the next morning, of which
Colonel Boyd was president, and the prisoner was convicted of having
deserted to the enemy, under circumstances which led to the belief that
he was engaged in a plan against the governor's life, and had returned secretly into camp for that purpose. The sentence was, that the prisoner was
guilty, and should suffer death. The sentence was approved, and it was
intended that it should be carried into execution in one hour. But the
troops were engaged in fortifying the camp, and could not be called off to
witness the execution, and he was at last saved by the benevolence of the
governor. The reasons for this lenity, as described by himself in a letter
to Governor Scott, of Kentucky, do great honour to his heart:-" The fact
was, that I began to pity him, and I could not screw myself up to the
point of giving the fatal order. If he had been out of my sight, he would
have been executed. But when he was first taken, General Wells and
Colonel Owen, who were old Indian fighters, as we had no irons to put Ao
him, had secured him after the Indian fashion. This is done by throwing
a person on his back, splitting a log and cutting notches in it to receive the
ankles, then replacing the severed parts, and compressing them together with
forks driven over the log into the ground. The arms are extended and tied
to stakes secured in the same manner. The situation of a person thus
placed is as uneasy as can possibly be conceived. The poor wretch, thus
confined, lay before my fire, his face receiving the rain that occasionally fell,
and his eyes constantly turned upon me, as if imploring mercy. I could
not withstand the appeal, and I determined to give him another chance for
his life. I had all the commissioned officers assembled, and told therm
that his fate depended upon them. Some were for executing him, and I
444 BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.
L Iiiiz- -_____I
PARDON OF THE ASSASSIN.
believe that a majority would have been against him, but for:the interference of the gallant -Snelling.'Brave comrades,' said he,'let uS save
him. The wretch deserves to aie; -but as our commander, whose life was
more: particularly his object, is willing to spare him, let -us also forgive
him. I hope, at least, that every officer of the fourth regiment will be on
the side of mercy.' Snelling prevailed, and Ben was brought to this
lRace, where he was discharged.'
This, simple account of the motives which influenced Governor Harrison
in the performance of an act of magnanimous lenity, needs little commnent
from his biographer; it shows a heart warm with the finest feelings of
humanity, and is in consonance with the- whole tenor of his life, in which
we find no act of irascible precipitation, military Violence, or selfish
revenge. The commander-in-chief of an army was not exalted so' high
in his own estimation, as to'forget the feelings of the man'; and. he could
pity the wretchedness of a poor negro, though that negro was an assassin
employed by savages to take his life.
It appeared afterwards, that another plan for-his assassination had been
aid by the Prophet. Two Winnebago Indians had engaged to execute.,1i I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~:
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 445
this detestable plan. A council was to have been held with the governor,
attended with all the usual forms. The Prophet and his chief men were
to concede all disputed points, and the suspicion of the Americans
lulled by submission. The two bravoes, who had devoted themselves to
death, were to: rush, upon the governor, at an- unguarded moment, and.nstantly despatch him.. At this sigBnal, the warriors were.to rush. prom an
ambuscade, and raising thp terrifiq:war-.w..hoop, to: attack-our ar!-ny:daring
the confusion and dismay occasioned bythe lops of, its commrander:. Had
this plan been persevered in, the governor -wquld probaboly have fallen,
whatever might have been the fate of the army,:, Put it was probably too
daring-for the genius of the Prophet, who, when ee came to take counsel
of his pillow, might have reflected that his, own person would be exposed
in its execution. On the night preceding the day when this plan was
to have been put in action, he suddenly changed his mind, and ordered
the attack, telling his men that the Great Spirit had appeared to him and
promised him success-and Ben, the negro, was sent into camp to mlurder
the governor before the attack, or at its commencement.
The battle of Tippecanoe was one of the most decisive engagements
that ever was fought between the Indians and the whites. The numbers
on either side were nearly equal; the place and time of attack were
chosen by the Indians, who were the assailants; and who not only sought
to surprise our troops, but fought with an audacity unprecedented in the
annals of savage warfare. Laying aside the usual cunning and:cauti.on
of their peculiar system of tactics, which teaches them to avoid exposure,
and -to strike by stealth, they boldly rushed upon the American troops,
and fought hand to hand with the most desperate ferocity. They were
not only completely beaten, but their loss was unusually great..
The high sense entertained by the government of the importance of
this victory, is emphatically expressed in a message from the President to
Congress, dated December 18, 1811. "While it is deeply to be lamented,"
says Mr. Madison, "that so many valuable lives have been lost in the
action -which: took place on the 9th ultimo, Congress will see with satisfaction,:the. dauntless spirit and fortitude victoriously displayed by every
description of troops engaged, as well as the collected firmness which-'distinguished their commander, on an occasion requiring -the utmost exertion
of valour and discipline."
It was no mean achievement which could extort frorn-the justice of-the
mild- and upright Madison, a compliment- expressed- in terms of suih decided approbation.*
* Hall's Life of Harrison.
I.P
COMMENCEMENT OF THE SECOND WAR W
COMMENCEMENT OF THE SECOND WIARt W-iTiI
GREAT BRITAIN.
AR was declared against Great Britain on
()7 > the 18th of June, 1812, and on the 23d, the
orders in council, on which it was founded,
were repealed in Britain, so far as regarded
America. Admiral Warren, commanding
on the station, and Sir George Prevost,
governor of Canada, were, therefore, instructed to propose an armistice, with a
view to the restoration of peace. Madison,
however, rejected the overture, unless
coupled with a stipulation that the right
of search should also be renounced. He caused a proposal to the same
effect to be made by Mr. Russell, at London. This was a point, however,
on which Britain had shown such extreme determination, that he could
never hope to have it yielded as preliminary to a mere armistice. Th.
overture, therefore, could only serve to make a faint show of a pacific disposition, while he was really determined on war.
The Americans were very slenderly prepared for the great contest
which they had commenced. The principle of the Jefferson administration had been rigid economy, the smallest possible standing force, and an
almost entire dependence upon the militia. Yet every effort to give to that
hody an organized and efficient character had proved abortive. The army, in
1S08, had been reduced to three thousand, and though authority had since
46
SECOND WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 4-t7
been given to raise it to thirty-five thousand, the nation was so averse to
the bondage of a military engagement, that the recruiting went on very
slowly. At the declaration of war, it amounted only to eleven thousand
eight hundred, of whom five thousand were employed in garrisoning
posts. The only effective force, in fact, consisted of the Kentucky mounted
militia, hardened by incessant and terrible conflict with the Indian tribes;
and to them many of the successes of the contest may be ascribed. The
navy, which in 1789 had consisted of sixteen frigates and seventeen
smaller vessels, was reduced to seven of the former and eight of the latter.
The exploits of this navy proved highly creditable; but it could not
attempt to keep the seas against even a portion of the British navy.
The war commenced by the United States against Great Britain in 1812,
says a British writer, produced a formidable crisis in the history of Canada,
specially of the upper province. It is not proposed to enter into any
discussion of the grounds or merits of the hostile resolution adopted by Congress. Doubtless, however, as Britain then stood, with her whole disposable
force engaged against Napoleon, they calculated, with full confidence, on
obtaining possession of the Canadas, and, indeed, of all British America.
Dr. Eustis, secretary at war, said in Congress, "We can take the Canadas
without soldiers: we have only to send officers into the provinces; and
the people, disaffected towards their own government, will rally round our
standard." Mr. Clay added, "It is absurd to suppose we shall not succeed in our enterprise against the enemy's provinces. We have the
Canadas as much under our command as Great Britain has the ocean.
We must take the continent from them. I wish never to see a peace till
we do." A similar impression prevailed in the colony itself, defended
then by only four thousand five hundred troops, of whom not more than
one thousand four hundred and fifty were in the upper province, though
the most exposed, and presenting the most extended frontier. Not a few
were inclined, on the first alarm, to pack up and quit the country; but
Sir George Prevost, seconded by the majority of the inhabitants, adopted
a more spirited,resolution. The militia were called out; Quebec was garrisoned by the citizens, and the frontier placed in a state of defence.
The States, though they had plunged into hostilities so eagerly, and with
such sanguine anticipations, were by no means in a forward state of preparation. Few of the officers who had distinguished themselves in the
war of independence survived the lapse of nearly thirty years. General
Hull, however, one of these veterans, was'sent with a force of two thousand
five hundred men to open the campaign on the western frontier of Upper
Canada. On the 5th of July, 1812, he arrived at Detroit, and on the 12th
crossed the river, and took possession of Sandwich, whence he issued a proclamation inviting the colonists to join him, or at least to re nin neutral.
He announ:ed that no quarter would be given to a white man fighting by
448 COMMENCEMENT 0O THE
the side of an Indian, though this is said never to have been acted upon.
Having no cannon mounted, he did not; think it practicable to attack Fart
Malden, which covered Amherstburg, where Lieutenant-calonel St. George
with his small force was posted. Hull, however, pushed forward detachments into the country, which gained some advantages:and induced a few
of the inhabitants to join them. But his prospects -were soon clouded.
Captain Roberts, with a small detachment, had early reduced the Fort of
Michillimakinac, which "opened upon him the northern hive of Indians.".
Almost the whole of that race, indignant at the encroachments of the Ame.
ricans upon their territory, eagerly espoused the British cause, and poured
in frorm every:quarter to support it. Meantime, General Brock, having
embarked all the troops that could be spared from the Niagara frontier,
arrived on the 12th August at Amherstburg, where he mustered about
three hundred and thirty regulars, four hundred militia, and six hundred
Indians. Hull, whose force,. weakened by sickness and by sending
away two detachments, is said not to have exceeded eight hundred effective men, retreated across the river, withdrawing the cannon prepared for
the siege of Amherstburg, and shut himnself up in Detroit. General
Brock instantly crossed, advanced upon the. fort, and prepared for aan immediate assault;~ but a white flag then appeared from the walls, and a capitulation was quickly signed, by which the whole American force, including
the detachments, were surrendered prisoners of war. ~Loud complaints
were made by the Americans against the conduct of Hull, who was afterwards tried and condemned to be shot, though spared on account of his
age and former services.:
The Americans made great efforts to obtain a more fortunate result on
the Niagara frontier. Though the New -England States, disapproving ot
the war, withheld their militia, yet, early in September, more than six
thousand men were brought to the banks of the river, with the view of
crossing; it and penetrating into Canada. They were encouraged by the
exploit of two row-boats, which captured the same number of. British gunbrigs with valuable: cargoes as they were, passing Fort Erie, The troops
are represented as filled with enthusiastic confidence, urging; and almost
compelling General Van Rensselaer, their commander, to commence active
operations. Accordingly, after one abortive attempt,, he succeeded, on the
morning of the 18th of October, in pushing across. to Queenstown a detachment which, being well- reinforced, gained possession of the heights.
General Brock having come- up, Tesolved to check. their progress, but
making his advance with-too small a.force, he, was repulsed and killed.
Van Rensselaer, however, complains that when: he returned to the other
"side, the heroes, who.the day before had::oasted st.loudly, having now
witnessed an actual engagement, tho gh a:. essi l.one, were.. seized
with such a panit, that neither cor. ma ds nor as ats Would induce one of
SECOND WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 449
BATTLE OF QU ENSTOWN.
them to enter the boats. Meantime, General Sheaffe, having brought up
the main force of the British from Fort George, and being joined by a
body of Indians, with a detachment from Chippeway, attacked the Americans; and, after a sharp contest of half an hour, compelled the whole,
amounting to above nine hundred, to surrender at discretion.
The Americans made yet another attempt to retrieve this unfortunate
campaign. General Smyth, who succeeded Van Rensselaer,'had assembled, on the 27th November, four thousand five hundred men in the vicinity of Black Rock. Early on the following morning, two detachments
succeeded in crossing, and after a long and confused fight in the dark,
drove in, with loss, the British outposts; but when day broke, and Lieutenant-colonel Bisshopp had collected about six hundred regulars and militia,
they hastily retired to the other side, leaving a party of thirty to fall into
the hands of the English. Another division began to cross, but some
rounds of musketry and artillery induced them to return. In the course
of the day, after a vain summons to surrender Fort Erie nearly half the
force was embarked; though in the afternoon the postponement of the
enterprise was announced. After several days of uncertain councils, it
was finally decided that the expedition should be abandoned for the soason. The troops are said to have displayed the fiercest indignation, threat
ening even the person of their commander.
VOL. II.-57 2 P 2
N;i L V'VCTORIES OF ii 2j.
URING the first year of the war,
although the necessity of having a
naval force on the lakes was obvious
to all intelligent men, the government seem to have neglected this
important measure. But one vessel
of the United States was on Lake
Erie at the commencement of hostilities; and this wav surrendered by
General Hull, with the garrison of
Detroit. From this time till the 9th
of October, the Americans had no
vessel on Lake Erie. At that date,
however, Lieutenant Elliott embarked with fifty vounteers in small boats from Black Rock, and succeeded in cutting out two British vessel, lying under the guns at Fort
Erie. They both, however, grounded, and only one was effectually made
a prize. It was a merchant vessel, laden with costly furs. The other,
an armed vessel, called the Detroit, was burnt.
On Lake Ontario, the brig Oneida, of sixteen guns, was the only Ame.
rican armed vessel for several months after the declaration of war. Com450
N AVAL VICTORIES OF 1812. 45]1
11( )UM O DOR E CHA s UNC iY.
rnodore Chauncey, however, raised an armament of six schooners, carry.
ing forty guns, and four hundred and thirty men, with which he sailed
fromn Sackett's Harbour, on the 7th of November, and falling in with the
Royal George of twenty-six guns, the next day, chased her into the port
of Kingston. Having thus obtained the command of the lake for the
time, he returned to port, and employed himself in superintending the
building of the ship Madison, which was launched on the 26th of November, having been completed in forty-five days. Still the British had more
vessels and guns upon the waters.of Lake Erie than the Americans.
On the ocean, the success of the American navy was brilliant. At the
time of the declaration of war, the frigate Essex, of which Captain David
Porter had recently been appointed commander, was undergoing repairs
at New York, and the celerity with which she was fitted for sea, reflected
great credit on her commander.
On the 3d of July, 1812, he sailed from Sandy Hook on a cruise, which
was not marked by any incident of consequence, excepting the capture
of the British sloop of war Alert, Captain Langhorne. Either undervaluing the untried prowess of our tars, or mistaking the force of the Essex,
452 NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812.
CAPTAIN PORTR.
she ran down on her weather quarter, gave three cheers and commenced
an action. In a few minutes she struck her colours, being cut to pieces,
with three men wounded, and seven feet water in her hold. To relieve
himself from the great number of prisoners taken in this and former
prizes, Captain Porter made a cartel of the Alert, with orders to proceed
to St. John's, Newfoundland, and thence to New York. She arrived safe,
being the first ship of war taken from the enemy, and her flag, the first
British flag sent to the seat of government during the war of 1812.
The next naval victory was obtained by Captain Isaac Hull, soon after
his memorable escape from a large British squadron, which is justly
regarded as one of the most remarkable recorded in naval history. The
account of it, contained in the official letter of Captain Hull, has all the
interest of a romance. It is as follows:
UNITED STATES FRIGATE CONSTITUTION, at Sea, July.21, 1812.
SIR: —In pursuance of your orders of the 3d instant, I left Annapolis
on the 5th instant, and the capes on the 12th, of which I advised you by
the pilot who brought the ship to sea.
NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812. 453
For several days after we got out, the wind was light and ahead, which,
with a strong southerly current, prevented our making much way to the
northward. On the 17th, at 2 P. M., being in twenty-two fathoms water
off Egg Harbour, four sail of ships were discovered from the masthead,
to the northward, and in shore of us, apparently ships of war. The wind
being very light, all sail was made in chase of them to ascertain whether
they were the enemy's ships, or our squadron having got out of New
York, waiting the arrival of the Constitution, the latter of which I had
reason to believe was the case.
At four in the afternoon, a ship was seen from the masthead, bearing about
N. E., standing for us under all sail, which she continued to do until sundown, at which time she was too far off to distinguish signals, and the
ships in shore only to be seen fi rom the tops; they were standing off to the
southward and eastward. As wre could not ascertain, before dark, what
the ship in the offing was, I determined to stand for her, and get near
enough to make the night signal.
At ten in the evening, being within six or eight miles of the strange sail,
the private signal was made, and kept up nearly one hour, but finding she
could not answer it, I concluded she and the ships in shore were enemy.
I immediately hauled off to the southward and eastward, and made all
sail, having determined to lie off till daylight to see what they were. The
ship that we had been chasing hauled off after us, showing a light, and
occasionally making signals, supposed to be for the ships in shore.
On the 18th, at daylight, or a little before it was quite light, saw two
sail under our lee, which proved to be frigates of the enemy's. One frigate astern, within about five or six miles, and a line-of-battle ship, a
frigate, a brig, and schooner, about ten or twelve miles directly astern, all
in chase of us, with a fine breeze, and coming up fast, it being nearly
calm where we were. Soon after sunrise, the wind entirely left us and
the ship would not steer, but fell round off with her head towards the two
ships under our lee. The boats were instantly hoisted out, and sent ahead
to tow the ship's head around, and to endeavour to get her farther from the
enemy, being then within five miles of three heavy frigates. The boats
of the enemy were got out and sent ahead to tow, by which, with the
light air that remained with them, they came up very fast. Finding the
enemy gaining on us, and but little chance of escaping from them, I
ordered two of the guns on the gun-deck to be ran out at the cabin windows for stern guns on the gun-deck, and hoisted one of the twenty-four
pounders off the gun-deck, and run that, with the forecastle gun, an eighteen pounder, out at the ports on the quarter-deck, and cleared the ship for
action, being determined they should not get her without resistance on
our part, notwithstanding their force and the situation we were placed in
At about seven in the morning, the ship nearest us approaching within
454 NAVAL VICrTORIES 01' 181e.
4Ca little short, would not fire any more.
At eight, four of the enemy's ships nearly within gunshot, some of them
having six or eight boats ahead towing, with all their oars and sweeps out,
to row them up with us, which they were fast doing. It now appeared
that we must be taken, and that our escape wah impossible-four heavy
ships nearly w ithin gunshot, and coming up fast, and not the least hope
of a breeze to give us a chance of getting off by outsailing them.
In this situation, finding ourselves in only twenty-four fathoms water, by
the suggestion of that valuable officer, Lieutenant Morris, I determined to
try and warp the ship ahead, by carrying out anchors and warping ner up
to them; three or four hundred fathoms of rope was instantly got up, and
two anchors got ready and sent ahead, by which means we began to gain
ahead of the enemy; they, however, soon saw our boats carrying out the
anchors, and adopted the same plan, under very advantageous circumstances, as all the boats from the ships furthermost off were sent to tow
and warp up those nearest to us, by which means they again came up so.hat at nine, the ship nearest us began to fire her bow guns, which we
_ ___ _____-_ —-- __ I —— ~. —I- ______~_.__.I
NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812. 455
instantly returned by our stern guns in the cabin and on the quarter-deck.
All the shot from the enemy fell short; but we have reason to believe that
some of ours went on board her, as we could not see them strike the
water. Soon after nine, a second frigate passed under our lee, and opened
her broadside, but finding her shot fall short, discontinued her fire; but continued, as did all the rest of them, to make every possible exertion to get up
with us. From nine to twelve, all hands were employed in warping the
ship ahead, and in starting some of the water in the main hold to lighten
her, which, with the help of a light air, we rather gained of the enemy,
or, at least, held our own. About two in the afternoon, all the boats of the
line-of-battle ship and some of the frigate's were sent to the frigate nearest
to us, to enaeavour to tow her up, but a light breeze sprung up, which
enabled us to hold way with her, notwithstanding they had eight or ten
boats ahead, and all her sails furled to tow her to windward. The wind
continued light until eleven at night, and the boats were kept ahead towing
and warping to keep out of the reach of the enemy, three of the frigates
being very near us; at eleven, we got a light breeze from the southward,
the boats came alongside and were hoisted up, the ship having too much
way to keep them ahead, and the enemy still in chase and very near.
On the 19th, at daylight, passed within gunshot of one of the frigates,
but she did not fire on us, perhaps, for fear of becalming her, as the wind
was light; soon after passing us, she tacked, and stood after us-at this
time, six sail were in sight, under all sail after us. At nine in the morning,
saw a strange sail on our weather beam, supposed to be an American
merchant ship; the instant the frigate nearest us saw her, she hoisted
American colours, as did all the squadron, in hopes to decoy her down; I
immediately hoisted the English colours, that she might not be deceived;
she soon hauled her wind, and, it is to be hoped, made her escape. All
this day the wind increased gradually, and we gained on the enemy in
the course of the day, six or eight miles; they, however, continued chasing us all night under a press of sail.
On the 20th, at daylight in the norning, only three of them could be
seen from the masthead, the nearest of which was about twelve miles off,
directly astern. All hands were set at work wetting the sails, from the
royals down, with the engine and fire-buckets, and we soon found that we
left the enemy very fast. At a quarter past eight, the enemy finding that
they were fast dropping astern, gave over chase, and hauled their wind to the
northward, probably for the station off New York. At half-past eight, saw a
sail ahead, gave chase after her under all sail. At nine, saw another strange
sail under our lee bow. We soon spoke the sail first discovered, and found
her to be an American brig, from St. Domingo, bound to Portland. I
directed the captain how to steer to avoid the enemy, and made sail i
the vessel to leeward; on coining up with her, she proved to be an Ame
4.-6 NAVAL VIt TORIES OF IRIl.
COMMODORE HULL.
rican brg from St. Bartholomew's, bound to Philadelphia: but, on being
informed of war, he bore up for Charleston, S. C. Finding the ship so
far to the southward and eastward, and the enemy's squadron stationed off
New York, which would make it impossible for the ship to get in there
I determined to make for Boston, to receive your farther orders, and I
hope my having done so will meet your approbation. My wish to explain
to you, as clearly as possible, why your orders have not been executed,
and the length of time the enemy were in chase of us, with various other
circumstances, have caused me to make this communication much longer
than I could have wished, yet I cannot, in justice to the brave officers and
crew under my command, close it without expressing to you the confidence
I have in them, and assuring you that their conduct, while under the guns
of the enemy, was such as might have been expected from American
officers and seamen. I have the honour to be, with very great respect
sir, your obedient, humble servant,
(Signed) ISAAC HULL.
The >Hon. PAUL HAMILTON, Secretary of the Navy, Washington.
Such is Captain Hull's modest account of this truly brilliant exploit.'Bailing on a cru;se immediately after this, with the same frigate, officers,
1t
NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812. 457
A "J
/'"-'~ QW-"':;)~lWlll W
OONSTITUTION ANL G(UERRIERZ.
and crew, on the 19th of August, he fell in with his Britannic Majesty's
ship Guerriere, rated at thirty-eight guns, and carrying fifty, commanded
by Captain Dacres, who, some time before, had politely endorsed, on the
register of an American ship, an invitation to Captain Hull to give him a
meeting of this kind
At half-past 3 p. M., Captain Hull made out his antagonist to be a frigate, and continued the chase till he was within about three miles, when
he cleared for action; the chase backed her main-topsail and waited for
him to come down. As soon as the Constitution was ready, Hull bore
down to bring the enemy to close action immediately; but, on his coming
within gunshot, the Guerriere gave a broadside and filled away and wore,
giving a broadside on the other tack; but without effect, her shot falling
short. She then continued wearing and manceuvering for about threequarters of an hour to get a raking position,-but, finding she could not,
she bore up and ran under her topsails and jib, with the wind on the
quarter. During this time, the Constitution not having fired a single
broadside, the impatience of the officers and men to engage was excessive.
Nothing but the most rigid discipline could have restrained them. Hull,
however, was preparing to decide the contest in a summary method of his
own. He now made sail to bring the Constitution up with her antagonist,
and at five minutes before 6 P. M., being alongside, within haf pistol shot,
he commenced a heavy fire from all his guns, double-shotted with round
and grape; and so well directed, and so well kept up was the fire, that
in sixteen minutes the mizenmast of the Guerriere went by the board, and
her mainyard in the slings, and the hull, rigging -and sails were completely
torn to pieces. The fire was kept up for fifteen minutes longer, when the
VOL. II.-58 2 Q
458 NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812.
main and foremast went, taking with them every spar except the bowsprit,
and leaving the Guerriere a complete wreck. On seeing this, Hull
ordered the firing to cease, having brought his enemy in thirty minutes
after he was fairly alongside to such a condition, that a few more broadsides must have carried her down.
The prize being so shattered that she was not worth bringing into port,
after removing the prisoners to the Constitution, she was set on fire and
blown up. In the action, the Constitution lost seven killed and seven
wounded; the Guerriere, fifteen killed, sixty-two wounded —including the
captain and several officers, and twenty-four missing.
The news of this victory was received in the United States with the
greatest joy and exultation. All parties united in celebrating it, and the
citizens and public authorities vied with each other in bestowing marks of
approbation upon Captain Hull and his gallant officers and crew.
The next remarkable naval victory was obtained by Captain Jacob Jones,
in the Wasp.
In 1811, Captain Jones was transferred, by the secretary of the navy,
to the command of the sloop of war Wasp. mounting eighteen twentyfour-pound carronades, and was despatched in the spring of 1812, with
communications from our government to its functionaries at the courts of
St. Cloud and St. James. Before he returned from this voyage, war had
been declared by the United States against Great Britain. Captain Jones
refitted his ship with all possible despatch, and repaired to sea on a cruise, in
which he met with no other luck than the capture of an inconsiderable prize.
He sailed from the port of Philadelphia on the 13th of October, 1812,
with a gallant set of officers, and a high-spirited and confident crew. On
the 18th of the same month, the Wrasp encountered a heavy gale, during
which she lost her jibboom and two valuable seamen. On the following
night, being a bright moonlight, a seaman on the look-out discovered five
strange sail steering eastward. The Wasp hauled to the windward and
closely watched the movements of these vessels until daylight next morning,
being the 18th, when it was found that they were six large merchant vessels
under convoy of a sloop of war. The former were well manned, two of
them mounting sixteen guns each. Notwithstanding the apparent disparity
of force, Captain Jones determined to hazard an attack; and as the weather
was boisterous, and the swell of the sea unusually high, he ordered down
top-gallant yards, closely reefed the top-sails, and prepared for action.
The convoy sailed ahead and lay-to five or six miles distant, while the
sloop of war, with Spanish colours flying, remained under easy sail, the
Wasp coming down to windward on her larboard side, within pistol-shot,
displaying the American ensign and pendant. Upon the enemy's being
hailed, he hauled down the Spanish flag, hoisted the British ensign, and
opencJ a b-oadside of cannon and musketry. I'ne fire was promptly
NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812. 459
returned by the Wasp, the vessels gradually neared each other, and each
maintained the combat with great animation, the English vessel firing with
nwost rapidity, but, as the result proved, with no great precision. In a few
minutes after the commencement of the action, the main-topmast of the
Wasp was shot away, and falling on the topsail yard,. across the larboard
fore and foretop-sail braces, caused the head yards to be unmanageable
during the continuance of the action. In two or three minutes more
the gaft and mizzen top-gallant sail were shot away. Each vessel conti
nued in the position in which the action commenced, and maintained a
close and spirited fire. Captain Jones directed his officers not to fire
except when the vessel rolled downwards, so that the shot was either
poured on the enemy's deck, or below it, while the English fired as soon
as they had loaded, without regard to the position of their vessel, and thus
their balls were either thrown away or passed through the rigging. The
Wasp now passed ahead of the enemy, raked her, and resumed her ori
ginal position. It was now obvious that the Wasp had greatly the advantage in the combat, and Captain Jones thought the contest might be speed
ily directed by boarding, but hesitated because the roughness of the ser
might endanger the safety of both vessels if brought in contact. As, how
ever, the braces and rigging of the Wasp were so injured by the shot o:
the enemy that he was fearful his masts, being unsupported, would go b-.
the board, and that the enemy might escape, he therefore determineJ
at all hazards to board and thus decide the contest. With this determina
tion, he wore ship, run athwart the enemy's bow, so that the jibboom
came in between the main and mizzen rigging of the Wasp-the enemy
being in a position so inviting for a raking broadside that one was promptly
ordered. So closely in contact were the contending vessels, that, whil(
loading, the rammers of the Wasp struck against the sides of the oppos
ing vessel, so that two of the guns of the former entered through the box
ports of the latter and swept the whole length of the deck. At this junc
ture, a sprightly and gallant seaman, named Jack Lang, who had once
been impressed on board a British man-of-war, jumped on a gun with his
cutlass, and was about to leap on board the enemy, when Captain Jone:
ordered him back, wishing to give a closing broadside before boarding
His impetuosity, however, could not be restrained, and observing the
ardour of the crew generally, Lieutenants Biddle and Booth gallantly led
them on, but, to their great surprise, when they reached the enemy's
deck, not a single uninjured individual was found on deck except the sea
man at the wheel, and three officers. The deck was covered with the
dying and the dead, and was slippery with blood. When Lieutenani
Biddle reached the quarter-deck, the commander and two other officers
threw down their swords, and made an inclination of their bodies, thwa
affrding evidence that they had surrendered.
460 NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812.'WASP AIND FROLIC.
During the early part of the action, the ensign of the enemy had been
shot down, upon which a British seaman carried it aloft again and nailed
it to the mast. In this state it still continued floating, they not being able to
lower it, until one of the United States officers ascended the rigging and
tore it from its attachments. In forty-three minutes from the commence.
ment of the action, full possession was taken of the enemy, which proved
to be his Britannic majesty's sloop of war Frolic, commanded by Captain
Whynyates.
On examining the birth-deck, it was found crowded with the dead and
wounded, there being but an inconsiderable portion of the crew of the
Frolic which had escaped unhurt. Soon after Lieutenant Biddle took
possession of the enemy, her masts fell by the board, so that she lay a
complete wreck. The contest being now terminated, Captain Jones ordered Dr. New, the assistant surgeon of the Wasp, to visit the wounded
enemy, and to carry with him every thing on board, which could in any
manner contribute to their comfort.
The force of the Frolic consisted of sixteen thirty-two pound carronades,
four twelve-pounders on the main-deck, and two twelve-pound carronades.
She was, therefore, superior to the Wasp, by four twelve-pounders. The
officers of the Frolic stated, that the number of men on the ship's books
was one hundred and ten; but, as boats were seen plying between the
Fro,ic and some of the convoy, in the morning, before the action, it was
believed that she received many volunteers in addition to her regular
NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812. 461
crew. This belief was strengthened by the circumstance, that one of the
vessels in the convoy came alongside the Wasp next morning after her
capture, and asked assistance to reef his sails, as he had but two men and
a boy on board. It was intimated that he had thus diminished his crew
by allowing volunteers to go on board the Frolic.
The officers, seamen, marines, and boys on board tke Wasp, numbered
one hundred and- thirty-five, which, from the best information which could
be obtained, was -less in number than that of the enemy. Both vessels,
however, had more men than was essential to their efficiency; and the
officers of the Frolic candidly acknowledged, that they had more men
than they knew what to do with. It appears, therefore, that while there
was an equality of strength in the crews, there was an inequality in the
number of gunlls and weight of mietal —the Frolic having four twelvepounders more than the Wasp.
The exact number of killed and wounded on board the Frolic could not
be ascertained with any degree of precision; but, from the admissions of
the British officers, it was supposed that the number killed was about
thirty, including two officers; and of those wounded, between forty and
fifty. The captain and every other officer on board were more or less
severely wounded. The Wasp sustained a loss of only five men killed,
and five wounded.
A busy scene now ensued, in disposing of the dead, taking care of the
wounded, and repairing the damages which the Wasp sustained during the
conflict. Lieutenant Biddle, with a portion of the officers and crew of the
Wasp, was similarly engaged on board the Frolic. While engaged in
erecting jurymasts on board the latter vessel, a suspicious sail was seen to
windward, upon which Captain Jones directed Lieutenant Biddle to shape
her course for Charleston, or any other southern port of the United States,
while the Wasp would continue her cruise.
The strange sail coming down rapidly, both vessels prepared for action
but soon discovered, to the mortification of the victors of this well-fought
action, that the new enemy was a seventy-four, which proved to be the
Poictiers, commanded by Commodore Beresford. Firing a shot over the
Frolic, passed her, and soon overhauled the Wasp, which, in her crippled
state, was unable to escape. Both vessels were thus captured, and carried into Bermuda. Captain Jones and his officers were placed on parole
of hono,,r, at St. George's, Bermuda, and were there treated with great
courtesy, particularly by the officers of the ninety-eighth and one hundred
and second regiments of British infantry. Dinners, balls, and other acts
of civility were tendered with a cordiality of manner which made our
officers almost forget their misfortunes.
After remaining in St. George's a few weeks, a cartel was prepared, by
which the officers and crew of the Wasp were conveyed to New York
2Q2
462 NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812.
COMMODORi JONES.
On the return of Captain Jones to the United States, he was everywhere
received with demonstrations of the highest respect and admiration for the
skill and gallantry which he displayed in his combat with the enemy. In
his journey to Washington, whither he was ordered by the President of
the United States, he received brilliant entertainments in the cities through
which he passed.
The legislature of Delaware —his native state-gave to him a vote of
thanks, and an elegant piece of plate, with appropriate engravings. On
motion of James A. Bayard, of Delaware, the Congress of the United
States appropriated twenty-five thousand dollars, as a compensation to
Captain Jones, his officers and crew, for the loss they sustained by the
recapture of the Frolic. They also voted a gold medal to Captain Jones,
and a silver medal to each of his commissioned officers.
The celebrated Commodore Stephen Decatur won fresh laurels in this
naval campaign. He was in command of the frigate United S tes, and
on the 25th of October, 1812, in latitude 290 N., longitude 29~ 30' W.,
hie fell in with his Britannic majesty's ship Macedonian, mounting fortynine carriage guns, (the odd gun shifting.) She was a frigate of the
largest class, two years old, four months out of dock, and reputed one of
the best sailers in the British service. The action, after lasting an hour
b a a ~~~~~'(tf~01 dK igvaa~a' C =Tg _ _ _=
-- = = = =. _ _=.. _.. _. _..................... __ _...- -
NAVAL VICTORIES OF 181t. 465
OOMMODORB DECATUR.
and a half, in consequence of the enemy being to windward, and having
the advantage of engaging at his own distance, terminated in the capture
of the Macedonian. The British ship lost her mizenmast, fore and maintopmasts, and main yard, and was much cut up in her hull. The damage
sustained by the United States was not so much as to render her return
into port necessary, and had Commodore Decatur not deemed it important
to see his prize in, he would have continued the cruise.
The prize was carried into New York harbour and equipped as an
American frigate. The whole country hailed the name of the gallant victor with enthusiastic admiration. Congress and several of the state jegislatures voted hifn costly presents, as testimonials of their high sense of his
services.
Commodore Bainbridge, who had previously won great renown as a
naval commander, won a splendid victory over the British this year.
When the United States declared war against Great Britain, it is not to
be supposed that one so adventurous as Bainbridge could be satisfied to
remain on shore, comparatively inactive, when danger and glory were t,,
be courted on the sea. He applied for the command of a frigate, and was
appointed to the Constellation, thirty-eight, with orders to prepare her for
\,o.. I. — 59
466 NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812.
OOMMODOR3 BEAINBRIDGM.
sea with all despatch. His arrangements were not yet completed, when
Captain Hull arrived in Boston with the Constitution, after achieving his
splendid victory over the Guerriere. As Hull was obliged to resign his
command, on account of some private affairs which required his immedi.
ate attention, Bainbridge requested to be transferred to his frigate. This
request was complied with, and the Essex and Hornet being also placed
under his orders at the same time, he hoisted his broad pennant on board
the Constitution, September 15th, 1812.
The Essex, then in the Delaware, was ordered to rendezvous at the
Cape de Verde isles; but she was prevented by the events of the cruise
from joining the rest of the squadron. The Constitution and Hornet sailed
on the 26th October, and arrived off St. Salvador on the 13th December.
On the 29th, in latitude 130 6' S., and about ten leagues from the coast of
Brazil, the Constitution fell in with an enemy's frigate, the Java, bound for
the East Indies, with a number of supernumerary officers and seamen for
the Bombay station. The commodore, finding the frigate fairly within his
reach, prepared with alacrity for action. The stranger showed English
4olours, and bore down with the intention of raking the Constitution.
NAVAL VICTORIES OF 1812. 467
Bainb.idge avoided this, and the enemy having hauled down colours, and
left a jack only, the commodore gave orders to fire ahead of the enemy to
make him show full colours. This was returned with a full broadside,
and a general action commenced, both ships striving to rake and to avoid
being raked.
Soon after the commencement of the action, Bainbridge received a ball
in the hip; and a few minutes later, a shot carried away the wheel, and
drove a small bolt with violence into his th'gh. These injuries did not
induce him to sit down, and he continued on deck giving orders till eleven
o'clock at night. The action lasted an hour and fifty-five minutes, when
the enemy struck her flag, and the American commodore sent Lieutenant
Parker to take possession. The Java was commanded by Captain Lambert, a distinguished officer, who wvas mortally wounded, and died a few
days after the battle. The eniemy's loss was not less than sixty killed and
one hundred wounded. The Constitution lost nine killed, and twenty-five
wounded. The two vessels presented a striking contrast in appearance at
the close of the action: the Constitution "actually coming out of the battle as
she had gone into it, with royal-yards across, and every spar, from the highest to the lowest, in its place," though some of them were considerably injured; while the Java lay upon the water an unmanagable wreck, with
every spar shot away, and but a few stumps left standing. Bainbridge displayed great kindness in the treatment of his prisoners, and, having de
stroyed his prize, he landed his captives at St. Salvador, on parole of
honour not to engage in hostilities against the United States, until exchanged.
The Constitution soon returned home for repairs, and Bainbridge entered
Boston harbour in triumph.
4~~~~~~~~~~~~_______
a He~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
I 2 iS; ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
__ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ 3.1^
OPElXtTIONS ON TIle NORTIHERI N FRONT'I1RJEL IN 1813
HE severity of the season caused a suspen-.T r sion of operations scarcely interrupted, unless
by an attack on Ogdensburg, by Captain
McDonnell, who, crossing the St. Lawrence
~ ~ ~ - w _ on the ice, drove out the garrison, and ob-, tained possession of eleven pieces of cannon
and a considerable quantity of stores. The
Americans, meantime, were making extraordinary exertions to open the new campaign under better auspices. At
Sackett's Harbour, on the southern shore of Ontario, a naval armament was
equipped, which gave them for some time the control of that fine lake.
A large force had been assembled and placed under a new commander,
General Dearborn. The plan of this campaign was limited to the conquest of Upper Canada, the achievement of which, as that country was
defended by only two thousand one hundred troops, was considered beyond
the reach of chance. On the 25th April, 1813, the general, with Commodore Chauncey, embarked about two thousand men, and sailed to York,
(Toronto,) the rising capital of the province. It was then very ill prepared for resistance, scarcely at all fortified, and defended by General
Sheaffe, with only about six hundred men. On the morning of the 27th,
they reached the place and succeeded in landing, when, after a brave
defence, protracted till two o'clock, the English were obliged to abandon the
468
.UERArIONS ON 0 i'T) -"'HEiRN' F iONTIER. 14i9
- -
-~~`T~~~r- A=
OENBRAL PI'E.
tilled or wounded about two hundred and sixty, including, among the
former, General Pike, a young officer of distinguished merit, who had
planned and conducted the attack. After burning all the public buildings,
they carried off the artillery and naval stores, and, by the 1st of May, evacuated the place.
The next enterprise was still more important, being directed against
Fort George, near Newark, at the entrance of the Niagara channel, considered the chief military position in the country. Nearly the whole force
was employed, a small part only being left to defend Sackett's Harbour.
Brigadier-general Vincent, on the other hand, had only a British detachment of about a thousand regulars and three hundred militia; and Newark
had been exposed to so severe a fire from the American fort on the opposite side, that it was no longer defensible. The Americans, therefore,
could be resisted only by opposing their landing, or by beating them afterwards in the field. When Commodore Chauncey, on the 27th May, disembarked four thousand men, under Dearborn and Lewis, both these
operations were attempted; but, after a long and severe contest, were
2R
470 OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTTFR
GONERAL BROWN.
rendered unavailing by the superior numbers of the invaders. Vincent
was obliged, after calling in the garrisons of Chippeway and Fort Erie, to
retreat first to the Beaver Dams, and then to Burlington Heights, near the
western extremity of Lake Ontario. The victors could not intercept his
retreat, but they established, for the first time, a regular lodgment in
Canada.
Meantime, a respectable naval force having been organized at Kingston,
by Sir James Yeo, Sir George Prevost, the governor, was prevailed upon
to employ it in the attack of Sackett's Harbour, defended only by a small
party, while the main body of the Americans was employed against Fort
George. He sailed on the 27th of May, with about seven hundred and
fifty men; but, on approaching, showed considerable hesitation, and even
gave orders for a return to Kingston, till, encouraged by the success of the
Inaians in capturing twelve boats with seventy dragoons, he succeeded in
effecting a landing on the morning of the 29th. Notwithstanding the
difficulties of the ground, he drove the Americans before him, till they
took shelter in a log barrack and stockaded fort. Thence they kept up
such a destructive fire, that General Prevost, considering it impossible to
OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER. 471
force the position, and, panic-struck, it is said, by a false alarm raised by
General Brown in his rear, ordered a retreat. Much difference of opinion, however, prevailed among the officers. Major Drummond is reported to have said: "A few minutes, sir, and I will put you in possession of the place." He was ordered to obey; upon which discontent and
a want of confidence in the commander-in-chief became general, and had
a most injurious effect upon the subsequent operations.
Fortune, so favourable to the Americans at the opening of the campaign, did not continue so throughout. Extraordinary exertions were
made in the western states, particularly Kentucky. Two corps were
formed, and despatched under Generals Winchester and Harrison, to
march in different lines through Michigan; then to unite and co-operate
in recovering Detroit, and invading the adjoining districts. Winchester,
suspected of a desire to achieve something before yielding the command
to his coadjutor, advanced with about a thousand men to Frenchtown,
within tw-enty-six miles of Detroit. Colonel Proctor, justly appreciating
the importance of attacking him before the junction, hastily collected all
the force within his reach, amounting to about five hundred whites, and
four hundred and fifty Indians. With these, on the 22d January, 1813,
he succeeded in bringing the Americans to action. They made an obstinate resistance, and, being posted in houses and enclosures, caused considerable loss to the assailants; but they were ultimately overpowered,
and nearly all made prisoners. The general himself was among the number, having fallen into the hands of a Wyandot Indian, who stripped off
his uniform, adorned his own person with it, and could not without difficulty be induced to make restitution.
General Harrison, on receiving intelligence of this disaster, took up a
position near the rapids of the Miami, to await reinforcements. Colonel
Proctor felt equally the importance of attacking him before their arrival.
Having assembled about a thousand regulars and militia, and twelve hundred Indians, he embarked them at. Amherstburg on the 23d April, then
sailed across Lake Erie, and up the Miami. Many delays, however,
occurred, by which the Americans were enabled so to strengthen their
position that the attack made on the 1st of May had very little effect. The
Americans were then encouraged to assume the offensive, which they did
with large bodies of troops, partly landed from the river, partly sallying
from the fort. At first they gained possession of the British batteries;
but they were then attacked at different points with such decisive success.
that upwards of a thousand were killed or taken, and the rest with difficulty found refuge within the intrenchments. These Proctor found himself still unable to storm; but he had so weakened the American force
as to remove all immediate danger of invasion.
Let us now return to the main theatre of operations on the Niagara
472. OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER.
frontier, where we have seen the British driven before the Americans ta
Burlington Heights. Dearborn immediately sent forward Generals Chandler and Winder, with four thousand men, to destroy, if possible, this
shattered remnant; a success which would have been followed by the conquest of all the western provinces. On the 5th June, they took post at
Stony Creek, to prepare for operations on the following day. In this critical situation, Lieutenant-colonel Harvey, having carefully reconnoitered
the Americans' position, Suggested a night attack, to which General Vincent readily assented. It was made with seven hundred chosen troops,
and, being favoured by deep darkness, was completely successful; the
Americans retreated, and the two commanders, with seven officers and a
hundred and sixteen men, were made prisoners. The British, at daylight,
withdrew their force; but the Americans, excepting the capture of the two
generals, had the advantage all on their side. Their loss, indeed, had not
been great; yet such was the panic inspired by the events of this night, that
before eleven next morning they had abandoned their camp, and commenced a retreat to Forty-mile Creek, eleven miles distant. Here they
received a reinforcement; but, being threatened by Sir James Yeo, who
had come with a squadron and a small body of troops to support General
Vincent, they determined on retreating to Niagara. Nor did their misfortune stop here. Intelligence being received that the English had a small
advanced post at Beaver-dam, Lieutenant-colonel Boerstler, with about
seven hundred men, was sent to attack it. That officer, however, being
unexpectedly assailed, first by a party of Indians, and soon afterwards by
a small body of regulars, conceived himself to be surrounded, and, on
being summoned by Lieutenant Fitzgibbon, surrendered his whole corps
prisoners of war. The Americans now held nothing on the right bank
of the river beyond Fort George. The British even made incursions on
the opposite shore, in one of which Colonel Bisshopp gained possession
of Black Rock, where he destroyed or carried off the arms and stores;
but being attacked, while re-embarking, by a superior force, his party suffered some loss, and he himself received three wounds, which proved
mortal.
The British at this time gained some advantages on Lake Champlain,
taking several vessels, and destroying the American magazines at Plattsburg and Swanton. They were now, however, destined to experience
some severe reverses, and that, too, on the theatre of their most brilliant
triumphs.
The Americans made extraordinary exertions to retrieve their affairs on
the western frontier; volunteers crowded from Keintucky, a territory of
fierce and warlike habits, and, by September, they had succeeded in augmenting General Harrison's army to upwards of five thousand men.
The defence of Fort Stephenson by Colonel Croghan deserves particu
OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER. 473
lar notice. Colonel Croghan had already distinguished himrself in the
siege of Fort Meigs. From this he was ordered to Fort Stephenson
twenty miles above the mouth of Sandusky river, with orders from Gene.
ral Harrison to destrcy the stores and abandon the fort, if the enemy
made his appearance. Learning that the enemy'designed to attack him,
he disobeyed his orders, and immortalized his fame. HEe laboured day
and night to place the fort in a state of defence.
The necessity of cutting a ditch round the fort immediately presented
itself to him. This was done-but in order to render the enemy's plans
abortive, should they even succeed in leaping the ditch, which was nine
feet wide and six deep, he had large logs placed on the top of the fort.
and so adjusted that an inconsiderable weight would cause them to fall
from their position and crush to death every one who might be situated
below.
A short time before the action, he wrote the following concise and im
pressive letter to a friend:
" The enemy are not far distant: I expect an attack; I will defend this
post to the last extremity. I have just sent away the women and children,
that I may be able to act without incumbrance. Be satisfied: I hope to
do my duty. The example set me by my revolutionary kindred is before
me; let me die rather than prove unworthy of their name."
On the 1st of August, General Proctor made his appearance before the
fort. His troops consisted of five hundred regulars, and about seven hundred Indians of the most ferocious kind.
There were hut a hundred and thirty-three effective men in the garrison,
and the works covered one acre of ground. The pickets were about ten
feet high, surrounded by a ditch, with a block-house at each angle of the
fort, one of which contained a six-pounder. This was the exact state of
the post at the tirre the enemy appeared.
The first movement made by the enemy was to make such a disposition
of his forces as to prevent the escape of the garrison, if they should be
disposed to attempt it. He then sent Colonel Elliot with a flag, to demand
the surrender of the fort. He was met by Ensign Shipp. The British
officer observed that General Proctor had a number of cannon, a large
body of regular troops, and so many Indians, whom it was impossible to
control, that if the fort was taken, as it must be, the whole of the garrison
would be massacred. Shipp answered, that it was the determination of
Major Croghan, his officers and men, to defend the garrison or be buried
in it, and that they might do their best. Colonel Elliott addressed Mr.
Shipp again: "You are a fine young man; I pity your situation; for
God's sake surrender, and prevent the dreadful slaughter that must follow
resistance." Shipp turned from him with indignation, and was imme(?iately taken hold of by an Indian, who attempted to wrest his sword front
VoL. I1 -60 2 a 2
474 OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER.
DBFENOB OF FORT STEPHENSON.
him. Major Croghan, observing what passed, called to Shipp to come
into the fort, which was instantly obeyed, and the action commenced.
The firing began from the gun-boats in the rear and was kept up during
the night.
At an early hour the next morning, three six-pounders, which had
been planted during the night within two hundred and fifty yards of the
pickets, began to play upon the fort, but with little effect. About 4 P. M.,
all the enemy's guns were concentrated against the north-western angle of
the fort, for the purpose of making a breach. To counteract the effect of
the fire, Major Croghan caused that point to be strengthened by means of
bags of flour, sand, and other materials, in such a manner that the picketing sustained little or no injury. But the enemy, supposing that their
fire had sufficiently shattered the pickets, advanced, to the number of five
hundred, to storm the place, at the same time making two feints on different points.
The column which advanced against the north-western angle was so
completely enveloped in smoke, as not to be discovered until it had approached within eighteen or twenty paces of the lines; but the men being,all at their posts, and ready to receive it, commenced so heavy and galling
u fire as to throw the column into confusion; but being quickly rallied,
by Lieutenant-colonel Short, the leader of the column exclaimed, "Come
on, my brave fellows, we will give these d-d Yankee rascals no quarters," and immediately leaped into the ditch, followed by his troops: as
OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER. 475
soon as the ditch was entirely filled by the assailants, Major Croghan
ordered the six-pounder, which had been masked in the block-house, to be
fired. It had been loaded with a double charge of musket-balls and slugs.
The piece completely raked the ditch from end to end. The first fire
levelled the one-half in death; the second or third either killed or
wounded every one, except eleven, who were covered by the dead bodies.
At the same time, the fire of small arms was so incessant and destructive
that it was in vain the British officers exerted themselves to lead on the
balance of the column; it retired in disorder under a shower of shot, and
sought safety in an adjoining wood. The loss of the enemy in killed was
about a hundred and fifty, besides a considerable number of their allies.
The Americans had but one killed and seven slightly wounded.
Early in the morning of the 3d, the enemy retreated down the river,
after having abandoned considerable baggage.
The garrison was composed of regulars, all Kentuckians; a finer company of men was not to be found in the United States, perhaps not in the
world. They were as humane as courageous. This is proved by their
unceasing attention to the wounded enemy after their discomfiture. During the night, they kindly received into the fort, through the fatal porthole
of the block-house, all those who were able to crawl to it; to those unable to
move, they threw canteens filled with water. They even parted with
their clothes to alleviate the sufferings of the wounded.,
Notwithstanding this disobedience of orders, for the successful defence
of this post, Major Croghan was raised to the rank of lieutenant-colonel.
In the beginning of July, an expedition for the recapturing of Michilimackinac was intrusted to his command.
The brilliant victory of Perry on Lake Erie now restored to the United
States the territory which had been lost by the shameful surrender of
General Hull in 1812.
On the breaking out of the war of 1812, Lieutenant Perry was appointed to the command of the United States flotilla, then lying in the harbour
of Newport, with the rank of master-commandant. This place, however,
as has been proved by subsequent events, was not destined for the theatre
of active service. To a mind so enterprising and active, a mere nominal
command-or, what amounts to the same thing, an office where a brave
man is, for want of opposition, incapable of distinguishing himself-is irksome and destitute of all attractions. It soon became evident, not only
from the declarations made on the floor of Congress, but likewise from the
movements of General Hull, that the occupation of Canada was our object.
It became then a matter of primary importance to secure the possession
of the lakes. Commodore Chauncey was selected for this purpose by the
navy department, to whom was intrusted the superintendence and direction of all our military operations on those waters. Captain Perry was by
476 OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTI ER.
BUILDING 07 THE FLEET ON LA"E ERIE.
him appointed to the command of the naval forces of the United States on
Lake Erie. So attached were the men who composed his squadron, lying
in the harbQur of Newport, to their commander, that they cheerfully followed his new fortunes, and accompanied him to Lake Erie. At the time
that General Dearborn contemplated an attack upon Fort George, Commodore Perry arrived in the neighbourhood of our army, on public business.
This fort, it is well known, is situated at the communication between the
waters of the Lakes Ontario and Erie, and just above the Falls of Niagara.
Commodore Perry immediately volunteered his services, which were as
promptly accepted by General Dearborn anct Commodore Chauncey, and
the landing of our troops intended for the attack was by them confided to
him. The result of that action is so well known, that it is conceived
unnecessary to occupy the attention of the reader by a more specific
detail.
When Commodore Perry was appointed to command the United States
squadron on Lake Erie, there was no squadron for him to command.
The British held the entire and exclusive possession of these waters; and
to this officer was confided the important duty of creating a fleet, in the
face of a proud and insolent foe. The commodore had not only to contemplate the day as extremely dubious and distant when he should meet
his enemy on fair and honourable terms on the bosom of the lake, but
likewise to guard against surprise, and to run the risk of having his navy
destroyed on the stacks. He had likewise to apprehend every thing fronm
the'nexperience of his own sailors; and, it is hoped that it will not be
OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER. 477
deemed invidious to assert, from the inexperience of his officers also.
The commodore himself had never seen a naval engagement: it is true
that he had studied the theory of naval warfare; but he had known
nothing of active operations. He had never been in an engagement
where a single ship was opposed to a single ship; much less could he be
presumed capable of calculating all the hazards and casualties where one
fleet was opposed to another. This was untried ground, and on which the
commodore, so far as regards the knowledge resulting fromn experience,
was almost as much a novice as the most ignorant of his crew. In addition to this formidable mass of obstructions, he had to encounter the genius
of Captain Barclay, a man who, to an enterprising and active mind, had
united the lessons of sober experience; he was conversant with naval
science both in theory and in practice: he had served under Nelson; and
in the battle of Trafalgar his wound was an evidence of his courage and
intrepidity. These were the apparently unequal terms on which Commodore Perry was to cope with his gallant competitor.
These difficulties, which in ordinary minds would only excite motives
of despair, were, in Commodore Perry, subjects only of active and of persevering energy. His genius seemed to expand beneath the pressure of the
foot which was raised for its extermination. To guard against the approach of the heavy vessels of the enemy, while his own fleet was upon
the stocks, he selected a place denominated the Harbour of Erie, which,
from the shoalness of the water, was incapable of being approached by
vessels loaded with heavy ordnance. This bay, by projecting into the
main land, rendered the pass defensible, both by armed boats and by the
militia, who, on the requisitions of the commodore, were stationed to
watch every motion of the enemy. Here, if Captain Barclay attempted
to enter, he would be compelled to relinquish his maritime superiority —
he would be compelled to forego his heavy ships, and to trust to his
strength in boats, which might be opposed by an equal force on the water,
as well as by the militia, who were stationed to prevent his advances.
His naval pre-eminence would now avail him nothing. Under such auspices did Commodore Perry commence the hazardous undertaking of
building his fleet. Frequently were alarms excited, and, probably for
nefarious purposes, promulgated, that Captain Barclay intended an attack;
and as often was the vigilance and promptitude of Commodore Perry
found equal to the emergency. The militia were, by these false alarms,
rendered more expert, and his own sailors were, from the same causes
trained, disciplined, and inured to their duty.
These are some, and but faifit, views of the difficulties which Commodore Perry haa to surmount. Many minds are found capable of comprehending things in the mass, which cannot, at the same time, bear all the
tedious -iinutie of detail. Commodore Perry, however, was as attentive
478 OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER.
_-, — _____
— ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ —— 1-~1
BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
to the one as to the other. While he was revolving in his mind, and
anxiously awaiting for the day when he should meet his opponent on
equal terms, he superintended the whole of the preparatory arrangements,
and displayed the same persevering zeal as he did in the grander scenes
in which he was afterwards called to act.
On the morning of the 10th of September, 1813, Commodore Perry's
fleet —consisting of the brig Lawrence, of twenty guns; the Niagara, of
twenty; the Caledonia, of three; the schooner Ariel, of four; the Scor
pion, of two; the Somers, of two guns and two swivels; the sloop Trippe,
the Schooner Tigress, and the Porcupine, carrying each one gun only,
and making in the aggregate fifty-four guns-was lying in Put-in Bay.
The British fleet, commanded by Commodore Barclay, were discovered —.
consisting of the ship Detroit, carrying nineteen guns; the Q4ueen Charlotte, seventeen; the schooner Lady Prevost, thirteen; the brig Hunter,
ten; the sloop Little Belt, three; and the schooner Chippeway, one,making a difference of nine guns in favour of the British. Commodore
Perry, preserving the weather-gage of his antagonist, bore up to the windward, and formed his squadron in line of battle. The enemy commenced
firing, and as he mounted long twenty-four, eighteen, and twelve-pounders,
his fire became destructive. The commodore, observing this inequality of
fire, and his own ship being the principal sufferer, made the signal for
e.ose action. The Lawrence was in this situation, exposed for upwards
OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER. 479
of two hours to a fire so destructive and tremendous, that every brace and
bowline was shot away, every gun rendered useless, and the greater part
of her crew either killed or wounded.
Commodore Perry lay in the Lawrence between the Queen Charlotte
and the Detroit, with the schooners Ariel and Scorpion on his weatherbow.
While the battle was thus raging, the gun-boats, on which so much
depended in such a crisis, and which, from the facility of their management were capable of such speedy and effectual annoyance of the enemy,
did but little or no execution.
This is a broad outline of the action, and of the situation of the respective ships at this critical moment. Commodore Perry, finding that no more
effective hostility could be done in the Lawrence, hastily left her in the charge
of his brave and gallant lieutenant, Yarnall, and immediately proceeded
on board the Niagara, bearing the commodore's flag, on which was inscribed the dying words of the brave Lawrence, "Don't give up the ship."
He passed the line of the enemy, exposed to the full hazard of their musketry, still standing in the boat, a marked and pointed object, until he was
forcibly pulled down by his own men. When he arrived on board the
Niagara, the crew of the Lawrence-the few remaining crew —gave three
cheers, on account of the safety of their beloved commander. Commodore Perry said, addressing Captain Elliot, "Do you see those infernal
gun-boats-they have lost us the victory." "No," exclaims his confederate, "do you take command of this ship, and I will bring up the boats."
This was what Commodore Perry so delicately mentions in his letter to
the secretary of the navy, that Captain Elliot anticipated his wishes, in
bringing up the boats.
A fresh breeze springing up at this moment, Commodore Perry availed
himself of this favourable opportunity, and plunged through the enemy's
line, giving them a raking fire from the right and left. Captain Elliot, in
the mean time, having brought up the gun-boats, did vigorous execution
by plying them in different directions, for which kind of naval service
they are so admirably adapted. The enemy, over whom victory seemed
to hover until this moment, were compelled to strike their flags; and Captain Barclay, who was fainting below from the loss of blood, being carried
on deck, agreed that nothing better could be done.
On board the Lawrence twenty-two were killed and sixty-one wounded.
On board the Niagara two were killed and twenty-five wounded. On
board the Caledonia three were wounded; and on board the Ariel two.
On board the Trippe and the Scorpion two only were wounded in eachmaking, in the whole, one hundred and twenty-three in killed and
wounded. The number of the enemy's killed and wounded is not
known.
480 OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER.
During this sanguinary battle, the Lawrence, after Commodore Perry
had left her, was compelled to strike her colours, but, the British not being
able to take possession, the flag was afterwards rehoiSted.
It was thought by many persons in the fleet at the time of the battle,
that Captain Elliot might have come into close action before Commodore
Perry boarded his vessel; and Perry himself expressed this opinion, and
called on the proper authorities for an official inquiry into, the matter,
some time after. This gave rise to a controversy which has not yet terminated, during which much nautical language, much special pleading,
and many diagrams have been employed to show that if there was any
fault it was Perry's and not Elliot's. But public opinion chose to regard
Perry as the hero of the day, at the time of the battle, and the lapse of
upwards of thirty years has not served to depress his reputation in public
estimation, notwithstanding the violence with which it has been assailed.
If there ever was a victory won by the extraordinary exertions of tLe
commander-in-chief, it was this on Lake Erie. There were many circumstances against him-such as the superior force of the enemy, the sickness of many of his rnen, while those of the British are admitted to have
been all in health, and the fact that he received no support from the Niagara until his own ship was disabled, and he was compelled to shift his flag.
It is upon these broad and undisputable facts, that his countrymen have
assigned him a place in the very highest rank of their naval commanders,
from which detraction can never remove him. His memory and his noble
character will be cherished to the latest time as a portion of the nation's
inheritance of glory.
The battle of Lake Erie reduced General Proctor to extreme distress,
depriving him of access to supplies and reinforcements, while his stock
of provisions had become quite inadequate for his own troops and the
numerous Indians who had joined his standard. On the arrival, therefore,
in the end of September, of General Harrison at Detroit, he did not
attempt to maintain his position at Amherstburg, but retreated up the
river Thames. The other crossed the lake and pursued him closely with
three thousand five hundred troops, while Proctor was deserted by most
of nis Indians, of whom he had now only about five hundred, with eight
hundred whites. At the Morav;an town, on the 5th of October, he took
up a strong position, flanked by the river on one side, and a wood on the
other, where he hoped to render unavailing the superior numbers of the
enemy. Harrison, however, had with him a body of combatants yet unknown in warfare, the Kentucky mounted riflemen, accustomed to ride
through the woods, using their weapon with almost preternatural skill. Their
very novelty, he justly hoped, would make a strong impression. Following
his instructions, they received the fire of their opponents, then galloped
forward, and in a few minutes completely broke the British ranks. spreading
OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER. 481
QlISZRAL HARRISON CROSSING LAgZ ERIm.
among them a general confusion. The severest conflict was with the
Indians, who lost their chief, Tecumseh, one of the bravest of the brave,
stamped a hero by the hand of nature, and equally distinguished by policy
and eloquence. The main object of his life had been to unite his followers in a grand confederacy against American encroachment. In enmity
to them he had warmly attached himself to the cause of the British, and
aided them in successive victories. He was shot through the head by
Colonel Johnson, a member of Congress. General Proctor retreated to
Ancaster, where he could rally only two hundred men, with whom he
joined the Niagara army. Harrison, also, having thus recovered Michigan, and conquered the western districts, marched to reinforce his countrymen in that quarter.
The Americans now formed a plan of operations on a grander scale,
directed against Montreal, the success of which would have placed in their
hands the whole of Upper Canada. In this enterprise, two armies were
destined to co-operate; one consisting of nearly six thousand under Majorgeneral Hampton, from Lake Champlain; and the other amounting to
eight thousand eight hundred, under Major-general Wilkinson, from Grenadier Island, near Sackett's Harbour, on Lake Ontario. As the city was
defended by a very small proportion of the regular soldiers, who were
chiefly employed in the upper province, Hampton hoped, by pushing
vigorously forward, to capture the place with little difficulty. But having
passed the frontier in the end of October, he found on the banks of the
river Chateguay, the advanced corps of eight hundred British with a hundred and seventy-two Indians, commanded by Lieutenant-colonels De Salaberry and McDonnell. These officers posted their troops so judiciously
VoL. II.-61 2 S
482 OPERATIONS ON NORTHERN FRONTIER.
amid woods, and so skilfully concealed the smallness of their number, that
the Americans, though they made several brisk attacks, were always
repulsed; and Hampton, believing himself opposed by a large force, determined to retreat.
Meantime, the larger expedition, under General Wilkinson, having crossed
Lake Ontario, entered the river St. Lawrence. At Williamsburg, two considerable detachments were landed in order at once to clear the banks and
to lighten the boats while descending the rapids. On the 11th November, one of these, under Major-general Boyd, encountered Lieutenant-colonel Morrison with an inferior British force. A very obstinate conflict
ensued, in which both parties claimed the victory. Near Cornwall, the
commander received despatches from General Hampton, intimating that
he declined the expected co-operation, and intended to fall back upon Lak.A
Chalnplain. Wilkinson then conceived it necessary to give up, for this
season, any attempt upon Montreal, especially as he found the population
altogether hostile to the States, and attached to the British government.
He therefore placed his army in winter quarters, near French Mills on the
Salmon river, where he formed a plan for attacking Prescott and Kingston; but finding himself much straitened for provisions, was induced to
f.ll back upon Plattsburg.
Meantime, the employment of the main army ot the Americans in this
abortive expedition, enabled their opponents to resume the offensive on the
Niagara frontier. On the first intelligence of the disasters sustained in
the west, General Vincent had been ordered to fall back upon Kingston;
but he considered that circumstances now justified him in maintaining his
position. The American force in this quarter was not only reduced, but
was under the command of Major-general McClure, an officer of little
spirit or enterprise. On the advance of a strong detachment under Colonel
Murray, he first fell back upon Fort George, then abandoned that post, previous to which, he reduced the adjoining town of Newark to ashes. Murray was not content with driving him beyond the river: he crossed it,
surprised and stormed Fort Niagara. taking above four hundred prisoners,
with a large quantity of arms and stores. The English afterwards surprised and plundered the villages of Lewiston, Black Rock, and Buffalo,
where they retaliated not very considerately the outrages of McClure at
Fort George.
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
OME of the earliest victories on the ocean
Id in the year 1813, were obtained by the gallant Lawrence. On the 10th of February,
tq~L ~1a-~'x he captured the English brig Resolution, of ten
guns, laden with provisions and about twenty-five,k I, Ad thousand dollars in specie, but, as she was a dull
sailer, and he could not spare hands to man her, he
M,1: took out the money and the crew, and burnt her.
He then ran down the coast for Maranham, and, after
cruising near that place and Surinam, till the 23d of February, he stood
for Demarara. On the next morning, he discovered a brig to leeward, and
chased her so near the shore that he was obliged to haul off for want of a
pilot. During the chase, however, he had discovered a vessel at anchor
outside of the bar of Demarara river, with English colours flying, and
now began beating round the Corobano bank to get at her; when, between
three and four o'clock in the afternoon, another sail was seen on his weather quarter, edging down for him. As she approached, she hoisted
English- colours, and proved to be the British brig Peacock, Captain
Peak,. The Hornet was immediately cleared for action and kept close
483
484 NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
to the wind, in order to get the weather-gage of the approaching vessel. At ten minutes past five, finding that he could weather the enemy
Captain Lawrence hoisted American colours, tacked, and, in about a
quarter of an hour, passed the British ship within half pistol-shot, and
exchanged broadsides. The enemy was now in the act of wearing,
when Captain Lawrence bore up, received his starboard broadside, and
ran him close on- board on the starboard quarter; from which position
he kept up so close and bloody a fire, that in less than fifteen minutes from
the commencement of the action, the British struck their colours, and
hoisted a signal of distress. Lieutenant Shubrick instantly went on board,
and found that she was cut to pieces, her captain killed, many of the crew
killed and wounded, her mainmast gone by the board, six feet water in
the hold, and sinking very fast. The two ships were immediately brought
to anchor, and the Hornet's boats despatched to bring off the wounded;
but, although her guns were thrown overboard, the shot holes which could
be got at plugged, and every exertion made by pumping and bailing to
keep her afloat, so completely had she been shattered that she sunk before
the prisoners could be removed, carrying down thirteen of her crew, as
well as three men belonging to the Hornet. Lieutenant Connor, and the
other officers and men employed in removing the prisoners, narrowly
escaped by jumping into a boat, as the Peacock went down; and four seamen of the Hornet ran up into the foretop at the same time, and were
taken off by the boats.
The Peacock was deemed one of the finest ships of her class in the
British navy. In size she was about equal to the Hornet; but, in guns
and men, the Hornet was somewhat, though very little, her superior; and
by no means so much so as to give her any decided advantage. The loss
on board the Peacock could not be precisely ascertained. Captain Peake
was twice wounded, the second time mortally. Four men were found dead
on board. The master and thirty-two others were wounded, three of whom
afterwards died. The Hornet had only one man killed, and two slightly
wounded. Her rigging and sails were much cut, but her hull received
very little injury. During the engagement,: the vessel which the Hornet
had been endeavouring to reach before the Peacock bore down, lay at
anchor within six miles, and as she was a brig —the Espiegle-carrying
fifteen thirty-two pound carronades and two long nines, it was supposed
that she would attack the Hornet, after- the latter had been disabled by the
combat. The: Hornet was immediately prepared to receive her, and, by
nine o'clock at night, her boats were stowed, a new set of sails bent, and
everything ready for action. She, however, declined coming out. The.next morning, Captain Lawrence found that he had two hundred and
seventy souls on board the Hornet, and, as his crew had for some time
been on short allowance, resolved to steer for the United States. The
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officers of the Peacock received from those of the Hornet the most humane and honourable treatment; so penetrated with gratitude were they
for the kindness which they had experienced, that they could not restrain
the expression of their feelings till they reached England, but, on their
arrival in the United States, published a letter of thanks to Captain Lawrence and his officers, in which they declared that such was the liberality
displayed to them, that "they ceased to consider themselves prisoners."
Nor was the rough generosity of the Hornet's crew less honourable. As
the sailors of the Peacock had lost every thing except what they had on
their backs, when she went down, the crew of the Hornet united to relieve
them; and made every English sailor a present of two shirts and a blue
jacket and pair of trowsers; a true-hearted liberality, which raises them
in our estimation higher than even their victory.
Captain Lawrence returned to New York in safety, and, besides the
applause which his country lavished upon him for his good conduct, had
the satisfaction of learning, as we have already observed, that he had been
promoted during his absence, and his rank settled to his perfect satisfaction. Soon after his return he was ordered to the command of the frigate
Constitution, with the temporary superintendence of the navy yard at
New York. But the next day, to his great regret, he received instructions
to repair to Boston, and take command of the Chesapeake frigate, then
nearly ready for sea. This appointment was peculiarly unpleasant, because the Chesapeake was not only considered as one of the very worst
ships in the navy, but, in consequence of her disgrace in the rencontre
with the Leopard, laboured under that dispiriting stigma among sailors, of
being an "unlucky ship." These circumstances, combined with the state
of his family, made Captain Lawrence unwilling to go to sea immediately,
and he, therefore, requested to retain his situation in the Hornet. Disappointed in this wish, he then took command of the Chesapeake, at Boston,
where he had been but a short time, when the British frigate Shannon,
Captain Broke, appeared before the harbour, for the avowed purpose of
seeking a combat with the Chesapeake. Stung with the repeated disasters of the British frigates, this officer resolved to make an effort to retrieve
them; and, when he deemed his ship perfectly prepared for that purpose,
sent a formal challenge to Captain Lawrence.
"As the Chesapeake"-his letter began-" appears now ready for sea,
I request you will do me the favour to meet the Shannon with her, ship to
ship, to try the fortune of our respective flags. To an officer of your
character, it requires some apology for proceeding to further particulars.
Be assured, sir, that it is not from any doubt I entertain of your wishing
to close with my proposal, but merely to provide an answer to any otjection that might be made-and very reasonably-upon the chance of our
receiving unfair support." After observing that Commodore Rodgers had
488 NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
not accepted several verbal challenges which he had given, Captain Broke
then proceeds to state very minutely the force of the Shannon, and offers
to send all British ships out of reach, so that they: might have a fair: combat, at any place within a certain range along the coast of New England,
which he specified; if more agreeable, he offers to sail together, and to
warn the Chesapeake, by means of private signals, of the approach of
British ships of war, till they reach some solitary spot —or to sail with a
flag of truce to any place out of the reach of British aid, so that the flag
should be hauled down when it was deemed fair to begin hostilities. " I
entreat you, sir," he concludes, "not to:imagine that I am urged by mere
personal vanity to the wish of meeting the Chesapeake, or that I depend
only upon your personal ambition for your acceding to this invitation. We
have both nobler motives. You will feel it as a compliment, if I say that
the result of our meeting may be the most grateful service I can render to
my country; and I doubt not that you, equally confident of success, will
feel convinced that it is only by repeated triumphs in even combats, that
your little navy can now hope to console your country for the loss of that
trade it can no longer protect."
The style of this letter, with the exception of the puerile bravado about
Commodore Rodgers, is frank and manly; and, if the force of the Shannon
were correctly stated, would be such a challenge -as might well be sent
from a brave seaman to a gallant adversary. We, however, are but too,vell satisfied that Captain Broke studiously underrated the numbt r of his
guns and crew; or that, after his challenge, he must have received additions to both. That the Shannon had more guns than the number stated
by her commander, we learn from the testimony of the surviving officers
of the Chesapeake; who also assert that she had three hundred and
seventy-six men; that she had an officer and sixteen men from the Belle
Poule; and that the hats of some of her seamen wrere marked " Tenedos."
Such as it was, however, this letter, most unfortunately, never reached
Captain Lawrence. If he had received it —if he had been thus warned to
prepare his ship —if he had had an opportunity of selecting his officers
and disciplining his crew —if, in short, he had been able to place the
Chesapeake on any thing like equal terms with the Shannon, the combat
might have been more bloody-there might have been such an engagement
as has not yet been seen between single ships on the ocean; though we
cannot suffer ourselves to doubt the result of it. But he knew nothing of
this challenge-he saw only the Shannon riding before him in defiance;
he remembered the spirit with which he himself had overawed a superior,
and he could not brook, for a moment, that; an enemy, which seemed to be
his equal, should insult his flag. Although, therefore, the Chesapeake
was comparatively an inferior ship-although his first lieutenant was sick
on shore-although three of his lieutenants had recently left her; and, of
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813. 489
the four who remained, two were only midshipmen, acting as lieutenants —
although part of his crew were new hands, and all of them had lost some
of their discipline by staying in port-yet, as he would have gone to sea
in that situation had no enemy appeared, he felt himself bound not to
delay sailing on that account; and throwing himself, therefore, on his
courage and his fortune, he determined at once to attack the enemy. It
was on the morning of the 1st of June, 1813, that the Chesapeake sailed
out of the harbour of Boston, to meet the Shannon. As soon as she got
under weigh, Captain Lawrence called the crew together, and, having
hoisted the white flag, with the motto of "free trade and sailors' rights,"
made a short address. His speech, however, was received with no enthusiasm; on the contrary, signs of dissatisfaction were evident, particularly
from a boatswain's mate, a Portuguese, who seemed to be at the head of
the malcontents; and complaints were muttered, that they had not yet
received their prize-money. Such expressions, at the eve of an action,
were but ill bodings of the result of it; but Captain Lawrence, ignorant as
he was of the character of his sailors, and unwilling, at such a moment, to
damp their spirits by harshness, preserved his accustomed calmness, and
had prize-checks at once given by the purser to those who had not
received'them. While this scene was passing, the Shannon, observing
the Chesapeake coming out, bore away. The Chesapeake followed her
till four o'clock in the afternoon, when she hauled up and fired a gun, on
which the Shannon hove to. They maneuvred for some time, till, at about
a quarter before six, they approached. within pistol-shot, and exchanged
broadsides.
These broadsides were both bloody; but the fire of the Shannon was
most fortunate in the destruction of officers. The fourth lieutenant, Mr.
Ballard, was mortally wounded, the sailing master was killed, and Captain
Lawrence received a musket-ball in his leg, which caused great pain and
profuse bleeding, but he leaned on the companion-way, and continued to
order and to animate his crew. A second and a third broadside was exchanged, with evident advantage, on the part of the Chesapeake; but,
unfortunately, among those now wounded on board of her, was the first
lieutenant, Mr. Ludlow, who was carried below; three men were successively shot from the helm in about twelve minutes from the commencement
of the action; and, as the hands were shifting, a shot disabled her foresail,
so that she would no longer answer her helm, and her anchor caught in
one of the afterports of the Shannon, which enabled the latter to rake her
upper deck. As soon as Lawrence perceived she was falling to leeward,
and that, by the Shannon's filling, she would fall on board, he called his
boarders, and was giving orders about the foresail, when he received a
musket-ball in his body. The bugleman, who should have called the
boarders, did not do his duty; and, at this moment, Commodore Broke,
VoL.. IL-62
490 NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
whose ship had suffered so much that he was preparing to repel boarding,
perceiving, from this accident, how the deck of the Chesapeake was swept,
jumped on board with about twenty men. They would have been
instantly repelled, but the captain, the first lieutenant, the sailing master
the boatswain, lieutenant of marines, the only acting lieutenant on the
spardeck, were all killed or disabled. At the call of the boarders, Lieutenant Cox ran on deck, but just in time to receive his falling commander,
and bear him below. Lieutenant Budd, the second lieutenant, led up the
boarders, but only fifteen or twenty would follow him, and with these he
defended the ship till he was wounded and disabled. Lieutenant Ludlow,
wounded as he was, hurried upon deck, where he soon received a mortal
cut from a sabre. The marines who were engaged fought with desperate
courage; but they were few in numbers; too many of them having followed the Portuguese boatswain's mate, who exclaimed, it is said, as he
skulked below, " so much for not paying men their prize-money." Meanwhile the Shannon threw on board sixty additional men, who soon succeeded in overpowering the seamen of the Chesapeake, who had now no
officers to lead or rally them, and took possession of the ship, which was
not, however, surrendered by any signal of submission, but became the
enemy's only because they were able to overwhelm all who were in a
condition to resist.
As Captain Lawrence was carried below, he perceived the melancholy
condition of the Chesapeake, but cried out, " Don't surrender the ship."
He was taken down in the ward-room, and, as he lay in excruciating pain,
perceiving that the noise above had ceased, he ordered the surgeon to go
on deck, and tell the officers to fight on to the last, and never strike the
colours. "They shall wave," said he, "while I live." But it was too
late to resist or to struggle longer; the enemy had already possession of
the ship. As Captain Lawrence's wounds would not allow of his removal,
he continued in the ward-room, surrounded by his wounded officers, and,
after lingering in great pain for four days, during which his sufferings
were too acute to permit him to speak, or, perhaps, to think of the sad
events he had just witnessed, or do more than ask for what his situation
required, he died on the 5th of June. His body was wrapped in the
colours of the Chesapeake, and [aid on the quarter-deck, until they arrived
at Halifax, where he was buried with the highest military and naval
honours; the British officers forgetting, for a moment, in their admiration
of his character, that he had been but lately their enemy. His pall was
supported by the oldest captains in the navy then at Halifax, and no
demonstration of respectful attention was omitted to honour the remains of
a brave but unfortunate stranger.
Thus prematurely perished, at the age of thirty-two, this gallant and
generous seaman. Lost, as he was, in the full vigour of his powers, and
THE NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813. 491
with the imperfect measure of his fame, our hopes are forbidden to dwell
on the fond anticipation of what he might have been, and we are left to
rest with a melancholy pleasure on the qualities which his short life had
already developed. Lawrence seems to have combined all the distinguished and endearing qualities; the openness of heart, the manliness of
pride, the benevolence of feeling, the chivalrous courage, which our imagination ascribes to the perfection of the naval character. He was devoted
to his profession, and to the service. During nearly sixteen years which
he spent in the navy, he never had a furlough, except one for about six
weeks. The perfect order of his ship bore testimony to his merits as a
disciplinarian, while the zealous attachment of his crew proved that his
discipline had not been earned by harshness or severity. His courage
was of a daring and desperate cast, but it was still regulated by a calm
sobriety of judgment. Indeed, the characteristic quality of Lawrencethat which most distinguished him as an officer-was coolness and perfect
self-possession in the midst of danger. Of his kindness, of the warmth
and generosity of his heart, which rendered him, emphatically, a favourite
of the navy, his brother officers are all willing witnesses. These remembrances, however, are most cherished, where they are now most consolatory-in the bosom of his family; of the two widowed sisters, whose
cares, during his infancy, he repaid with the kindest protection; of his
afflicted wife, who, with three children-the youngest born since his
father's death-is left to lament a loss, which the sympathy of her country may, in some degree, we trust, alleviate.
In this sanguinary engagement the destruction was nearly equal on
both sides. The Chesapeake lost her commander and forty-seven men
killed, and ninety-seven wounded, of whom fourteen afterwards died.
Among these were Lieutenant Ludlow, first lieutenant of the ship, and
Lieutenant Ballard, the fourth lieutenant, both excellent officers.
On the part of the Shannon, Captain Broke was dangerously wounded,
though he has since recovered; the first lieutenant, the purser, captain's
clerk, and twenty-three seamen killed, and fifty-seven persons wounded,
besides Captain Broke.
The capture of the Chesapeake is to be ascribed wholly to the extraordinary loss of officers, (a loss without any precedent. as far as we can
recollect, in naval history;) and to her falling accidentally on board the
Shannon. During the three broadsides, while the officers of the Chesapeake were living, and she was kept clear of the enemy, the superiority
was manifestly with the Americans. The Chesapeake had received
scarcely any damage, while the Shannon had several shot between wind
and water, and could with difficulty be kept afloat during the succeeding
night. It was only when accident threw the Chesapeake on board the
Shannon, when her officers were unable to lead on the boarders, that
492 THE NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
Captain Broke himself-contrary, we believe, to the regulations of the
British navy-left his own ship, and was able, by superior numbers, to
overpower the distracted crew of the Chesapeake.
We have heard many accounts which we are very reluctantly compelled
to believe, of improper conduct of the British after the capture, and of
brutal violence offered to the crew of the Chesapeake. As, however,
some allowances are due to the exasperated passions of the moment;
something, too, to the confusion of a bloody and doubtful struggle, we are
unwilling to prolong the remembrance of imputations which may be disproved, and, perhaps, have been exaggerated.
But we should wrong the memory of Captain Lawrence-we should be
unjust to the officers of the American navy, with whose glory all the
aspiring ambition of the country is so closely blended-if we omitted any
opportunity of giving the last and fairest lustre to their fame, by contrasting their conduct with that of the enemy; or, if we forbore, from any misplaced delicacy towards our adversaries, to report circumstances connected
with the fate of the Chesapeake, which throw a broad and dazzling light
on the generous magnanimity of our countrymen.
When Captain Hull took the Guerriere, every chest, trunk, and box
belonging to the officers, containing, it was known, the fruits of a long
cruise, much of it against our own country, was delivered to them without
examination. The very trifles which the crew of the Constitution saved
from the Guerriere, before she was blown up, were scrupulously restored
to the English sailors; no article of private property was touched.
When Commodore Decatur took the Macedonian, he purchased from
Captain Carden upwards of a thousand dollars' worth of things in the
ship, and Captain Carden was permitted to take the rest on shore. To
such an extent was this kindness abused, that every knife and fork, every
cup and saucer, every plate and dish, every chair and table, in short,
every thing which Captain Carden had used, was taken on shore; and,
before the Macedonian reached New York, the prizemaster was obliged to
send on board the United States for the most common articles of. daily use,
as the prisoners had taken them all away. At the same time, the wardroom officers of the United States purchased their wine and other articles
from the ward-room officers of the Macedonian.
When Commodore Bainbridge took the Java, all the property of all the
officers and all the passengers, and the plate belonging to a high military
commander, were restored instantly. The American officers would have
deemed it disgraceful to retain the private property of a brother officer,
even though he were an enemy and a prisoner.
When Captain Lawrence took the Peacock; and the officers and crew
of that vessel were left destitute, the officers and crew of the Hornet fed
and clothed them from their own stores.
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813. 493
When the Chesapeake was taken by the Shannon, the key of Captain
Lawrence's store-room was demanded of the purser. It was given; but
the purser observed, at the same time, that in the captures of the Guerriere, Macedonian, and Java, the most scrupulous regard was paid to the
private property of the British officers; that Captain Lawrence had laid
in stores for a long cruise; and that the value of them would be a great
object to his widow and family, for whose use he was desirous, if possible, of
preserving them. This request was not merely declined-it was haughtily and superciliously refused.
Well, then-the enemy captured the Chesapeake-they enjoyed the
little private property of Captain Lawrence; but they have not taken
from him any of his individual fame, nor of his country's glory. However we may mourn the sufferings of that day, the loss of the Chesapeake
has not, in our estimation, varied the relative standing of the marine of
the two countries; nor does it abate, in the slightest degree, any of the
loftiness of our naval pretensions. The contest was wholly unequal in
ships, in guns, in crews, in officers, in every thing.
The Shannon was a better ship; she had not upon her the curse of
that ill-omened name, the Chesapeake. The Shannon was a stronger
ship; she mounted twenty-eight eighteen pounders on the main-deck,
twenty-two thirty-two pound carronades, and two long brass nines or
twelves, on the spar-deck, and a large carronade amidships, in allfifty-two
guns, besides this last heavy carronade; while the Chesapeake mounted
twenty-eight eighteen pounders on the main-deck, and twenty thirty-two
pound carronades, and one eighteen-pounder-chase gun —on the spar
deck, in allforty-nine guns.
The Shannon had a better crew. Besides her complement she had
seamen from two other ships. That crew, too, had been long at sea; long
in the ship; were known; were tried; and, as Commodore Broke sent a
challenge, were, of course, men in whom-if they were not picked for the
occasion-he knew he could confide. The Chesapeake had, on the contrary, in part, a new crew, unknown to their officers, not yet knowing
their places, or the ship. -The ship had not been more than a few hours
at sea, and the landsmen and the landswomen had been dismissed from
her on the very day of the engagement. The officers, too, although we
should be the last to detract from their merits, and although the manner in
which they fought their ship does them the highest honour, the officers
were young and few in number, and had as yet scarcely any opportunity
of disciplining or knowing their seamen; yet, under all these disadvantages, the great — damage sustained by the Shannon, and the great loss of
her crew, all of which took place before the boarding, warrant completely
the opinion, that but for the accidental loss of officers, the victory would
have been with the Chesapeake.
2T
494 NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
So far, indeed, from humbling our national pride, the stubbornness with
which, in spite of its inequality, this combat was sustained, only confirms
us in a belief not created by the events of that war, though not likely to
te much shaken by them; a belief formed on circumstances which even a
series of naval losses cannot now control; a belief, too, in avowing which
we are quite content to incur the charge of overweening national prejudice; that in all the qualities essential to success on the ocean, the American seamen are not equal, but superior to the British seamen. It is no
merit of theirs. Nature and circumstances have made them so. But so
it is; they are physically superior; they are morally superior. The
warm and variable climate of the United States has, to a certain degree
melted the original English constitution of our ancestors, till, instead of the
broad-shouldered and ruddy form of the people of Great Britain, the
Americans are a thinner race of men, with less personal strength and
stamina, but with more activity, more quickness, more alertness. The
lower classes of people in this country, too, derive from their popular institutions more intelligence and education, they learn more, they learn easier,
while the wider field for exertion, and the perfect freedom of employing
themselves in their own way, gives to the American character a certain
play, and vigour, and animation, not found in any other nation. The
Americans, moreover, are generally younger men, more in the vigour of
life. The state of our trade also renders our seamen more adventurous.
They make longer voyages, in smaller ships, and brave more dangers than
can be experienced in the regular and monopolized, and convoyed commerce of Great Britain. They, besides, enter into the service voluntarily,
and for short periods, and their minds have more of the elasticity of freedom than the seamen entombed on board a British man of war. The
effect which these circumstances might naturally be supposed to produce
we have often seen. The Americans vanquished the English at sea again
and again during the revolution. In the war with France, the American
squadrons were at least as active, as brave, and as vigilant against the
enemy, as those of England. While the two navies were together in the
Mediterranean, the superiority in ships, crews, and officers was, in the
opinion of every stranger, decidedly with the Americans. How that preeminence was sustained in the recent war need not be told. In short, the
American seamen have always held that high rank on the ocean from
which the casual loss of the Chesapeake, in an ill-matched combat, cannot
degrade them, and which, we are sure, with the blessing of God, and a
liberal policy from their country, they will always maintain.
Since the close of the war of 1812, the British historians have laboured
hard to show that all the naval victories gained by the Americans, during
that war, were the result of untoward accidents, or of a greatly superior
force on our side. James, in his "Naval History," and Alison, in his
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813. 495
CAPTAIN LA WRENCE.
recent "History of Europe," have distorted facts, and made wholly uno
founded statements for this purpose. But the true state of the case was
directly the reverse. Our victories were won by superior gunnery and
superior discipline, and their only one, where single frigates were opposed,
was clearly the result of untoward accidents. By a process of careful
analogy, some of our own writers have shown the grounds on which we
declare our victories to have been fairly won; and yet our late enemies
pretend to cite American authority for accounts of these victories, in which
the national vanity of the British is grossly and systematically flattered at
the expense of truth and justice.
The cruise of the Argus, commanded by Captain William Henry
Allen, forms a portion of the brilliant naval annals of the year 1813.
On the death of Mr. Barlow, our Minister at the court of France, our
government deemed it expedient to renew the negotiation. Mr. Crawford
was appointed as his successor, and Captain Allen was directed to take
command of the Argus, and to conduct our minister to the place of his
destination. HIe accepted the appointment with his usual promptitude,
and sailed with our new minister for France. He was so fortunate as to
496 NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
CRUISE OF THE AgHGoS.
elude the vigilance of the blockading squadron, and arrived at the port of
L'Orient in twenty-three days. He informs the Secretary of the Navy, in
his letter, bearing date June 12th, 1813, that " he shall immediately proceed to put in execution his orders as to the ulterior purposes of his
destination."
The business here, which, from prudential motives, is so darkly hinted
at, was, undoubtedly, as appears from the sequel, to san in the Irish channel, and annoy the English commerce. It was a service, to a man fond
of glory, peculiarly invidious. Such conquests were attended with no
honour; and Captain Allen, in compliance with his orders, seemed peculiarly solicitous, in the discharge of this unthankful office, to make the
enemy feel and confess the motives by which he was guided. The injury
which he did to the British commerce is, in some of their papers, estimated
to the amount of two millions. While thus employed in burning, sinking,
and destroying the enemy's property, Captain Allen was peculiarly careful to distinguish his character from those who depredated for selfish purposes only. The property of the passengers was sacred from hostility;
tot an article of that kind would he suffer to be touched. The passengers
were allowed to go below, and to take what they claimed as their own,
and no hands belonging to the Argus were permitted to inspect them
while they were employed in so doing. On one occasion, when a passenger had left his surtout behind him, it was sent after him in the boat. On
anolher occasion, Captain Allen ordered one of his hands, who was detected
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813. 497
in the act of some petty plunder of this kind, to be flogged at the gangway. The English papers, while they were writhing under the severe
injuries thus inflicted, were unanimous in their testimonials of respect to
the conduct of this gallant officer, for the humanity and delicacy with
which he performed a service so invidious. Probably no action of his life
could more plainly distinguish his character than this; he loved danger,
as much as he abhorred to plunder the defenceless.
It appears very evident, that if prudence was consulted, it was his duty
to avoid an engagement. The damage which he might have done the
enemy, by another species of warfare, was, beyond all comparison, greater
than by risking a battle, even if fortune should decide the controversy in
his favour. Even a victory ensured capture, for, alone and unsupported
as he was, his own ship would, in all human probability, suffer material
injury, and both the captured and the captor become the prize of one of
the many frigates then swarming in the English channel. These considerations, however, would have but little weight with him. He declared,
previously to his setting out, that he would run from no two-masted vessel.
Anxious to quit himself of a business which he so much disliked, he sought
an opportunity to act in a situation more congenial to his feelings. He
burned for an encounter with an enemy even of considerably superior
force, with whom he might risk an encounter; and the opportunity finally
presented itself.
By the official letter of Lieutenant Watson to the Secretary of the Navy,
dated at Norfolk on the 2d of March, 1815, it appears that the number of
vessels captured by the Argus during the cruise was twenty, and that in
latitude 520 15', N. longitude 50 50' W., on the 14th of August, 1813, at
four o'clock, P. M., they discovered a large brig of war bearing down
upon them, under a press of sail, and immediately prepared to receive her.
The action commenced at six o'clock, and lasted till forty-seven minutes
past six, during a greater part of which time the enemy, having a choice
of position which enabled him to rake the Argus repeatedly, and to render
her unmanageable from the injury done to the rigging in the early part of
the action, reduced the Argus to a complete wreck, and she was finally
compelled to strike. This result is not to be wondered at, when we consider the superior force of the enemy's vessel, which was the sloop of war
Pelican, of twenty-one carriage-guns; viz., sixteen thirty-two pound rarronades, four long sixes, and one twelve-pound carronade.* The Argus
lost six killed in the action, five who subsequently died of their wounds,
and twelve wounded. Among the killed were two midshipmen —lessrs.
* The Argus rated sixteen, and carried twenty guns; viz., eighteen twenty-four pound
carronades, and two long twelves. The British state their loss at seven killed and
wounded.
VoL. II.-3 2 T 2
498 NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
Delphy and Edwards-and among the mortally wounded was the gallant
Captain Allen himself. He was desperately wounded in the early part
of the action; refused to be carried below, and fainted on the deck from
the loss of hlood. When he was removed from his berth to the hospital,
for amputation, he cast his languid eyes on his faithful comrades, and feelingly pronounced these words: "God bless you, my lads! we shall never
meet again." The following letter will speak for itself.
[Copy of a letter from John Hawker, Esq., ci-devant American vice
consul, dated]
"Plymouth, 19th dugust, 1813.
"SIR,-The situation- I have had the honour to hold for many years
past, of American vice-consul, calls forth my poignant feelings in the communication I have to make to you, of the death of your son, Captain Allen,
late commanding the United States brig of war Argus, which vessel
was captured on Saturday last, in the Irish channel, after a very sharp
action of three-quarters of an hour, by his Britannic majesty's ship
Pelican.
"Early in the contest, Captain Allen lost his leg, but refused to be
carried below, till, from the loss of blood, he fainted. Messrs. Edwards
and Delphy, midshipmen, and four seamen, were killed; and Lieutenant
Watson, the carpenter, boatswain, boatswain's mate, and seven men
wounded. Captain Allen submitted to amputation above the knee, while
at sea. He was yesterday morning attended by very eminent surgical
gentlemen, and removed from the Argus to the hospital, where every possible attention and assistance would have been afforded, had he survived;
but which was not, from the first moment, expected, from the shattered
state of his thigh. At eleven, last night, he breathed his last! He was
sensible, at intervals, till within ten minutes of his dissolution, when he
sunk exhausted, and expired without a struggle. His lucid intervals were
very cheerful; and he was satisfied and fully sensible that no advice or
assistance would be wanting. A detached room was prepared by the
commissary and chief surgeon, and female attendants engaged, that every
tenderness and respect might be experienced. The master, purser, surgeon, and one midshipman, accompanied Captain Allen, who was also
attended by his two servants.
"I have communicated and arranged with the officers respecting the
funeral, which will be in the most respectful, and, at the same time, economical manner. The port admiral has signified that it is the intention
of his Britannic majesty's government, that it be publicly attended by
officers of rank, and with military honours. The time fixed for the procession is on Saturday, at eleven, A. M. A lieutenant-colonel's guard, of
the Royal Marines, is also appointed. A wainscot coffin has been ordered'
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813. 499.n the breastplate of which will be inscribed as below.* Mr. Delpny, one
of the midshipmen who lost both legs, and died at sea, was buried yesterday, in St. Andrew's churchyard. I have requested that Captain Allen
may be buried as near him, on the right, (in the sanie vault, if practicable,)
as possible.
"I remain, respectfully, sir,
"Your most obedient humble servant,
(Signed) "JOHN HAWKER,
"Ci-devant Simerican vice-consul.
"To GENERAL ALLEN, &C. &C. &C.
"Providence, Rhode Island."
The following extract from a London paper shows the order of procession.
"Plymouth, Jugust 24.
"On Saturday last, the 21st, was interred with military honours,
William Henry Allen, Esq., late commander of the United States sloop-ofwar Argus, who lost his left leg in an action with his majesty's sloop-ofwar Pelican, J. F. Maples, Esq., captain, in St. George's channel, the 14th
instant, whereof he died in the Mill Prison hospital, on the 15th following.
"PRocEssION. — Guard of honour. Lieutenant-colonel of Royal Marines, with two companies of that corps. The captains, subalterns, and
field adjutant. (Officers with hatbands and scarfs.) Royal marine band.
Vicar and curate of St. Andrew's. Clerk of ditto. The Hearse —with
the corpse of the deceased captain-attended by eight seamen, late of the.
Argus, with crape round their arms, tied with white crape ribbon. Also
eight British captains, of the royal navy, as pall-bearers, with hatbands
and scarfs. Captain Allen's servants, in mourning. The officers late of
the Argus, in uniform, with crape sashes and hatbands, two and two.
John Hawker, Esq., late American vice-consul, and his clerks. Captain
Pellowe, commissioner for prisoners of war. Dr. Magrath, chief medical
officer at Mill Prison depot. Captains of the royal navy in port, two and
two-followed by a very numerous and respectable retinue of inhabitants.
"The procession left Mill Prison at twelve o'clock. The coffin was
covered with a velvet pall, and the ensign under which the action was
fought, and upon that the hat and sword of the deceased were laid. On
the coffin being removed to the hearse, the guard saluted; and, when deposited in the hearse, the procession moved forward, the band playing the'Dead march in Saul.' On their arrival near the church, the guard halted
* A tablet, whereon will be recorded the name, rank, age, and character of the de.
ceased, and also of the midshipman, will be placed, (if it can be contrived,) as I have suggested; both having lost their lives in fighting for their country.
600 NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
r
CAPTAIN ALLEN.
and clubbed arms, single files inward, through which the procession passed
to the church, into which the corpse was carried, and deposited in the
centre aisle, while the funeral service was read by the reverend vicar, after
which it was removed and interred in the south yard, (passing through the
guard in the same manner from, as to the church,) on the right of Mr.
Delphy, midshipman of the Argus, who lost both his legs in the same
action, and was buried the preceding evening."
Thus died, William Henry Allen. By the company and conversation
of the elegant and polite, the hard and severe duties of the sailor acquired
a sort of polish, and his character presented that combination of gallantry,
grace, and intrepidity, that so irresistibly attracts. In the hour of danger,
he was calm, intrepid, and persevering; in private intercourse guarded,
affable, and delicate. Entering into the navy with large and expanded
ideas of honour, the perils he encountered, and the hard service he endured, consolidated his romantic and floating visions into rules and principles of action. By never lowering his lofty standard amidst the jostle of
so many contending difficulties, he at length arrived at the eminence which
he sought, and new trials served only to call into exercise new and unex.
plored resources of fortitude. He had so long forsaken every other consideration for glory, that he finally measured his life by this standard, and
felt a repulsive antipathy to whatever fell short of that measure.
The capture of the British brig Boxer, by the United States brig EnterL
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813. 501
_-...._
ENTERPRISR AND BOXER.
prise, commanded by Captain Burrows, is the next event worthy of
notice.
On the 1st of September, the Enterprise sailed from Portsmouth on a
cruise. On the 5th, early in the morning, they espied a brig in shore
getting under way. They reconnoitered her for a while to ascertain her
character, of which they were soon informed by her hoisting three British
ensigns, and firing a shot as a challenge. The Enterprise then hauled
upon a wind, stood out of the bay, and prepared for action. A calm for
some time delayed the encounter; it was succeeded by a breeze from the
south-west, which gave our vessel the weathergage. After manceuvering
for a while to the windward, in order to try her sailing with the enemy,
and to ascertain his force, the Enterprise, about 3 P. M., shortened sail,
hoisted three ensigns, fired a gun, tacked, and ran down with an intention
to bring him to close quarters. When within half pistol-shot the enemy
gave three cheers, and commenced the action with his starboard broadside.
The cheers and the broadside were returned on our part, and the action
became general. In about five minutes after the battle had commenced,
the gallant Burrows received a musket ball in his body and fell; he, however, refused to be carried below, but continued on deck through the action.
The active command was then taken by Lieutenant McCall, who conducted himself with great skill and coolness. The enemy was outmanceuvered and cut up: his maintopmast and topsail-yard shot away; a
position gained on his starboard bow, and a raking fire kept up, until his
guns were silenced, and he cried for quarters, saying, that as his colours
were nailed to the mast, he could not haul them down. The prize proved
to be his Britannic majesty's brig Boxer, of fourteen guns. The number
502 NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
of her crew is a matter of conjecture and dispute. Sixty-four prisonie
were taken, seventeen of whom were wounded. How many of the dead
were thrown into the sea during the action, it is impossible to say;* the
British return only four as killed; courtesy forbids us to question the
veracity of an officer on mere presurrmption; but it is ever the natural wish
Qf the vanquished to depreciate their force; and, in truth, we have seen
with regret, various instances of disingenuousness on the part of the enemy,
in their statements of our naval encounters. But we will not enter into
disputes of this kind. It is enough that the enemy entered into the battle
with a bravado at the mast-head, and a confidence of success; this either
implied a consciousness of his own force, or a low opinion of his antagonist; in either case he was mistaken. It is a fruitless task to vindicate
victories against the excuses of the vanquished-sufficient for the victor is
the joy of his triumph; he should allow the enemy the consolation of accounting for it.
We turn gladly from such an idle discussion to notice the last moments
of the worthy Burrows. There needs no elaborate pencil to impart pathos
and- grandeur to the death of a brave man. The simple anecdotes given
in simple terms by his surviving comrades, present more striking pictures
than could be wrought up by the most refined attempts of art. "At
twenty minutes past 3 P. M.," says one account, "our brave commander
fell, and while lying on the deck, refusing to be carried below, raised his
head, and requested that the flag might never be struck." In this situation
he remained during the rest of the engagement, regardless of bodily pain,
regardless of the life-blood fast ebbing from his wound; watching with
anxious eye the vicissitudes of battle; cheering his men by his voice, but
animating them still more by his glorious example. When the sword of the
vanquished enemy was presented to him, we are told that he clasped his
hands, and exclaimed, "I am satisfied, I die contented." He now permitted himself to be carried below, and all the necessary attentions were
paid to save his life, or alleviate his sufferings. His wound, however, was
beyond the power of surgery, and he breathed his last within a few
hours after the victory.
The commander of the Boxer, Captain Samuel Blythe, was killed early
in the action by a cannon ball; had he lived he might have defended his
ship more desperately, but it is not probable with more success. He was
an officer of distinguished merit; having received a sword from govern* In a letter from Captain Hull to Commodore Bainbridge, he describes the state of the
Boxer when brought into port: and observes, " We find it impossible to get at the num.
ber of killed; no papers are found by which we can ascertain it. I, however, counted
ninety hammocks which were in her netting, with beds in them, besides several beds
without hammocks; and she had excellent accommodations for all her officers below in
mate-rooms, so that I have no doubt that she had one hundred men on bat:.d."
NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1513. 503
ment for his good conduct under Sir James L. Yeo, in the capture of
Cayenne. He was also one of the pall-bearers of our lamented Lawrence,
when buried at Halifax. It was his fate now to receive like courtesy at the
hands of his enemy. His remains, in company with those of the brave
Burrows, were brought to Portland, where they were interred with military
honours. It was a striking and affecting sightsto behold two gallant commanders, who had lately been arrayed in deadly hostility against each
other, descending into one quiet grave, there to mingle their dust peacefullv together.
Jf,_...
_ _ A
N "..'i'
I "' /; t' j,' J"
~._._.__-
-,~ ~
THE SOUTHERN WAR OF 1813.
" N the spring of 1812, the celebrated Tecumi seh visited the Indian tribes in the southR~ii:-. west portion of our country, for the purpose
of combining them into one great union
against the whites. In his artfill and eloquent harangues, he reminded them of the
usurpation of their lands by the whites; of
the spirit of encroachment characteristic of
the latter, which would eventually end in the
- extinction of the Indians; contrasted their
sedentary occupations with the wild and fearless independence of their
ancestors; and denounced the vengeance of the Great Spirit against those
who should imitate the manners, or worship the Gods of the whites.
These powerful appeals resulted in the establishment of a strong confederacy, who merely waited an opportunity for the commencement of savage
warfare.
In September, one hundred and seventeen Georgia volunteers were
attacked near the Lachway towns, by a superior force of Creeks, and
defeated, after killing the Indian king. General Jackson, with twenty-five
hundred Tennessee troops, was then sent against the tribe, and succeeded
in intimidating them for the time. Previous to this, (August 30th,) six
504
THE SOUTHERN WAR OF 1813. 505
hundred Indians under their chief, Weatherford, attacked about half their
number of settlers at Fort Mimms, near the Alabama. After a desperate
conflict they cut their way into the fort, drove the garrison into the houses,
and set them on fire. The ensuing tragedy was awful. Those whom
the flames spared fell victims to the tomahawk; and out of three hundred
men, women and children, only seventeen escaped.
On receiving news of this massacre, thirty-five hundred militia were
promptly raised, and placed under the command of General Jackson.
On the 3d of November, nine hundred of these, under General Coffee,
attacked a party of the enemy posted at Tallushatchee. Perceiving the
approach of a company of spies, sent to draw them into the field, the
Indians made a furious charge, and drove them back upon the main body;
where they were in turn attacked and driven into the town. Here, for a
long time they maintained a desperate conflict, neither asking nor receiving quarter, until one hundred and eighty-six were killed, including, unfortunately, some women and children, who lost their lives in consequence
of being mingled with the warriors. The wounded survivors, and a number of women and children, were taken prisoners. General Coffee lost
five killed and forty wounded.
At midnight on the 7th of December, General Jackson set out with his
whole force, to assist a body of friendly Indians, who were besieged in a
fort near Talladega. The besiegers were attacked early on the 9th, and
after a vigorous struggle defeated, with the loss of three hundred warriors. Fifteen Americans were killed, and eighty wounded. Want of
provisions, and a mutiny among the troops, prevented General Jackson
from improving this victory by a rapid pursuit of the Indians.
Meanwhile, General White, with a detachment of the East Tennessee
militia, was sent against the towns of the Hillabee tribe. These Indians
had suffered severely at Talladega, and offered General Jackson to accept
peace at any terms. Ignorant of this, White attacked and destroyed their
principal town, (November 18th,) killed sixty warriors, and returned with
about two hundred and fifty prisoners. About the same time, the Georgia
militia, under General Floyd, attacked the Autossee towns, (Tallapoosa
river,) and after a contest of three hours, routed the Indians, and killed
two hundred warriors. Their own loss was eleven killed, fifty-four
wounded.
A considerable body of the enemy being posted at the bend of the
Tallapoosa, near Emucfaw Creek, General Jackson determined to proceed
thither immediately, both to attack them, and to make a diversion in favour
of General Floyd, who was advancing into the Indian country. He arrived on the 21st, and was attacked next morning by the Indians, who
made a furious charge upon his left flank; but whom be repulsed in a
warm action of half an hour. At the same time, General Coffee attacked
VO.L 1.-64 2 U
506 THE SOUTHERN VARt OF 1813.
them on the other side, and drove them into a swamp near the creek,
From this they were afterwards enticed, after which they were attacked
by the whole American army,; and utterly routed. Soon after, (January
27th, 1813,) General Floyd obtained a similar victory in the heart of the
Indian country.
On the 14th of March, General Jackson, with about three thousand
men, commenced another expedition against the Creeks, which ended in
the total overthrow and subjugation of that unfortunate nation. On the
27th, he reached the vicinity of Tobopeka, a strong Indian fortress on the
Tallapoosa, near the Horse-shoe Bend; and having despatched General
Coffee, at the head of the mounted infantry and friendly Indians, with
directions to gain the southern bank, and encircle the bend, he drew up
the remainder of his forces in front of the breastwork. Coffee's division
scaled the ramparts with impetuosity, and in a short time drove their opponents into the brush, with which the peninsula was covered. From
this they were again forced, and retreated to the southern bank, where
they found General Coffee's command on the opposite shore. Driven to
desperation, they took refuge behind the lofty and precipitous banks of the
river, from which they occasionally fired upon their conquerors. General
Jackson now sent them a flag of truce; but, perhaps, through mistake of
its import, they fired upon it, and continued the battle. The trees and
brush in which they had concealed themselves were then set on fire, and
the work of slaughter and misery continued until night, when the dark.
ness enabled the few wretched survivors to effect their escape.
This victory was a death-blow to the power and hopes of the Ci-eeks.
Their undaunted courage, contempt of death, and loftiness of spirit arc
manifested by the fact, that only four men were taken prisoners, while
three hundred women and children fell into the hands of the victors. But
surrounded by vastly superior numbers, their destruction was inevitable;
five hundred and fifty-seven warriors were found dead upon the ground,
besides a great number who perished in attempting to cross the river.
Fifty Americans were killed, one hundred and forty-six wounded.
Soon after this affair, General Jackson marched to the Hickory Ground,
where he was met by a deputation from the principal chiefs, who were
sent to sue for peace. They agreed to retire in the rear of the army, and
occupy the country east of the Coosa, while a line of American posts was
established from Tennessee and Georgia, to the Alabama.
The national Congress met in extra session, May 24th, 1813. In his
message, the President informed them, that the Emperor of Russia had
offered to mediate between Great Britain and the United States, for the
purpose of facilitating peace between them; that he had accepted the
offer, and that he had commissioned John Quincy Adams, Albert Gallatin,
and James A. Bayard, with full powers to conclude a treaty with the
THE SOUT HERN WAR OF 1813. 507
same number of British commissioners, clothed with similai powers. At
the annual session, he informed them, that contrary to expectation, England
had refused to treat under the mediation of Russia. During the session,
however, the Prince regent offered to appoint commissioners foria direct
negotiation at London or Gottenburg. This was accepted, and Henry Clay,
Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Jonathan Russell, together
with the commissioners already appointed, were the persons authorized to
treat with the authorities of Great Britain.
During this session, Congress passed several acts, providing liberally
for the payment of troops, as well as for the raising of new recruits. A
loan of twenty-five millions of dollars, and the issue of treasury notes for
five millions, were also authorized. Provision was also made for the increase and better organization of the navy, and for the better defence of
the sea-board by means of floating batteries, and the use of steam in propelling small vessels of war. An embargo which had been laid on exports, and the importation of articles of British produce or manufacture,
about three months before, was repealed, [April 14th.] The necessary
business of the session having been finished, Congress adjourned on the
lSth of April.
=-~~~~~~~~~dut
CAMPAIGN> OF814 ON THE NORTHERNRONTIER.
CAMPAIGN OF 1814 ON THE NORTHERN FRONTIER.
N the winter of 1813-14, the enemy having
gained possession of Fort Niagara, and being in
considerable force on the opposite shore, a d —
\ termination was formed to remove once more the:of war to that frontier. Perceiving that the conflict
"*-~-~ l)}~]t ~would be arduous and sanguinary, and that the master
spirits of the army alone could encounter it with any reasonable prospect
of success, the executive appointed General Brown to lead the expedition,
associating with him Scott, Gaines, Miller, and others, whose names have
become conspicuous for all that is noble in the profession of arms.
The preceding campaign being darkened by disasters, and having
failed, as many supposed, from the inability of those by whom it had been
conducted, General Brown and his officers were fully sensible of the deep
stake which both themselves and their country held on the issue of tne
present. Their hearts and minds were prepared, accordingly, to meet
with firmness the force of the crisis. It is generally understood that their
determination was, not to survive misfortune, which they felt assured the
public would regard, under any circumstances, as the result of mismanagement, and tantamount to disgrace. They went, resolved to conquer or
fall, that glory or the grave might cover them from censure.
This campaign being desfined to form a fresh epoch in the history of
508
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1814. 509
the war, presented from its commencement a new aspect. The movements of the army were conducted with a celerity, a silence, and a vigour,
which had not been observed on any former occasion. Accordingly,
General Brown had advanced on his march almost to Buffalo, before it was
generally known that he had left his encampment at Sackett's Harbour.
A few days previously to his passage into Upper Canada, the commanding general thus writes to his friend: "I shall, with the blessing of
God, pass the strait before me the first week in July-I do not see that
this army is to be assisted by the fleet of either lake, Commodore Sinclair
being ordered to Mackinac: but I do not despair of success, and rely on
the goodness of my cause, and the kindness of that Providence which has
never forsaken me."
The first achievement of General Brown on entering the enemy's territory, was the reduction of Fort Erie, the garrison of which surrendered
with but little resistance. He then declared martial law, and made
known his views in a proclamation essentially different from those that
had been issued by some of his predecessors. Instead of being marked
with empty boastings, and threats which he was utterly unable to execute, it breathed the principles and sentiments of an upright man and an
honourable warrior. It set forth that "men found in arms, or otherwise
engaged in acts of hostility, should be dealt with as enemies, while those
demeaning themselves peaceably, and pursuing their private business,
should be treated as friends: that private property should be in all cases
held sacred, but public property, wherever found, seized and disposed of
by the commanding general; that plundering was strictly prohibited: that
the major-general did not anticipate any difficulty in this respect from the
regular army, nor from honourable volunteers, who had pressed forward
to the standard of their country, to avenge her wrongs and to gain a name
in arms." The proclamation further declared, that "profligate men who
follow the army for plunder, must not expect to escape the vengeance of
those gallant spirits who are struggling to exalt the national character."
BATTLES OF OSWEGO AND SANDY CREEK.
__-_ ENERAL BROWN, after his arrival upon the
Niagara frontier, with the troops intended to act
under his immediate command, having received
information that the enemy was preparing an
expedition from Kingston against Oswego, detached Colonel Mitchell, with his battalion of
artillery, armed with muskets, to the arduous and
important service of retrograding as expeditiously as possible to the dernce of Oswego river, where was deposited an immense quantity of pub
2v 2
510 THE NORI HERN CAMPAIGN OF 1814.
SANDY CREEK.
lic property, together with the ordnance, ordnance stores, and naval equip
ments for the Ontario fleet at Sackett's Harbour. The colonel arrived at
Oswego from Batavia, a distance of one hundred and fifty-one miles, in
four and a half days' march, and such was the order and regularity of
this rapid movement, that the soldiers were not injured, nor any left behind. The fort of Oswego was found unoccupied, and only nominally a
fortification. Time had destroyed every external defence.
Indeed it was worth occupancy only on account of the barracks. The
exertions preparatory to the expected attack were proportionate to the
exigencies of the occasion. The guns, which had been considered as
unfit for service, were reproved, and with the batteries prepared for action.
The British Ontario fleet, commanded by Sir James Lucas Yeo, having
on board more than two thousand regular troops, under the command of
Lieutenant-general Drummond, arrived on the morning of the fifth of
May, and anchored off the fort, within the effective range of the guns of
the fleet. The attack commenced, and a constant fire was kept up during
the day on the frt and batteries. A powerful flotilla attempted repeatedly
to land the troops; but such was the destructive effect of the artillery
from the batteries, under the direction of that excellent officer, Captain
Boyle, that the enemy was repulsed with great loss of men, and several
of the boats. The policy of the commanding officer in pitching his
tents on the left bank bf the river, and his skilful manceuvering of his
THE NORTHERN CAM PAIGN OF 1814. 511
troops on the right, had the desired effect to deceive the enemy with
respect to his numbers. Thle British troops were re-embarked, the fleet
left its anchorage, and the object of the expedition was apparently relinquished.
The next morning the fleet returned, and, anchoring within half cannonshot of Captain Boyle's batteries, renewed and continued the cannonade
with great vigour. Captain Boyle and Lieutenant Legate were not idle.
Their batteries and skilful arrangements protected their men, whilst the;
British ship, the Wolf, suffered severely in men, masts, and rigging. Shewas repeatedly set on fire with hot shot.
Colonel Mitchell, knowing the fort to be untenable, and finding it
impossible to prevent the landing of the enemy, who was now approaching the shore at different points in great force, informed his officers of
his determination to fight as long as the honour of our arms and the
interest of his country should require it, and afterwards effect a retreat to
the main depot, at the Falls, the protection of which was the great object
of his march.
When the enemy, under the cover of the fleet, had landed and advanced
on the plain, the firing from the shipping and gun-boats ceased. Colonel
Mitchell took this favourable opportunity to deploy his battalion from a
ravine in rear of the fort, where he had been compelled to remain, to
avoid the immense shower of grape from the whole fleet. He now, with
Spartan bravery, advanced with two companies, under the command of
Captain Melvin and Lieutenant Ansart, (the latter commanding the excellent company of Captain Romayne, who was detached on important duty
on the left bank of the river,) and attacked the enemy advancing to the
fort, whilst Captain McIntire and Captain Pierce gallantly engaged and
beat offa vastly superior force of the enemy's light troops, who had been
detached for the purpose of preventing a retreat. Captain Boyle kept
up a deadly fire on the boats landing, and on the enemy advancing. The
contest was as daring as it was unequal; for the ground was maintained
by the Americans against the main body of the enemy, until a party of
them had carried Captain Boyle's batteries, and ascended the bastions of
the fort in rear of his left flank. Colonel Mitchell says, in his report,
that having done the enemy as much harm as was in his power, "he
retreated in good order." The force of the enemy on shore was much
more than two thousand soldiers and sailors, whilst the Americans did not
exceed three hundred soldiers, and about thirty sailors, under the gallant
Lieutenant Pearce, of the navy.
The entire loss of the enemy, in his several attacks on Colonel Mitchell's
position, was upwards of tuwo hundred and eighty in killed and wounded,
including among the latter several officers, while that of the Americans
did not exceed fifty in number.
512 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1814.
The determined bravery displayed by our troops in the field and on the
retreat, merits the admiration and applause, not only of the army, but of
the whole nation. Colonel Mitchell wore his full uniform on the day of
action, and, while retreating, was particularly singled out by the British
officers as a mark for the aim of their sharp-shooters. The colonel, on his
retreat, dismounted under a brisk and galling fire of musketry, and gave
his horses to Captain Pierce, who was exhausted in consequence of ill
health, and to a wounded serjeant, thereby saving them, by his bravery
and humanity, from the bayonets of a mortified and exasperated foe.
Colonel Mitchell reported, in the warmest language, the gallant conduct
of his whole detachment. Those excellent officers, whose names have not
been mentioned in this sketch, but who ought, from their heroism, to be
made known to their country, were Adjutant Charles Macomb, Lieutenant
Daniel Blaney, Lieutenant William King, Lieutenant Robb, Lieutenant
William McClintock, and Lieutenant Charles Newkirk. Lieutenant
Blaney, from Delaware, a young officer of high promise, and a favourite in
the corps, was killed gallantly fighting at the head of his platoon. He
rests in the tomb of honour.
The result of this affair was a victory to the Americans. In conse
quence of their obstinate resistance at the fort, persevered in for two entire
days, the enemy relinquished the whole object of the expedition. Public
property to the amount of more than a million of dollars was saved.
This was the first affair in General Brown's brilliant campaign. It was
the precursor of the glory afterwards achieved on the Niagara frontier, by
those distinguished troops who were ordered by the commanding general,
when they "should come in contact with the enemy, to bear in mind
Oswego and Sandy Creek."
The patriotic General Ellis, with his brigade, the militia of the neighbourhood, and the Indian warriors of the Oneida and Onondaga nations,
made expeditious marches to join Colonel Mitchell, and afford protection to
the important depot he had been despatched to protect. The colonel was
further reinforced by a detachment of riflemen, under the command of
Major Appling, of the United States army. The enemy, although prepared with proper pilots and boats to ascend the river, made no further
attempts to accomplish his important object, which would have given him
the undisputed superiority of the lake during the remainder of the war.
The enemy having raised a few navy guns, that were sunk by Captain
Woolsey, burnt the barracks, and robbed some of the inhabitants, with
great precipitation, on the same night, abandoned the fort, and returned
without a single laurel on his brow. Another expedition terminated in
the plunder of private property at Sodus, and a complete defeat at the
mouth of Genesee river by militia, under the command of that excellen
officer, General Peter B. Porter.
THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1814. 513
The commanding officer of the Canadas, being foiled in his attempts to
capture the public stores on the Oswvego river, now blockaded and threatened Sackett's Harbour, with the double view of making a diversion in
favour of the British army on the Niagara frontier, and, at the same time,
of retarding and intercepting all transportation by water.
In this situation, Sackett's Harbour was considered in danger. Colonel
Mitchell was ordered to reinforce that post. He left Oswego Falls in
command of Major Appling, with orders as soon as Captain Woolsey
should be ready to sail, to embark his riflemen on board the flotilla, for its
protection against the light boats of the enemy. Captain Woolsey, by his
well-directed demonstrations and reports, having induced the enemy oft
Oswego, to believe that all the guns and naval stores were to be sent up
the Oneida Lake, to be transported to the harbour by land, soon found a
favourable opportunity to run his boats with the heavy cannon, anchors,
and cables, into Lake Ontario. Every exertion was made, and every precaution taken in this important and hazardous enterprise, to run by the
blockading squadron in the night, into Sackett's Harbour. Captain Woolsey escaped discovery until he arrived near the mouth of Sandy Creek,
when he was observed by a detachment of gun-boats, manned with upwards of two hundred choice sailors and marines from the fleet, under the
command of Captain Popham, of the royal navy. Captain Woolsey
wisely ran his boats, protected by riflemen, up Sandy Creek, as far as
practicable, and gave information to General Gaines and Commodore
Chauncey of his situation. The next morning, being the thirtieth of May,
Captain Popham ascended Sandy Creek with his gun-boats, in the expectation that the rich and important prize in view, (viz., all the guns, cables,
and anchors for the SHips SUPERIOR AND MOHAWK,) would be obtained
without much danger or opposition. The marines were landed and put
in order of battle. The gun-boats, forming a powerful battery, were placed
in a situation to co-operate with them. At this moment, Major Appling,
who was in the woods near the place of landing, advanced and opened on
them a fatal fire. It was returned by the enemy; but his artillery and
musketry had no effect. The contest was hot. The enemy falling in
every direction under the unerring aim of the American marksmen, soon
surrendered. Our whole loss on the occasion was one killed and two
wounded. The loss of the enemy was fifty-six killed and wounded, including officers. Two post-captains, four lieutenants of the navy, and a
hundred and fifty-six sailors and marines were made prisoners.
Four gun-boats, mounting one sixty-eight pound carronade, one long
twenty-four pounder, one long twelve-pounder, one five and a half inch
cohorn, with Sir James Yeo's elegant gig, and a large quantity of ordnance
stores, were the trophies of this important victory.
The riflemen under the gallant Major Appling were the only troops
VoL II.-5
614 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1814.
engaged. They did not exceed one hundred and twenty in officers and
men. The Indian warriors and militia were not on the battle-ground until
after a proposal was made to surrender.
Colonel Mitchell, who arrived with reinforcements immediately after the
action, reported to General Gaines, that "Major Appling planned and
executed this brilliant affair, so honourable to our arms, so deserving of the
applause of the nation, and so important as affecting the ulterior operations
of the campaign."
Major Appling was deservedly raised by brevet in quick succession, to
the rank of lieutenant-colonel and colonel: he received, moreover, the
thanks of the President of the United States, and the applause of the
commanrding general of the armv. for this distinguished achievement
-- ~ ~ II
BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA.
I _ 0 sooner had the general made the necessary
arrangements in relation to the occupancy and
Hi- i security of Fort Erie, than he marched to attack
the enemy, who lay intrenched in his works at
Chippewa. This was by every one considered:N 1 -.'~tt 2 _ as a daring, by many as a rash and hazardous,
measure. But something signal being necessary to redeem the reputation which had been
lost in the events of former campaigns, difficulties and dangers and remonstrances were disregarded. They even increased the anxiety for action, inasmuch as they would add to the glory of
victory. The general's plans and determinations were formed, and nothing that human resolution, aided by all the means in his power, was
capable of surmounting, could restrain him from boldly attempting their
execution. The wished-for moment at length arrived. The enemy venturing from behind his intrenchments, the battle was fought on an open
plain, and, though not of long duration, was severe auld sanguinary. The
result is known. The soldiers and officers of Wellington, who had wrested
the. laurels from the veterans of France, were defeated by a detachment
from the American army. The only troops engaged, on the part of General Brown, were General Scott's brigade, and a corps of volunteers comrn
516 BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA.
manded by General Porter. The remainder of the army, although burn
ing for combat, had no opportunity of coming into action. Scott's brigade,
in particular, animated by the example, and directed by the skill of its
gallant and distinguished leader, performed little less than prodigies of
valour. Wherever that band of heroes-for such they were-directed
their fire or pointed their bayonets, the boasted "conquerors of the Peninsula" fled or fell. Nor were the volunteers under Porter wanting in
achievement. They manifested great coolness and bravery, and participated not a little in the honours of the day. The British fought on ground
deliberately chosen by themselves, as most suitable to their discipline and
plan of action, and the number of troops they had engaged-all regulars —
was considerably superior to that of the Americans. Notwithstanding this,
their discomfiture was complete, and their loss very considerable. Their
works alone, behind which they retreated, preserved them from certain
and irretrievable ruin. Such was the chastisement they received in this
affair, that, although battle was soon afterwards offered them again, on their
own terms, as will appear from an extract of a letter from General Brown,
they felt no disposition to accept the challenge.
The general, discovering that unfounded reports were in circulation
respecting some of the results of this battle, as well as the relative numbers
of the combatants, felt indignant at the ungenerous effort thus made to
detract from the well-merited fame of his army. To correct the honest
errors that were afloat, and counteract the wilful misrepresentations that
were but too industriously propagated on this subject, he loses no time in
making public the following statement: "We have ascertained to a certainty that the loss of the enemy was nearer six than four hundred. Great
injustice is done to my brave companions in arms, in overrating our numbers. The enemy had more regular troops than we had engaged, and
that upon a perfect plain, without a stump or a shrub to interpose.
Besides, General Ryal had planned his order of battle at leisure, and came
from behind his works in perfect condition for action." Shortly after the
action at Chippewa, the general thus writes to his friend from Queenstown: "Hoping and believing that the enemy would make another struggle in the field, if pressed on his strong ground, supported by his forts on
the height, I left all my baggage under a strong guard, and passed on
with three days' provision in our haversacks. The enemy fled before us.
abandoning his fort on the height, and burning his barracks. He has
retired for the present to Fort Niagara and Fort George. I shall rest my
army here a few days, taking care that the enemy shall not escape by
land, and with the hope of hearing from Commodore Chauncey. I am in
no condition to invest Forts George and Niagara without his aid and my
battering guns, which I expect him to bring me from the harbour. M3
ability to face the enemy in the field I do not doubt, and I shall not heal
BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA. 517
tate to meet him presently should he again offer me battle. I have now
seen the falls of Niagara in all their majesty, and my camp is situated in
a country affording the most sublime and beautiful scenery. I can fancy
nothing equal to it, except the noble contest of gallant men on the field of
battle, struggling for their country's glory and their own."
Fromn Queenstown, where he had been for a short time stationary,
General Brown marched with a part of his army down towards Fort
George. His object in this movement, besides reconnoitering the enemy,
was to be near to the shores of Lake Ontario, hoping that he might there
receive some intelligence respecting Commodore Chauncey and the fleet.
Being disappointed in this expectation, he returned after a few days to his
station at Queenstown. The enemy, in the mean time, were not inactive.
Having received large supplies, and no inconsiderable addition to their
numbers, they concentrated their forces in the peninsula between Burlington and Erie, and felt themselves in a condition to offer battle. The proposal was eagerly embraced by the American general and his brave
associates.
The British army, commanded by Lieutenant-general Drummond in
person, aided by Major-general Ryal and other skilful and distinguished
officers, fought again on its own ground. It had selected a spot favourable
for action, not far distant from the Falls of Niagara. T'ne Americans, who
were again the assailants, made the attack in the evening, led on, as at
Chippewa, by General Scott. The battle raged for several hours with
unabated fury, the troops having no other light to direct their movements,
and conduct their steps to mutual slaughter, but the dismal gleam of their
own arms. That wonder of nature, the adjacent falls, might equal, but
could not, in grandeur and magnificence, surpass the scene which this
conflict presented. Never was there a field more obstinately contested.
nor, considering the numbers engaged and the duration of the struggle, a
broader display of individual heroism. The enemy, although superior in
numbers at the commencement of the action, and reinforced by a considerable body of fresh troops during its continuance, were compelled to yield
to American valour. Four times did their bravest troops charge, to regain
their artillery which had been wrested from them, and as often were they
compelled to fall back in dismay. Their loss, in killed, wounded, and
prisoners, was upwards of a thousand men. Among the latter were
Major-general Ryal and twenty other commissioned officers, some of them
of rank. The loss on the American side, although somewhat less, was by
no means trifling. Genral Brown was himself severely wounded; and
among the slain was one of his aids, a youth of accomplished manners and
exalted promise. The intrepid Scott, who was to be found only where
slaughter was thickest and danger most threatening, received a wound
which, for some time, deprived his country of his services in the field.
2X
518 BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA
The severity of General Brown's wounds compelled him to a temporary
retirement from service. But in the space of a few weeks we find him
again at the head of his army, no longer, indeed, in the field, but within
the walls of Fort Erie. In the interim our troops in that fortress had been
much harassed and pressed by the enemy, now become superior in a still
higher degree by reinforcements, and exasperated to madness by their late
defeats. An assault of the works had been attempted, but was gallantly
repelled by the American forces then under the command of General
Gaines. Not long afterwards that excellent officer received a serious
wound from the bursting _of a shell, which obliged him also to retire for a
time from the service of his country.
Menaced in front by a powerful enemy, and having a river of difficult
passage in their rear, the troops in Fort Erie began to be considered in a
very perilous situation. The solicitude for the safety of men, who, by
acquiring glory for themselves, had conferred it on their country, became
universal and great. For a time every eye seemed directed towards Erie,
and every American heart felt a deep interest in the fate of those heroic
spirits who had fairly conquered the "conquerors of the peninsula."
But to a commander whose mind is firm, collected, and rich in resources,
difficulties are but the harbingers of fresh triumphs. While General
Drummond was engaged in formidable arrangements intended for the
destruction of the American forces, General Brown was still more actively
and sagaciously employed in devising means for their safety and glory.
DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE.
HE following account of the defence of Fort
Erie is contained in a letter from an officer who
was present:
New York, Nov. 15, 1815.
DEAR SIR,-Your letter of the 4th instant,
requesting me "to furnish you with such particulars of the siege and defence of Fort Erie as
came under my observation," has been received.
I assure you nothing could give me greater
pleasure than *, see that memorable scene of military achievement properly
noticed; and as the peace now furnishes the historian an opportunity for
that purpose, I shall most cheerfully communicate any information in my
power that can facilitate his labours. I have thought this object the more
desirable, as no detailed account of the siege has as yet made its appearance; and the public, with nothing before them but the official accounts
of a few leading circumstances, and perhaps some shreds of miscellaneous
information from other quarters, have been very unlikely to form correct
ideas of it. An instance of this may be found in the prevailing impres
519
520 DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE.
sion as to the size and structure of the works besieged; of which —.
although circumstances of no small importance in estimating the defencevery little appears to be correctly known. With respect to the size, for
example, it is generally supposed to have been quite small, as the original
Fort Erie was known to be so; and very few are aware that the name
used in the reports of our generals was intended to apply to any other
work. This circumstance, I am inclined to think, has had a very considerable negative influence on the public opinion of our siege, and I am
more particular to notice it on that account, that I may have an opportunity of correcting the error. With this view, therefore, I observe, that the
Fort Erie which was besieged and defended was in reality not a fort, but
a camp; unprotected by any peculiarity of situation, and, at the time of its
investment, equally so by any effective artificial means. The small unfinished Fort Erie, it is true, gave it a shadow of defence on one side; but
with only three guns mounted in any direction, it was indeed only a shadow.
In the course of the siege, however, other more efficient defences were added
to it, breastworks and traverses were thrown up, and batteries erected, and
these works, instead of being beaten down or even retarded in their progress by the fire of the besiegers, grew into strength and importance in
the very face of their cannon-a fact, I believe, unprecedented in the history of any war.
Not to trouble you, however, with any further explanations on this subject, I shall now revert to the condition of the work, as it fell into our
hands, and point out in detail the improvements made by us, and the state
of our defences at different periods of the siege.
Fort Erie, properly so called, was originally designed for a mere trading
post: it was situated about a hundred yards from the lake shore, and laid
out with the smallest dimensions that would admit of being regularly fortified. Its form was quadrangular, nearly square, with four bastions; only
two of them, however, forming the south-east or water front, had been
wrought upon to any extent, at the time the garrison capitulated to General
Brown. These were secured on the land side by a line of pickets
extending from gorge to gorge, and, to render them more defensible, their
contiguous faces were prolonged on the line of defence so as to leave a
curtain of no more than forty feet, and these continuations raised and
completed into two large block-houses. The gateway of the fort was in
the intermediate curtain, covered by a sort of ravelin of earth.
After the capture of this work, while General Brown was operating
down the strait, Lieutenant McDonough, who had been left in command,
was zealously engaged in improving its means of defence: so that the
army, on its return to the place after the battle of the Falls, found the bastions above named considerably raised; their ditches deepened; the line
of picke:, lsv which their gorges had been secured partly removed; and
DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE. 521
a breastwork of earth commenced for the more effectual accomplishment
of that object.
It was on the twenty-seventh of July that General Ripley, at that time
the commanding general, took up this position; his right flank being supported by the fort, and his left resting on a hillock seven hundred yards
distant, upon which a battery (Towson's) was immediately commenced for
Its protection. On the thirty-first, h. wever, while this battery was yet
unfinished, and the fort itself in a very inefficient state of defence, General
Drummond appeared before us with an army of four thousand five hundred men, and though we had not half that number to make resistance, he
cautiously opened trenches opposite to our right flank, and commenced
the formalities of a regular siege. Inspired by this compliment to their
courage and discipline in the field, (for indeed we could construe it in no
other light,) and determined not to be outdone in any mode of warfare, our
men seized their spades, instead of theil muskets, and prepared with
alacrity for the expected assault. Large working-parties were accordingly
distributed along our front and flanks to throw up the necessary breastworks and traverses; others were disposed on the two unwrought bastions
of the fort; and Towson's battery, upon which two days' work had already
been expended, was so far completed in three more, that three guns were
placed upon it upwards of twenty feet above the level of the circumjacent
country: two more were added to these soon afterwards —other batteries
were also commenced in the various exposed parts of our line, and completed by the exertions of particular corps. Such, for example, were Biddle's and Fontain's in front, between the fort and Towson's; the former of
three guns, and the latter of two; such also was the Douglass battery of
two guns on our right flank, between the fort and the water. On the
second of August, while we were yet in the midst of these labours, the
first gun of the siege was fired by us; and on the same day the cannonade
was partially commenced on the part of the enemy. They did not open a
regular battery upon us, however, till about the seventh, on which day all
our colours being displayed, and "Yankee Doodle" struck up by the
drums, their fire was promptly returned, amidst the loud and animated
cheers of our whole line. From this date till the fifteenth, the firing was
continued on both sides with very little intermission day or night. It was
not attended, however, with any very serious loss on our part, and, far
from retarding the progress of our works, seemed rather to accelerate it.
On the fourteenth we stood as follows:-Our line in front and on the left,
including Towson's and the other batteries nearly completed, and secured
by abatis in the most exposed parts; on the right, however, we were less
secure, the space between the Douglass battery and the fort being littlre
more than half closed up, except by a slight abatis; no abatis in front
and the fort itself yet in a very feeble state of resistance; added te'VOL. II. —66 x 2
522 DEFENCE OF FOR'r ERIE.
this, there was a wide opening between the Douglass battery and the
water.
On the evening of the fourteenth, General Gaines (who had taken the
command a few days before) having observed some signs of an approaching visit from the enemy, put his force in the best situation for giving them
a proper reception. The particulars of this affair are pretty generally
known, and have doubtless flowed to you through a great many channels
already; it will be necessary, however, for me to notice it, in order to
connect the parts of this detail; and as it was a most brilliant achievement, I shall endeavour to do so with some minuteness.
Agreeably to the order of the British general, a copy of which will be
found accompanying General Gaines's official letter, the attack was organized into three columns. The first, consisting of detachments to the
amount of thirteen hundred men, was placed under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Fischer, of the king's regiment. Seven hundred picked
men, under Lieutenant-colonel Drummond, of the one hundred and fourth,
comnposed the second or centre column. And the one hundred and third
regiment, amounting to upwards of eight hundred, with its own colonel
(Scott) at the head of it, constituted the third. The points against which
these columns were to move were respectively the left flank; the fort; and
the line between the fort and the lake; and the time fixed for the enterprise was an early hour of the following morning (the fifteenth.) Accordingly, about an hour and a half before day, the approach of an enemy was
discovered on the road west of Towson's battery, and immediately after,
the lines on that quarter were furiously assaulted by the enemy's first or
right column. The infantry of our left consisted at the time of the twentyfirst regiment, under the command of Major Wood, of the engineers; who
instantly drew up his line in the space between the battery and the water,
*and received the charge in a style suited to its impetuosity. Checked by
a seasonable volley from this corps, and a shower -of grape from Towson's
artillery, the enemy sustained the conflict but a few minutes, and fell back
to consolidate his ranks for a second attempt. This, however, proved
equally unsuccessful; and though it was followed up by a succession of
desperate charges, our column continued firm until the enemy was no
longer in a condition to give battle.
By this time the columns of Lieutenant-colonel Drummond and Colonel
Scott, which had been kept back till that of Lieutenant-colonel Fischer
should have commenced the action, were brought forward on our right
flank, and the battle was beginning to grow considerably warm in that
quarter. The object of the British commander in reserving these columns,
was undoubtedly to avail himself of the diversion which he supposed
would be effected by the attack of Lieutenant-colonel Fischer, and to rendersthis manceuvre the more effectual, he caused a feint of militia and
DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE. 523
Indians to debouche from the wood upon our centre, at the same time thathis centre and left columns advanced upon our right.
The firing had, in some measure, subsided on the left, when the approach of those columns was announced by the fire of our picket-guard
in a ravine, at a small distance from our right-and in less than a minute
afterwards the direction of the two was plainly distinguishable, by the
voices of their officers-one of them appearing to move from the ravine
towards the fort, and the other rapidly approaching its point of attack by
the margin of the lake. It has already been observed, that this flank was
in a very inefficient state of defence, and as this circumstance was doubtless known to the enemy, it became doubly necessary to make timely
resistance. Accordingly, the first of the two was promptly met by the
fire from the salient bastion of the fort, and the musketry on its right and
left; that on its right consisting of Boughton's and Harding's volunteers,
and that on its left of the ninth regiment-altogether making perhaps one
hundred and sixty or one hundred and seventy men. The night was excessively dark; but as near as we could judge: through the obscurity, thelast column did not continue long advancing-it seemed to hesitate at fifty
or sixty yards' distance —remained stationary for a minute, and then began
to recoil. At this critical moment loud and repeated calls from the salient,
bastion of the fort to " cease firing" caused a momentary suspension of
operations along the line below-but the threats and confusion with which
they were mingled immediately undeceived those to whom they were
directed as to the party from which they came, and conveyed the unwelcome intelligence that the enemy had been successful at that point. The
deception, though it lasted but for a moment, was sufficient to enable the
column that had been repulsed, to recover itself —which itdid, and returned
a second time to the charge. The enemy's threats were now no longer
heard —the action was renewed with more violence than ever, and though
the defenders were exposed to the fire of their own guns, which had been
turned upon them along with the enemy's musketry, from the captured
bastion, the assailing column was again driven back. Its leader, Colonel
Scott, was killed, and nearly all his party cut to pieces before it had ap-.
proached near enough to place its ladders, or avail itself of the open places
in our line. Such was the result of the attack at this point. In the,
mean time day had broken, and the enemy, notwithstanding several attempts
to dislodge him, was still in possession of the contested. bastion. He had
not been able, however, to derive any advantage from that circumstance,
and still less was he in a condition to do so now, as, Drummond himself
had fallen, and nearly all his party was killed or wounded. The passage.
from the bastion into the body of the fort was in a great measure -closed by
the position of one of the block-houses, mentioned in the former part o
this letter; this, though in a ruinous condition at the time, had been; oc.[ ________ __
524 DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE.
cupied the evening before by Lieutenant-colonel Trimble, with a detach
ment of the nineteenth infantry, whose well-directed fire, at the same time
that it galled the enemy severely in the bastion, had completely defeated
every attempt he made to penetrate farther. A destructive fire also had
been maintained upon him by a detachment of riflemen under Captain
Birdsall, who had posted himself advantageously for that purpose in the
ravuiln witnout tne ior,.
The column of Colonel Scott being now routed, the guns of the Douglass battery were so directed as to cut off all communication between the
contested bastion and the enemy's reserve-and a party of desperate fellows were about to rush in and finish the work, when a spark being communicated by some means to an ammunition chest under the platform, the
bastion, with those who occupied it, were blown into the air together.
This explosion has been assigned by the British general as the cause
of the ill success of his enterprise; but, in my opinion, the result was
rather favourable to him than otherwise. The force in the bastion was to
all intents and purposes defeated before it took place; the explosion could,
therefore, give us no advantage over that: while, on the other hand, it
caused the precipitate retreat of his reserve, which we should have intercepted in a few minutes more, and in all probability made prisoners.
The losses of the respective armies on this occasion, (of which you will
find very accurate statements accompanying General Gaines's official letters,) brought them on a footing so nearly equal, that the enemy was obliged,
for the present, to suspend his operations, and wait quietly the arrival of
reinforcements. This interval was diligently improved by us in restoring
the ruined bastion; which being soon done, we resumed the completion
of our lines, and the unfinished bastions, as before. Four days after the
action, the enemy, having had an accession of two full regiments, opened
a second battery, and re-commenced the cannonade more vigorously than
ever. This I consider the commencement of a period by far the most
trying of any during the siege. Our men, daily subjected to the most
laborious fatigue-duties, were often called out during the night to perform
those services which the fire of the enemy would not permit them to do
during the course of the day; while, even with this precaution, we had
the mortification to see them continually falling around us. I do not know
what may have been the average of our daily losses about this time, but
among the working-parties, particularly those in the face of the enemy, I
know it to have been very severe. But this was not all-the frequent
alarms and constant expectation of another attack rendered it necessary
to put at least one-third of our men under arms every night, while the
emaining two-thirds lay down with their accoutrements on, their boxes
stored with ammunition, their muskets in their hands, and their bayonets
fixed.
DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE. 525
The effect of these precautions was often witnessed in cases of alarm,
and I venture to say, from my own experience on such occasions, that at
no time during the continuance of this state, could an enemy have approached within three hundred and fifty yards, before the parapet would
have been completely lined, and the men ready to fire.
I think it proper here to mention an additional precaution, designed to
be used in case of a charge. At twilight, every evening, a great number
of pikes, constructed of the British bayonets which were taken on the
fifteenth, were laid at two feet distance from each other, along the whole
extent of our line. These being of a length equal to the thickness of
the parapet, would have been used with great effect in the event of an
escalade.
This mode of life continued for about thirty days, with very little variation, except what was sometimes occasioned by the skirmishes of our
pickets and corps of observation. In the course of this time the army had
the misfortune to lose the services of its amiable commander, General
Gaines, who was wounded by a shell in the early part of September, in
consequence of which General Brown, though still labouring under the
wounds he had received at the Falls, hastened to the spot, and resumed
the command of his division.
At length, about the middle of September, our lines were entirely completed, the new bastions nearly so, and four guns actually placed in the
one nearest the enemy. The brigade of General Porter having been
strengthened about the same time by a considerable reinforcement of New
York volunteers, we began to entertain some hopes of relieving ourselves
from the confinement to which we had been so long subjected; and some
measure appeared to be in agitation at head-quarters for the accomplishment of that object. Accordingly, on the seventeenth, orders were distributed to the different corps to supply themselves with ammunition, and be
in readiness to march.
The order was eagerly obeyed, and at two o'clock, P. M., of the same
day, the army being formed into two columns under Generals Porter and
Miller, filed out of camp by the left, and advanced upon the enemy.
The column of General Porter made a considerable detour through the
woods, in order to gain the enemy's extreme right; while that of General
Miller passed along the skirts of the wood, and concealed itself' in the
ravine mentioned above. While this was taking place, a heavy fall of rain
came on, which continued during the remainder of the day, it had no effect,
nowever, upon our operations; the column of General Porter approached
Its destination with such secrecy and address, that he was not discovered
by the enemy till'he rose upon them within pistol-shot of their lines. As
soon as the firing announced this event to General Miller, he left the
ravine in which he lay concealed, and charged upon the enemy's third
526 DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE.
Dattery, which, being carried, their whole line, as far as their second bat
tery inclusive, was in a few minutes completely in our possession.
The object of the enterprise being thus accomplished, the army retreated again within its lines. I have touched very lightly on the particulars
of this achievement, as every circumstance relating to it has been happily
described in the official letters of Generals Brown and Porter; and I
should not be able to add a single item to your stock of facts by so doing.
Referring you to them, therefore, I shall barely observe, that within half
an hour after the commencement of the action, the enemy had lost Arb:be
than a thousand of his number, and nearly all his artillery and miihtary
stores. Many of the British officers, who were present at this affair, pronounced it to have been at least equal, if not superior, to any thing of the
kind in military history. The best comment upon it, however, in my
view, is the practical one of General Drummond —who broke up his camp
three days afterwards, and retired rapidly down the river. Thus ended a
siege of fifty-one days, undertaken with the most sanguine hopes, not to
say entire confidence of immediate success. On visiting their works,
after they raised the siege, it was astonishing to see the obstructions
through which our men had been obliged to penetrate to get at the enemy.
All their works were faced with one or more lines of abatis, or felled
timber, and you could not move a dozen yards, in any direction, without
encountering the same kind of impediment. I am, &c.
The achievements of the American army during the last campaign in
Upper Canada, considering the circumstances under which they were
effected, need no comment. They are their own best interpreters, speaking in a language which cannot be misunderstood. They announce in
the commander, talents, perseverance, and daring enterprise, and in his
brave associates, patience and gallantry, invincible firmness and military
discipline in its highest style. They will be selected hereafter by the
hand of history to enrich and emblazon some of her choicest pages. To
triumph with inferior numbers, and in open conflict, over troops that had
defeated the veteran legions of France, is of itself sufficient to consummate
the glory of any commander: and such has been the fortune of General
Brown. We know it has been said by some, that the movements and
measures of the last campaign were characterized by rashness, and that
their successful issue is to be attributed more to good fortune than to able
generalship. We consider the charge as neither generous nor just.
What might well be deemed rashness at one conjuncture is wisdom at
another; and that general who does not trust somewhat to fortune will
rarely become great. He may, indeed, save his forces, and acquire the
reputation of a prudent commander; but, if he calculate too nicely, he is
not the man to gain for -his country a name in arms, nor suddenly to
DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE. 527
revive, by deeds of valour, the hopes and prospects of a people broken in
their spirits by repeated disasters.
It has been already stated that, at the opening of the Canadian campaign, the reputation of the American land-arms was at a low ebb. To
retrieve this, and arouse the spirits of the nation, something of noble and
impetuous daring —something beyond the mere dictates of cold, calculating
prudence and gray-haired wisdom, had become essential. The conlmander who would thus adventure —thus overstep the limits of common
military discretion, would hazard his fame as well as his life. -Of this
General Brown was as fully sensible as the sternest inculcator of wisdom
and caution. But he was no less sensible that the times demanded the
risk, at least, of a sacrifice, and he was willing, should Heaven so order
it, to be himself the victim. Hence the source-and wisdom herself will
yet' applaud them —of the hardy and hazardous measures he pursued.
At another time he might have been as circumspect in his calculations as
he has been heretofore venturesome: for such conduct, and such alone,
belongs to the character of an able captain-to suit his plans, by corresponding changes, to the nature of the'crisis, his own situation, and the
exigency of affairs. Notwithstanding the prevalence of a contrary belief
in the minds of many, such was unquestionably the conduct of Washington, that model of all that is praiseworthy in a commander.
~(= L~ 9____ -— J
/1r' 7 E l' f; F \
r 1
L _ _ IJ L
BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG, AND DEPREDATIONS OF
THE BRITISH AT WASHINGTON.. HE following are the official accounts of this barbarous
invasion of the British, attended with circumstances
of atrocity which would have disgraced the Vandals.
BALTIMrORE, dtugust 27, 1814.
When the enemy arrived at the mouth of Potomac,
of all the militia which I had been authorized to
-r] H fassemble there were but about one thousand seven
hundred in the field, from thirteen to fourteen hun.
dre, under General Stansbury near this place, and about two hundred and
fifty at Bladensburg, under Lieutenant-colonel Kramer; the slow progress
of draft, and the imperfect organization, with the ineffectiveness of the
laws to compel them to turn out, rendered it impossible to have procured
more.
The militia of this state, and the contiguous parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, were called on en masse, but the former militia law of Pennsylvania had expired on the 1st of June or July, and the one adopted in it:s
place is not to take effect in organizing the militia before October. No
aid, therefore, has been received from that state.
With all the force that could be put at my disposal in that short time,
BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG. 529
and making such dispositions as I deemed best calculated to present the
most respectable force at whatever point the enemy might strike, I was
enabled, by the most active and harassing movements of the troops, to interpose before the enemy at Bladensburg, about five thousand men, including three hundred and fifty regulars, and Commodore Barney's command.
Much the largest portion of this force arrived on the ground when the
enemy were in sight, and were disposed to support in the best manner the
position which General Stansbury had taken. They had barely reached
the ground before the action commenced, which was about one o'clock, P. M.,
of the 24th instant, and continued about an hour.
The contest was not as obstinately maintained as could have been desired, but was by parts of the troops sustained with great spirit, and with
prodigious effect, and had the whole of our force been equally firm, I am
induced to believe the enemiy would have been repulsed, notwithstanding
all the disadvantages under which we fought. The artillery from Baltimore, supported by Major Pinkney's rifle battalion, and a part of Captain
Doughty's from the navy yard, were in advance to command the pass of
the bridge at Bladensburg, and played upon the enemy, as I have since
learned, with very destructive effect; but the rifle troops were obliged
after some time to retire, and of course artillery. Superior numbers, however, rushed upon them and made their retreat necessary, not however
without great loss on the part of the enemy. Major Pinkney received a
severe wound in his right arm, after he had retired to the left flank of
Stansbury's brigade. The right and centre of Stansbury's brigade, consisting of Lieutenant-colonel Ragan's and Shutez's regiments, generally gave
way very soon afterwards, with the exception of about forty rallied by
Colonel Ragan, after having lost his horse, and a whole or a part of Captain Trower's company, both of whom General Stansbury represents to
have made, even thus deserted, a gallant stand. The fall which Lieutenant-colonel Ragan received from his horse, together with his great efforts
to sustain his position, rendered him unable to follow the retreat; we
have, therefore, to lament that this gallant and excellent officer has been
taken prisoner. He has, however, been paroled, and I met him here recovering from the bruises occasioned by his fall. The loss of his services
at this moment is serious. The 5th Baltimore regiment, under Lieutenant-,zolonel Sterret, being the left of Brigadier-general Stansbury's brigade,
still, however, stood their ground, and except for a moment, when part of
them recoiled a few steps, remained firm, and stood until ordered to retreat,
with a view to prevent them from being out-flanked.
The reserve under Brigadier-general Smith, of the district of Columbia,
with the militia of the city and Georgetown, with the regulars, and some
detachments of the Maryland militia, flanked on their right by Commodore
Barney, and his brave fellows, and Lieutenant-colonel Beall, still were to
VOL Hl.-67 2 Y
530 BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG.
the right on the hill, and maintained the contest for some time with great
effect.
It is not with me to report the conduct of Commodore Barney and his
command, nor can I speak from observation, being too remote; but the
concurrent testimony of all who did observe them, does them the highest
justice for their brave resistance, and the destructive effect they produced
on the enemy. Commodore Barney, after having lost his horse, took post
near one of his guns, and there unfortunately received a severe wound in
the thigh, and he also fell into the hands of the enemy.
Captain Miller, of marines, was wounded in the arm, fighting bravely.
From the best intelligence, there remains but little doubt that the enemy:ost at least four hundred killed and wounded, and of these a very unusual
portion killed. Our loss cannot, I think, be estimated at more than frorn
thirty to forty killed, and fifty or sixty wounded.
You will readily understand that it is impossible for me to speak minutely of the merit or demerit of particular troops, so little known to me
from their recent and hasty assemblage. My subsequent movements, for
the purpose of preserving as much of my force as possible, gaining reinforcements and protecting this place, you already know.
I have the honour to be, &c.,
WM. H. WINDER,
Brig. Gen. Comdg. 10th M. D.
P. S. We have to lament that Captain Sterret, of the 5th Baltimore
regiment, has also been wounded, but is doing well; other officers, no
doubt, deserve notice, but I am as yet unable to particularize.
Hon. JOHN ARMSTRONG, Secretary at War.
NAVY YARD, Washington, dugust 27, 1814.
_- _ _ — _ —_-_- - FTER receiving your orders of the 24th,
directing the public shipping, stores, &c.,
-'m ~ at this establishment, to be destroyed, in
case of the success of the enemy over
____. - our army, no time was lost in making the
necessary arrangements for firing the
whole, and preparing boats for departing
from the yard, as you had suggested
I I. ~2 About 4, P. M., I received a message by an
- officer from the Secretary of War, with information that he could "protect me no longer." Soon after this, I was
informed that the conflagration of the Eastern Branch bridge had commenced; and, in a few minutes, the explosion announced the blowing up
of that part near the "draw," as had been arranged in the morning.
It had been promulgated, as much as in my power, among the inhabit,
BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG. 531
ants of the vicinity, the intended fate of the yard, in order that they might
take every possible precaution for the safety of themselves, families, and
property. Immediately several individuals came, in succession, endeavouring to prevail on me to deviate from my instructions, which they were
invariably informed was unavailing, unless they could bring me your instructions in writing, countermanding those previously given. A deputation also
of the most respectable women came on the same errand, when I founi
myself painfully necessitated to inform them that any farther importunities
would cause the matches to be instartLy applied to the trains, with assurance, however, that if left at peace, I would delay the execution of the
orders as long as I could feel the least shadow of justification. Captain
Creighton's arrival at the yard, with the men who had been with him at the
bridge, (probably about five o'clock,) would have justified me in instant operation; but he also was strenuous in the desire to obviate the intended
destruction, and volunteered to ride out and gain me positive information
as to the position of the enemy, utder th -hope that our army might-have
rallied and repulsed them. I was, myself, indeed, desirous of delay, for
the reason that the wind was then blowing fresh from the south south-west,
which would most probably have caused the destruction of all the private
property north and east of the yard, in its neighbourhood. I was of
opinion, also, that the close of the evening would bring with it a calm, in
which happily we were not disappointed. Other gentlemen, well mounted,
volunteered, as Captain Creighton had done, to go out and bring me positive intelligence of the enemy's situation, if possible to obtain it.
The evening came, and I waited with much anxiety the return of Captain Creighton, having almost continual information that the enemy were
in the neighbourhood of the marine barracks-at the Capitol hill-and that
their "advance" was near Georgetown. I therefore determined to wait
only until half-past eight o'clock, to commence the execution of my orders,
becoming apprehensive that Captain Creighton had, from his long stay,
fallen into the: hands of the enemy. During this delay, I ordered a few
marines, and other persons who were then near me, to go off in one of the
small galleys, which was done, and the boat is saved. Colonel Wharton
had been furnished with a light boat, with which he left the yard, probably
between seven and eight o'clock. At twenty minutes past eight, Captain
Creighton returned; he was still extremely averse to the destruction of the
property, but having informed him that your orders to me were imperative,
the proper disposition of the boats being made, the matches were applied,
and in a few moments the whole was in a state of irretrievable conflagra
tion. When about leaving the wharf, I observed the fire had also corn
menced at Greenleaf's Point, and in the way out of the branch, we observed the Capitol on fire. It had been my intention not to leave the;icinity of the yard with my boat during the night; but having Captain
532 BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG.
Cre.ghton, and other gentlemen with me, she was too much encumbered
and overladen to render that determination proper. We therefore pro.
ceedtd to Alexandria, in the vicinity of which I rested till the morning of
the 25th, when, having also refreshed the gig's crew, we left Alexandria
at half-past seven o'clock, and proceeded again up to the yard, where I
landed, unmolested, about a quarter before nine.
The schooner Lynx had laid alongside the burning wharf, still unhurt;
hoping, therefore, to save her, we hauled her to the quarter of the hulk of
the New York, which had also escaped the ravages of the flames. The
detail issuing store of the navy storekeeper had remained safe from the
fire during the night, which the enemy, (being in force in the yard,) about
eight o'clock set fire to, and it was speedily consumed. It appeared that they
had left the yard about half an hour when we arrived. I found my
dwelling-house. and that of Lieutenant Haraden, untouched by fire; but
some of the people of the neighbourhood had commenced plundering
them; therefore, hastily collecting a few persons known to me, I got sonme
of my most valuable materials moved to neighbours' houses out of the yard,
who tendered me their offers to receive them, the enemy's officers having
declared private property sacred. Could I have stayed another hour, I had
probably saved all my furniture and stores; but being advised by some
friends, that I was not safe, they believing that the admiral was by that
time, or would speedily be informed of my being in the yard, he having
expressed an anxious desire to make me captive, but had said that the
officers' dwellings in the yard should not be destroyed-I therefore again
embarked in the gig, taking along out of the branch one of the new
launches, which lay safe, although alongside of a floating stage enveloped
in flames. I had no sooner gone out than such a scene of devastation and
plunder took place in the houses, (by the people of the neighbourhood,) as
is disgraceful to relate; not a movable article, from the cellars to the garrets, has been left us, and even some of the fixtures, and the locks of the
doors, have been shamefully pillaged. Some of the perpetrators, however,
have been made known to me.
From the number and movements of the enemy, it would have appeared
rash temerity to have attempted returning again that day, though my inclination strongly urged it; therefore, reconnoitering their motions, as well
as could be effected at a convenient distance in the gig, until evening, I again
pioceeded to Alexandria for the night. Yesterday morning, the 26th, it
was impossible to form (from the various and contradictory reports at Alexandria) any sort of probable conjecture, either of the proceedings and situation of our army, or that of the enemy. Determining, therefore, to have
a positive knowledge of some part thereof, from ocular demonstration, I
again embarked in the gig, proceeding with due caution to the yard, where
I learned with chagrin the devastation and pillage before mentioned, and
BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG. 533
found also, to my surprise, that the old gun-boat, which had been loaded
with provisions, and had grounded, in endeavouring to get out of the
branch, on the evening of the 24th, was nearly discharged of her cargo,
hy a number of our people, without connection with each other. Having
Mnded in the yard, I soon ascertained that the enemy had left the city,
excepting only a serjeant's guard, for the security of the sick and wounded.
Finding it impracticable to stop the scene of plunder that had commenced,
I determined instantly on re-possessing the yard, with all the force at my
conimand. Repairing, therefore, immediately to Alexandria, Lieutenant
Haraden, the ordinary men, and the few marines there, were ordered directly up; following myself, I got full possession again at evening.
I am now collecting the scattered purloined provisions, ready for your
orders, presuming they will now become very scarce indeed; the quantity
saved, you shall be informed when known to me. The Lynx is safe,
except her foremast being carried away in the storm of the 25th, about
4, P. M. We have also another of the gun-boats, with about one hundred
barrels of powder, and one of the large yard-cutters, nearly full, with the
filled cylinders, for our different guns previously mounted; the powder of
those, however, is probably much wetted by the storm. I would most
willingly have an interview with you, but deem it improper to leave my
station without some justifiable cause, or in pursuance of your instructions, under which I am'eady to proceed, wherever my services may be
thought useful.
I have the honour to be, &c.
THOMAS TINGEY.
Hon. W. JONES, Secretary of the Navy.
FARM AT ELK RIDGE, JUgUSt 29, 1814........ HIS is the first moment I have had it in
my power to make a report of the proceedings of the forces under my command,
since I had the honour of seeing you at the.. \, 1 $7 i ~camp at the "Old Fields." On the after\ noon of that day, we were informed that
the enemy was advancing upon us. The
army was put under arms, and our po-. sitions taken; my forces on the right,
- --— _ flanked by the two battalions of the 36th
and 38th, where we remained some hours; the enemy did not make.
his appearance. A little before sunset General Winder came to me,
and recommended that the heavy artillery should be withdrawn, with the
exception of one twelve-pounder to cover the retreat. We took up our
line of march, and in the night entered Washington by the Eastern Branch
534 BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG.
bridge. I marched my men, &c., to the marine barracks, and took up
quarters for the night, myself sleeping at Commodore Tingey's, in the
navy yard. About two o'clock, General Winder came to my quarters, and
we made some arrangements for the morning. In the morning, I received
a note from General Winder, and waited upon him; he requested me to
take command, and place my artillery to defend the passage of the bridge
on the Eastern Branch, as the enemy was, approaching the city in that
direction. I immediately put my guns in position, leaving the marines,
and the rest of my men at the barracks, to wait further orders. I was in
this situation, when I had the honour to meet you, with the President and
heads of departments, when it was determined that I should draw off my
guns and men, and proceed towards Bladensburg, which was immediately
put into execution. On our way, I was informed the enemy was within a
mile of Bladensburg; —we hurried on. The day was hot, and my men
very much crippled from the severe marches we had experienced the days
before, many of them being without shoes, which I had replaced that
morning. I preceded the men, and when I arrived at the line which separates the district from Maryland, the battle began. I sent an officer back
to hurry on my men; they came up in a trot; we took our position on the
rising ground, put the pieces in battery, posted the marines under Captain
Miller, and the flotilla men, who were to act as infantry, under their own
officers, on my right, to support the pieces, and waited the approach of the
enemy. During this period, the engagement continued, and the enemy
advancing, our own army retreating before them, apparently in much disorder. At length the enemy made his appearance on the main road, in
force, and in front of my battery, and on seeing us made a halt. I reserved
our fire. In a few minutes the enemy again advanced, when I ordered an
eighteen-pounder to be fired, which completely cleared the road; shortly
after, a second, and a third attempt was made by the enemy to come forward, but all were destroyed. They then crossed over into an open field,
and attempted to flank our right; he was there met by three twelvepounders, the marines under Captain Miller, and my men, acting as infantry, and again was totally cut up. By this time not a vestige of the
American army remained, except a body of five or six hundred, posted on
a height on my right, from whom I expected much support, from their
fine situation.
The enemy, from this period, never appeared in force in front of us;
they pushed forward their sharp shooters; one of which shot my horse from
under me, who fell dead between two of my guns. The enemy, who had
been kept in check by our fire for nearly half an hour, now began to outflank us on the right; our guns were turned that way; he pushed up the
hill, about two or three hundred, towards the corps of Americans stationed
as abov'e describerl, who, to my great mortification, made no resistance
BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG. 535
giving a fire or two, and retired. In this situation, we had the whole army
of the enemy to contend with. Our ammunition was expended; and, unfortunately, the drivers of my ammunition wagons had gone off in the
general panic. At this time, I received a severe wound in my thigh;
Captain Miller was wounded; sailing-master Warner, killed; acting sailing-master Martin, killed; and sailing-master Martin, wounded; but to
the honour of my officers and men, as fast as their companions and messmates fell at the guns, they were instantly replaced from the infantry.
Finding the enemy now completely in our rear, and no means of defence, I gave orders to my officers and men to retire. Three of my officers
assisted me to get off a short distance, but the great loss of blood occasioned such a weakness that I was compelled to lie down. I requested
my officers to leave me, which they obstinately refused; but upon being
ordered, they obeyed-one only remained. In a short time, I observed a
British soldier, and had him called, and directed him to seek an officer; in
a few minutes an officer came, and on learning who I was, brought General
Ross and Admiral Cockburn to me. Those officers behaved to me
with the most marked attention, respect, and politeness, had a surgeon
brought, and my wound dressed immediately. After a few minutes'
conversation, the general informed me (after paying me a handsome conlpliment) that I was paroled, and at liberty to proceed to Washington or
Bladensburg; as also Mr. Huffington, who had remained with me, offering
me every assistance in his power, giving orders for a litter to be brought,
in which I was carried to Bladensburg; Captain Wainwright, first captain
to Admiral Cochrane, remained with me, and behaved to me as if I was a
brother. During the stay of the enemy at Bladensburg, I received every
marked attention possible, from the officers of the army and navy.
-My wound is deep, but I flatter myself not dangerous; the ball is not yet
extracted. I fondly hope, a few weeks will restore me to health, and that
an exchange will take place, that I may resume my command, or any
other that you and the President may think proper to honour me with.
I have the honour to be, &c., JOSHUA BARNZY.
Hlon. W. JONES, Secretary of the Navy.'i N
(1(
. r. ___. C ~ r l fi''-'I a__. _ ___tor of t he
BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG.
IHE following is General Macomb's official ac_-''- _' count of the battle of Plattsburg; in which
-X K it will be perceived that General Wool, who
distinguished himself so remarkably at Buena
a the disposl Vista, bore an important part.
Copy of a letter from Brigadier-general
Macomb to the secretary of war, dated
HErAD-QUARTERS, Plattsburg, September 15,"1814.
SIR: —-I have the honour to communicate, for the information of the
war department, the particulars of the advance of the enemy into the territory of the United States, the circumstances attending the siege of Platts
burg, and the defence of the posts intrusted to my charge.
The governor-general of the Canadas, Sir Geoige Prevost, having collected all the disposable force in Lower Canada, with a view of conquering
the country as far as Crown Point and Ticonderoga, entered the territories
of the United States on the 1st of the month, and occupied the village of
Uhamplain; there avowed his intentions, and issued orders and proclamations, tending to dissuade the people from their allegiance, and inviting
536
BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG. 537
them to furnish his army with provisions. He immediately began to
impress the wagons and teams in the vicinity, and loaded them with his
heavy baggage and stores. From this I was persuaded he intended to
attack this place. I had but just returned from the lines, where I com.
manded a fine brigade, which was broken up to form the division under
Major-general Izard, ordered to the westward. Being senior officer, he
left me in command; and except the four companies of the sixth regiment, I had not an organized battalion among those remaining. The garrison was composed of convalescents and recruits of the new regiments —
all in the greatest confusion, as well as the ordnance and stores, and the
works in no state of defence.
To create an emulation and zeal among the officers and men in completing the works, I divided them into detachments, and placed them near
the several forts; declaring, in orders, that each detachment was the garrison of its own work, and bound to defend it to the last extremity.
The enemy advanced cautiously, and by short marches, and our soldiers
worked day and night; so that by the time he made his appearance
before the place, we were prepared to receive him.
General Izard named the principal work Fort Moreau, and, to remind
the troops of the actions of their brave countrymen, I called the redoubt
on the right, Fort Brown; and that on the left, Fort Scott. Besides these
three works, we have two block-houses strongly fortified.
Finding, on examining the returns of the garrison, that our force did
not exceed fifteen hundred effective men for duty, and well-informed that
the enemy had as many thousands, I called on General Mooers, of the New
York militia, and arranged with him plans for bringing forth the militia en
masse. The inhabitants of the village fled with their families and effects,
except a few worthy citizens and some boys, who formed themselves into
a party, received rifles, and were exceedingly useful. By the 4th of the
month, General Mooers collected about seven hundred militia, and advanced seven miles on the Beckmantown road, to watch the motions of the
enemy, and to skirmish with him as he advanced; also to obstruct the'oads with fallen trees, and to break up the bridges.
On the lake road to Dead Creek bridge, I posted two hundred men
under Captain Sproul, of the thirteenth regiment, with orders to abattis the
woods, to place obstructions in the road, and to fortify himself; to this party
I added two field-pieces. In advance of this position was Lieutenant-colonel Appling, with a hundred and ten riflemen, watching the movements
of the enemy, and procuring intelligence. It was ascertained that,
before daylight on the 6th, the enemy would advance in two columns, on
the two roads before-mentioned, dividing at Sampson's, a little below Chazy
village. The column on the Beckmantown road proceeded most rapidly;
the militia skirmished with his advanced parties, and, except a few brave
VoL. IX -68
538 BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG.
men. fell back most precipitately in the greatest disorder, notwithstanding
the British troops did not deign to fire on them, except by their flankers
and advanced patroles. The night previous, I ordered Major Wool to
advance with a detachment of two hundred and fifty men to support the
militia, and set them an example of firmness. Also Captain Leonard, of
the light artillery, was directed to proceed with two pieces, to be on the
ground before day, yet he did not make his appearance until eight
o'clock, when the enemy had approached within two miles of the village.
With his conduct, therefore, I am not well pleased. Major Wool, with
his party, disputed the road with great obstinacy, but the militia could not
be prevailed upon to stand, notwithstanding the exertions of their general
and staff officers; although the fields were divided by strong stone walls,
and -they were told that the enemy could not possibly cut them off. The state
dragoons of New York wear red coats, and they being on the heights to
watch the enemy, gave constant alarm to the militia, who mistook them
for the enemy, and feared his getting in their rear. Finding the enemy's
columns had penetrated within a mile of Plattsburg, I despatched my aidde-camp, Lieutenant Root, to bring off the detachment at Dead Creek,
and to inform Lieutenant Appling that I wished him to fall on the enemy's right flank. The colonel fortunately arrived just in time to save his
retreat, and to fall in with the head of a column debouching from the
woods. Here he poured in a destructive fire from his riflemen at rest,
and continued to annoy the column until he formed a junction with Major
Wool. The field-pieces did considerable execution among the enemy's
columns. So undaunted, however, was the enemy, that he never deployed in his whole march, always pressing on in column. Finding that
every road was full of troops crowding on us on all sides, I ordered the
field-pieces to retire across the bridge and form a battery for its protection,
and to cover the retreat of the infantry, which was accordingly done, and
the parties of Appling and Wool, as well as that of Sproul, retired alternately, keeping up a brisk fire until they got under cover of the works.
The enemy's light troops occupied the houses near the bridge, and kept
up a constant firing from the windows and balconies, and annoyed us
much. I ordered them to be driven out with hot shot, which soon put the
houses in flames, and obliged these sharp-shooters to retire. The whole
day, until it was too late to see, the enemy's light troops endeavoured to
drive our guards from the bridge, but they suffered dearly for their perseverance. An attempt was also made to cross the upper bridge, where the
militia handsomely drove them back.
The column which marched by the lake road was much impeded by
the obstructions, and. the removal of the bridge at Dead Creek, and, as it
~assed the creek and beach, the galleys kept up a lively and galling fire.
Our troops being now on the south side of the Saranac, I directed the
BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG. 539
planks to be taken off the bridges and piled up in the form of breast-works
to cover our parties intended for disputing the passage, which afterwards
enabled us to hold the bridges against very superior numbers.
From the 7th to the 11th, the enemy was employed in getting on his
battering train, and erecting his batteries and approaches, and constantly
skirmishing at the bridges and fords. By this time the militia of New
York and the volunteers of Vermont were pouring in from all quarters. 1
advised General Mooers to keep his force along the Saranac to prevent the
enemy's crossing the river, and to send a strong body in his rear to harass
him day and night, and keep him in continual alarm.
The militia behaved with great spirit after the first day, and the volunteers of Vermont were exceedingly serviceable. Our regular troops, notwithstanding the skirmishing and repeated endeavours of the enemy to
cross the river, kept at their work day and night, strengthening the
defences; and evinced a determination to hold out to the last extremity.
It was reported that the enemy only waited the arrival of his flotilla, to
make a general attack. About eight in the evening of the 11th, as was
expected, the flotilla appeared in sight round Cumberland Head, and at nine
bore down and engaged our flotilla at anchor in the bay off the town. At
the same instant, the batteries were opened on us, and continued throwing
bomb-shells, sharpnels, balls, and congreve rockets, until sunset, when the
bombardment ceased, every battery of the enemy being silenced by the
superiority of our fire. The naval engagement lasted but two hours,
in full view of both armies. Three efforts were made by the enemy to
pass the river at the commencement of the cannonade and bombardment,
with a view of assaulting the works; and he had prepared for that purpose an immense number of scaling ladders. One attempt to cross was
made at the village bridge, and another at the upper bridge, and a third at
a ford about three miles from the works. At the two first he was repulsed
by the regulars, at the ford by the brave volunteers and militia, where he
suffered severely in killed and wounded, and prisoners; a considerable
body having crossed the stream, but were either killed, taken, or driven
back. The woods at this place were very favourable to the operations of
the militia. A whole company of the seventy-sixth regiment was here
destroyed, the three lieutenants and twenty-seven men taken prisoners,
the captain and the rest killed.
I cannot forego the pleasure of here stating the gallant conduct of Captain McGlassin, of the fifteenth regiment, who was ordered to ford the river,nd attack a party constructing a battery at the right of the enemy's line,
within five hundred yards of Fort Brown, which he handsomely executed
at midnight, with fifty men; drove off the working-party, consisting of a
hundred and fifty, and defeated a covering party of the same number, killing one officer and six men in the charge, and wounding many.
540 BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG
At dusk, the enemy withdrew his artillery from the batteries, and raised
the siege, and at nine, under cover of the night, sent off in a great hurry
all the baggage he could find transport for, and all his artillery. At two
the next morning, the whole army precipitately retreated, leaving the sick
and wounded to our generosity, and the governor left a note with a surgeon, requesting the humane attention of the commanding general.
Vast quantities of provisions were left behind and destroyed; also, an
immense quantity of bomb-shells, cannon-balls, grape-shot, ammunition,
flints, &c., &c., intrenching tools of all sorts; also, tents and marquees.
A great deal has been concealed in the ponds and creeks, and buried in
the ground, and a vast quantity was carried off by the inhabitants. Such
was the precipitance of his retreat, that be arrived at Chazy, a distance of
eight miles, before we discovered he had gone. The light troops, volunteers, and militia, pursued immediately on learning of his flight; and some
of the mounted men made prisoners five dragoons of the nineteenth regiment, and several others of the rear-guard. A continual fall of rain and
a violent storm prevented further pursuit. Upwards of three hundred
deserters have come in, and many are hourly arriving.
We have buried the British officers of the army and navy with the
honours of war, and shown every attention and kindness to those who have
fallen into our hands.
The conduct of the officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers of
my command, during this trying occasion, cannot be represented in too
high terms, and I feel it my duty to recommend to the particular notice
of government, Lieutenant-colonel Appling, of the first rifle corps; Major
Wool, of thb twenty-ninth; Major Totten, of the corps of engineers;
Captain Brooks, of the artillery; Captain McGlassin, of the fifteenth;
Lieutenants De Russy and Trescott, of the corps of engineers; Lieutenants Smyth, Mountford, and Cromwell, of the artillery; also, my aid-decamp, Lieutenant Root, who have all distinguished themselves by their
uncommon zeal and activity, and have been greatly instrumental in producing the happy and glorious result of the siege.
I have the honour to be, with sentiments of profound respect, sir, your
most obedient, humble servant,
ALEX. MACOMB.
The loss of the eneiny, in killed, wounded, prisoners, and deserters,
since his first appearance, cannot fall short of two thousand five hundred,
including many officers, among whom is Colonel Wellington of the Butff.
OOMMODORB MAODONOUGEH.
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN.
OWARDS the close of the summer of
1814, it became apparent that the enemy
meditated an important movement on
the frontiers of New York and Vermont.
____ ==________ _Large bodies of troops-veterans who
had seen service in the peninsular war
-- -were poured into Canada, and it was
known that a heavy detachment under
General Prevost were advancing upon
Plattsburg. A regular force, quite inadequate to resist the attack, were
awaiting it, under the command of General Macomb. This able officer
made the best disposition of his troops which circumstances would permit;
and the militia from the neighbouring regions were coming in to his
support.
Simultaneously with their operations on land, the enemy were preparing
for a decisive action on the lake; and Macdonough put the fleet under his
2 Z 541
542 BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN.
command in readiness for receiving him. His force consisted of the Sara
toga, twenty-six guns; the Eagle, twenty guns; the Ticonderoga, seventeen guns; the Preble, seven guns; and ten galleys, carrying sixteen;in the whole, eighty-six guns.
The British force was greater: the frigate Confiance, thirty-nine guns;
the Linnet, sixteen guns; the Finch, eleven guns; and thirteen galTeys,
carrying eighteen guns;-in all ninety-five guns-nine more than were
in the American fleet; their complement of men was much greater. The
calmness of this lake permitted heavy armaments -in comparatively light
vessels; and of this circumstance the British availed themselves to the
utmost, giving their commodore a ship equal in force to the President or
the Constitution, with which he —being a-veteran commander-made sure
of capturing: the young officer, ranking as. lieutenant, who was his opponent in a flag-ship of twenty-six guns. -But.''the race is not always to
the swift, nor the battle to the strong." Skill, discipline, address, seamanship, and coolness, go for something; and in this battle they were put
in requsition with admirable effect against superior force, and the daring
manceuvre of coming down head on upon an enemy's line.
The assaults of the British were simultaneously made by land and
water, on the 11th of September. At eight o'clock in the morning, the
British fleet was seen approaching; and in an hour the action became
general. It is thus described by Macdonough, in his official letter:
"At nine," he says, "the enemy anchored in a line ahead, at about
three hundred yards distant from my line; his ship opposed to the Saratoga; his brig to the Eagle, Captain Robert Henley; his galleys-thirteen
in number —to the schooner, sloop, and a division of -our galleys; one of
his sloops assisting their ship and brig; the other assisting their galleys'
our remaining galleys were with the Saratoga and Eagle.
"In this situation, the whole force on both sides became engaged; the
Saratoga suffering much from the heavy fire of the Confiance. I could
perceive, at the same time, however, that our fire was very destructive to
her. The Ticonderoga, Lieutenant commandant Cassin, gallantly sustained her full share of the action. At half-past ten, the Eagle, not being
able to bring her guns to bear, cut her cable, and anchored- in a more
eligible position, between my ship and the Ticonderoga, where she very
much annoyed the enemy, but, unfortunately, leaving me much exposed
to a galling fire from the enemy's brig.
Oulr guns on the starboard side being nearly all dismounted or unmanageable, a stern anchor was let go, the bower cable cut, and the ship
winded, with a fresh broadside on the enemy's ship, which soon after surrendered. Our broadside was then sprung to bear on the sloop, which
surrendered about fifteen minutes afterwards. The sloop which was
opposed to the Eagle had struck some time before, and driftid down the
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ _ — _~ - ~..
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BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 545
line. The sloop that was with their galleys had also struck. Our galleys
were about obeying with alacrity the signal to follow them, when all the
vessels were reported to me to be in a sinking state. It then became
necessary to annul the signal to the galleys, and order their men to the
pumps. I could only look at the enemy's galleys going off in a shattered
condition, for there was not a mast in either squadron that could stand to
make sail on. The lower rigging, being nearly shot away, hung down as
though it had been just placed over the mast-heads. The Saratoga had
fifty-five round-shot in her hull; the Confiance one hundred and five.
The enemy's shot passed principally over our heads, as there were not
twenty whole hammocks in the nettings, at the close of the action, which
lasted, without intermission, two hours and twenty minutes. The absence
and sickness of Lieutenant Raymond Perry left me without the assistance
of that excellent officer. Much ought fairly to be attributed to him for his
great care and attention in disciplining the ship's crew, as her first lieutenant. His place was filled by a gallant young officer, Lieutenant Peter
Gamble; who, I regret to inform you, was killed early in the action."
It is well known that- the result of this victory was the utter disheartening of General Prescott and his army, and their instantaneous retreat. Sc
sensible were the people of New York and Vermont of the fact that the
good conduct of Macdonough had saved them from the ravages of an invading army, that they, by the action of their representatives, made him
large grants of lands in the neighbourhood of the lake. The cities of New
York and Albany followed the example. He was promoted to the rank of
post-captain, and received from Congress a gold medal in commemoration:f the victory.
~~~~~~ — ~ —~-'OLI...4:2
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FORTIFYING l NE / ORLEANS.
BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS.
TE following account is from a
British authority, (Hughes' History of England.) We copy it
because it does ample justice to
the character of General Jackson:
Toward the end of the year a
very important but disastrous
expedition was sent to Louisiana,
where it was expected that its'~-,-~C_2_E = E capital, New Orleans, would be
taken unprepared: it happened,
however, not only that the secret transpired, but that the greatest man
produced by America since the days of Washington held the command
in that district, where he had already distinguished himself in repressing
the atrocities of the Creek Indians, and in disconcerting the schemes of.the Spaniards in West Florida, who were taking an active part in hostilities against their neighbours. Early in the year, General Jackson, anticipating dairger had urged the neighbouring states to make immediate
54'
BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 547
preparations; and having secured Fort Mobile, as well as taken possession
of Pensacola on his own responsibility, he arrived at New Orleans on the
first of December. The population of this city was not easily excited to
that degree of energy which the exigency of its affairs demanded; and his
principal dependence, to meet a large body of highly disciplined British
troops, was on the volunteers of Kentucky and Tennessee, whom he:
had summoned to his aid; but his first measure was to co-operate with
Commodore Patterson, who commanded a small naval force, in fortifying, as far as their means would allow, all the approaches to the
city. New Orleans, probably destined to be at some future period
the greatest mart of the world, is situated on the eastern bank of that
mighty "father of rivers," the Mississippi, about one hundred and four
miles from the Gulf of Mexico: though in itself unfortified, it is difficult
to conceive a place capable of presenting greater obstacles to an invader;
being built on a neck of land, confined on one side by the river, and on
the other by impassable swamps; all the tract of country about the main
stream of the Mississippi, to the distance of thirty miles at least from its
mouth, is an impenetrable morass; while the channel itself is so defended
by forts, as to avert every danger of invasion from that quarter: but to the
east of the city are the lakes of Pontchartrain and Borgne, connected with
each other by a stream called the Iberville, the principal eastern outlet of
the Mississippi. At this point, the British, under Admiral Sir A. Cochrane
and General Keene, determined to make their attempt; since it was thought
possible to effect a landing somewhere on the banks of Lake Borgne;
and by pushing directly on, to gain possession of the city before any
effectual means could be taken to secure it. With this view, the troops
were removed into lighter vessels; and being conveyed by such gun brigs
as would float on its waters, began, on the thirteenth of December, to enter
the lake: they had not, however, proceeded far, before it was seen that
the Americans were acquainted with their intentions; five large cutters,
carrying six heavy guns each, and built expressly to act on the lake,
appeared at a distance; and these were to be captured before a landing
could be thought of. As soon, however, as the British cruisers made sail,
the Americans ran quickly out of sight, leaving their pursuers fast aground:
as it was necessary, however, to take them at all hazards, and as the
lightest of our craft would not float where they sailed, a number of launches
and ships' barges was got ready for that purpose.
This flotilla, commanded by Captain Lockier, a brave and skilful officer,
consisted of fifty open boats, most of them armed with a carronade, and all
manned with volunteers from the different ships of war. As they approached the enemy under great disadvantages of wind and tide, they
were greeted by a tremendous shower of balls, which sunk some and die
abled others; but the rest, being pulled with great exertion, and oceaslonw
548 BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS.
ally returning the fire from their carronades, succeeded, after an hour'
labour, in closing with their opponents; the marines then opened a
destructive fire of musketry; while the seamen, sword in hand, sprang up
the sides of the vessels, and sabring all that stood in their way, quic'kly
pulled down the American ensign, and hoisted the British flag in its place.
One cutter, bearing the commodore's broad pennant, was not so easily
mastered; but against this Captain Lockier had directed his own barge,
and soon found himself alongside her before any of his friends could come
up to his support: undismayed, however, by these fearful odds, he led his
gallant crew instantly on board the American, when a desperate conflict
ensued, in which he himself received several severe wounds; but after
fighting from the bow to the stern, the enemy were mastered; and other
boats coming up, the commodore shared the fate of his fleet.
All opposition in this quarter being overcome, the fleet again weighed
anchor; but ship after ship took the ground, until it became necessary to
hoist out the boats for the purpose of carrying the men. At this time, too, a
dreadful change of weather occurred; and heavy rains, such as are known
only in tropical climates, fell continually on the troops during the ten
hours in which they were confined in such straitened quarters. After
rowing thirty miles, each division was landed on a small and swampy spot
of earth, called Pine Island, where it was determined to collect the forces
together before their transportation to the main land. On that miserable
desert they assembled without tents or huts, or any defence against the
inclemency of the weather, and without even fuel to suplly their fires.
In addition to these miseries, when night closed, and the heavy rain
ceased, a severe frost set in, which, congealing the wet clothes on their
limbs, left scarcely any animal warmth in their bodies; and many of the
wretched negroes, of whom we had two regiments, and who were totally
unacquainted with frost and cold, fell into a deep sleep, from which they
never awoke. On the part of the navy, these hardships were more than
doubled; for night and day boats were pulling from and to the fleet; and
the twenty-first arrived before all the troops were put on shore; as there
was little time to inquire into the men's turns, many seamen were kept
four or five days continually at the oar. Here, then, commenced the hardships of this dreadful campaign, which probably have never been surpassed
in the annals of warfare; yet not a complaint or a murmur was heard;
and among all, from the general down to the lowest private, a confident
anticipation of success prevailed; this, as well as a prospect of an ample
reward in the rich store-houses of New Orleans, was kept up by American
deserters, or spies, who also entertained the men with false accounts of the
alarm experienced by the citizens, and the absence of all means of defence.
On the twenty-second, before the troops crossed over to the main laad,
the, were reviewed by General Keene, who formed three battalions of the
BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 549
fourth, eighty-fifth, and ninety-fifth regiments, into an advanced guard,
under Colonel Thornton; attached to which corps was a party of rocket.
men, and two light three-pounders; the rest of the. troops were arranged
in two brigades: the first under Colonel Brooke, and the second under
Colonel Hamilton. To each a certain proportion of rockets and artillery
was allotted, while the dragoons attended on the general, until they should
provide themselves with horses.
From Pine Island to that spot where prudence dictated a landing, the
distance was still about eighty miles: the danger, therefore, of separating
into divisions was great; but it could not be obviated: accordingly, the
advanced brigade, of sixteen hundred men, was embarked on the ttwentythird, the boats being directed to a small creek, called the Bayo de Catalina,
which runs up from Lake Pontchartrain, through an extensive morass
about ten miles below New Orleans. During the whole time, till night,
the rain fell incessantly, and was, as usual, succeeded by a sharp frost,
which rendered the limbs of the men completely powerless; in this state
they remained till midnight, when the boats cast anchor, and. awnings
could be erected. At the entrance of the creek was an enemy's piquet,
all of whom were surprised fast asleep, so little did they dream of attack
from this quarter. The boats then rowed to the head, and the men disembarked on a wild marsh, covered with rushes and tall reeds, where not a
house or any vestige of human industry could be discovered: yet this spot,
savage as it was, was favourable to the party whose motions it concealed;
and hopes were entertained that they would be suffered to remain quiet:till
joined by the other brigades. These anticipations, however, soon proved
fallacious. The deserters, or, more properly, the deceivers, assured the
British commander that he had only to show himself, and the whole district would submit; for that there were not five thousand men in arms
throughout the state, and of those, not more than twelve hundred regulars,
while the whole were expecting an attack on the opposite side of the
town. These arguments, added to the uncomfortable nature of his present
position, induced the general to push forward; and after an advance of
several hours, the troops began to approach a more cultivated region,
where some orange groves and a few farm-houses were discovered. The
inmates of these were secured as quickly and as secretly as:possible; one
man, however, contrived to effect his escape; after which all hope of concealment departed, and the column was directed to widen its files, in order.
to present as formidable a front as possible. After hastening for about a
mile over a narrow plain, bounded on the right by the extended marsh
which they had lately quitted, and on the left by the mighty Mississippi,
Mushing rapidly in a stream about one hundred fathoms deep, and a mile
in breadth, the whole detachment turned off into a green field, in which
was a large house surrounded by about a score of slave huts, and at a little
550 BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS.
distance farther, another lone habitation, where General Keene fixed his
head-quarters. Noon had passed when the word was given to halt; and
here the troops were suffered to light fires, and pile their arms: this done,
they cooked their provisions, of which they had collected abundance; and,
with the exception of a few slight alarms from small parties of horse,
nothing occurred to disturb their tranquility. When the shades of evening fell, the fires were made to blaze more brightly; supper was despatched,
and the men prepared themselves for rest; but a little before eight o'clock,
the attention of some was drawn to a large vessel which seemed to be
stealing up the river, till she came opposite to the British station, when
her anchor was dropped and her sails leisurely furled. Various were the
opinions entertained of this stranger: she was hailed; but no answer was
returned. All idea of sleep, however, was now laid aside, and several
musket-shots were fired, of which not the slightest notice was taken; until
at length, all her sails being fastened, and her broadside swung toward the
camp, a voice was distinctly heard, exclaiming, "Give them this for the
honour of America;" the flashes of her guns instantly followed, and a
shower of grape-shot swept down numbers of the British troops; an incessant cannonade was then kept up, which could not be silenced, as our
troops had no artillery, and the few rockets that were discharged, deviated
so much from their object, as to afford only amusement for the enemy:
under these circumstances, therefore, all were ordered to leave the fires,
and shelter themselves under the dykes; where they lay, each as he
could find room, listening in painful silence to the iron hail among the
huts, and to the shrieks and groans of those that were wounded.
The night was dark as pitch; the fires were all extinguished, and not
an object was visible, except from the momentary flashes of the guns, when
a straggling fire called attention toward the pickets, as if some still more
dreadful scene was about to open: nor was it long before suspense was cut
short by a tremendous yell, and a semicircular blaze of musketry, which
showed that the position was surrounded by a superior force; and that no
alternative remained but to surrender, or to drive back the assailants. The
first of these plans was instantly rejected; for the troops, rushing from
their lurking places, and dashing through their bivouac, under heavy discharges from the vessel, lost not a moment in attacking the foe, without the
slightest attention to order, or the rules of disciplined warfare: the combat,
which was left to individual valour and skill, lasted till three in the morning; and though the enemy was finally repulsed, no less than five hundred of our finest troops and best officers were left on the field: the rest
thep retired to their former lurking places, to be out of reach of their
enemy on the river; which, when daylight appeared, was discovered to
be a fine schooner of eighteen guns, crowded with men. In the cold
dykes, however, they were compelled to remain the whole ensuing day,
BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 55[
without fire, and without food; for whenever the smallest number began to
steal away from shelter, the vessel opened her fire.
In the mean time, the remainder of the troops were disembarking in
haste to rejoin their comrades; and as the schooner's guns were heard at
the distance of at least twenty miles over the water, and in the silence of
the night, the most strenuous exertions were made by the boats' crews:
nor was a moment lost in returning to the island; so that the whole army
was brought into position before dark on the twenty-fourth; but the advanced brigade was still fettered to the bank, while another large ship now
cast anchor about a mile from their annoying enemy: as soon, however,
as darkness had set in, a change of position was effected, and the division
was stationed in the village of huts: the front of the army being then
covered by a strong chain of outposts, they remained quiet during the
night; and next day General Keene was relieved from farther care and
responsibility by the unexpected arrival of Sir Edward Pakenham and
General Gibbs; the former of whom had been despatched from England,
to take the chief command, as soon' as the death of General Ross was
known. The arrival of Pakenham, adored as he was by the army, elicited
the utmost enthusiasm; and he had scarcely reached the camp, before he
proceeded to examine, with a soldier's eye, every point of attack or defence. Of the American army nothing could be seen but a corps of five
hundred mounted riflemen, hovering about the British front, and watching
every motion: the city was not in sight; and no advance could be made,
until the vessels on the river were disposed of: as delay was now dangerous, nine field-pieces, two howitzers, and a mortar, were brought down to
the bank as soon as it became dark; a battery was quickly thrown up
against the schooner; and at dawn, on the twenty-sixth, a heavy cannonade
was opened on her with red-hot shot: nor was it long before her crew was
seen hastening into their boats; while the smoke first, and then the flames,
began to rise from her decks; and, in about an hour, she blew up: the
guns were then turned against the ship; but not wishing to share the fate
of her comrade, she set up every inch of canvass; and being impelled
both by sailing and towing, succeeded in getting out of the range of shot.
All apparent obstacles being now removed, the army advanced to a more
forward position; and arrangements were quietly made during the day till
sunset: but from that period until near dawn the whole time was spent in
wakefulness and alarm; for the American riflemen harassed the pickets:
fired on the sentinels, as well as the officers who went the rounds; and,
disregarding all the usages of civilized warfare, thought only of diminish
ing the number of their enemies by picking off every individual whom
they could reach. As soon as day began to break, they retired, and our
troops formed in two columns: the right, under General Gibbs, took post'ear the skirts of the morass, throwing out its skirmishers across the plain;
552 BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS.
while the left, under Keene, drew up on the road near the river, and was
covered by the rifle corps, which extended itself to meet the skirmishers
of the right column: with this division went the artillery; and at a given
signal, the whole moved forward in high spirits, for about four or five miles,
without the slightest check. At length they came in view of the American army, very advantageously posted behind a canal, which ran from the
morass to within a short distance of the road: along its line were formida
ble breastworks; while on the road, and at various other points, were
powerful batteries, aided by a large flotilla of gun-boats on the river, flanking the position. As the left column passed a few houses, built at a turning of the road, and which concealed the enemy from view, it was suddenly checked by a destructive fire from the battery and the shipping:
scarcely a bullet passed over, or fell short of its mark; but striking full
into the midst of the British ranks, made dreadful havoc: the houses also
on the left, which had been purposely filled with combustibles, were now
fired by red-hot shot; so that, while whole ranks were mowed down by
the artillery, the survivors were scorched by flames, or half suffocated with
smoke: the troops, however, were not long suffered to remain in this situation; for, being ordered to quit the path, and form in the fields, the British
artillery was brought up against that of the enemy; but being inferior both
in number of guns and weight of metal, it was soon obliged to retire with
great loss. The infantry, having formed in line, now advanced under a
neavy discharge of round and grape-shot, till they were stopped by the
canal, the depth of which could not be ascertained; they were therefore
ordered to take shelter in a wet ditch, sufficiently deep to cover the knees;
where, leaning forward, they concealed themselves as well as they could
behind some high rushes on its brink: in the mean time, the advance of
the right column had been stopped by similar impediments; and nothing
seemed left but to withdraw the troops from their perilous situation: a party
of courageous seamen were employed to remove the dismounted guns,
which service they effected under the whole fire of the enemy; and then
regiment after regiment stole away, amid discharges similar to those which
saluted their approach; retiring to a position in the plain, about two miles
from the enemy's works, and in full sight of their army. In this situation
they unaccountably remained inactive from the twenty-eighth to the thir
tieth of December; though, if an attack was to be renewed, it never could
have been supposed that such a commander as General Jackson would
neglect to strengthen or complete his lines: indeed workmen were observed busily occupied in this very operation, while: numerous reinforcements continually arrived in his camp: neither did he, during this period,
leave his antagonists in tranquillity; for by giving an elevation to nls guns,
he contrived to reach the British lines; and he also began to erect battemles on the opposite or right bank of the river, whence a flanking fire could
BATTLE OF NEW OR LEANS. 553
be thrown across the whole front of his position. His defences could not
now be turned, nor could his troops be drawn from their intrenchments'
nothing therefore remained to be done but to erect breaching batteries, and
assault his works: this plan, therefore, was adopted; three days being employed in bringing up heavy cannon, and making such preparations as
night have sufficed for a siege.
On the night of the thirty-first, one half of the British army was marched
to the front, within three hundred yards of the enemy's position: favoured
by the darkness, and working in cautious silence, they succeeded in throwing up, before dawn, a work,* on which thirty pieces of heavy cannon
were mounted; and then, falling back to a short distance, they lay down
behind some reeds, to act as circumstances might require. The next
morning was very hazy; and when the mist gave way, the different American regiments were plainly discerned on parade, in their holiday suits,
and with every demonstration of gaiety and gala; when the British batteries opened, and suddenly all was consternation and confusion: but their
artillery soon rallied, and answered ours with quickness and precision:
toward the end of the day our ammunition began to fail, when the fire of
the Americans was redoubled; and being aided by a large number of guns
landed from the flotilla, as well as by the batteries on the right bank of the
Mississippi, the British were finally obliged to desert their works.
The fatigue undergone by officers and men was almost beyond conception: for two nights and days, no one had closed his eyes, except he were
cool enough to sleep amid showers of cannon balls; and during the day,
scarcely a moment could be allowed even to break the fast: and now, having retreated from an impracticable attempt, the troops were exposed not
vnly to the enemy's fire in front, but to a deadly discharge of eighteen
pieces of artillery from the opposite bank of the river, which swept the
whole line of encampment: besides, the duty in a picket became more
dangerous than that of a general action, on account of the enemy's sharpshooters; and to approach a fire was certain death, from the aim which it
gave to the foe: in such circumstances, it was not surprising that murmurs
were raised among the men; but these proceeded rather from irritation at
the impossibility of bringing the foe to action, than from any other motive.
Nor was their gallant leader less anxious to fight, though desirous of engaging on equal terms, if possible; and to effect this, he devised an admirable plan. Dividing his army, he resolved to send one part across the
Mississippi, who might seize the enemy's battery, and turn it against themselves, while the other bmade a general assault on their lines: to effect this,
however, it was necessary to cut a canal for boats, from the lake, across the
* In throwing up this work, barrels of sugar, to the value of several thousands of pounds,
were used instead of earth.
VOL. II. —70 3 A
554 BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS.
B. TTLLE OF NEW ORLEXANS.
entire neck of land, to the river: the fatigue endured by the troops in this
undertaking cannot adequately be described: still it was effected; and while
the Americans received a reinforcement of two thousand five hundred men
from Kentucky, General Lambert unexpectedly arrived with two fine regiments, the seventh and forty-third; which, with a body of sailors and marines, increased the British force to about eight thousand.
On the sixth of January, boats were ordered up for the transport of fourteen hundred troops; and Colonel Thornton was appointed to lead Picton's
"fighting rascals" of the eighty-fifth, the marines, and a party of sa lors.
across the rapid "father of streams:" the soil however through which the
canal ran, was so rotten, that it shelved in; and no more boats than a number capable of carrying three hundred and fifty men were able to reach
their destination: according to orders, Colonel Thornton was to embark
and cross the river immediately after dark, push forward, carry the batteries, and point the guns before daylight; then, at the signal of a rocket, to
commence firing on the enemy's line, which at the same moment was to be
attacked by the main body of the British army, divided into three columns:
General Keene at the head of one, was to make a false attack on the right;
General Gibbs, with the other, to force the enemy's left; while General
IJambert remained with the seventh and forty-third in reserve, to act as
circumstances might require.: scaling ladders and fascines had been also
prepared, and committed to the forty-fourth regiment, as being numerically
BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 555
strong, and accustomed to American warfare. Thus all things were ar
ranged on the night of the seventh; and next day the fate of New Orleans
was to be decided.
While the rest of the army lay down to sleep, until they should be roused
by their drums and bugles, Colonel Thornton, with fourteen hundred chosen
troops, advanced to the river side: there however he found his commander's
scheme impracticable; the boats had not arrived; and at last, some hours
after the appointed time, only a few came up: determining however to do
what could be effected, he crossed with a small force of two hundred and
forty men, though they could not leave the canal till dawn was beginning
to appear: it was in vain that they rowed like men in despair; that they
effected their disembarkation in safety, and formed on the beach: day had
already broke; the British army had advanced; and the signal rocket was
sent up, while they were four miles from the batteries, which ought to have
been taken soon after midnight. Nor was this the only disappointment
which the gallant Pakenham experienced: when the troops stood in battle
array, not a ladder or fascine was to be found in the field; for the fortyfourth had neglected to bring them. The indignation of Sir Edward was
extreme: galloping up to Colonel Mullens, who, as it appeared, had been
panic-struck, he commanded him to return instantly with his regiment for
the ladders; but the opportunity of planting them was gone for ever: our
troops were now visible to the foe; a dreadful fire was opened on them;
and they were mowed down by hundreds, while they stood waiting for
orders. All his arrangements being thus frustrated, Pakenham gave the
word to advance; and the other regiments, leaving the forty-fourth behind,
rushed to the assault: on the left, a detachment carried a battery in advance of the American works, and attempted to cross the ditch by a single
plank into the lines; but they were repulsed by superior numbers. On
the right, where the twenty-first and fourth were almost cut to pieces, the
ninety-third rushed on, and took the lead: rushing impetuously on, our
troops soon reached the ditch; but to scale the intrenchment without ladders was impossible: some few men, mounting cn each other's shoulders,
succeeded in clearing the parapet, to their own destruction; while those
that stood without, were exposed to a sweeping fire, that cut them down by
companies: they fell, too, without seeing their opponents; for the Americans, not even raising their heads above the ramparts, swung their firelocks by one arm over the wall, and fired directly down on their assailants;
while the batteries on the farther bank of the river kept up a dreadful
flanking cannonade. Poor Pakenharn did all that could be done to rally
his broken troops: riding toward the forty-fourth, which had returned to
the field, though in much confusion, he called out to Colonel Mullens to
advance; but that officer was nrwhere to be found: he therefore put him-.elf at their head; and instantly received a slight wound in his knee, trom
556 BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS.
a bullet which killed his horse: mounting another charger, he again headed
the forty-fourth; when a second ball took effect more fatally, and this gallant hero fell lifeless into the arms of his aid-de-comp. Nearly at the same
time, both the generals, Keene and Gibbs, were carried off the field severely wounded; and the army, without leaders, ignorant of what was
to be done, hesitated, retreated, and finally quitted the field in complete
disorder.
On the other side of the river, Colonel Thornton's little party had landed,
driven in an outpost, and stormed the enemy's works under a dreadful discharge of grape and canister, by which their leader was wounded; but
the failure of the main body rendered it necessary to retreat: this movement was effected with great skill, under cover of some houses that were
set on fire; and the little corps, entering their boats, reached the opposite
bank without molestation.
As soon as the British army was reunited, a flag of truce was despatched
with proposals to bury the dead, and two days for that purpose were
granted; when, according to the testimony of an eye-witness, one of the
most shocking and humiliating sights which an Englishman could view,
disclosed itself; for at one spot, within the small compass of a few hundred
yards, were gathered together nearly a thousand bodies, all arrayed in British uniforms; not a single American among them. In the camp, gloom
and discontent, or indignation and rage prevailed; nor was the loss of friends
less afflicting than that of honour; almost every nlan had to bewail a comrade; for between two and three thousand had fallen: yet, though afflicted,
they were not disheartened; nay,.they even anticipated:with eagerness a
renewal of the combat; but General Lambert prudently determined not to
risk the safety of his army on works that were impregnable;: especially
as the chance of success was materially diminished by the recent loss: he
prepared therefore for a retreat, while it was yet practicable; but for several days after the battle the British camp was harassed by continual dis-charges of artillery, both in front and from the banks of the river; nor
could the men ever close their eyes without being awakened by the splash
of a round-shot or shell in the mud near them: besides, no roads lay open
except over morasses, and hurdles, could not be procured to form them:
reeds therefore were substituted; and the army, after incredible sufferings
and fatigues, from cold, and hunger, and want of rest, at length arrived at
the borders of Lake Borgne: even then they were without tents; and the
morass was their only bed: the flotilla was eighty miles distant; only a
part of the troops could be passed over at a time; so that if bad weather
had come on, a large portion must inevitably have perished by starvation.
On reaching the fleet, they found that large reinforcements had arrived;
but these, under present circumstances, were all useless: after remaining
wind-bound till the fourth of February, they ran down as far as Cat Island
BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 557
a spot of sandy soil, near the mouth of the lake, where they remained tc
the seventh, and then proceeded to attack Fort Mobile; with the reduction
of which unimportant place all hostilities in this quarter of America ceased.
General Jackson, it is confidently asserted, lost but thirteen men in the late
attack. Having re-entered New Orleans with his troops, on the twentieth
of January, he wras received with boundless acclamations; and a solemn
thanksgiving was offered up in the cathedral. An incident then occurred,
which seems as if it belonged to the era of the Roman republic: as martial
law still existed, the general caused one of the members of the legislature
to be arrested, who had furnished the newspapers with some articles of a
pernicious tendency: application was made to the district judge for a writ
of habeas corpus, to be served on the general; and this was granted in
opposition to the positive injunctions of Jackson, by whose orders the judge
himself was arrested, and sent out of the city: two days afterwards, official
intelligence of a treaty of peace was received; and the civil magistrate
had no sooner resumed his functions, than General Jackson was summoned
to answer for his contempt of court: he accordingly appeared, and vindicated his conduct, through his counsel; but was amerced in the sum of
one thousand dollars. This sentence against the hero of New Orleans
excited universal indignation, and the amount of the fine was quickly
raised by the citizens: Jackson, however, had already discharged it from
his own funds; and requested that the subscription might be distributed
among the relatives of those who had fallen in the battle. He then resigned his command to General Gaines; and, like another Cincinnatus,
retired to his farm, until his country, requiring his services, again called
him from nis rural occupations.
-7N, __._
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.,_~- - ~~oj ~ APTAIN PORTER'S cruise in the Pacific
terminated this year. It is too remarkable
i not to be given in detail. Captain Porter,
after the refitting of his ship, sailed from
the Delaware on the 27th of October, 1812. He
shaped his course for the coast of Brazil, where,
according to arrangements with Commodore Bain1! bridge, several places were appointed for rendezvous.
<- >~__:~ During his cruise in that quarter he captured his
Britannic majesty's packet ship Nocton, from which
he took about eleven thousand pounds sterling in specie, and then
despatched her for America. Upon hearing of the capture of the Java by
Commodore Bainbridge, he was obliged to return to port, where he heard
that the Hornet had been captured by the Montague, that the British
force on the coast had been increased, and that several ships were in pursuit of him. Knowing that he occupied a hazardous place, he determined to abandon it, and accordingly he shaped his course southward
rounded Cape Horn, off which place he suffered greatly from the severint
of the gales, and proceeded into the Pacific Ocean. From the want of
provision it became necessary to put into some port. Accordingly he ran
into Valparaiso, where he arrived on the 14th of March, 1813.
Having obtained a sufficient quantity of provision, he coasted the stores
4f Chili and Peru, and met with a Peruvian corsair, that had captured
658
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814. 559
two whaling ships on the coast of Chili, and had on board the crews of the
two ships, as prisoners, consisting of twenty-four Americans. The commander of the corsair attempted to justify his conduct by alleging himself
to be an ally of Great Britain, and expecting a war between Spain and the
United States. Captain Porter, finding that he determined to persist in
his aggressions, lightened him of his armament, by throwing it into the
sea, released the prisoners, and then directed a polite letter to the viceroy,
in which he gave his reasons for so doing, which he delivered to the
captain. Upon proceeding to the port of Lima he recaptured one of the
American vessels as she was entering the port.
He cruised for several months in the Pacific, making great havoc
among the English traders, and was particularly destructive to those
engaged in the spermaceti whale fishery. He took many with valuable
cargoes; one of the captured vessels he retained as a store ship; he
equipped her with twenty guns and called her the Essex Junior, appointing Lieutenant Downes as commander, while some of the others were given
up to the prisoners, some sent to Valparaiso and laid up, and three sent
to America. Captain Porter, now having a little squadron under his command, became the terror of those seas. He gained from his prizes a sufficient supply of provisions, medicines, naval stores, clothing, and money;
so that he was able to pay his officers and men without drawing on the
government, and was able to remain at sea without sickness or inconvenience.
From the extent of his depredations he spread alarm and anxiety
throughout all the ports of the Pacific, and created great disturbance in
those of Great Britain. The merchants trembled with apprehension for
the fate of their property, which was afloat on those waters, while the
nation's pride was humbled, when it beheld a single frigate bearing the
sceptre over the whole waters of the Pacific; in defiance to their numerous fleets, destroying their commerce and excluding their merchants
from all western ports, and almost banishing the British flag from those
climes where it had so long spread its folds to the breeze in proud predominance. The manner in which Captain Porter conducted his cruise
baffled pursuit. Those who were sent in search of him were distracted
by vague accounts, and were entirely unable to discover any traces by
which they might be able to encounter him. Keeping in the open
sea, and touching only at those desolate islands which form the Gallipagos, he left no traces by which he might be followed or discovered.
Although he was deprived of all intelligence from land, and unable to
gain any knowledge of home affairs, he often received a correct account
of his enemies from the various prizes which he had captured. Lieutenant Downes having returned from conveying the prizes to Valparaiso,
brought f:rd of the expected arrival of Commodore Hillyar in the Phoebe
660 NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.
frigate, rating thirty-six guns, accompanied by two sloops of war. Loaded
with spoil, and sated with the easy and inglorious capture of merchantmen, Captain Porter desired to signalize his cruise by some brilliant victory, meeting the enemy on equal terms.
From having remained at sea for such a length of time, some of the timbkrs were impaired and needed renewal, while the frigate required some
other repairs to enable her to face the foe. For this purpose he repaired
to the island of Nooaheevah, one of the Washington group, discovered by
Captain Ingraham of Boston, accompanied by several of his prizes. The
inhabitants in the vicinity of the harbour received Captain Porter with
marks of friendship; and they supplied him with abundance of provision,
with which the island abounded. Having calked. and completely overhauled the ship, made her a new set of water-casks, and taken on board a
sufficient supply of provision for four months, from the prizes, which he
secured under the guns of a battery erected for their'protection, he sailed
for the coast of Chili, on the 12th of December, 1813, leaving Lieutenant
Gamble of the marines, with twenty-one men, in command of the battery,
with orders to proceed to Valparaiso after a certain time.
Having cruised off the coast of Chili with the expectation of meeting
with Captain Hillyar, without success, he proceeded to the port of Valparaiso, with the hope of falling in with him there; and, if disappointed in
his wish, he might be able to capture some merchant ships which were
expected from England. While lying in this port Captain Hillyar arrived,
having long sought for the Essex, but without success, and having almost
given up all hopes of ever meeting with her. He was accompanied by the
sloop of war Cherub, which was strongly armed and manned. Contrary
to Captain Porter's expectation, the Phaebe herself was far superior to the
Essex. The united force of the Phwebe and Cherub amounted to eightyone guns and five hundred men. While the force of the Essex consisted
of but forty-six guns, all of which, excepting six long twelves, were thirtytwo pound carronades, only serviceable in close fighting. Her crew
having been much reduced by the manning of prizes, amounted to but
two hundred and fifty-five men. The Essex Junior, being only intended
as a store-ship, carried but ten eighteen-pound carronades and ten short
sixes, with a complement of only sixty men. The Phoebe and Cherub,
having been sent out expressly to search for and capture the Essex, were
in prime order, and good discipline, with picked crews, and hoisted flags
bearing the motto, "God and our country, British sailors' best rights:
traitors offend both."
This was in opposition to the American motto of "Free trade and sailors' rights," and the latter part of it being suggested by error tenderly
cherished, that our crews were composed of British seamen. In reply to
this motto, Captain Porter hoisted at his mizen, "(Rod, our country, and
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814. 561
liberty: tyrants offend them." On entering the port, the Phebe was
brought into the power of Captain Porter, who, on account of the neutrality of the place, did not wish to take advantage of the exposed situation of his enemy. This forbearance was acknowledged by Commodore
Hillyar, and he gave his word of honour to observe like conduct while in
port, which he accordingly followed for a time.
On receiving a sufficient supply of provision on board, the Phoebe and
Cherub went off the port, where they cruised for six weeks, keeping up a
continual blockade of Captain Porter; who, from the inferiority of his
number, was unwilling to risk an action. After repeated endeavours,
finding himself unable to bring the Phaebe into single action or into equal
combat, or to provoke a challenge from Commodore Hillyar, he determined to put to sea. Finding, after repeated trials, that the Essex was a
superior sailer to either of the eneiny's ships, it was determined that he
should let the enemy chase her off, and thereby give the Essex Junior a
chance of escape.
On the day following, the 28th of March, the wind began to blow from
the south; the Essex having parted her larboard cable, dragged her starboard anchor out to sea. Having all sails-set; and perceiving the enemy
close in with the western side of the bay, and that there was a possibility
of passing to windward and gaining the sea by superior sailing, Captain
Porter determined to hazard the attempt; He took in his top-gallant
sails, and fitted up for the purpose, but unfortunately, on rounding the
point, a heavy squall struck the ship, and bore away the main topmast,
and threw the men who were aloft into the sea and drowned them. Both
ships immediately gave chase, and Captain Porter finding that from the
crippled state of his ship it would be unsafe to proceed, determined to run
into port again and repair damages. But finding it impossible to gain the
common anchorage which he had left, he put into a small bay about three
quarters of a mile from the battery, and to the leeward of it, on the east
of the harbour, and dropped anchor within pistol-shot of the shore. Supposing himself secure, he thought only of repairing the damages he had
sustained, expecting that the enemy would respect the neutrality of the
place. The wary and menacing approach of the enemy showed that they
had a more important object in view, than to exchange kindness with a
generous enemy. Their instructions were to crush the noxious foe, which
had been so destructive to the commerce of their country; and being ful.
nished with a force competent to this service, and having the enemy once
in their power, they had no desire to wave their superiority, and give him
a chance to escape and continue his work of destruction. Displaying
their motto flags and having jacks at all their masts' heads, Captain Porter soon discovered the real danger of his situation. With all despatch,
he prepared for action, and endeavoured to get a spring on his cable; but
VOL. I.-71
562 NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.
was unsuccessful, when, at fifty-four minutes past 3 -P. M., the eneny
commenced the action. The Phcebe having laid herself under his stern
and the Cherub on his starboard bow, the latter-finding herself in a dangerous place, and exposed to a hot fire, bore up, and ran under his-stern
also, where they both kept up a raking fire, to which Captain Porter was
unable to make any effective return. He, however, succeeded three different times in getting springs on his cables, for the:purpose of bringing
his broadside to bear on the enemy: but they were as often shot away by,he excessive fire to which he was exposed. For defence against this tremendous attack, he was obliged to rely on three long twelve-pounders,
which he had run out of the stern ports, and which were worked with
such skill and bravery as in half an hour to do such injury to the enemy'sships as to compel him to haul off and repair losses. It was evidently the
intention of Commodore Hillyar to risk nothing from the daring courage
of his enemy, but to take her at as cheap a rate as possible. All his
movements were calm and deliberate, while the situation of Captain Porter was distressing; surrounded by the killed and wounded, and from the
crippled state of his ship, unable to help himself, he lay awaiting the convenience of the enemy to renew the scene of slaughter, without any hope
of escape or retaliation. The brave crew of the Essex evinced their
determination to hold out to the last, by hoisting ensigns in their shattered
rigging, and jacks in different parts of the ship. The enemy having
repaired, placed themselves on the starboard quarter of the Essex, and
again commenced their work of destruction, out of reach of her carronades. Captain Porter sa"w there was no hope of injuring the enemy
without bearing up and becoming the assailant; and this he determined to
do. From the shattered state of his rigging, he was unable to raise any
other sail than the flying jib, which he caused to be set, and having cut
his cable he bore down upon the enemy with the intention of laying the
Phoebe on board.
He was now able to close with the enemy, when the firing on both sides
was tremendous and destructive. The Essex was in a truly deplorable
condition; her deck was strewed with the dead and dying, her cockpit
filled with wounded; she had been several times on fire, and was, in fact,
at total wreck; still a feeble *hope sprung up that she might be victorious,
from the circumstance of the Cherub being compelled to haul off by her
crippled state; she, however, did not return to close action again, but
kept up a distant firing with her long guns. The Phoebe also being
seriously injured began to edge off and choose the distance which best
suited her long guns. The Essex was unable, from her shattered state,
to take advantage of single combat with the Phoebe, and, for want of sail,
was unable to keep at close quarters with her. Both ships now kept up
a tremendous and destructive fire, which made dreadful havoc among the
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814. 563
rrew of the Essex, many of whose guns were rendered useless, while
many had their whole crews destroyed, and one gun in particular was
manned three times: fifteen men were slain at it in the course-of the
action. Having lost all hope of closing with the enemy, Captain Porter
determined to run his ship on shore, land the crew, and destroy- her.
Having approached within musket-shot of the shore, and with every prospect of succeeding, the wind shifted and bore her down upon the Phcebe,
exposing her again to a dreadful and raking fire. The ship was now
totally unmanageable; but as her head was toward the enemy and he to
leeward, Captain Porter conceived a faint hope of being able to board her.
At this moment, Lieutenant Downes, of the Essex Junior, came on board
to receive orders, expecting that Captain Porter would soon be made prisoner. Finding, from the enemy's putting his helm up, that his last
attempt at boarding would not succeed, Captain Porter directed him to
return to his own ship and prepare for destroying or defending her in
case of attack. The Cherub kept up a hot fire on him during his return.
The enemy still kept up a constant and destructive fire on the Essex,
dealing death and destruction among her brave crew. Still her commander persisted, determined to hold out in the unequal and almost hopeless conflict. Every expedient that a fertile and inventive mind could
suggest was resorted to, that they might escape from the hands of the
enemy. A halser was bent to the sheet anchor, and the anchor cut from
the bows to bring the ship's head around, and bring her broadside again to
bear upon the enemy. This succeeded; but, from the crippled state of
the enemy, they were unable to hold their own, Captain Porter thought
she might drift out of gunshot before she discovered that he had cast
anchor.
The halser unfortunately parted, ind with it the last lingering hope of
the Essex. At this moment the state of the Essex was lamentable. She
was on fire both forward and aft, the flames bursting up the hatchway, her
decks strewed with the mangled corpses of her brave crew, while many
of her officers and men lay wounded in every part of the ship. A council of the officers of division having been called, Captain Porter was surprised to find only acting Lieutenant Stephen Decatur McKnight remaining,;the rest having either been killed or wounded, and carried below. In
the mean time the enemy, in consequence of the smoothness of the water,
lay secure at a distance, where she kept up a constant and destructive fire,
aiming with coolness and certainty, hitting the hull at every shot. Captain Porter having despaired of saving the ship, was compelled at twenty
minutes past 6 P. M., to give the painful command to strike the colours.
The enemy continued firing, and Captain Porter thinking he intended to
showno quarter, was about to rehoist his flag and fight until he sunk,
when they ceased their attack ten minutes after the surrender, in which
564 NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.
time several men on board the Essex were killed. The loss of the Essex
is a sufficient testimony of the desperate bravery with which she was defended. The general conduct of the officers and men bears ample testi
mony to their heroism. Out of two hundred and fifty-five men which
composed her crew, fifty-eight were killed, thirty-nine severely wounded,
twenty-seven slightly, and thirty-one missing, making in all one hundred
and fifty-four. She was completely cut to pieces, and so covered with the
dead and dying, with mangled limbs, with brains and blood, and the
ghastly forms of death, that the officer who came on board to take possession of her, though accustomed to scenes of slaughter, fainted at the
shocking spectacle. After the affair of the Argus and Pelican, it was
asserted that our sailors were brave only while successful and unhurt, but
that the sight of slaughter filled them with dismay. This battle clearly
proves that they are capable of the highest exercise of courage. From
the distance and position of the enemy, this battle was chiefly fought on
the part of the Essex by six twelve-pounders only, yet the damage sus
tained by the enemy was severe. Their masts and yards were badly
crippled, their hulls much cut up, the Phoebe, especially, received eighteen twelve-pound shot below her water line, some three feet under water.
Their loss in killed and wounded was not ascertained, but must have been
severe; the first lieutenant of the Phoebe was killed, and Captain Tucker,
of the Cherub, was severely wounded. It was with some difficulty that
the Phcebe and Essex were kept afloat until they anchored next morning
in the harbour of Valparaiso. This battle was fought so near the shore
that the neighbouring heights were filled with the inhabitants of Valparaiso, who were spectators of it; and some of the shot fell among the citizens, who had ventured down upon the beach. A generous anxiety ran
throughout the multitude for the fate of the Essex; bursts of delight arose
when any change of battle seemed to favour her; the eager spectators
were seen to wring their hands, and utter groans of sympathy when the
transient hope failed, and the gallant little frigate once more became the
scene of deliberate slaughter. After the battle, as Captain Porter acknowledges, Commodore Hillyar endeavoured, as much as lay in his power, to
alleviate their suffering and distress, by the most generous and delicate
deportment towards both officers and men, commanding that the property
of every person should be restored. Captain Porter and his crew were
paroled, and permitted to return to the United States. Off the port of
New York, they were overhauled by the Saturn razee, whose commander
questioned the authority of Commodore Hillyar to grant a passport. Captain Porter then told the boarding officer that he gave up his parole, and
considered himself a prisoner of war, and as such should use ali means
of escape. In consequence of this threat, the Essex Junior was compelled
o remain under the lee of the Saturn all night; but the next morning
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.' 565
CAPIA'] IN W ARR 1N G T ON.
Captain Porter put off in his boat, though thirty miles from the shore; ana
notwithstanding he was pursued by the Saturn, he landed safely on Long
Island. Various interesting and romantic rumours had reached this country concerning him during his cruise in the Pacific, which had excited the
curiosity of the public to see this modern Sinbad; on his arrival. at New
York, his carriage was surrounded by the populace, who took out the
horses, and dragged him, with shouts and acclamations, to his lodgings.
While cruising in the Peacock, in latitude 270 47', Captain Warrington
had the good fortune to fall in with the British brig of war Epervier, with
whom he engaged. The result of the action is thus communicated in his
official letter to the secretary of the navy.
AT SEA,.Ipril 29, 1814.
Sir;-I have the honour to inform you that we have this morning cap
tured, after an action of forty-two minutes, his Britannic majesty's brig
Epervier, rating and mounting eighteen thirty-two-pound carronades, with
one hundred and twenty-eight men, of whom eleven were killed and
fifteen wounded, according to the best information we could obtain-among
the latter is her first lieutenant, who has lost an arm, and received a severe
splinter-wound in the hip. Not a man in the Peacock was killed, and
3B
566 NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.
only two wounded, neither dangerously. The fate of the Epervier would
have been decided in much less time, but for the circumstance of our foreyard having been totally disabled by two round-shot in the starboard quarter from her first broadside, which entirely deprived us of the use of our
fore-topsails, and compelled us to keep the ship large throughout the
remainder of the action.
This, with a few top-mast and top-gallant backstays cut away, and a few
shot through our sails, is the only injury the Peacock has. sustained.
Not a round-shot touched her hull, and our masts and spars are as sound
as ever. When the enemy struck, he had five feet water in his holdhis maintop-mast was over the side-his mainboom shot away —his foremast cut nearly in two, and tottering-his fore-rigging and stays shot
away —his bowsprit badly wounded, and forty-five shot-holes in his hull,
twenty of which were within a foot of his water-line, above and below.
By great exertions we got her in sailing order, just as night came on.,
In fifteen minutes after the enemy struck, the Peacock was ready for
another action, in every respect, but the fore-yard, which was sent down,
fished, and we had the foresail set again in forty-five minutes-such was
the spirit and activity of our gallant crew. The Epervier had under convoy an English hermaphrodite brig, a Russian, and a Spanish ship, which
all hauled their wind, and stood to the E. N. E. I had determined upon
pursuing the former, but found that it would not be prudent to leave
our prize in her then crippled state, and the more particularly so, as we
found she had on board one hundred and twenty thousand dollars in
specie, which we soon transferred to this ship. Every officer, seaman,
and marine did his duty, which is the highest compliment I can pay
them. I am, &c., L. WARRINGTON.
Captain Warrington had the good fortune to bring his prize safe into
port, and, on his return, received the usual honours, which it had become
customary to pay the men who conquered the enemy.
Captain Blakeley was made a master-commandant in 1813, and soon
after appointed to the Wasp. In this vessel, he fell in with, in latitude
48~ 36', N., his Britannic majesty's ship Reindeer, mounting sixteen
twenty-four pound carronades, two long nine-pounders, and a shifting
twelve-pound carronade; and having a complement of one hundred and
eighteen men. An action commenced; and, in nineteen minutes, ended
in the capture of the Reindeer. The loss of the Americans was twentyone killed and wounded; that of the enemy sixty-seven. The Reindeer
was cut to pieces, in such a manner as to render it impossible to save her;
and she was accordingly set on fire. After this, the Wasp put into
L'Orient; from which port she sailed the 27th of August, and four days
afterwards, falling in with ten sail of merchantmen, under convoy of a ship
of the line, she succeeded in cutting off one of the vessels.
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814. 5F67::',
C APTAIN B L L EY.
I'he. evening of the 1st of September, 1814, she fell in with four sail,
two on each bow,-.-but at considerable distances from each other. The
first was.the British brig of war Avon, which struck after a severe action;
but Captain Blakeley could not take possession, as another enemy was now
approaching... This enemy, it seems, however, was called off to the assist.
ance of the Avon, which was now sinking. The enemy reported that
they had sunk the WTasp by the first broadside; but she was afterwards
spoken by a vessel off the Western Isles. After this, we hear of her no
more; and though her fate. is certain, the circumstances attending it are
beyond the reach of dlscovery. The most general impression is, that she,was lost by one of those casualties incident to the great deep, which have
destroyed so: many gallant vessels, in a manner no one knows how —for
there are so. many uncertainties connected with the unfathomable deep,
that even imagination is bewildered.. in tracing the,fate of those who are.only. known to have perished, because they are never more heard of or
seen. Another, impression is, that the XWasp. very. shortly after being
spoken off the Western Isles, had a severe.:engagement with a British
frigate, which put into Lisbon in a shattered condition;and reported having had an action, in the: night, with a vessel, which was not seen next
morning, although the whole night had been calm.
568 NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.
But, whatever may have been the fate of Blakeley, this much is certain,-that he will, to use his own expression, "be classed among those
names that stand so high." The lustre of his exploits, not less than the
interest excited by those who remember how, in his very boyhood, he was
left, as he says, without a single being around him with whom he coula
claim kindred blood,-how, by his merit. he obtained friends, and conferred honour on that country which was not only his parent, but which
has become the parent of his only child, —and how, last of all, he perished
God only knows how or where, —has all given to his character, his history, his achievements, and his fate, a romantic interest, marking the name
of Blakeley for lasting and affectionate remembrance.
In December, 1814, the Constitution, Captain Stewart, proceeded on a
cruise, having been refitted with great care, and furnished with new sails.
On the 24th, he captured and destroyed, to the eastward of the Bermudas,
the brig Lord Nelson; off Lisbon, he captured the ship Susan, with a
valuable cargo, and sent her to New York; and on the 20th of February,
1815, after a sharp conflict of forty minutes, he captured the British ships
of war, the Cyane, of thirty-four guns, and the Levant, of twenty-one
guns, having three men killed, and thirteen wounded, the British ships
having in all thirty-five killed and forty-two wounded.
Captain Stewart proceeded with these prizes to the Island of St. Jago,
with a view to divest his ship of the numerous prisoners, consisting of the
officers, seamen, and marines of both ships of the enemy, amounting to
nearly four hundred. While making arrangements for despatching them
at Port Praya, for Barbadoes, the British squadron, consisting of the ships
of war the Acasta, of fifty guns, the Newcastle, of sixty-four guns, and
the Leander, of sixty-four guns, under the command of Sir George Collier,
reached his position under cover of a thick fog. Notwithstanding their
near approach, Captain Stewart determined to retreat, and immediately the
Constitution and her prizes cut their cables, and crowded sail to escape
He was fortunate in being able, by his skilful management and manceuvres,
to save from their grasp his favourite frigate Constitution, and the Cyane;
the Levant was captured by the squadron, and sent to Barbadoes.
After this escape, he proceeded with the Constitution to Maranham, in'the Brazils, and landed the prisoners, refreshed his crew, refitted his vessel,
and returned to Boston, where he and his officers were received with the'usual courtesies by their fellow citizens.
On his way through New York, the common council honoured Captain
Stewart with thefreedom of their city, in agold box, and extended towards
him -and his officers the courteous hospitalities of that city, by a public
dinner. On his arrival in Philadelphia, the legislature of his native state,
(Pennsylvania,) voted him their thanks, and directed his excellency, the
governor,;to cause a gold-hilted sword to be presented to Captain Stewart
i.
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814. 569
In testimony of their sense of his distinguished merits in capturing the
British ships of war of superior force, the Cyane and the Levant. On
the meeting of Congress, the assembled representatives of the nation passed
a vote of thanks to Captain Stewart, his officers, and crew; and resolved
that a suitable gold medal, commemorative of that brilliant event, the capture of the two British ships of war, the Cyane and the Levant, by the
Constitution, should be presented to Captain Stewart, in testimony of the
sense they entertained of his gallantry, and that of his officers, seamen, and
marines, under his command on that occasion.
The frigate President, Commodore Decatur, went to sea on the 14th of
January, 1815, leaving the sloops of war Peacock and Hornet behind to
brineg out the store vessel, which was not then in readiness. As soon as
she was ready, they all went to sea in a gale of wind, on the 23d of January. Three days after, the Hornet, Captain Biddle, separated in chase of
a vessel, which proved to be a Portuguese brig, and then proceeded singly
towards the island of Tristan d'Acunha, which was the first place of rendezvous for the squadron. On the passage, she chased, and boarded every
vessel that came in sight. They were only four in all, and all of them
neutrals. On the morning of the 23d of March, when about to anchor off
the north end of that island, a sail was descried to the southward and eastward. As she was steering to the westward with a fine breeze from the
S. S. W., she in a few minutes could not be seen for the land. The Hornet made sail to the eastward immediately, and, after clearing the island,
and again gaining sight of her, perceived her bear up before the wind.
Captain Biddle shortened sail, and hove to for her to come down. When she
had come down and began to shorten sail, she took in her steering sails in
a very clumsy manner, purposely, as it afterwards appeared, to deceive
the Hornet. She also came down stem on as nearly as possible, lest, as
the officers afterwards stated, the Hornet should perceive her broadside and
run. In coming down in this manner, she seemed to steer rather towards
the Hornet's stern, so that Captain Biddle thought her intention was to
pass under his stern, giving him a raking broadside, and, hauling her
wind, engage him to leeward, to prevent which, the Hornet wore ship
three times. " At forty minutes past 1 P. M.," says Captain Biddle's official letter, "being nearly within musket-shot distance, she hauied her
wind on the starboard tack, hoisted English colours, and fired a gun. We
immediately luffed to, hoisted our ensign, and gave the enemy a broadside.
The action being thus commenced,a quick and well-directed fire was kept
up from this ship, the enemy gradually drifting nearer to us, when at fiftyfive minutes past one, he bore up, apparently to run us on board. As soon
as I perceived he would certainly fall on board, I called the boarders so as
to be ready to repel any attempt to board us. At the instant, every officer
ind man repaired to the quarter-deck, where the two vessel- were coming
VoL l.-72 3 B 2
570 NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.
in contact, and eagerly pressed me to permit them to board the enemya
but this I would not permit, as it was evident from the commencement ot
the action, that our fire was greatly superior both in quickness, and in
effect. The enemy's bowsprit came in between our main and mizzen-rigging, on our starboard side, affording him an opportunity to board us, if
such was his design; but no attempt was made. There was a considerable swell, and as the sea lifted us ahead, the enemy's bowsprit carried
away our mizzen-shrouds, stern-davits, and spankerboom, and he hung
upon our larboard quarter. At this moment, an officer, who was afterwards recognised to be Mr. McDonald, the first lieutenant, and the then
commanding officer, called out that they had surrendered. I directed the
marines and musketry-men to cease firing, and, while on the tafferel, asking
if they had surrendered, I received a wound in the neck. The enemy
just then got clear of us, and his foremast and bowsprit being both gone,
and perceiving us wearing to give him a fresh broadside, he again called
cut that he had surrendered. It was with difficulty I could restrain my
crew from firing into him again, as he had certainly fired into us after
having surrendered. From the firing of the first gun, to the last time the
enemy cried:out he had surrendered, was exactly twenty-two minutes by
the watch. She proved to be his Britannic majesty's brig Penguin, mounting sixteen thirty-two pound carronades, two long twelves, a twelve-pound
carronade on the top-gallant forecastle, with swivels on the capstern and in
the tops. She had a spare port forward, so as to fight both her long guns
of a side. She sailed from England in September last. She was shorter
upon deck than this ship by two feet, but she had a greater length of keel,
greater breadth of beam, thicker sides, and higher bulwarks than this ship,
and was in all respects a remarkably fine vessel of-her class. The enemy
acknowledges a complement of one hundred and thirty-two men, twelve
of them supernumerary marines from the Medway seventy-four, received
on board in consequence of their being ordered to cruise for the American
privateer Young Wasp. They acknowledge also a loss of fourteen killed,
and twenty-eight wounded; but Mr. Mayo, who was in charge of the
prize, assures me that the number of killed was certainly greater."
Among the killed of the Penguin, was Captain Dickenson, her commander, who is represented to have been a deserving and favourite officer.
Not a single round-shot struck the hull of the Hornet, but her sides were
filled with grape, and her sails and rigging much cut. The Hornet had
but one man killed, and eleven wounded. Among the wounded were
Captain Biddle severely, and Mr. Connor, the first lieutenant, dangerously.
It is always gratifying to notice the attachment of our brave tars to their:ommanders.- Captain Biddle, in the early part:of the action, had his face
much disfigured by being struck twice with splinters, and, when he re
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814. 571
ceived the wound in the neck, from which the blood flowed profusely, the
most anxious concern for him was evinced by the crew, two of whom took
him in their arms to carry him below. He could scarcely disengage himself from them, and finding that he would not leave the deck, one of them
stripped off his shirt, and tied it tightly about Captain Biddle's neck, so as
to prevent his bleeding. Captain Biddle would not have his own wound
dressed, until after all his men had theirs dressed.
We cannot omit a circumstance which marks a striking and characteristic difference between the seamen of the two countries. In conversation
with Lieutenant McDonald, the surviving officer of the Penguin, he mentioned that soon after the commencement of the action, Captain Dickenson
remarked to him, " This fellow hits us every time, we can't stand his fire;
we must run him on board;" at that instant, Captain Dickenson received
a grape-shot in his breast, which terminated his life in a few minutes.
The command devolving upon Mr. McDonald, he said he gave orders to
board, but that his men would not follow him; while the seamen of the
Hornet were anxious and eager to board the enemy, but were prevented by
their commander.
It has been stated, that Captain Biddle was wounded, after the enemy
had surrendered.- He was standing upon the tafferel, and had ordered the
musketry not to fire, when one of his officers called out to him that there
was a man taking aim at him. Captain Biddle did not hear this, as his
back was towards the officer; but two of the marines perceiving the fello%
taking aim at Captain Biddle, fired at him, and he fell dead the instant after
he had discharged his piece. He was not more than ten or twelve yards from
Captain Biddle when he shot him; the ball struck the chin, directly in
front, with much force, and passed along the neck, tearing the flesh, went
off behind through his cravat, waistcoat, and coat collar.
The Penguin being completely riddled, her foremast and bowsprit gone,
and her mainmast so crippled as to be incapable of being secured, and
Captain Biddle being unwilling to return into port with his prize, or to
spare officers to man her, he resolved to destroy her, and she was accordingly scuttled. A few days after the action, he was joined by the Peacock,
and the storeship. The Hornet had sustained so little injury in the action,
that Captain Biddle, having bent a new set of sails, and knotted and secured his rigging, was completely ready for further service. Captains
Warrington and Biddle having waited the time prescribed, without the
arrival of Commodore Decatur, the Tom Bowling storeship was converted into a cartel to carry the British prisoners to St. Salvador. and the
Peacock and Hornet sailed on the 12'th of April, bound round the Cape of
Good Hope. - On the 27th of April, early in the morning, in latitude.'3
80, S., and longitude 33, E., they discovered a strange sail, to which they
gave chase. As it was part of the time calm, and during the other part
572 NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814.
the wind was quite light, they did not approach the chase until the after.
noon of the following day. "At forty-five minutes past 2 P. M.," says
Captain Biddle's official letter, "the Peacock was about six miles ahead
of this ship, and observing that she appeared to be suspicious of the chase,
I took in starboard steering-sails, and hauled up for the Peacock. At
twenty-two minutes past 3 P. M., the Peacock made the signal, that the
chase was a ship of the line, and an enemy. I immediately took in all
steering-sails, and hauled upon a wind, the.enemy then upon Our lee quarter, distant about eight miles. At 9 P. M., as he was gaining upon us,
and there was every appearance that he would be enabled to keep sight
of us during the night, I considered it necessary to lighten the ship. I
therefore threw overboard twelve tons of kentledge, part of our shot, and
some of our heavy spars; cut away the sheet anchor and cable, and started
the wedges of the masts. At 2 A. M., the enemy being rather before our:ee beam, I tacked to the westward; he also tacked, and continued in
chase of us. At daylight, on the 29th, he was within gunshot upon our
lee quarter. At 7 A. M., having hoisted English colours, and a rearadmiral's flag, he commenced firing from his bow guns. As his shot went
over us, I cut away the remaining anchor and cable, threw overboard the
launch, six of our guns, more of our shot, and every heavy article that
was at hand. The enemy fired about thirty shot, not one of which took
effect, though most of them passed over us. While he was firing, I had
the satisfaction to perceive that we slowly dropped him, and at 9 A. M., he
ceased his fire. At 11 A. M., the enemy was again coming up with us.
I now, therefore, threw overboard all our remaining guns, but one long
gun, nearly all our shot, all our spare spars, cut away the top-gallant forecastle, and cleared every thing off deck, as well as from below, to lighten
as much as possible. At noon, the enemy again commenced firing; he
fired many shot, only three of which came on board, two striking the hull,
and one passing through the jib. It is, however, extraordinary that every
shot did not take effect; for the enemy, the second time he commenced
firing, was certainly within three quarters of a mile of this ship, and the
sea quite smooth. I perceived from his sails that the effect of his fire was
to deaden his wind, and at 2 P. M., he again ceased firing. At thirty minutes past 2 P. M., the wind, which had previously-and greatly to our
disadvantage-backed to the south-east, hauled to the westward, and
freshened up. At sundown, the enemy was about four miles astern; the
wind was fresh, and we went at the rate of nine knots throughout the
night, and at daylight, on the 30th, he was about twelve miles astern, still
in chase of us. At thirty minutes past 9 A. M., he took in steering-sails,
reefed his topsails, and hauled to the eastward, and at I I A. M., he was
entirely out of sight. During the chase, the enemy appeared to be very
crank, and I therefore concluded he must have lightened while in chase
NAVAL AFFAIRS OF 1814. 573
of us I did not at any time fire our stern-chasers, because it was manifest
that the enemy injured his sailing by firing."
During this long and anxious chase, Captain Biddle, though still much
indisposed and debilitated by his wound, preserved his accustomed fortitude and presence of mind. Though his situation, for many hours, under
the guns of a line-of-battle ship, would have justified his surrender, yet he
could not bring his mind to give up the ship, and his persevering and unyielding spirit was rewarded by the success which it merited, but could
scarcely have expected. It is this gallant and heroic temper, which never
despairs, and is always master of itself, that gives its possessor a claim to
much higher merit than can be made by the ordinary efforts of courage.
As their capture appeared to be almost inevitable, and the minds of the
crew were depressed, Captain Biddle called them together and addressed
them: he told them that he was determined not to heave to, but to carry
sail from the enemy as long as his spars were unhurt, and that if the enemy
continued to fire, he had no doubt that they should escape; he told them
if they were captured, he should expect them to behave properly; he encouraged them not to fear any ill usage from the enemy, and assured them
that he would continue with them, and never abandon them. The effect
of this address was to reanimate the spirits of the crew, and to make them
al. pleased and proud to resign their fate, confidently and cheerfully to the
direction of their brave commander.
After escaping from the seventy-four, the loss of her armament and
other equipments rendered the Hornet's return into port indispensable;
and as it would have been extremely hazardous to approach our coast,
being without guns, boats, or anchors, he concluded to go into St. Salvador,
for the purpose of refitting and resuming his cruise. He arrived there on
the 9th of June, and on his arrival, heard of the peace with Great Britain.
He returned to New York, on the 30th of July.
Agreeably to the request of Captain Biddle, a court of inquiry was held
on the 23d day of August, 1815, on board the Hornet, in the harbour of
New York, to investigate the causes of the return of that ship into port,
and to inquire into the circumstances attending the loss of armament,
stores, &c. The following opinion was pronounced by the court, of which
Captain Evans was President: "The court, after mature deliberation on
the testimony adduced, are of opinion that no blame is imputable to Captain Biddle, on account of the return of the Hornet into port, with the loss
of her armament, stores, &c.; and that the greatest applause is due to him
for his persevering gallantry, and nautical skill, evinced in escaping, under,he most disadvantageous circumstances, after a long and arduous chase by
a British line-of-battle ship."
During his absence, Captain Biddle was promoted to the rank of postcaptain.
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION.
N his inaugural address, President Monroe spoke
with gratification of the increasing prosperity of the
country, the capability of the people properly to
administer their own laws, and the necessity, drawn
from recent experience, of bestowing more than
ordinary attention to the defences of the army and
navy. But, while communicating this cheering intelligence, he warned them of the danger to be apprehended by the facili
ties which the nature of our institutions affords to designing men; assuring
them, at the same time, that the only safeguard against such designers,
is a pure, uncompromising system of morality. "Had the people of
the United States," he says, "been educated in different principles, had
they been less intelligent, or less virtuous, can it be believed that we
should have maintained the same steady and consistent career, or been
blessed with the same success? While, thlen,,the constituent body retains
its present sound and healthful state, every thing will be safe. They will
choose competent and faithful representatives for every department. It is
only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate
into a populace, that they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty.
Usurpation is then an easy attainment and a usurper soon found. The
people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin. Let us, then, look to the great cause, and endeavour to
preserve it in its full force. Let us, by all wise and constitutional mea,
574
ipk~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ib~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
A- i
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION. 577
sures, promote intelligence among the people, as the best means of preserving our liberties. It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the
discharge of these duties, at a time when the United States are blessed
with peace. It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the
executive, on just principles with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable of any, and rendering to each what is its due."
In concluding his address, the President observes:"In the administrations of the illustrious men who have preceded me in
this high station, with some of whom I have been connected by the closest
ties of early life, examples are presented which will always be found
highly instructive and useful to their successors. From these I shall
endeavour to derive all the advantages which they may afford. Of my
immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this great
and successful experiment has been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my earnest wishes that he may long enjoy in his retirement, the
affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted talents and the
most faithful and meritorious services. Relying on the aid to be derived
from the other departments of government, I enter on the trust to which I
have been called by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens, with my fervent
prayers to the Almighty, that he will be graciously pleased to continue to
us that protection which he has already so conspicuously displayed in our
favour."
The change of administration made no perceivable difference in the
policy of government. Previous to entering on the duties of his office.
Monroe was advised by General Jackson, with whom he was on friendly
terms, to disregard former party divisions in the formation of his cabinet,
and to use his influence and power to destroy party spirit, by appointing
the best men to office, without regard to their political preferences. This
course Mr. Monroe declined to pursue, confining his appointments generally, as did Jefferson and Madison, to those who professed his own political faith, and with but few exceptions, excluding federalists from office.
Mississippi was admitted into the Union as a state, in 1817. In the
summer of the same year, the President made a tour through the northern
states, being everywhere welcomed with the warmest demonstrations of a
sovereign people. While this was going on, some adventurers, claiming
to act under the authority of the revolted colonies of South America,
undertook an expedition against East Florida. They were commanded by
a man who called himself "Citizen Gregor McGregor, Brigadier-genera,
of the armies of the United Provinces of New Granada and Venezuela.,
and General-in-chief, employed to liberate the provinces of both the Flc.
ridas, commissioned by the supreme governments of Mexico and South
America." This man took possession of Amelia Island, at the mouth ot
VOL. 11.-73 i C
| 57A MON 1:'S ADMINISTRATION.
the St. Mlary's river, near Georgia, and began extensive preparations for
making it a depot for buccaneering.
The intelligence of this affair was officially communicated to Congress
in the annual message of December. The President stated that, on
account of the friendly relations existing between the South American
colonies and the United States, it might well be doubted whether the late
aggressive acts received any countenance from these powers; and that
the doubt was further strengthened by some facts recently brought to
light, and which went very far toward stamping it as a mere individual
enterprise. He added, that the island had been made a channel for the
illicit introduction of slaves from Africa, an asylum for fugitive slaves
from the neighbouring states, and a port for smuggling of every kind.
The President also stated, that an institution of a similar kind and
prior establishment had been made at Galveston, in the Gulf of Mexico.
"This enterprise," says Mr. Monroe, "has been marked in a more signal
manner by all the objectionable circumstances which characterized the
other, and more particularly by the equipment of privateers which have
annoyed our commerce, and by smuggling. These establishments, if ever
sanctioned by any authority whatever, which is not believed, have abused
their trust and forfeited all claims to consideration. A just regard for the
rights and interests of the United States required that they should be suppressed, and orders have accordingly been issued to that effect."
At the head of this piratical establishment was an adventurer named
Aury, who endeavoured to collect around him a regular civil government.
Finding that he was watched by the American government, he left his
first rendezvous and removed to Matagorda, about ninety miles west of his
first station. The Lafittes and others of the Baratarian pirates were conspicuous hn his company, and took several prizes. Some of these were
sent to New Orleans for sale, where they were claimed by the Spanish
consul, and delivered into his charge.
Finding smuggling difficult at so great a distance from the United States,
Aury returned to Galveston, which had been resorted to by some thirty
other smugglers, with whom he united his own. After giving notice that
Galveston was no longer under his protection, he sailed to Amelia Island,
where he found that McGregor had returned to the Spanish main, and
that the island was under the control of Hubbard and Ironil, two of
McGregor's associates. The two parties were soon united, and in a little
while after joined by about twenty half-pay British officers who had been
thrown out of employment by the general pacification of Europe. These
had intended to join their fellow-countrymen; but finding Aury in com-, mand united themselves to him. The outlaws professed to capture only;Spanish veasels; but the flag of no nation was respected by them when a. ticn cargo vas within their grasp. In violation of law, they introduced
kf
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION, 579
many slaves into the United States, and smuggling, to a considerable
extent, was successfully practised.
This conduct finally became so outrageous, that the Executive determined to employ a force in ridding the coast of such troublesome neighbours. Captain Henly, in the ship John Adams, with a squadron, and a
battalion of Charleston artillery, under Major Bankhead, was ordered to
take possession of Amelia Island. On the 22d of December, a joint.etter
was addressed to Aury by the naval and military commanders, requiring
him to evacuate the island with his company, leaving all property as he
found it when he first occupied the station. On the 23d, quiet possession
was taken of the island, and Aury left in February. He was arrested
soon after, at Charleston, by the Spanish consuls, but his offence not falling within the jurisdiction of the United States court, he was discharged.
Soon after, the Galveston party dispersed.
Before the end of this year, General Jackson was ordered to march
against the Seminole Indians, who had, for some time, been committing
depredations in the southern part of Georgia. The border region was
under the immediate command of General Gaines, who had previously
prepared his forces for service, and built Fort Scott at the junction of the
Flint and Chatahouchee rivers; Fort Gaines, further up the Chatahouchee;
and Fort Crawford, on the Escambia.
When General Jackson assumed the command, he notified the Spanish
governor of West Florida, that resistance to his measures, on the part of
that colony, would be considered as hostility against the United States.
He then proceeded to organize his army, which consisted of four thousand
three hundred men. These were to oppose about twelve hundred Indians
and runaway negroes, destitute of all order or discipline, with scarce any
arms or even clothing. Marching was all the active service performed by
the Americans, and the whole affair was denominated by Jackson, a "war
of movements."
A number of Tennessee volunteers joined the main body, on the 1st of
April, and the whole army then pressed forward to the Mickasuky wig.
wams. Here they exchanged a few shots with some Indians, but found
the villages deserted. A pole painted red, with scalps attached to it, (from
which these Indians received the name of Red Sticks,) together with all
their wigwams, was burned. A party of friendly Creeks, under McIntosh,
was ordered to scour the neighbourhood, in pursuit of the fugitives; while
Jackson marched to the Spanish fort at St. Mark's, which he took possession of, hoisting the American flag, and sending the Spanish garrison to
Pensacola. Here he found a Scotch trader, named Arbuthnot, who had
been carrying on secret intercourse with the enemy, and put him in close
confinement. At the same time, he hung two Indian chiefs.
Leaving a small garrison at St. Marks, the general marched on the 9th
580 MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION.
of April, to the Sawaney villages, which he reached on the 16th, killed
eleven Indians and captured two. Two days after, he arrested Robert C.
Ambrister, a late lieutenant of marines in the British service. This man
and Arbuthnot were tried by a court-martial, on charges never clearly
ascertained, found guilty, and executed on the same day. This summary
proceeding, by a miltary tribunal, in the territory of a friendly power,
which had been entered without authority, caused a great sensation
throughout the United States. The conduct of General Jackson was
loudly denounced by great numbers of our citizens; but, as he belonged
to the same political party with the majority in Congress, he was acquitted
of all blame by that body.
Soon after this transaction, Jackson removed to St. Marks, but soon after
marched toward Pensacola to arrest some fugitive Seminoles. The Spanish governor remonstrated against this movement; but the general entered the town, and the governor and garrison took refuge in the fortress of
Barancas. Here he was bombarded for three days, and finally surrendered.
Soon after, General Gaines was ordered to proceed against St. Augustine,
which being captured, the whole territory was in the military possession of
the United States.
Congress re-assembled on the 15th of November, 1818. During this
session Illinois was admitted into the Union, as a state, Alabama was
authorized to form a constitution and state government, preparatory to
admission, and an act was passed instituting Arkansas a separate territory.
The citizens of Michigan Territory were also authorized to elect a delegate to Congress. Acts were also passed to protect our commerce; to
provide for the civilization and education of the Indian tribes; to authorize
the President to take possession of both Floridas, and establish a territorial government; and to provide for the prompt settlement of public
accounts.
On the 22d of February, 1819, J. Q. Adams and Don Luis de Onis
concluded a treaty between Spain and the United States, by which Florida and all the adjacent islands were secured to the latter country. All
the territory east of the Mississippi was thus added to the original thirteen colonies. In October of the same year, a treaty was also made with
Great Britain, by which the previous good understanding with that power
was much strengthened.
In the summer, the President made a tour through the southern section
of the country, similar to that which had been made in the north two
years before. He was everywhere received in a like manner.
The sixteenth Congress assembled on the 6th of December. The busi.
ness of the session was voluminous and important. The great subjects of
a tariff, internal improvements, and the recognition of the South American'idependence, were fully and ably discussed. When those had been
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION. 581
generally disposed of, the Missouri question arose, and in proportion as
debate depended upon it, it swallowed up all other considerations, and for
a while threatened a dissolution, not only of all former political ties, but
of the Union itself. It was not finally settled until 1821.
On the 5th of March, 1821, Mr. Monroe again took his seat, as President of the United States, having been elected by a large majority of the
electoral college. Daniel D. Tompkins was elected Vice-President.
A convention of navigation and commerce was concluded between our
country and France, in 1822. In the next year, Congress passed resoJuhions providing for the protection of American manufactures, and for internal improvements. From this time until the end of the administration,
no measures of great general interest were adopted by that body.
The choice of a successor for Mr. Monroe now became the absorbing
national topic. Many candidates were in the field; of whom five were
particularly conspicuous. These were William H. Crawford, Secretary
of the Treasury; J. Q. Adams, Secretary of State; Henry Clay, Speaker
of the House of Representatives; J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War; and
General Andrew Jackson. The election by colleges gave Jackson ninety
nine votes, Adams eighty-four, Crawford forty-one, Clay thirty-seven.
There being no choice, the election was referred to the House of Representatives. In that body, Mr. Adams received the votes of thirteen states
on the first ballot, and was declared elected. John C. Calhoun was the
Vice-President.
The last year of Mr. Monroe's administration was signalized by the visit
to the United States of the Marquis de Lafayette, the friend and ally of
the Americans, during the war of the Revolution. He was received by a
grateful people in a manner worthy of their adopted son.
The President retired from his high duties, on the 3d of March, 1825.
His administration is ably described by his successor, in the inaugural
address. " He strengthened his country for defence, by a system of combined fortifications, military and naval, sustaining her rights, her dignity,
and honour abroad; soothing her dissensions, and conciliating her acerbities at home: confirming, by a firm though peaceful policy, the hostile
spirit of the European alliance against republican Southern America;
extorting, by the mild compulsion of reason, the shores of the Pacific, from
the stipulated acknowledgment of Spain; and leading back the imperia.
autocrat of the north to his lawful boundaries, from his hastily asserted
dominion over the southern ocean. Thus, strengthening and consolidating
the federative edifice of his country's union, till he was entitled to say,
like Augustus Caesar, of his imperial city, that he had found her built of
brick, and left her constructed of marble."
3cd
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
N the 4th of March, 1825, at half-past twelve o'clock
the new President was introduced into the capitol, followed by Mr. Monroe and family, by the judges of
the Supreme Court, in their robes of office, the Vicepresident, members of the Senate and many of the
House of Representatives. Here he delivered his
inaugural address, which was listened to with intense
-~ ~~4~'~ silence by the vast multitude. The oath of office
was then administered by Chief Justice Marshall; after which, the President organized his cabinet as follows: —Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Secretary of State; Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury;
James Barbour, of Virginia, Secretary of War. The Attorney-general,
William Wirt, of Virginia, and the Postmaster-general, John McLean, of
Ohio, who had occupied those offices under Monroe, were retained.
In his inaugural message, Mr. Adams expressed his entire approbation
of the general features of his predecessor's policy, and his determination
to adhere to it in as great a degree as possible.
One of the prominent topics of public interest during the year 1825,
was the controversy between the national government and the executive
of Georgia, Governor Troup, concerning the Creek Indians. By a former
compact with that state, the general government was to remove these
Indians from Georgia, "whenever it could be peaceably done on reasonable
582
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ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN Q. ADAMS. 585
terms." Toward the end of the last administration, commissioners had
been appointed to negotiate with the Creeks, for the sale of their lands;
but having for some time enjoyed the comforts of civilized life, they
refused to leave their territory to encounter hardships among the wilds of
the west, and passed a law forbidding the sale of any of their lands under
penalty of death. A few of their chiefs were induced, through fraud, to
violate this law, ceding all the lands of the Creeks in Georgia and Ala.
bama to the United States. The treaty was ratified by the Senate, on the
last day of Monroe's administration; but when the Indians received intelligence of it, the excitement became so intense as to cause the death of the
most prominent signers of the treaty, and an utter protestation on the part
of the Creeks against the instrument. Governor Troup now clamoured
for its execution, but the President refusea to regard it as a legal proceeding, and appointed an agent to investigate the matter; ana at the same
time, General Gaines was ordered to repair to the disputed territory, to
arrest any disturbance that might ensue. After receiving from the agent
a report that bad faith and corruption had attended tlh treaty, the President decided not to suffer any interference with them until the meeting of
Congress. Troup at first threatened to take the execution of the treaty
into his own hands, but the firm and decided tone of the President induced him to leave the affair to the constituted authorities. The affa;r
was soor. afterwards settled by a compromise treaty with the Creeks.
About the same time, various efforts were made to remove all the Indians
east of the Mississippi, to the other side of that river, in a territory to be
provided for them by Congress. These were attended zwith but little success.''The Indians absolutely refused to yield any more of their land, and
government was unwilling to obtain treaties to that effect by force.
The Marquis Lafayette had now spent a year in America. During that
time he had visited all the principal cities, and among other places Bunker
Hill, at the time of laying the corner-stone for its monument, where he
listened to an eloquent address from the mouth of Daniel Webster. He saw
many of the revolutionary battle-grounds, together with the dwelling-house
and tomb of Washington. On the 7th of September, he took leave of
assembled thousands at Washington, on board the new frigate Brandywine, prepared expressly for his conveyance. He had previously passed
a few weeks at the President's house. Mr. Adams took leave of him in
an impressive address, delivered before the civil authorities of the District
of Columbia, the heads of departments, and the multitude. The parting
address was delivered with great dignity and evident emotion.
The Congress of this year presented rather a strange spectacle. It was
composed of several elements, invincible to harmony, and entirely opposed
to the administration, not so much from political as from personal motives.
One-third of the session was consumed in the consideration of measures
VOL. 1.-74
586 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN Q. ADAMS.
censuring the President and his secretary of state; and the most foolish
and outrageous motives were imputed to them as the ground of their conduct. Mr. Adams was sustained, however, with great dignity by the
Senate.
The subject of South American independence now engrossed a large
share of attention. A convention of all the American republics was
recommended by Simon Bolivar, and the concurrence of the United States
requested. Government declined participating in this movement, until
definitely assured of its objects; this being settled, representatives were
sent on the part of the United States. The convention, however, did not
assemble at the appointed time, and the delegates returned to their
country.
During the year 1825, a general convention of amity and commerce
between our country and the Republic of Columbia was concluded by the
plenipotentiaries at Bogota, and signed by the President on the 31st of
May, at Washington. In the following year, simnilar conventions were
concluded with Denmark and the confederation of Central America.
On the 26th of July, 1826, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson closed
their eventful lives, the one, ninety-one years old, and the other eightythree. The death of these two men, who were the pillars of the Declaration of Independence, on the same day, and just half a century after
their signing that instrument, may be noticed as one of the most remarkable coincidences in our national history.
In 182S, after much angry discussion, Congress passed a bill of duties
on foreign imports; which, although highly approved of by the north,
met with much opposition in the opposite section of the Union. It added
another to the numerous causes which were soon to burst like a storm on
the administration. The law, however, continued in force until 1832.
From this time, until the presidential election, all classes were engaged
in angry discussion upon the merits of candidates. Every interest seemed
for a while absorbed in the universal passion for and against party. The
great contest took place in the fall of 1828, amid a state of feeling unprecedented in the history of America. The most strenuous exertions were
used by each party, and the election was most animated. It resulted in.he defeat of Mr. Adams, and the election of General Jackson, as President, and Mr. Calhoun, as Vice-president. The vote of the electoral col.
leges stood a hundred and seventy-eight for Jackson, and eighty-three for
Adams. Mr. Calhoun was re-elected by a hundred and seventy-one votes,
over Richard Rush, who received eighty-three.
In his last annual message, the President entered into an able review
of the condition of the country, and the state of our foreign and domestic
relations. This paper differed from his three former messages, in discussing the subject of the tariff, which had before been omitted. Mr. Adams
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN Q. ADAMS. 587
hoped that the exercise of a constitutional power intended to protect the
great interests of the country from the hostile legislation of foreign countries, would never be abandoned. Congress passed few bills of great
interest. The feverish e. citement of the political campaign was followed
by a reaction both with that body and the people.
"Thus terminated," says the Annual Register, "the administration of
John Quincy Adams; and whatever opinion may be entertained of its
policy and its tendency, it cannot be- denied that its character was marked
and definite, and that it exercised a strong influence upon the interests of
the country. The merits and demerits of his policy were positive and not
negative. Certain definite objects were proposed as desirable, and the
energies of the government were directed toward their attainment. The
United States, during this administration, enjoyed uninterrupted peace;
and the foreign policy of the government had only in view the maintenance of the dignity of the national character; the extension of its commercial relations, and the successful prosecution of the claims of American
citizens upon foreign governments.
"It was, however, in the domestic policy of the government that the
character of the administration was most strongly displayed. During its continuance in office, new and increased activity was imparted to those powers
vested in the federal government, for the development of the resources of
the country; and the public revenue liberally expended in prosecuting
tnose national measures to which the sanction of Congress had been deaiberately given as the settled policy of the government. More had been
done in public improvement than during the administrations of all his
predecessors. At the same time, the interest on the public debt was punctually paid, and the debt itself was in a constant course of reduction.
"In the condition which we have described, in peace with all the world,
with an increasing revenue, and with a surplus of $5,125,638 in the public treasury, the administration of the government of the United States
was surrendered by Mr. Adams, on the 3d of March, he having previously left the government house, and relinquished the executive power
The next day, General Jackson entered upon the administration of the
gpvernmnent."
ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON.
ENERAL JACKSON delivered his inaugural address on
the 4th of March, 1829, in the presence of Congress, the
foreign ministers, and an immense concourse of spectators. Immediately after, the oath to support the ConstituG tion was administered to him by Chief Justice Marshall.
He then nominated the following gentlemen to fill his' —s i — cabinet. Martin Van Buren, of New York, Secretary of
State; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury;
John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, Secretary of War; John Branch, of North
Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; John McPherson Berrien, of Georgia,
Attorney-general.
Before this it had been distinctly avowed by the government organs, that
the President would reward those who had contributed to his election by
promotions to office, even at the expense of expelling others. Accordingly, the promised work began in earnest. Scarcely had the Senate
adjourned, than a system of removal was commenced, unprecedented in
the history of the nation. It even extended to men too humble to be
claimed by any party, and who depended on their office for subsistence.
Availing himself of the right to fill vacancies in the recess of Congress,
the President, soon after their adjournment, removed the principal officers
of the treasury, the marshals, and district attorneys, in most of the Eastern,
Middle, and Western States, the revenue officers of the chief Atlantic ports,
and the greater part of the receivers and registers of the land-office. An
equally radical changc was made in the diplomatic corps. During this
recess of a few months, the number of appointments made in consequence
of removal from office, was one hundred and seventy-six; while the nu'n588
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ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON. 591
ber during the forty years of all the preceding presidents was seventy-four,
and most of these for official cause.
As these removals of the President were invariably made to favour
political adherents, his conduct caused great excitement. Not only was
te accused for his inconsistency in acting so oppositely to his former advice
to Mr. Monroe, but of violation of the Constitution, which only gave him
the right to fill vacancies either occasionally occurring, or caused by some
official misconduct.
The twenty-first Congress assembled on the 7th of December, 1829.
Its business was voluminous, and highly important, and the early part of
the discussions showed no great harmony between the President and the
representatives of the people. The tariff was modified, laws passed regarding Indians, and the slave trade, and regulating the expenses of the
militia in different parts of the country. An interesting debate on the
public lands commenced in the senate, through a resolution offered on the
29th of December, by Mr. Foot, of Connecticut. The greatest talent of
the Senate was called forth in this discussion, and excitement upon it pervaded all parts of the country.
Meanwhile, a serious misunderstanding had been growing between the
President and his Secretary of State, and which finally terminated in an
open rupture. It professedly originated in the view taken by Mr. Calhoun,
of Jackson's course in the Seminole war of 1818. The Secretary was
sustained by Mr. Crawford, and other officers of distinction, and the discussions and correspondence upon the subject was protracted and deeply
interesting.
On the 27th of May, 1830, the President returned to the house with his
objections a bill authorizing a subscription to the stock of the Maysville
and Lexington road company, in Kentucky. The reading of this veto
caused much excitement in Congress, and the house refused, by a majority
of four, to sustain the objections of the President. Other bills of similar
import, which had been vetoed by the President, were sustained by subsequent ballot. The course of General Jackson gave such offence to many
of his friends, that at the assembling of the next Congress, his former
large majorities had dwindled down into a trivial minority.
Some difficulties with Great Britain were at this time amicably settled;
and treaties were formed with Brazil, Denmark, and Prussia.
On the 20th of April, 1830, the official journal at Washington announced that the cabinet ministers had resigned. This added to the popular excitement, and speculation immediately became rife to ascertain the
cause. This, however, was never clearly shown.
In 1832, General Jackson was elected to his second term of office.
In February, 1833, Mr. Clay introduced into the Senate, a compromise;ariff bill, in order to settle the question which had met with such long and
592 ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON.
angry debate. It received the approval of Mr. Calhoun, and the southern
men generally, and soon after became a law. The same senator introduced a bill for distributing the proceeds of the sales of public lands among
the states, which passed both houses, and was submitted to the President.
The latter retained it till the adjournment of Congress, and thus defeated
the measure by an absolute veto.
The nullification disputes, and removal of deposits from the national
bank, were the absorbing events of Jackson's second term. Their history
is so well known that it seems scarcely necessary to particularize. For
a while one threatened a secession from the Union, and the other caused
such intense excitement and commercial distress that numerous committees
appointed by merchants, mechanics, tradesmen, and others in the principal
cities and towns, waited on the President, asking that he would recommend
some measures of relief. They were answered, that the government could
give no relief, and provide no remedy; that the banks were the occasion
of all the evils that existed, and that those who suffered by their great
enterprise, had none to blame but themselves; and that those who traded
on borrowed capital ought to break.
The presidential election, which took place in the fall of 1836, was
warmly contested. Four candidates were in the field-Van Buren, Harrison, Webster, and White. The first was the especial friend of General
Jackson, and was elected.
Before retiring from office, the President issued a farewell address to the
people of the United States, in which he set forth, at length, his political
views and principles. He remained at Washington long enough to witness
the inauguration of his chosen friend and successor, and then set out for
the Hermitage, in Tennessee.
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ADMWiINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.
HE oath of office was administered to the new President
by Chief Justice Taney; after which the cabinet was. appointed as follows: John Forsyth, of Georgia, Secretary of State; Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, Secretary of the Treasury; Joel R. Poinsett, of South Carolina, Secretary of War; Mahlon Dickenson, of New
Jersey, Secretary of the Navy; Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, Postmaster; Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, Attorney-general.
In 1837, a pressure in money affairs took place, which will long be remembered in the civil history of our country. The primary causes of this
terrible disaster, were the derangement of the currency, and loss of public
credit, on account of the abolition of a national bank —the specie circular
of General Jackson requiring all payment for public lands to be made in
specie; the distribution of the surplus funds among the states, the excessive importation of merchandise from Europe, beyond the wants or abilities of the country, and the increase of speculation. Millions of dollars
were thus lost, and thousands of families were reduced from affluence to
beggary. The sufferings of the poor were extreme. Numerous memorials were laid before the President, and large committees exhorted him to
provide some nleans for arresting the alarming losses. He accordingly
issued a proclamation convening Congress in special session, on the first
Monday of September.
The message of the President to this session did not promise relief to
the people. It clearly asserted that the national legislature could do nothing to mitigate the evils which existed, and which, it stated, were occasioned by the unwise conduct of the business community. It recommended the plan known by the name of the Sub-treasury system, the
595
596 AD MiNISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.
principal object of which was the demolition of the state banks, and the
consolidation of their money transactions into branches of the national
treasury, whose payments were to be principally in gold and silver. It
was very unfavourably received by the friends of the President, who were
interested in banks, and was represented by the opposition as a perfection
of the attack upon the credit system, begun by President Jackson. It
passed the Senate by a small majority, but was lost in the House. The
same success attended it in the following session.
Troubles took place in Canada in 1838, which for a while threatened to
involve the country in war with England; but happily this was averted.
At nearly the same time, appropriations were made for the subjection of the
Seminoles in Florida, who had now carried on war for some years, and
cost' the nation millions of money. Another act was passed at this session, locating and providing for the Seminole Indians, who had been
removed from Florida; another, abolishing imprisonment for debt in certain cases.
During the summer of 1839, the President visited the state of New
York, for the first time since his election. He travelled through the
state, stopping at the principal cities and villages, where he was received
with public honours, and followed by processions of citizens, civil and
military.
The twenty-sixth Congress met on the 2d of December, 1839. Every
member elect of the House of Representatives was present, except one;
but five members from New Jersey were denied their seats, although they
had in their possession the governor's certificate of election. This subject
was of great importance, as upon these members the political character of
the House depended. They were opposed by five democratic applicants,
and the contest among the members was long, animated, and disorderly.
This condition of things lasted until the 5th, when ex-president Adams
addressed the members, and urged the necessity of organizing, by appointing a president pro tem. Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, then nominated
Lewis Williams, of North Carolina, who declined, and the final nomination fell upon Mr. Adams. The dispute about the contested seats continued until the 16th, when Robert T. Hunter, of Virginia, was chosen
speaker. The Whig members elect then came forward, and claimed theix
seats, giving rise to a new debate, which continued till the 20th, when
their claims were refused, and the friends of the administration obtained a
majority.
During this session of Congress, a Whig national convention was held in
Harrisburg, for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the presidency
The popular candidate was Henry Clay; but on account of the results of
recent elections, held in the Southern and Middle States, the friends of that
gentleman were induced to believe that he was more unpopular in those
ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN. 597
quarters of the Union, than had been expected. In these doubts he himself acquiesced, and exhorted the convention and Whigs generally to reject
him, if a more suitable candidate could be found. When the convention
met, three candidates were proposed. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, William
Henry Harrison, of Ohio, and General Winfield Scott, of the army.
Mr. Clay had a decided plurality; but after three days' session, and a
careful comparison of chances, General Harrison received a majority
over the other two, and John Tyler, of Virginia, was nominated for vicepresident.
Few bills of importance were passed by Congress this session; that to
establish an independent treasury, although twice rejected by the late
Congress, now received the sanction of both houses, and was signed by
the President, July 4, 1840. The whole country seemed exhausted by a
universal want of confidence and a destitution among the poorer classes,
unknown in our previous history; and this feeling crept into the legislative chambers, and paralyzed almost every exertion.
On the 5th of May, 1840, about two hundred and fifty representatives
from twenty-one states, met in convention at Baltimore, to nominate a democratic candidate for the ensuing national contest. Their unanimous
choice fell upon Mr. Van Buren for president; the nomination of a vicepresident was left to the pleasure of the different states. A third party,
called abolitionists, nominated James G. Birney, of Michigan, for their
candidate.
The election of 1840 was the most exciting of any ever witnessed
in the United States. Electoral tickets in favour of Mr. Van Buren
were formed in every state in the Union; and the Whigs also formed
tickets in every state, except South Carolina. The result was, the success
of the Whig candidates, Harrison and Tyler, by a large majority both of
the electoral colleges and the public vote.
The second session of the twenty-sixth Congress commenced on the 7th
of December, 1840, and continued to the expiration of their term on the 3d
of March, 1841. It was extremely barren in acts of public interest.
Appropriations were made for certain fortifications, an act passed author
izing another issue of treasury notes, and a bankrupt law was discussed,
but not acted upon.
The public expenditures during this administration greatly exceeded
those of any previous four years since the war with Great Britain, exclusive of the public debt and the Florida war. Large sums were lost to the
national treasury by the defalcations of officers and the failure of deposit
banks.
On the 3d of March he retired from his dignified station, and was suc
ceeded by the President elect.
ADMINISTRATION OF WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.
N the 4th of March, 1841, the city of Washington was
thronged with people from every part of the Union, to
behold the inauguration of the new President. Mounted on a white charger, he passed through a mass of
fifty thousand people, who rent the air with their shouts
of exultation, and took his seat in the Senate-chamber
at twenty minutes past twelve o'clock. On the platform seats had been provided for the President elect and the chief justice,
who were placed immediately in front. Behind sat members of both
houses of Congress, officers of the army and navy, and many distinguished
characters from different parts of the Union. On the right was the diplomatic corps. Large companies of ladies occupied not only the seats in
the rear of the platform, but both the broad abutments of stone which support the steps on either side.
The ceremony of inauguration was grand and imposing. The Presi.
dent delivered an address to the countless multitude, received the oath of
office from Chief Justice Taney, and immediately afterwards proceeded to
his residence.
Soon after, General Harrison nominated the following cabinet: Danlel
Webster, of Massachusetts, Secretary of State; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio
Secretary of the Treasury; John Bell, of Tennessee, Secretary of War,
George E. Badger, of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; Francis
Granger, of New York, Postmaster-general; and John J. Crittenden, (f
Kentucky, Attorney-general.
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ADMINISTRATION OF WM. H. HARRISON. 601
In his inaugural address, the President entered at some length aito an
expression of the policy with which he intended to be governed, and of
the evils which had brought the late calamities upon the country. He
concluded in a manner worthy of the chief magistrate of our republic.
"'I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify
me in expressing to my fellow citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty,
and a just sense of religious responsibility, are essentially connected with
all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being who has blessed
us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labours of our fathers, and has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in
fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future
time."
Here the oath of office was administered, and the President continued:
"Fellow citizens,-Being fully invested with that high office to which
the partiality of my countrymen has called me, I now take an affectionate
leave of you. You will bear with you to your homes the remembrance
of the pledge I have this day given to discharge all the high duties of my
exalted station according to the best of my ability; and I shall enter upon
their performance with entire confidence in the support of a just and
generous people."
In consideration of the alarming condition of the country, Harrison
issued a proclamation on the 17th of March, calling an extra session of
Congress, to be held on the last Monday (31st) of the ensuing May.
This measure was viewed with universal satisfaction, and a radical reform
of the administration was confidently expected.
The venerable Harrison was destined by Providence never to witness
the consummation of his ardent wishes for the nation's welfare. On the
27th of March, after several days' indisposition, he was seized with a chill
and other symptoms of fever. These terminated in a bilious pleurisy,
which baffled medical skill, and terminated his life on Sunday morning,
the 4th of April, at the age of sixty-eight. His last words were, " Sir, I
wish you to understand the principles of the government; I wish them
carried out; I ask nothing more." They appeared to be intended for the
Vice President, although he was not in the room.
"So brief had been the late President's illness," remarks the National
Intelligencer, "that now, as in the case of Washington, there had scarce
been time for us to begin to fear, when the stunning blow of the reality
fell upon us like the stroke of thunder from a cloudless sky. Men looked
aghast, and staggered as if amazed by something they could scarce believe.
* * * * * When the words'the President is dead,' met the ear, the man
of business dropped his pen, the artizan dropped his tools-childien looked
VoLT. 11-76 3 E
602 ADMINISTRATION OF WM. H. HARRISON
into the faces of their parents, and wives into the countenances of their
husbands, and the wail of sorrow arose as if each had lost parent or some
near and dear friend."
On the 7th his funeral took place in Washington, and was the longest
ever witnessed in that city. Crowds of citizens thronged the streets, from
Baltimore, Philadelphia, and other places. The body was interred in'the
Congressional burying ground, but afterwards removed to North Bend,
Ohio, at the request of the general's family. All party feelings were
merged into respect for his niernory. A public fast was proclaimed by
Mr. Tyvler, and the whole nation mourned the death of one of its best and
greatest sons. The courts and different legislative bodies showed their
sense of the heavy dispensation by appropriate resolutions; and the clergy
of' all denominations expressed their sorrow in their public and official
capacity
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ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN TYLER.
~f ES j/~ o N the death of General Harrison, the presidency
of the United States, by a clause of the Constitu.
tion, providing for such an emergency, devolved
upoin the Vice-president. He arrived at the capital en the 6th of April, and was immediately
waited upon by the members of the cabinet, to
whom he expressed his deep sense of the national
loss, and his hope that they would continue in office and lend him all
necessary assistance. He attended the funeral of the late President, and
confirmcd all his nominations.
Much anxiety wnd manifested among the friends of the administration,
as to the course which Mr. Tyler would pursue, as he was known to
be favourable to what is called the old Virginian school of democracy.
The inaugural address appears to have been pretty generally satisfactory,
which feeling was increased by the policy respecting the recent appointments. He also sanctioned the special meeting of Congress, as in his own
words, "his own first wish, in the circumstances in which he was so unexpectedly placed, would have been to have called to his aid, in the administration of public affairs, the combined wisdom of the two houses of Congress, in order to take their counsel and advice as to the best mode of
extricating the government and the country from the embarrassments
weighing heavily on both."
Congress met in extra session on the day appointed. The Whigs had a
large majority in both houses. One of the first measures which they proposed was the establishment of a new national bank. A bill to that effect
3 r 2 605
606 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN TYLER.
was reported by the Secretary of the Treasury, and referred to a commrrittee,
of which Mr. Clay was chairman. The institution was to be located in
the District of Columbia, with a capital of thirty millions, augmentable at
the will of Congress, with a power to establish branches in different states.
It was passed by decided majorities, and presented to the President on the
6th of August. He retained it the whole constitutional period, during
which time the most intense anxiety was felt for its fate, by friends of the
administration. Various committees visited him, frankly stated their fears,
and exhorted him to consider the state of the country and the wishes of
his party. Mr. Botts, of Virginia, addressed to him a powerful but
respectful letter, entering at length into the absolute necessity for a national bank. On the 16th, the bill was sent to the Senate with his veto.
The veto message bewildered the Whig members of Congress, and wa:
received by the party throughout the country as the knell of hope —the
precursor to destruction and dissolution. The President, however, had
hinted at a bank which would be likely to meet his approval, and Con.
gress immediately hastened to mould it into a tangible form. In order rot
to be again deceived, they appointed Mr. Berrien, from the Senate, and
Mr. Sergeant, from the House, to wait upon the chief magistrate, and
ascertain from him, personally, exactly the kind of bill that he would
approve. This was done, and the new bill shaped accordingly. Nothing
could exceed the astonishment of the whole country, when this bill, also,
was returned vetoed to the Congress. All confidence between the President and his former friends was immediately lost; and, with a single
exception, the whole cabinet resigned.
Twenty-five acts and five joint-resolutions were passed at the extra
session. Of these, the most important were the repeal of the Sub-treasury,
the establishment of a uniform system of bankruptcy; reviving and
extending the charters of banks within the District of Columbia; appropriating the proceeds arising from the sales of the public lands, and regulating the post-office law.
About this time, the arrest of McLeod, for murder and piracy, threatened the country with a repetition of the scenes of 1812. On the 29th
of December, 1837, a party from Canada, acting under British authority,
attacked the United States steamboat Caroline, at Fort Schlosser, on the
American side of the Niagara river, drove off the crew, and sent her
over the Falls. McLeod was in this affair, and, being arrested by th,
authorities of New York, was accused of having murdered an American,
Amos Durfee. Being claimed by the British government, the United
States made efforts to have him tried by the national court, but the gover
nor of New York refused to deliver him. The trial caused much excitement, it being a question of interest to both nations. McLeod, however,
was acquitted.
ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN TYLER. 607
The second session of the 27th Congress commenced on the 6th of
December, and is remarkable as being the longest session of any Congress
since the formation of the Constitution. An immense amount of business
was done by it, and no less than two hundred and ninety-nine bills passed.
The leading measure was a new tariff; a bill for which was signed by
the President, after he had rejected two others of similar import. Acts
were also passed for the apportionment of representation, for various purposes of defence, and to authorize the issue of treasury notes. At the
beginning of the session, a plan of an exchequer was reported by the
Secretary of the Treasury, but not acted upon.
In 1842, an important treaty with Great Britain was negotiated at
Washington, by which the long-vexed question of the north-eastern boundary was definitely settled, in a manner satisfactory to all parties. Lord
Ashburton was the representative of England, appointed especially for
the purpose, and Mr. Webster, for the United States. In addition to the
boundary question, the treaty provided for the final suppression of the
African slave trade, and the delivery of fugitive criminals in certain cases.
Soon after this amicable adjustment of a troublesome dispute, the Secretary
of State resigned.
In July, 1843. the President reorganized his cabinet as follows: —Abel
P. Upshur, of Virginia, Secretary of State; John C. Spencer, of New
York, Secretary of the Treasury; James M. Porter, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; David Henshaw, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the
Navy; Charles A. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, Postmaster-general; John
Nelson, of Maryland, Attorney-general. A;t the next meeting of Congress,
the Senate refused to sanction the appointment of Porter and Henshaw;
and William Wilkins, of Pnnsylvania, and Thomas Gilmore, of Virginia,
were substituted. On the 28th of February, 1844, Messrs. Upshur and
Gilmore were killed by the bursting of a large gun on board the Princeton,
and John C. Calhoun became Secretary of State. Some other changes
took place in the cabinet during the same year.
About the same time, a valuable treaty was concluded with the Chinese
empire.
On the 12th of April, 1844, a treaty of annexation between our govern
ment and that of Texas was signed by Messrs. Calhoun, Henderson, and
Van Zandt, but was rejected by the Senate. The measure, however, became one of considerable popularity in the south, and was subsequently
made a political article by the democratic party throughout the country.
The Whig national convention met in Baltimore, on the 1st of May, 1844,
to nominate candidates. Henry Clay was unanimously chosen for president by acclamation. Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, was'chosen for vice-president. On the 27th of the month, the democratic
ccnvention met in the same city. Van Buren was the popular candi
608 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN TYLER.
date, but on account of his opposition to the annexation of Texas; he was
rejected by what was called the two-third rule, and after much excitement,
the nomination fell upon James Knox Polk, of Tennessee. At the same
time, Silas Wright, of New York, was appointed as the candidate for vicepresident; but he declined, and the honour was conferred upon George M.
Dallas, of Pennsylvania. A resolution was also passed, declaring, " that our
title to the whole of the territory of Oregon is clear and unquestionable; that
no portion of the same ought to be ceded to England, or any other power;
and that the reoccupation of Oregon, and the reannexation of Texas, at the
earliest practical period, are great American measures, which this convention recommends to the cordial support of the democracy of the
Union."
At the same time, a third convention met at Baltimore, and nominated
John Tyler. He accepted the nomination, but subsequently withdrew his
name.
The presidential election, in the fall of 1844, gave the two first offices
in the nation to the democratic candidates, Polk and Dallas.
The most exciting topic for the second session of the twenty-eighth
Congress was the annexation of Texas. The act finally passed, and was
ratified by the President, on the 1st of March, 1845. A river and harbour bill was passed, but was retained by the executive, until after the
session.
On the 3d of March, the administration of President Tyler terminated,
and on the following day, his successor was inaugurated at the capitol.
.......................
in
awaiting.................................................................................................................................................................................
COMMENCEMENT OF THE AD)MINISTRATION OF JAMES
K. POLK.
__ _ -HE 4th of March, 1845, was gloomy and low~ ering; and this circumstance considerably
impaired the splendour of the inauguration.
A very large concourse of citizens had assein-. bled at Washington, and the civil and military
procession was long and imposing. Both parI D o ties united in demonstrations of respect for
the chief magistrate. The oath of office was
administered by Chief Justice Taney, after
which the President repaired to the White
House, where he spent the remainder of the day, in receiving the congratulations of his friends.
The first annual message gave assurance to the democracy of the nation,
that the principles which they desired carried out would be conformed
with. One of the most important subjects was the annexation of Texas,
on which the President fully concurred with the course of his predecessors. The attention of Congress was also called to the dispute about
Oregon, and urged the propriety of claiming the whole of that territory,
in opposition to the claims of Great Britain. He also recommended a re.
duction of the rate of duties under the tariff of 1842, a further restriction
of banks, and the adoption of measures for the national defence. The
proposed alteration in the tariff law caused alarm and disappointment
throughout the north, especially in the manufacturing districts, where it
l-d been tacitly understood at the presidential election that Polk was in
favour of the law of 1842.
011
612 ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK.
All the obstacle now remaining against the final acquisition of Texas
was the consent of that nation's Congress. Prior to their action upon it,
Mexico assumed an aspect utterly opposed to that measure, and protested
against it as an encroachment upon her territory, and a violation of the law
of nations. The minister at Washington demanded his papers, and the
American envoy was refused all intercourse with Mexico. As she had
never acknowledged the independence of Texas, that fact was appealed to
as a justification of these measures. Much negotiation then ensued, and
special ministers were appointed to adjust the difficulty. But, for several
unhappy reasons, this could not be effected, and it was evident that an
appeal to arms would soon follow the diplomatic contest. During this time,
the Texan Congress sanctioned the act of annexation, and their territory
became part of the United States.
In 1845, a corps of observation was organized under the command of
General Taylor, to march into Texas, and repel any invasion of the Mexicans in that quarter. The troops were concentrated at Corpus Christi,
where they remained for a considerable time. Having received orders to
advance towards the Rio Grande, Taylor broke up his camp on the 11th
of March, 1846, and marched to the east bank of that river, opposite
Matamoras. Here he built Fort Brown, and soon after opened the Mexi
can war by the battles of Palo Alto, and Resaca de la Palma.
In the winter of 1845-6, Congress repealed the tariff law, and substituted another, generally known by the title of the tariff of 1846. It reduced the rate of duties on almost all commodities, and was received
throughout the north and manufacturing states generally, with dismay and
indignation. The Senate also ratified a treaty with Great Britain, by which
our title t) the whole of Oregon was relinquished, and the northern boundary line fixed at 490 50' north latitude.
PA RE DES.
COMMIA1EINCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR
f ONG befdore the commencement of the present waz!-';t 6<'( -) with Mexico, various unhappy causes had hindered a
perfect national friendship between that country and
the United States. The different revolutions which
have distracted her since the establishment of nationality, together with the fact that the views and policy
of each ruler were generally the very opposite of those of his predecessor,
rendered it almost impossible for a neighbouring republic, whose foreign
diplomacy had usually been stationary, to maintain strict amity. The
war with Spain having drained the treasury, it became necessary to replenish it by some extracrdinary means; and the various rulers. as they
3 F 613
614 COMMENCEMNENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
successively attained to power, understanding little of the laws of nations,
and being always accustomed to raise money by seizure or impressment,
now exercised their appropriating code to the capture of the property and
vessels of other nations. From the relative situation of the United States,
and the state of her commerce in the Gulf, she was particularly exposed
to these outrages. "Our citizens engaged in lawful commerce were imprisoned, their vessels seized, and our flag insulted in her ports. If money
was wanted, the lawless seizure and confiscation of our merchant vessels
and their cargoes were a ready resource; and if, to accomplish their purposes, it became necessary to imprison the owners, captains, or crews, it
was done. In rapid succession rulers succeeded rulers, but still there was
no change in the system of depredation. The government of the United
States made repeated reclamations on behalf of its citizens, but these were
answered by the perpetration of new outrages. Promises of redress made
by Mexico in the most solemn forms were postponed or evaded. The files
and records of the Department of State contain conclusive proofs of numerous lawless acts, perpetrated upon the property and persons of our citizens by Mexico, and of wanton insults to our national flag. The interposition of our government to obtain redress was again and again invoked,
under circumstances which no nation ought to disregard.
"It was hoped that these outrages would cease, and that Mexico would be
restrained by the laws which regulate the conduct of civilized nations in
their intercourse with each other. after' the treaty of amity, commerce, and
navigation of the 5th of April. 1S31 was concluded between the two republics; but this hope soon proved to be vain. The course of seizure and
confiscation of the property of our citizens, the violation of their persons,
and the insults to ou, Mac pursued by Mexico previous to that time, were
scarcely suspended for eter, a brief period, although the treaty so clearly
defines the rights and duties of the respective parties, that it is impossible
to misunderstand or mistake them."*
It is not to be supposed that the United States could receive these insults with impunity. Remonstrances were continually being made to the
Mexican government for redress, and a removal of further causes of aggravation. On account of the distracted state of her politics, it was not thought
proper to appeal to " the last resort" of injured nations, and, accordingly,
all the remonstrances of the aggrieved nation were marked with the spirit
and tone of forbearance and magnanimity. Mexico did not appreciate
this kindness. She even seemed to view it as a manifestation of weakness
and pusillanimity on the part of her neighbours, and continued her unjust
policy. In 1837, her aggressions had become so glaring, that President Jackson called the attention of Congress to thein in the following
terms: "The length of time since some of the injuries have been cor* President Polk's Message. December, 1846.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 615
mltted, the repeated and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton
character of some of the outrages upon the persons and property of
our citizens, upon the officers and flag of the United States, independent of recent insults to this government and people, by the late
extraordinary Mexican minister, would justify in the eyes of all nations
immediate war." Still desirous of avoiding this last and dreadful alternative, the President adds:
"It has occurred to me that, considering the present embarrassed condition of that country, we should act with both wisdom and moderation, by
giving to Mexico one more opportunity of atoning for the past, before we
take redress into our own hands. To avoid all misconception on the part
of Mexico, as well as to protect our national character from reproach, this
opportunity should be given with the avowed design and full preparation
to take immediate satisfaction, if it should not be obtained on a repetition
of the demand for it. To this end I recommend that an act be passed
authorizing reprisals, and the use of the naval force of the United States,
by the executive, against Mexico, to force them, in the event of a refusal
by the Mexican government, to come to an amicable adjustment of the matters in controversy between us, upon another demand thereof made front
on board of one of our vessels of war on the coast of Mexico."*
OTH houses of Congress fully concurred with the views
of the President concerning the enormities of Mexico, as
well as in his plan for the prosecution of measures of
redress. The report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs,
in the House of Representatives, has the following paragraph:
"The Committee fully concur with the President, that ample cause
exists for taking redress into our own hands, and believe that we should
be justified, in the opinion of other nations, for taking such a step. But
they are willing to try the experiment of another demand, made in the
most solemn form, upon the justice of the Mexican government, before any
further proceedings are adopted."
The similar committee of the Senate speak as follows:
" After such a demand, should prompt justice be refused by the Mexican
government, we may appeal to all nations not only for the equity and
moderation with which we shall have acted towards a sister republic, but
for the necessity which will then compel us to seek redress for our wrongs,
either by actual war or by reprisals. The subject will then be presented
before Congress, at the commencement of the next session, in a clear and
distinct form; and the committee cannot doubt but that such measures will
be immediately adopted as may be necessary to vindicate the honour of
our country and insure ample reparation to our injured citizens."
Message, February, 1837.
616 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
In consequence of these proceedings, a special messenger was despatched
to Mexico, to make a final demand for redress; and on the 20th of July,
1837, the demand was made. The reply of the Mexican government,
dated on the 29th, contains assurances of the "anxious wish not to delay
the moment of that final and equitable adjustment which is to terminate the
existing difficulties between the two governments;" that "nothing should
be left undone which may contribute to the most speedy and equitable
determination of the subjects which have so seriously engaged the attention of the American government;" that "the Mexican government would
adopt, as the only guides for its conduct, the plainest principles of public
right, the sacred obligations imposed by international law and the religious
faith of treaties;" and that "whatever justice and reason may dictate
respecting each case will be done." The decision of the Mexican government upon each cause of complaint for which redress had been made, was
also promised to be communicated to the government of the United States,
through the Mexican minister at Washington.
Notwithstanding this amicable appearance, reparation was not made by
the Mexicans. President Van Buren, in his message of December 5th,
1837, uses the following language:
"Although the large number [of our demands for redress], and many of
them aggravated cases of personal wrongs, have been now for years before
the Mexican government, and some of the causes of national complaint,
and those of the most offensive character, admitted of immediate, simple
and satisfactory replies, it is only within a few days past that any specific
communication in answer to your last demand, made five months ago, has
been received from the Mexican minister. * * * * * * For not
one of our public complaints has satisfaction been given or offered; that
but one of the cases of personal wrong has been favourably considered, and
that but four cases of both descriptions, out of all those formally presented
and earnestly pressed, have as yet been decided upon by the Mexican
government. * * * * * * On a careful and deliberative examination of the contents [of the correspondence with the Mexican government],
and considering the spirit manifested by the Mexican government, it has
become my painful duty to return the subject as it now stands, to Congress, to whom it belongs, to decide upon the time, the mode, and the
measure of redress."
Notwithstanding the evidently belligerent disposition of the new president, Congress did not think proper to declare war at that time, but
entered into a new negotiation with Mexico. After unavoidable delay of
more than a year, a convention of delegates met on the 11th of April, 1839,
" for the adjustment of claims of citizens of the United States of A merica
upon the government of the Mexican republic."
The joint board of commissioners created by this conventirn, to examine
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 617
and decide upon these claims, was not organized until the month of August,
1840. By the terms of the convention, they were to terminate their duties
within eighteen months from that time; but four months were consumed
in prel;minary discussions; and it was not until December, 1840, that the
main subject was entered into. The claims were found to be so numerous
and difficult, that it was impossible to consider them all within the specified
term, which expired in February, 1842.
The claims which were allowed by the board, and by the umpire authorized by the convention to decide in case of disagreement between the
Mexican and American commissioners, amounted to $2,026,139 68. There
were pending before the umpire, when the commission expired, additional
claims which had been examined and awarded by the American commissioner, and had not been allowed by the Mexican commissioner, amounting to $928,627 88, upon which he did not decide, alleging that his
authority had ceased with the termination of the joint commission. Besides
these claims, there were others of American citizens, amounting to
$3,336,837 05, which had been submitted to the board, and upon which
they had not time to decide before their final adjournment.
HE sum acknowledged by the convention was recognised by the
Mexican government as a legal
debt, but they asked a postponement of the time of payment upon
which the commissioners had
agreed. This was agreed to, and,
in the language of a second con.
vention of the 30th of January,
1843, solely "for the accommodation of Mexico." By the terms of this
last convention, " all the interests due on the awards which had been made
in favour of the claimants, under the convention of the 11th of April, 1839,
were to be paid to them on the 30th of April, 1843, and the principal of
the said awards, and the interest accruing thereon, were stipulated to be
paid in five years, in equal instalments every three months."
Although the calling of this convention, and the terms adopted by it,
had originated with Mexico, yet that power, either through inability or
otherwise, did not meet the engagements thus imposed upon her. This
led to proposals for calling a third convention, which was however postponed by the annexation of Texas, and the consequent war between the
two countries.
Before entering upon our main subject, it may not be improper to give
a concise view of the political and civil history of the country which, by
its union with our own, has occasioned a war between the two great republics rOf North America.
VOL. 11.-73 3 i 2
C2S COMM EN CEM E NT O il N E X XICAN WA I.
By the treaty between France and England in 1803, Texas became a
part of the United States, with the rest of the territory then known as
Louisiana. By the Florida treaty of 1819, the United States ceded to
Spain all that part of the territory within the present limits of Texas; and
Mexico, by the revolution which separated her from Spain, and rendered
her an independent nation, succeeded to the rights of the mother country
over it. The whole region formed the principal part of the ancient department of Tamaulipas.
In the year 1824, Mexico established a federal constitution, under which
the republic was divided into a number of sovereign states, confederated
into a federal union similar to our own. Each of these states had its own
executive, legislature and judiciary, and, for all except federal purposes,
was as independent of the general government, and that of each of the other
states, as is Pennsylvania or Virginia under our Constitution. Texas and
Coahuila united and formed one of these Mexican states. The state constitution which thev adopted, and which was approved by the Mexican
confederacy, asserted that they were free and independent of the other
Mexican states, and of every other power and dominion whatsoever; and
proclaimed the great principle of human liberty, that "The sovereignty of
the state resides originally and essentially in the general mass of the individuals who compose it."
Emigrants from the United States and other countries were invited, by
the colonization laws, to settle in Texas, and many, profiting by the invitation, settled upon its fertile fields, and in a short time formed a population
wholly different in principles and pursuits from their southern neighbours.
In the year 1835, a military revolution broke out in the city of Mexico,
which entirely subverted the federal and state constitutions, and placed a
military dictator at the head of the government. Under his jurisdiction a
decree of Congress abolished the state constitutions, established a Central
Republic, and converted each state into a dependent department. The
people of Texas remonstrated against this measure as unconstitutional and
tyrannical; and their remonstrance being disregarded, they arose in open
resistance. Several small battles were fought, and with various success,
until the 21st of April, 1836, when an army of Texan citizens and soldiers
under General Samuel Houston defeated the Mexican dictator, Santa
Anna, on the plains of San Jacinto. This battle was decisive. Santa Anna
was taken prisoner, and the Mexican army entirely incapacitated for further offensive operations in Texas. While a captive in the United States,
the dictator signed a treaty in which he stipulated the complete independence of Texas, but this treaty was disapproved of by the Mexican government, and that country still declared a part of Mexico. The distracted
state of the latter country, however, prevented her from carrying out he:
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 61J
GENERAL HOUSTON.
intended subjugation, and the independence of Texas was soon acknowledged by all Christian nations.
As early as 1836, the inhabitants of Texas expressed their wish, in a
general election, to be annexed to the United States; and in the following
November their republican Congress authorized the appointment of a
minister to bear their request to the sister government. The United States,
however, rejected the proposal at that time.
On the 12th of April, 1844, during the administration of President
Tyler, a treaty of annexation was signed by joint commissioners, but
rejected by the United States Senate. Finally, on the 1st of March, 1845,
our Congress passed a joint resolution for annexation, upon certain preliminary conditions, to which the assent of Texas was required. The
solemnities which characterized the deliberations and conduct of the
government and people of Texas, on the deeply interesting questions presented by this resolution, are well known. The executive Congress and
people of that country accepted the proposed terms of annexation in a
convention appointed for the purpose; and thus was consummated the
important act, which not only restored to our government the vast territory
formnnerly ceded to Spain by the Florida treaty, but which, in its conse
620 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
quences, has been productive of the gravest results to all the nations'mmediately concerned. During the whole proceedings pending this
negotiation, the Mexican nation had opposed the course of the United
States, and formally protested against it. After the joint resolution had
been passed by Congress, the Mexican minister at Washington addressed
a note to the American secretary of state, dated 6th of March, 1845, protesting against it as "an act of aggression, the most unjust which can be
found recorded in the annals of modern history; namely, that of despoiling a friendly nation, like Mexico, of a considerable portion of her territory." He also protested against the resolution of annexation, as being
an act "whereby the province of Texas, an integral portion of the Mexican territory, is agreed and admitted into the American Union," announcing that, as a consequence, his mission to the United States had terminated,
and demanded his passports. These were granted, and he returned to
Mexico.
Things continued in this unpropitious condition until September, when
President Polk authorized the secretary of state to inquire of the Mexican
government, through the United States consul at Mexico, if it would be
willing to receive an American envoy, entrusted with ample powers to
terminate all difficulties. The inquiry was made, and on the 15th of
October, the Mexican minister of foreign affairs addressed a note to the
consul, containing a favourable response, but requesting that the American
naval force might be withdrawn from Vera Cruz while negotiations should
be pending. This request was complied with, and a minister with full
powers sent to Mexico. He reached Vera Cruz on the 30th of November, 1845, but had the disappointment of finding that the politics of the
country had undergone a change unfavourable to the United States. President Herrera, who had ever been favourable to peace, was opposed by a
strong faction, under General Paredes, who founded his rebellion principally upon the assertion that Herrera, by consenting to receive a minister
of peace from the United States, intended to dismember the territory of
Mexico, by ceding to a hostile country the department of Texas. Prior
to this revolution, the government of Herrera is believed to have been well
disposed to a pacific adjustment of difficulties; but, probably alarmed for
its own security and destiny, to ward off the danger threatened by Paredes, it adopted the unhappy course of refusing to receive the minister,
although it had stipulated to do so. The principal reason assigned for this
policy was, that the minister had not come upon a special mission, confined alone to the Texas question, but that his duties also included a consideration of the long-disputed outrages upon the flag and citizens of his
country.
On the 30th of December, 1845, General Herrera resigned the presidency, and General Paredes assumed the government without opposition
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 621
On the 1st of March following, the American envoy addressed a note to
the Mexican minister of foreign affairs, requesting him to present his cre.
dentials to the new government, in order that he might be accredited ir
the diplomatic character in which he had been commissioned. On the
12th, he received an answer refusing his request, and, in consequence, he
demanded his passports, and returned to the United States.
While this negotiation was going forward, other and different operations
were in progress. Anticipating war, the President of the United States
was organizing a force to be sent into Texas, to defend that country in case
of an invasion, or to invade Mexico, should war be declared. Of this
measure the President speaks thus in his annual message of December, 1845:
"Both the congress and the convention of the people of Texas invited
this government to send an army into their territory to protect and defend
them against a menaced attack. The moment the terms of annexation,
offered by the United States, were accepted by Texas, the latter became so
far a part of our country as to make it our duty to afford such protection
and defence. I, therefore, deemed it proper, as a precautionary measure,
to order a strong squadron to the coasts of Mexico, and to concentrate an
efficient military force on the western frontier of Texas. Our army was
ordered to take positions in the country between the Neuces and the Del
Norte, and to repel any invasion of the Texan territory which might be
attempted by the Mexican forces.
"Our squadron in the Gulf was ordered to co-operate with the army.
But, though our army and navy were placed in a position to defend our
own and the rights of Texas, they were ordered to commit no act of hostility against Mexico, unless she declared war, or was herself the aggressor by striking the first blow."
Of the organization of this force, he speaks as follows:
"When orders were given, during the past summer, for concentrating
a military force on the western frontier of Texas, our troops were widely
dispersed, and in small detachments, occupying posts remote from each
other. The prompt and expeditious manner in which an army, embracing
more than half of our peace establishment, was drawn together, on an emergency so sudden, reflects great credit on the officers who were intrusted
with the execution of these orders, as well as upon the discipline of the
army itself."
The important duty of appointing a commander-in-chief to this army was
next to be attended to. General Gaines was the superior officer of that
section, but for some reasons not well understood, he was overlooked, and
at the suggestion of General Scott, General Zachary Taylor was appointed.
Accordingly, on the 21st of March, 1845, orders were despatched to that offi
622 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
cer, then at Fort Jessup, in Louisiana, to prepare the forces at that place.
and have them in readiness to march into Texas as soon as commanded.
HE resolutions for the annexation of Texas had
passed the United States Congress on the 3d of
X___f.~ ~O] rMarch, but had not yet been adopted by the
~-~ Texan government. As the P':sident, how~ _ i_ ever, considered that there would be no opposition to them by that body, he issued further
-9],~\~ orders, through Mr. Marcy, Secretary of State,
dated the 28th of May, and directing General
Taylor, " by order of the President, to cause the' forces now under your command, and those
"-c;, ~ = which may be assigned to it, to be put in a
position where they may most promptly and efficiently act in the defence
of Texas, in the event it should become necessary or proper to employ
them for that purpose."
On the 15th of June, other instructions were given by Mr. Bancroft, acting secretary, in the absence of Mr. Marcy. As this paper is highly important, in consequence of defining the exact position laid down to General
Taylor by the government, we give it in full:
"[Confidential.]
"WAR DEPARTMENT, June 15, 1845.
"SIR, —On the 4th day of July, or very soon thereafter, the convention
of the people of Texas will probably accept the proposition of annexation,
under the joint resolution of the late Congress of the United States. That
acceptance will constitute Texas an integral portion of our country.
"In anticipation of that event, you will forthwith make a forward movement with the troops under your command, and advance to the mouth of
the Sabine, or to such other points on the Gulf of Mexico, or its navigable
waters, as in your judgment may be most convenient for an embarkation,
at the proper time, for the western frontier of Texas. * * * * * The point
of your ultimate destination is the western frontier of Texas, where you
will select and occupy, in or near the Rio Grande del Norte, such a site
as will consist with the health of your troops, and will be best adapted to
repel invasion, and to protect what, in the event of annexation, will be our
western border. You will limit yourself to the defence of the territory of
Texas, unless Mexico should declare war against the United States.
"Your movement to the Gulf of Mexico, and your preparations to
embark for the western frontier of Texas, are to be made without delar;
but you will not effect a landing on that frontier, until you have yourself
ascertained the due acceptance by Texas, of the proffered terms of annexa.;,Dn n
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN NWAR. 623
These instructions were somewhat modified by the following language
of Mr. Marcy, addressed to General Taylor, under date of the 8th of July.
"This department is informed that Mexico has some military establishments on the east side of the Rio Grande, which are, and for some time
have been in the actual occupancy of her troops. In carrying out the instructions heretofore received, you will be careful to avoid any acts of
aggression unless an actual war should exist. The Mexican forces, at the
posts in their possession, and which have been so, will not be disturbed, as
long as the relations of peace between the United States and Mexico continue."
On the 20th of July, General Taylor acknowledges the receipt of this
letter, and expresses his gratification at the instructions it contained, "as
they confirm," says he, "my views previously communicated, in regard
to the proper line to be occupied at present by our troops; those instructions will be closely followed, and the department may rest assured, that I
will take no step to interrupt the friendly relations between the United
States and Mexico."
On the 30th, the General was still further instructed as follows:
"WAR DEPARTMENT, Wvashington, 30th July.
iHe (the President) has not the requisite information in regard to the
country, to enable him to give any positive directions as to the position you
ought to take, or the movements which it may be expedient to make;
these must be governed by circumstances. While avoiding, as you have
been instructed to do, all aggressive measures towards Mexico, as long as
the relations of peace exist between that republic and the United States,
you are expected to occupy, protect, and defend the territory of Texas, to
the extent that it has been occupied by the people of Texas. The Rio
Grande is claimed to be the boundary between the two countries, and up
to this boundary you are to extend your protection, only excepting any
posts on the eastern side thereof, which are in the actual occupancy of
Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements, over which the republic of Texas
did not exercise jurisdiction at the time of annexation, or shortly before that
event. It is expected that, in selecting the establishment for your troops,
you will approach as near the boundary line, the Rio Grande, as prudence
will dictate. With this view the President desires that your position, for
part of your forces at least, should be west of the Nueces."
On the 6th of August, the adjutant-general stated, that the seventh infantry and three companies of dragoons were ordered to join General Tayior
in Texas, " for," says the letter, " although a state of war with Mexico,or an
invasion of Texas, by her forces may not take place, it is nevertheless deemed
proper and necessary that your forces should be fully equal to meet, with
cerLail:ty of success, ally crisis which may arise in Texas, and which would
624 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR
require yrou by force of arms to carry out the instructions of the govern
rent." The letter further called upon General Taylor to report what aux
iliary troops, in case of an emergency, he could rely upon from Texas,
and "what additional troops, designating the arms, and what supply and
description of ordnance, ordnance stores, small arms, &c., judging from
any information you may possess as to the future exigencies of the public
service," he (General Taylor) might deem necessary to be sent into Texas;
informing him at the same time that ten thousand muskets and one thousand rifles had already been issued for Texas.
During all this time the movements and intentions of Mexico remained,
to a great degree, wrapped in obscurity. She was known to be most bitterly opposed to the course of the United States, respecting Texas: it was
also pretty evident that she would not be willing to accede to the annexation without a struggle to prevent it; and in addition, the president was
the avowed enemy of the United States, and had gained his elevation from
an uncompromising declaration of his principles. But whether the civil
and political state of the country would enable the government to raise an
army, and if so, whether it wou.ld so far confide in its strength as to risk a
war with the United States, were utterly unknown. Under this embarrassing state of affairs, the secretary of war wrote to General Taylor, on the
23d of August, further instructions, from which we select the following:
"The information hitherto received as to the intentions of Mexico, and
the measures she may adopt, does not enable the administration here to
give you more explicit instructions in regard to your movements, than those
which. have already been forwarded to you. There is reason to believe
that Mexico is making efforts to assemble a large army on the frontier of
Texas, for the purpose of entering its territory and holding forcible possessi'on of it. Of their movements you are doubtless advised, and we trust
have taken, or early will take, prompt and efficient steps to meet and repel
any such hostile incursion. Should Mexico assemble a large body of troops
on the Rio Grande, and cross it with considerable force, such a movement
must be regarded as an invasion of the United States, and the commencement of hostilities. You will, of course, use all the authority which has
been or may be given you to meet such a state of things. Texas must be
protected from host;le invasion, and for that purpose you will, of course
employ to the utmost extent all the means you possess or can command.
"A.n order has this day been issued for sending one thousand more men
into Texas to join those under your command. When the existing orders
are carried into effect, you will have with you a force of four thousand
men of the regular army. We are not enabled to judge what auxiliary
force can, upon an emergency, be brought together from Texas, and, as a
precaultionary measure, you are authorized to accept volunteers from the
states of Louisiana and Alabama, and even from Mississippi, Tennessee,
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 625
and Kentucky. Should Mexico declare war, or commence hostilities by
crossing the Rio Grande with a considerable force, you are instructed to,ose no time in giving information to the authorities of each or any of the
above-mrentioned states as to the number of volunteers you may want of
them respectively. Should you require troops from any of these states, it
would be important to have them without the least possible delay. It is
not doubted that at least two regiments from New Orleans, and one from
Mobile, could be obtained and expeditiously brought into the field. You
will cause it to be known at these places, what number and description of
troops you desire to receive from them in the contemplated emergency.
The authorities of these states will be apprized that you are authorized to
receive volunteers from them, and you may calculate that they will
promptly join you when it is made known that their services (are required.
Arms, ammunition, and camp equipage for the auxiliary troops that you
may require, will be sent forward subject to your orders. You will so
dispose of them as to be most available in case they should be needed, at
the same time with a due regard to their safety and preservation. Orders
have been issued to the naval force in the Gulf of Mexico to co-operate
with you. You will, as far as practicable, hold communication with the
commanders of our national vessels in your vicinity, and avail yourself of
any assistance that can be derived from their co-operation. The Lexington
is ordered into service as a transport ship, and will sail in a few days from
New York, with a detachment of United States troops for Corpus Christi.
She will be employed as the exigency of the public service may require.
In order to keep up a proper communication between the army in Texas
and the United States, the On-ka-hy-e, the Harney, and the Dolphin will
be put into service as soon as they can be made ready as despatch vessels
to convey intelligence, supplies, &c. You will avail yourself of these
vessels, and al[l other proper means, to keep the government here advised
of your operations, and the state of things in Texas and Mexico."
In the same month, General Taylor, having concentrated his forces,
marched for Texas, where he soon arrived and took up a position at Corpus
Christi. On the 13th of January, orders to move from this place werissued.: we give the reasons in the President's own words: —
"Instructions have been issued to the general in command, to occupy the
left bank of the Del Norte. This river, which is the south-western boundary of the state of Texas, is an exposed frontier; from this quarter invasion was threatened; upon it and in its immediate vicinity, in the iudgment of high military experience, are the proper stations for the protecting
forces of the government. In addition to this important consideration, several others have occurred to induce this movement. Among these are the
facilities afforded by'the ports at Brazos Santiago and the mouth of the
Del Norte, for the reception of supplies by sea; the stronger and more
VOL. 11. -79 3 G
6Q'26. CO I MMENCEMTENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
healthfil military positions; the convenience for obtaining a ready and a
nmore abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel, and forage; and the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte, in forwarding supplies to
such ports as may be established in the interior and upon the Indian frontier."
Pursuant to these instructions, the army left Corpus Christi on the 11th
of March, and moved westward toward the Rio Grande. Their march
was slow, and in it they encountered the most frightful difficulties. The
country is the southern portion of the great American desert, which is
almost entirely destitute of wmater, and literally filled with every variety of
venemous insect and reptile, which render a march through it almost insufferably annoying and dangerous. Besides this, the heat of the soil
parched the feet of the soldiers, and rendered it extremely difficult for artillery to proceed at all. The soldiers, however, bore all without murmuring; a fact the more creditable to them as they were almost entirely new
recruits. On the 20th, the general reached the./rroyo Colorado, a salt
lagoon or river, about thirty miles east of the Rio Grande. Here he perceived that a small force of stragglers and soldiers was drawn up on the
other bank with a view to oppose his passage; and soon after he was
waited upon by a delegation from their cavalry, informing him, that if
he persisted in crossing the stream, it would be considered a declaration of
war The geheral now placed his army in order of battle, and sent a party
to open a passage to the beach. At the same time notice was given to
General Mejia, the bearer of the Mexican communication, that the enemy
would be fired upon in case of opposing the intended crossing. The artillery were placed so as to cover the ford, all the port-fires lighted, and the
passage commenced. Strange to say, no sign of resistance was offered by
t;he enemy, notwithstanding that the point of landing was one which afforded most excellent opportunities to make such resistance successful.
i the 22d, the march was resumed, the army
Im_ rr ing on slowly towards Matamoras. It
halted on the 24th, in consequence of General
Taylor having received information that the
Mexicans had taken possession of Point Isabel
on the Brazos Santiago. This had been
selected by the General as a convenient site
to establish a depot for his stores, and thereby
keep up a constant intercourse both by land
and water, with the position which he intended
to fortify on the Rio Grande. He determined, therefore, to leave the main
body of his army on the Matamoras road, and push forward to Point Isabel
without delay. When near this place with his dragoons, he was met by a
deegat'ion of citizens, who through the Prefect of the Department of Ta
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN BWAR. 627
maulipas, protested against the march of an American army into a country claimed by Mexico. The General was replying, when some troops
announced that the station was on fire. He therefore postponed his answer until the army should have arrived before Matamoras, and despatched
the dragoons under Colonel Twiggs to stop the conflagration. The barracks and a few public buildings had been fired, but the perpetrators, together with citizens and military, had fled. The Colonel succeeded in
saving some property, and he was soon after joined by General Taylor, who
immediately gave orders to fortify the place. Major John Munroe was
intrusted with the command. He had with him two companies of artillery,
consisting of about four hundred and fifty men, with six brass six-pounders,
two long eighteens and two ship's guns; and the fort was amply provided
with provisions, powder and ball.
Having completed these arrangements, the commander departed to join
the main army, which, under General Worth, had encamped a few miles
from the junction of the Matamoras with the Point Isabel road. The whole
army then moved forward to the Rio Grande, where it arrived on the 28th,
and planted the United States flag on the bank opposite Matamoras.
It is worthy of notice, that during the whole course of this march, as
well as while the army was at Corpus Christi, General Taylor took great
pains to impress upon the people and authorities, that he was not advancing as an enemy, nor to make war upon Mexico, but solely to assert the
right of the United States to Texas up to the Rio Grande, including the
free navigation of that river-free alike to Mexicans and Americans. The
protest of the Prefect of Tamaulipas and the warning at the Arroyo Colorado, had led to no ill words or ill conduct, and thus far all was bloodless.
Two dragoons, who, on the approach of General Taylor towards Matamoras, had fallen into the hands of the Mexicans, were upon requisition returned to him, and notwithstanding the commotion which his encampment
over against Matamoras naturally excited there, no acts of hostility were
perpetrated. The appearance of the country in which the Americans
were now encamped is thus described by an eye-witness:
"Tamaulipas, in which we are encamped, is a beautiful, a delightful
region. Far as the eye can reach, one level surface presents itself to
view, dotted with cotton and sugar-cane fields, interspersed with lovely
gardens after the Spanish fashion, the whole cut up and divided in all sorts
of ways by groves of the finest trees, among which the lignum ritatm
figures largely; and the entire picture is cut in twain by the muddiest,
crookedest, and swiftest river in,North America. Neither mountain, hill,
nor elevation of any sort, varies the everlasting level of the country around
The scene is rich and peaceful, with nought to mar its appropriate character, save the armies of two nations. Our nights here, for the most part,
are remarkable for their serenity. The stars stand forth in numerous
628 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXTCAN WAR.
crowds, with rare brilliancy; not a leaf is moved, not a cloud is seen
while ever and anon, a meteor of surpassing brightness shoots across the
azure vault."
On the 23d of April, President Paredes issued a proclamation to the
people of Mexico, from which we extract the following:
"At the time Mr. Slidell presented himself, the troops of the United
States occupied our territory, their squadrons threatened our ports, and
they prepared to occupy the peninsula of the Californias, of which the
question of Oregon with England is only a preliminary. Mr. S. was not
received, because the dignity of the nation repelled this new insult.
Meanwhile the army of the United States encamped at Corpus Christi,
and occupied the Isla del Padre; following this, they then moved to the
Point Santa Isabel, and their standard of the stars and stripes waved on
the right bank of the Rio Bravo del Norte, opposite the city of Matamoras,
blockading that river with their vessels of war. The village of Laredo
was surprised by a party of their troops, and a small party of our men,
reconnoitering there, were disarmed. Hostilities, then, have been commenced by the United States of North America, beginning new conquests
upon the frontier territories of the departments of Tamaulipas and New
Leon, and progressing at such a rate, that troops of the same United
States threaten Monterey, in Upper California. No one can doubt which
of the two republics is responsible for this war; a war which any sense
of equity and justice, and respect for the rights and laws of civilized nations, might have avoided. I have commanded the general-in-chief of our
forces on the northern frontier to repel all hostilities offered to us, which is
actual war against any power making war on us, and calling upon the
God of battles, he will preserve the valour of our troops, the unquestionable right to our territory, and the honour of those arms which are used
only in defence of justice. Our general will govern himself by the established usages of civilized warfare. With orders from me to prevent, if
possible, the effusion of blood, he will intimate to the general-in-chief of the
American troops that he shall return to the other side of the Rio de las Nueces,
the ancient limits of Texas. Those nations interested in preserving the peace
of so many years, and who may be injured in their commercial relations
with the Mexican republic, will perceive the hard alternative to which
they are reduced by the politic invasion of the United States, and they
[the nations] must succumb or defend their existence thus compromised.
I solemnly announce that I do not declare war against the United States
of America, because it pertains to the august Congress of that nation, and
not to the Executive, to settle definitely the reparation which so many
aggressions demand.
"But the defence of the Mexican territory, which the United States
troops invade, is an urgent necessity, and my responsibility would be
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 629
immense before the nation if I did not give commands to repel those forces
who act like enemies, and I have so commanded. From this day commences a defensive war, and those points of our territory which are
invaded or attacked will be energetically defended."
On the arrival of the American army opposite Matamoras, General
Worth and his staff were ordered to cross the river in order to bear
despatches to the commanding officer and civil authorities. He did so.
and was met by a Mexican delegation, bearing a white flag, of whcm he
requested an interview with the authorities. After some delay, this was
granted. The Mexican officers present were General La Vega, the
Licenciado Censorts, Juan N. Garza, and an interpreter. The reception
of the despatches was refused, as was also permission for an interview
with the American consul.
HE Mexicans now suppressed all
correspondence with the American army, and a gloomy anxiety,
the pause that precedes the storm,
announced that the two nations
had met for the first time as enemies. Meanwhile General Taylor was busy in throwing up
intrenchments and fortifying his
a " " - position. Fifteen hundred men
were constantly employed on these
works, labouring day and night with the most indefatigable perseverance.
In the early part of April, the following proclamation was secretly distributed in the American camp. It is an ingenious appeal to a class of
citizens, who appeared to its wily author as the most proper subjects for the
principles contained in it.
The Commander-in-chief of the Mexican army, to the English and Irish
under the orders of the American General Taylor:
Know ye: That the government of the United States is committing
repeated acts of barbarous aggression against the magnanimous Mexican
nation; that the government which exists under "the flag of the stars," is
unworthy of the designation of Christian. Recollect that you were born
in Great Britain; that the American government looks with coldness
upon the powerful flag of St. George, and is provoking to a rupture
the warlike people to whom it belongs; President Polk boldly manilfesting a desire to take possession of Oregon, as he has already done of
Texas. Now, then, come with all confidence to the Mexican ranks; and
I guaranty to you, upon my honour, good treatment, and that all your
3G2
630 COMMENCEMENT OF TIlE MEXICAN Wk R.
expenses shall be defrayed until your arrival in the beautiful capital of
Mexico.
Germans, French, Poles, and individuals of other nations! Separate
yourselves from the Yankees, and do not contribute to defend a robbery
and usurpation which, be assured, the civilized nations of Europe look
upon with the utmost indignation. Come, therefore, and array yourselves
under the tri-coloured flag, in the confidence that the God of armies protects it, and that it will protect you equally with the English.
Head-quarters, upon the road to Matamoras, April 2, 1846.
PEDRO DE AMPUDIA.
FRANCISCO R. MORENO,.Idj't of the Commander-in-chief.
REVIOUS to this a number of desertions had
happened in the American camp. Several of
the soldiers escaped to Matamoras, where they
were favourably received by the Mexicans, and
some of them even treated with distinguished
honour. In order to abolish so dangerous a
practice, orders were issued to shoot every one
who should leave his lines, and several were
thus put to death.
The position of General Taylor at this period
may be gathered from the following extract of one of his letters:
" Strong guards of foot and mounted men are established on the margin
of the river, and thus efficient means have been adopted on our part to
prevent all intercourse. While opposite to us, their pickets extend above
and below for several miles, and we are equally active in keeping up a
strong and vigilant guard to prevent surprise or attacks under disadvantageous circumstances. This is the more necessary whilst we have to act
on the defensive, and they are at liberty to take the opposite course whenever they are disposed to do so. Nor have we been idle in other respects:
we have a field-work under way, besides having erected a strong battery and
a number of buildings for the security of our supplies, in addition to some
respectable works for their protection. We have mounted a respectable
battery, two pieces of which are long eighteen-pounders, with which we
could batter or burn down the city of Matamoras, should it become necessary to do so. When our field-work is completed, (which will soon be the
case,) and mounted with its proper armament, five hundred men could
hold it against as many thousand Mexicans. During the twenty-seven
days since our arrival here, a most singular state of things has prevailed
all through the outlines of the two armies, which, to a certain extent, have
all the feelings as if there were actual war.
"Fronting each other for an extent of more than two miles, and
COMMENCEMENT OF THIE MEXICAN WAR. 631
Nithin musket range, are batteries shotted, and the officers and men, in
many instances, waiting impatiently for orders to apply the matches.
yet nothing has been done to provoke the firing of a gun, or any act of
violence.
"Matamoras, at the distance we are now from it, appears to cover a large
extent of ground, with some handsome buildings; but I would imagine the
greater portion of them to be indifferent, one-storied houses, with roofs of
straw, and walls of mud, or unburnt brick. During peace, the population
is said to be five or six thousand, but it is now filled to overflowing with
troops. Report says fromn five to ten thousand of all sorts, regular and
militia.
"Since writing the above, an engagement has taken place between a
detachment of our cavalry and the Mexicans, in which we were worsted.
So the war has actually commenced."
Under these circumstances, General Taylor made the following requisi.
tion for troops on the Governor of Louisiana, according to authority pre.
viously granted him by President Polk:
HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION,
Camp near Matamoras, April 26, 1846.
SIR, —I have the honour to apprize you that hostilities have actually
commenced between my forces and those of the Mexicans, and that I have
need of the services of a considerable number of volunteers. Four regiments have been called from Texas, but as there will be considerable delay
in assembling them here, and as my further operations will require still
stronger force, I have the honour, under the authority of the War Department, to call upon the state of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to
be ordered into service with the utmost despatch, and for the longest period
authorized by law.
I shall communicate immediately with General Gaines, and request him
to give you every facility in the organization and equipment of these troops,
and forwarding them to Point Isabel. I subjoin the organization of a regiment of volunteers, and respectfully desire that it may be observed, and
that the number of prescribed officers be not exceeded. The battalions
may be mustered into service at New Orleans, or at Point Isabel, as most
convenient. I beg that they may be sent forward as rapidly as they can
be raised.
I would suggest that a brigadier-general be commissioned to command
the force called from Louisiana; and, from my experience of his excellent
qualities as an officer, I would be particularly gratified if General Persifor
F. Smith could be selected for such appointment.
I cannot doubt that the gallant state of Louisiana will respond with
alacrity to this call upon the patriotism of her sons; and I feel assured that
632 COMMENCEIMENT OF TIlE MEXICAN WAR.
no effort will be wanting, on the part of the state authorities, to organize
the force and have it in readiness to embark at the earliest practical moment.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Z. TAYLOR,
Bt. Brigadier-General UT. S. *Q. Commanding.
Hon. ISAAC JOHNSON, Governor' of Louisiana, New Orleans, La.
On the 10th of April, Colonel Truman Cross rode out in the morning to
take his customary exercise. As the day wore away, and he did not return, fears began to arise for his safety, and scouts were sent out in order
to ascertain, if possible, his fate. Their search being unsuccessful, General Taylor wrote to the Commandant of Matamoras, who, however, disclaimed all connection or knowledge of his disappearance.
On the 21st, a Mexican straggler came into camp, and reported that he
knew where was the body of an American soldier. He was followed, and
a corpse was found among some bushes, which was recognised as the remains of the late colonel. There can be no doubt that he was murdered
by some of the wandering rancheros, or brigands, acting without consent
or knowledge of the Mexican army. An officer of the army thus relates
the circumstances attending the recovery of the body:
- HE remains were found a short distance from a road
- leading near the river, and not on the Point Isabel: read, as formerly stated. He was stripped of his,;,~ _- clothing, and the flesh was picked off his body by
the vultures. He had been dragged some distance
into the thicket after the murder. It was recognised to be the body of Colonel Cross by his teeth,
~.~ —---- @..~~ a part of his scalp, which had been torn off by the
vultures, his stock, and one of the straps from the shoulder of his military
frock-coat. His watch, his pistols, and his horse are now in possession of
the Mexican officers in Matamoras.
The same writer states that "Colonel Cross was killed by one Romano
Falcon in the presence of a lieutenant of the Mexican army." This, however, is extremely doubtful.
Upon the recovery of the body, the following order was issued by General Taylor:
HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION,
Camp near Matamoras, d.pril 25, 1846.
The commanding general has the painful duty of announcing to the
army, tnat the doubt which has so long prevailed, in regard to the fate of
the late Colonel Cross has at length, been resolved into the melancholy
COTIMMENCEMENT OF'rHE MEXICAN WAR. 63.3
certainty of his death, and, there is too much reason to fear, by violent
hands.
The high rank of the deceased, and the ability and energy which he
carried into the discharge of the important duties of his office, will cause
his loss to be severely felt in the service, while the untoward circumstances
of his demise will render it peculiarly afflicting to his family and personal
friends.
The remains of the late colonel will be interred with military honours,
at 4 o'clock, P. M., to-mrnorrow. The funeral escort will be composed of
a squadron of dragoons and eight companies of infantry; the whole to be
organized and commanded by Colonel Twiggs.
The necessary arrangements for the funeral ceremonies will be made
by Lieutenant-colonel Payne, inspector-general.
All officers off duty are respectfully invited to attend the funeral. By
order of
BRIGADIER-GENERAL TAYLOR.
(Signed,) W. W. S. BLISS, dssistant ddjutant-general.
This melancholy event is thus noticed by one of our leading Journals:*
"War is a horrible evil. The news of the death of the first victim in this
new war into which our country is plunged, has brought with it a deepening,
sense of the evils inseparable from the mad conflict of man with man,
be the occasion what it may. An acquaintance, formed in early life-a
warm and steadfast friend from the commencement of that acquaintancea generous, open-hearted, ardent, intelligent, and talented man-one who
was in all attributes a MAN among men-is the first victim. His father,
forty years since, through many an ardent struggle, political and national,
was shoulder to shoulder with us in war with arms in his hand, and in
peace or war, with as ardent patriotism at heart as ever animated a citizen and a republican. His son is snatched from our hopes, as well as
from a wide circle of friends, and from his own wife, now widowed and
left with her orphans to a life-how desolate and lonely! Wreaths may
encircle the brow of victors in the coming contest, but what shall compensate for sufferings of which this is but the type, of what must be the price
at which they are purchased?"
On the l th, General- Ampudia arrived in Matamoras with a large army.
He had been appointed to supersede General Arista, and his entrance was
hailed by every demonstration of joy on the part of both citizens and soldiery. The Americans expected an early attack, but, instead of this, a
messenger reached General Taylor on the following day with a despatch.
of which we give a translation.
* Niles's National Register.
VOL. II -80
634 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
FOURTH MILITARY DIVISION, General-in-chief.
To explain to you the many grounds for the just grievances felt by te
Mexican nation, caused by the United States government, would be a loss
of time, and an insult to your good sense; I, therefore, pass at once to
such explanations as I consider of absolute necessity.
Your government, in an incredible manner —you will even permit me to say
an extravagant one, if the usage or general rules established and received
among all civilized nations are regarded-has not only insulted, but has exasperated the Mexican nation, bearing its conquering banner to the Rio Bravo
del Norte; and in this case, by explicit and definite orders of my government,
which neither can, will, nor should receive new outrages, I require you,
in all form, and at latest in the peremptory term of twenty;four hours,
to break up your camp and retire to the other bank of the river, while
our governments are regulating the pending question in relation to Texas.
If you insist in remaining upon the soil of the department of Tamau.
lipas, it will clearly result that arms, andl arms alone, must decide the
question; and in that case, I advise you that we accept the war to which,
with so much injustice on your part, you provoke us, and that, on our part,
this war shall be conducted conformably to the principles established by
the most civilized nations: that is to say, that the law of nations and of
war shall be the guide of my operations; trusting, that, on your part, the
same will be observed. With this view, I tender the consideration due to
your person and respectable office.
God and liberty!
Head-quarters at Matamoras, 2 o'clock, P. M., April 12, 1846.
PEDRO D'AMPUDIA.
Senor General-in-chief of the United States army,
DON Z. TAYLOR.
To this epistle, General Taylor replied in the following note:
HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION,
Camp near Matamoras, Texas, dpril 12, 1846.
SENOR,-I have had the honour to receive your note of this date, in
which you summon me to withdraw the forces under my command from
their present position, and beyond the river Nueces, until the pending
question between our governments, relative to the limits of Texas, shall be
settled. I need hardly advise you, that, charged as I am, in only a military capacity, with the performance of specific duties, I cannot enter into
a discussion of the international question involved in the advance of the
American army. You will, however, permit me to say that the government of the United States has constantly sought a settlement, by negotiation, of the question of boundary; that an envoy was despatched to Mexico
for that purpose, and that up to the most recent dates said envoy had not
COMMIENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 635
neen rece':ed by the actual Mexican government, if indeed he has not
received his passports and left the republic. In the mean time, I have
useen ordered to occupy the country up to the left bank of the Rio Grande,
until the boundary shall be definitely settled. In carrying out these instruut;ons, I have carefully abstained from all acts of hostility, obeying, in
this regard, not only the letter of my instructions, but the plain dictates of
justice and humanity.
T'he instructions under which I am acting will not permit me to retrograde
from the position I now occupy. In view of the relations between our respective governments, and the individual suffering which may result, I regret
the alternative which you offer; but, at the same time, wish it understood
that 1 shall by no means avoid such alternative, leaving the responsibility
with those who rashly commence hostilities.
In conclusion, you will permit me to give you the assurance that, on my
part, the laws and customs of war among civilized nations shall be carefully
observed.
I have the honour to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Z. TAYLOR.
SR. GEN. D. PEDRO DE AMPUDIA.
Notwithstanding the peremptory assertions of General Ampudia, the
specified time expired without being followed by any occurrence of interest.
On the 17th, the American army lost another promising officer in the
person of Lieutenant Porter, who was killed by a party of Mexicans, while
endeavouring to find the body of Colonel Cross. The particulars of this
affair are thus given in a l~tter from an officer in Taylor's camp:
" Lieutenant Dobbins, 3d infantry, and Lieutenant Porter of the 4th, left
camp on the 17th instant, each with a detachment of two non-commissioned
officers and ten privates, to reconnoitre the surrounding country, from ten to
twenty miles, in search of a band of robbers known to have been in that
vicinity, and who were supposed to have murdered Colonel Cross, and
also to learn, if possible, something of his fate. The two parties took different directions, it raining hard during the night. On the second day
Lieutenant Porter met a party of Mexicans, one of whom snapped his
piece at him. In return he discharged both barrels of his gun at the Mexican, who disappeared in the thorny thicket. The Americans captured
the camp of the marauders, ten horses, saddles, &c.
"This was at noon of the 19th, about eighteen miles above General Taylor's camp, and six from the Rio del Norte. The lieutenant continued his
search, and about 4 P. M. of the same day, fell in with another party of
Mexicans, which, probably, had been joined by those whom he had already:eft It was now raining heavily. The Americans were fired on and one
636 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
of their privates killed. They made an attempt to return the fire, but
their powder had been wetted, and they were exposed to the full range
of the enemy without the ability to defend themselves. The lieutenant,
as was reported by his serjeant, made a sign with his hand for his men to
extend to the right. The party thus became separated in the thickets.
The sergeant and four privates returned to camp on the 20th, and gave the
above account.
DETACHMENT of thirty dragoons was despatched
early the next morning to reconnoitre the position, and
search for Lieutenant Porter and those of his party
who were missing. They returned the same night,
without having learned any thing of them, the thickets
being so dense that it was impossible for horses to
move through them. They, however, fell in with
Lieutenant Dobbins, who said that he would continue to look for Lieutenant Porter a day or two longer. The next day, about noon, the corporal
and three men of the lieutenant's party returned, saying that they feared
he had been killed. One of them stated that he had seen him fall from
his horse; and another, that he dismounted and staggered towards a
thicket while volleys of musketry were poured around him."
A letter, dated the 24th, gives the following additional particulars:
"The whole of Lieutenant Porter's party have returned to camp,
except himself and the soldier who was killed by the first fire of the Mexicans in the rencounter of the 19th. Private Arns, who came in last of
the company, states that he was within five or six feet of Lieutenant Porter when he fell. He received a ball which penetrated his thigh, and no
doubt parted the artery. He immediately laid down, and expired very
soon afterwards. The soldier previously killed lay within five yards of
him.
" Private Arns remained near the bodies of the lieutenant and the soldier for some time, concealed in the dense thicket, and hoping that relief
would come to bear the bodies away. He was at last obliged to make his
own way to camp."
The first party of Mexicans which Porter encountered was supposed to
number about a hundred and fifty, and the second was still more nurnerous. No doubt the Americans would have suffered more severely, but
that the attack was made at night.
On the 22d, a correspondence took place between the two commanders,
in consequence of General Taylor having issued orders on the 19th, for
the United States brig Lawrence, and the revenue cutter Santa Anna, to
pursue two vessels bound with supplies to Matamoras. The following is
the letter of General Ampudia:
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 637
DIVISION OF THE NORTH, Second General-in-chief.
From various sources worthy of confidence, I have learned that some
vessels bound for the mouth of the river have not been able to effect an
entrance into that port, in consequence of your orders that they should be
conducted to Brazos Santiago.
The cargo of one of them is composed in great part, and of the other entirely, of provisions which the contractors charged with providing for the
army under my orders had procured to fulfil the obligations of their contracts.
You have taken possession of these provisibns by force, and against
the will of the proprietors, one of whom is vice-consul of her Catholic ma
jesty, and the other of her Britannic majesty; and whose rights, in place
of being religiously respected, as was proffered, and as was to be hoped
from the observance of the principles which govern among civilized nations,
have, on the contrary, been violated in the most extraordinary manner,
opposed to the guarantee and respect due to private property.
Nothing can have authorized you in such a course. The commerce
of nations is not suspended or interrupted, except in consequence of a
solemn declaration of blockade, communicated and established in the form
prescribed by international law. Nevertheless, you have infringed these
rules, and, by an act which can never be viewed favourably to the United
States government, have hindered the entrance to a Mexican port of vessels bound to it, under the confidence that commerce would not be interrupted. My duties do not allow me to consent to this new species of hostility, and they constrain me to require of you, not only that the vessels
taken by force to Brazos Santiago, shall be at liberty to return to the mouth
of the river, but the restoration of all the provisions which, besides belonging to private contractors, were destined for the troops on this frontier. I
consider it useless to inculcate the justice of this demand, and the results
which may follow an unlooked-for refusal.
I have also understood that two Mexicans, carried down in a boat by
the current of the river, near one of the advanced posts of your camp,
were detained, after being fired upon, and that they are still kept and treated
as prisoners The individuals in question do not belong to the army, and
this circumstance exempts them from the laws of war. I therefore hope,
that you will place them absolutely at liberty, as I cannot be persuaded that
you pretend to extend to persons not military the consequences of an invasion, which, without employing this means of rigour against unarmed citizens, is marked in itself with the seal of universal reprobation.
I avail myself of this opportunity to assure you of my distinguished
consideration.
God and Liberty! Matamoras, April'22, 1846.
PEDRO DE AMPUDIA
SR. GEN,. DON. Z. TAYLOR.
3H
638 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
lHE reply of the American general is worthy of particular, M attention, as it not only gives a clear view of his policy,
previous to the cause of complaint, but also exhibits the
J E~ \ coolness and dignity which characterizes all his public
actions.
HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION,
Camp near Matamoras, Texas, April 22, 1846.
SIR, —I have had the honour to receive your communication of this
date, in which you complain cf certain measures adopted by my orders to
close the mouth of the Rio Bravo against vessels bound to Matamoras, and
in which you also advert to the case of two Mexicans, supposed to be detained as prisoners in this camp.
After all that has passed since the American army first approached the
Rio Bravo, I am certainly surprised that you should complain of a measure
which is no other than a natural result of the state of war so much insisted
upon by the Mexican authorities as actually existing at this time. You
will excuse me for recalling a few circumstances to show that this state of
war has not been sought by the American army, but has been forced upon
it, and that the exercise of the rights incident to such a state cannot be
made a subject of complaint.
On breaking up my camp at Corpus Christi, and moving forward with
the army under my orders, to occupy the left bank of the Rio Bravo, it
was my earnest desire to execute my instructions in a pacific manner; to
observe the utmost regard for the personal rights of all citizens residing on
the left bank of the river, and to take care that the religion and customs of
the people should suffer no violation. With this view, and to quiet the
minds of the, inhabitants, I issued orders to the army, enjoining a strict
observance of the rights and interests of all Mexicans residing on the river,
and caused said orders to be translated into Spanish, and circulated in the
several towns on the Bravo. These orders announced the spirit in which
we proposed to occupy the country, and I am proud to say, that up to this
moment the same spirit has controlled the operations of the army. On
reaching the Arroyo Colorado, I was informed by a Mexican officer, that
the order in question had been received in Matamoras; but was told at the
same time that if I attempted to cross the river, it would be regarded as a
declaration of war. Again, on my march to Frontone, I was met by a
deputation of the civil authorities of Matamoras, protesting against my occupation of a portion of the department of Tamaulipas, and declaring that,
if the army was not at once withdrawn, war would result. While this
communication was in my hands, it was discovered that the village of
Frontone had leen set on fire and abandoned. I viewed this as a direct
r.ct of war, and informed the deputation that their communication would be
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 639
answcred by me when opposite Matamoras, which was done in respectful
terms. On reaching the river, I despatched an officer, high in rank, to
convey to the commanding general in Matamoras the expression of my
desire for amicable relations, and my willingness to leave open to the use
of the citizens of Matamoras the port of Brazos Santiago, until the question of boundary should be definitely settled. This officer received for
reply, from the officer selected to confer with him, that my advance to the
Rio Bravo was considered as a veritable act of war, and he was absolutely
refused an interview with the American consul, in itself an act incompatible with a state of peace.
Notwithstanding these repeated assurances on the part of the Mexican
authorities, and notwithstanding the most obviously hostile preparations on
the right bank of the river, accompanied by a rigid non-intercourse, I carefully abstained from any act of hostility, determined that the onus of producing an actual state of hostilities should not rest with me. Our relations
remained in this state until I had the honour to receive your note of the
12th instant, in which you denounce war as an alternative of my remaining in this position. As I could not, under my instructions, recede from
my position, I accepted the alternative you offered me, and made all my
dispositions to meet it suitably. But, still willing to adopt milder measures before proceeding to others, I contented myself in the first instance
with ordering a blockade of the mouth of the Rio Bravo by the naval forces
under my orders —a proceeding perfectly consonant with the state of war
so often declared to exist, and which you acknowledge in your note of the
16th instant, relative to the late Colonel Cross. If this measure seems
oppressive, I wish it borne in mind that it has been forced upon me by
the course you have seen fit to adopt. I have reported this blockade to
my government, and shall not remove it until I receive instructions to that
effect, unless indeed you desire an armistice pending the final settlement
of the question between the governments, or until war shall be formally
declared by either, in which case I shall cheerfully open the river. In
regard to the consequences you mention as resulting from a refusal to remove the blockade, I beg you to understand that I am prepared for them
be they what they may.
In regard to the particular vessels referred to in your communication, I
have the honour to advise you that, in pursuance of my orders, two American schooners, bound for Matamoras, were warned off on the 17th instant
when near the mouth of the river, and put to sea, returning probably tc
New Orleans. They were not seized, or their cargoes disturbed in any
way, nor have they been in the harbour of Brazos Santiago to my knowledge. A Mexican schooner, understood to be the "Juanita," was in or
off that harbour when my instructions to blockade the river were issuea,
but was driven to sea in a gale, since which time I have had no report
640 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
concerning her. Since the receipt of your communication, I have learned
that two persons, sent to the mouth of the river to procure information
respecting this vessel, proceeded thence to Brazos Santiago, where they
were taken up and detained by the officer in command, until my orders
could be received. I shall order their immediate release. A letter from
one of them to the Spanish vice-consul is respectfully transmitted herewith.
In relation to the Mexicans said to have drifted down the river in a boat,
and to be prisoners at this time in my camp, I have the pleasure to inform
you that no such persons have been taken prisoners or are now detained
by my authority. The boat in question was carried down empty by the
current of the river, and drifted ashore near one of our pickets, and was
secured by the guard. Some time afterwards an attempt was made to recover the boat under the cover of the darkness; the individuals concerned
were hailed by the guard, and, failing to answer, were fired upon as a
matter of course. What became of them is not known, as no trace of them
could be discovered on the following morning. The officer of the Mexican
guard, directly opposite, was informed next day that the boat would be
returned on proper application to me, and I have now only to repeat that
assurance.
In conclusion, I take leave to state that I consider the tone of your communication highly exceptionable, where you stigmatize the movement of
the army under my orders as "marked with the seal of universal reprobation." You must be aware that such language is not respectful in itself,
either to me or my government; and while I observe in my own correspondence the courtesy due to your high position, and to the magnitude of
the interests with which we are respectively charged, I shall expect the
same in return.
I have the honour to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Z. TAYLOR.
Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. d. Commanding.
SR. GEN. D. PEDRO DE AMPUDIA, Commanding in Matamoras.
We have already mentioned the address of Ampudia to the foreigners
of the American army. A similar one was disseminated by Arista, dated
the 20th of April, and worded still more artfully than its predecessor.
The rewards of desertion are implicitly defined in this artful appeal, of
which we insert a copy.
HEAD-QUARTERS AT MATAMORAS, /pril 20, 1846.
SOLDIERS! —You have enlisted in time of peace to serve in that army
for a specific term; but your obligation never implied that you were bound
to violate the laws of God, and the most sacred rights of friends! The
United States government, contrary to the wishes of a majority of all honest
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WRAR. 6
and honourable Americans, has ordered you to take forcible possession of
the territory of a friendly neighbour, who has never given her consent to
such occupation. In other words, while the treaty of peace and commerce
between Mexico and the United States is in full force, the United States,
presuming on her strength and prosperity, and on our supposed imbecility
and cowardice, attempts to make you the blind instruments of her unholy
and mad ambition,,lid force you to appear as the hateful robbers of our
dear homes, and the unprovoked violators of our dearest feelings as men
and patriots. Such villany and outrage, I know, is perfectly repugnant to,
the noble sentiments of any gentleman, and it is base and foul to rush ye
on to certain death, in order to aggrandize a few lawless individualr, 1
defiance of the laws of God and man!
It is to no purpose if they tell you, that the law for the annexation of
Texas justifies your occupation of the Rio Bravo del Norte; for by this
act they rob us of a great part of Tamaulipas, Coahuila, Chihuahua, and
New Mexico; and it is barbarous to send a handful of men on such an
errand against a powerful and warlike nation. Besides, the most of you
are Europeans, and we are the declared friends of a majority of the nations
of Europe. The North Americans are ambitious, overbearing, and irsolent
as a nation, and they will only make use of you as vile tools to carry out
their abominable plans of pillage and rapine.
I warn you in the name of justice, honour, and your own interests and
self-respect, to abandon their desperate and unholy cause, and Decome
peaceful Mexican citizens. I guaranty you, in such case, a half section
of land, or three hundred and twenty acres, to settle upon, gratis. Be
wise, then, and just and honourable, and take no part in murdering us
who have no unkind feelings for you. Lands shall be given to officers,
sergeants, and corporals, according to rank, privates receiving three hundred and twenty acres, as stated.
If in time of action you wish to espouse our cause, throw away your
arms and run to us, and we will embrace you as true friends and Christians.
It is not decent nor prudent to say more. But should any of you rendel
important service to Mexico, you shall be accordingly considered and preferred. M. ARISTA,
Commander-in-chief of the Mexican army.
Large detachments of the enemy now appeared from time to time on the
opposite bank of the river, and reports were daily received that they had
crossed above Matamoras, and were marching down, in the rear of the
American fort. Accordingly, several parties were sent out to reconnoitre.
and one of them, commanded by Captain Thornton, was surprised and
captured by the enemy. The particulars of this event we extract front
Niles' National Register of May 23d.
VOL. 11.-81 3 H 2
"On the evening of the 23d, General Taylor's spies brought in intelligence to the effect that about two thousand five hundred Mexicans had
crossed the Rio Grande to the Texas side, above the American fort, and
that about fifteen hundred of the same had crossed below. The general
immediately despatched a squadron of dragoons to each place of crossing,
for the purpose of reconnoitering them and ascertaining their position.
The squadron ordered below was in command of Captain Ker; the one
above was commanded by Captain Thornton, and composed of Captain
Hardee, Lieutenants Kane and Mason, with sixty-one privates and noocommissioned officers.
"The former commander, Captain Ker, on arriving at the point where it
was supposed they had crossed, found that the report was false, but that
they had crossed above.
"Thornton's command had proceeded up the Rio Grande about twentyfour miles, and, as was supposed, to within about three miles of the
Mexican camp, when the guide refused to go further, stating for his reason that the whole country was infested with Mexicans. The captain,
however, proceeded on with his command about two miles, when he came
to a farm-house, which was entirely enclosed by a chapparel fence, with
the exception of that portion of it which bordered on the river, and this
was so boggy as to be impassable.
~- APTAIN THORNTON entered this enclosure through a pair of bars, and approached
the house for the purpose of making some
inquiry, his command following him. When
the whole party had entered the enclosure,
the enemy, having been concealed in the
chapparel, about two thousand five hundred
in number, completely surrounded him and
commenced firing upon his command. He
then wheeled his command, thinking he
could charge through the enemy, and pass
out where he had entered, even though it should be attended with considerable loss. This he attempted, but, on account of the strength of the
enemy, did not Jucceed.
"At this mcment Captain Hardee approached him for the purpose of
suggesting the, means to extricate themselves, the fire of the enemy still
continuing. Thornton's horse, having received a shot, ran with him
toward the chapparel fence, which he leaped, and plunged into a precipice, where he fell with the captain underneath, who remained insensible
for five or six hours. This casualty placed Captain Hardee in command,
who attempted with the residue to make his escape by the river, intend-,mg, on arriving at its margin, to swim it. In this he failed, finding the
ground so bo(ggy that he could not reach the river. He then returned,
taking the precaution to keep out of musketry range, dismounted and
examined the arlns of his men, determined to sell their lives as dearly as
possible.
" Before he had succeeded in the inspection of the arms, a Mexican officer rode up and asked him to surrender. The captain replied that he
would surrender on one condition, which was, that if the Mexican general
would receive them as prisoners of war and treat them as the most civilized nations do, they would give themselves up, but on no other condition.
The officer bore this message to the commanding general, and returned
with the assurance that their request should be complied with. Captain
Hardee then surrendered. Captains Thornton and Hardee, with Lieutenant Kane and the residue of the non-commissioned officers and privates,
were made prisoners of war, but were remarkably well treated by the enemy.
"Lieutenant George Mason was a fine young officer, and his death is
much regretted. His sabre-belt was recognised among some frticles that
were subsequently captured from the en, my."
The capture of this party was a source of unoounded joy to the Mexlcan.a. The commander wrote to one of his officers in terms of the most
extravagant compliments, and the ruin of the invading army was confidently and exultingly foretold. After the capture of Thornton, the Mexicans threw off the reserve which had hitherto marked their movements.
and, crossing the river in large detachments, spread themselves between
General Taylor and Point Isabel. The situation of both the American stations was now becoming critical, as all communication between them was
cut off. In addition to the latter circumstance, there were but eight days'
rations in the fort, all the provisions and military stores having been left
at Point Isabel. This was a season of gloomy anxiety for the army;
being entirely ignorant of the designs of the Mexicans, they knew not
what moment they would either be attacked themselves, or hear the report
of a cannonade upon Major Munroe.
______[ M EANWHILE the garrison at Point Isabe
-- 4 ] were not idle. As soon as intercourse
with General Taylor was stopped, they,?~5 splaced every thing in a condition for irrmediate resistance, and, in addition to the
regular force, the masters and crews c;f
vessels landed and occupied stations with
the troops. The works were as perfect
as it was possible to mak, them under the
circumstances, and it was generally believed
that, should they be attacked by a force not superior to fifteen hundrel
men, they would be able to sustain themselves.
644 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
During this state of affairs, Captain Samuel Walker, with a small body
of Texan rangers, arrived at Point Isabel. He is quite a young officer,
but served with great distinction in the Texan revolution, when he was
taken prisoner, and sent to Mexico. On his arrival he was ordered by
Major Munroe to occupy a station west of the point, in order to open, if
possible, a communication with General Taylor. He accordingly took a
position about twelve miles distant; but soon after receiving intelligence
from some teamsters who had been detached from the point with supplies
for Taylor, that the Mexicans were completely obstructing the road, he
set out on the 28th with his whole force of about seventy-five men, inte-nding to cut his way to the Rio Grande. He had proceeded about twelve
miles, when he unexpectedly encountered a large Mexican force, who
immediately commenced an attack. A great part of the troops were raw;
these the captain ordered to keep on the right, and directed the whole to
retire under a neighbouring chapparel. But the fresh soldiers, panic
struck at the first view of an enemy, scattered in confusion, and the Mexicans rushing on in overwhe'.ning numbers, he was obliged to retreat.
He was pursued to within cannon range of Point Isabel, which he entered
with a few men. He estimates the number of Mexicans as fifteen hundred men, and supposes that at least thirty of them fell in the fifteen
minutes that the engagement lasted. They were believed to be a portion
of the detachment which had crossed the Rio Grande, twenty-five miles
above Matamoras, and which was estimated at three thousand men.
They had arrived at their position by a circuitous route on the east of
General Taylor's camp.
So far from being discouraged by this disaster, Captain Walker volunteered his services, immediately upon arriving at Point Isabel, to carry any
communication from Major Munroe to General Taylor, providing four men
would accompany him. Although the proposal was regarded as reckless,
yet six immediately volunteered their services, and received permission
from the major. The party set out on the
29th, and, after a number of almost provi~lt'~-~ ii~~ ff jB dential escapes, reached the camp opposite
Matamoras in safety.
PON receiving news of the situation of his main dep8t,
General Taylor formed the bold design of marching
with a part of his army to its relief. A glance at the
position of affairs will show the energy necessary to
insure success to such a movement. While on the
road, his force would be divided into three small sections, each threatened by a vastly superior force of
the enemy; and even though he should reach Point Isabel unmolested,
yet the enemy might concentrate their armies in order to dispute his
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 645
return, or by a rapid movement overwhelm the little force he would
Leave behind him. But the General saw his duty, and determined to
perform it.
On the 1st of May the general marched from the fort, leaving it in possession of Major Brown, with the seventh regiment of infantry, under
Captain Lowd, and two companies of artillery, under Lieutenant Bragg,
comprising, in all, six hundred men. He reached Point Isabel at evening
of the next day, without having encountered any opposition.
The march of the Americans was mistaken by the enemy for a retreat,
and the whole population of the city, both civil and military, exhibited the
most extravagant demonstrations of joy. The press adopted this opinion,
as will be seen by the following extract from the El Monitor Republicano
of May 4th:
"On the first of this month, at 11 o'clock in the morning, the general-in-chief [Arista] left this place to join the army, which, several hours
before, had left with the intention of crossing the river at a short distance
from the camp of the enemy. In consequence of the orders given, so that
this dangerous operation might be performed with due security, and
according to the rules of military art, when our troops arrived at the spot
designated for the crossing of the river, the left bank was already occupied
by General D. Anastasia Torrejon, with all the force under his command.
The enthusiasm of our soldiers to conquer the obstacles which separated
them from the enemy was so great, that they showed themselves impatient
of the delay occasioned by the bad condition of some of the flat boats which
had been very much injured in the transportation by land, and could not be
used, as they would fill up with water as soon as they were launched. In
spite of that obstacle, the work went on with such activity, and so great
was the ardour of the most excelle'nt general-in-chief, whose orders were
obeyed with the greatest promptitude and precision, that a few hours were
sufficient to transport to the opposite bank of the Bravo a strong division,
with all its artillery and train.
II! ment ought to have proved to -the
| I; invaders not only that the Mexill,~lj2aW [~ i,,,,Sg ~-,_' cans possess instruction and apt-'di i/ -i~'\-sm.':.....~:,::::~,~ m ness for war, but that those qualities are now brought forward
by the purest patriotism. The
northern division, fearless of fatigue, and levelling all difficulties,
ran to seek an enemy who, well sheltered under parapets, a:.d defended
by guns of a large calibre, could wait for the attack with indisputable
advantage.'With deep trenches, with a multitude of fortifications, the
646 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
defence was easy against those who presented themselves with their naked
breasts.
UT General Taylor dared not resist the valour and enthusiasm of the sons of Mexico. Well did he foresee the
intrepidity with which our soldiers would rush against the
usurpers of the national territory. Well did he know the
many injuries which were to be avenged by those who
had taken up arms, not to aggrandize themselves with
the spoils of the property of others, but to maintain the independence of
their country. Well did he know, we repeat it, that the Mexicans
would be stopped neither by trenches nor fortresses, nor large artillery.
Thus it was that the chief of the American forces, frightened as soon
as he perceived, from the situation and proximity of his camp, that
our army was preparing to cross the river, left with precipitation for Point
Isabel, with almost all his troops, eight pieces of artillery and a few
wagons. Their march was observed from our position, and the most
excellent General D. Francisco Mejia immediately sent an express extraordinary to communicate the news to the most excellent general-in-chief.
Here let me pay to our brave men the tribute which they deserve. The
express verbally informed some of the troops which had not yet arrived at
the ford, of the escape of the Americans; in one instant all the soldiers
spontaneously crossed the river, almost racing one with another.
" Such was the ardour with which they crossed the river to attack the
enemy. The terror and haste with which the latter fled to the fort, to shut
themselves up in it and avoid a conflict, frustrated the active measures of
the most excellent Senor General Arista, which were to order the cavalry
to advance in the plain, and to cut off the flight of the fugitives. But it
was not possible to do so, notwithstanding their forced march during the
night. General Taylor left his camp at two o'clock in the afternoon, and,
as fear has wings, he succeeded in shutting himself up in the fort. When
our cavalry reached the point where they were to detain him, he had
already passed and was several leagues ahead. Great was the sorrow of
our brave men, not to have been able to meet the enemy face to face.
TheJr defeat was certain, and the main body of that invading army, who
thought that they had inspired the Mexicans with so much respect, would
have disappeared in the first important battle. But there was some fighting to be done, and the Americans do not know how to use other arms
but those of duplicity and treachery. Why did they not remain with
firmness under their colours? Why did they abandon the ground which
they pretend to usurp with such iniquity? Thus has an honourable general kept his word. Had not General Taylor said in all his communications, that he was prepared to repel all hostilities? Why, then, does he
flv in so cowardly a manner to shut himself up at the point? The coin
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 647
mander-in-chief of the American army has covered himself with opprobrium and ignominy in sacrificing a part of his forces, whom he left in the
fortifications, to save himself; for it is certain that he will not return to
their assistance-not that he is ignorant of their peril, but he calculates
that his would be greater if he had the temerity of attempting to resist the
Mexican lances and bayonets in the open plain."
HE "flight" of the American general afforded an excellent opportunity for the
destruction of the fort and garrison oppc,
site Matamoras; and the Mexicans were
too sagacious not to improve it. Early on
the morning of the 3d, a brisk fire opened
upon the fort from a battery of seven guns,
placed in the town. This was answered
by the eighteen-poun]ern s.h and for fifteen
minutes both parties maintained a spirited cannonade. At the end of this
time, the Mexican battery ceased, one of their guns having been shot from
its carriage, and another disabled. The Mexicans now fired shells and
shot from the lower fort and a mortar battery, until half-past seven o'clock
in the evening.
Soon after this time it was resumed, and continued with occasional intermissions until midnight. During all this time a part of the troops laboured to
complete the fortifications, although exposed to the full range of the enemy's
guns. The enemy discharged about fifteen hundred shot during this first
day's attack, yet but one man was killed, (Serjeant Weigant, of the seventh
infantry,) the principal damage being to property. An officer, under date
of May 4th, thus speaks of the cannonade:
" Yesterday morning the Mexicans opened their batteries from the town,
which was returned from our eighteen-pounder, and a brisk fire was kept
up for an hour or more, during which time one of their batteries was
silenced by our guns, and a number of shots fired on the town. My station being in one of the batteries opposite the fort, I could sometimes hear,he shot crashing through the houses. Our guns stopped firing about ten
or eleven o'clock, as we were only wasting our ammunition and did but
little injury, except to the town. They kept on firing through the day and
part of the night, but have done us little injury, one man only being killed.
They have a mortar and annoy us considerably with their shells, several
of which have exploded in the fort, but with no serious injury. We are
hourly expecting an attack from their forces, and are prepared to make a
vigorous defence."
The Mexicans mistook the silence of the Americans as symptoms of fear,
and were full of sanguine expectations of a surrender. We give an extract from the E! Monitor Republicano of May 4th.
G48 COI\MMENCETMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR
"But let us relate the glorious events of yesterday. As Aurora dawned,
we began to fire from our ramparts on the fortifications of the enemy, and
the thunder of the Mexican cannon was saluted by the reveille from every
point of our line, by the bell of the parochial church, and by the vivas
of the inhabitants of Matamoras. In a moment the streets were filled, and
all were rejoiced to see at last the hour arrived, when we were to give a
terrible lesson to the American camp, whose odious presence could no
longer be tolerated. The enemy answered, but they were soon convinced
that their artillery, although of a superior calibre, could not compete with
ours. After a fire of five hours, our ramparts remained immovable, on
account of the solidity of their construction, and the intelligence with
which the rules of art had been observed. The same did not happen to
the American fortifications, whose bastions were so completely demolished
that their artillery ceased to nplay, and their fire was hushed. We continued to fire with alacrity during the day, without the enemy's daring to
respond to us, because the parapets, under which they would shelter themselves, being destroyed, they had not courage to load their guns, which
remained uncovered. This result shows us of what, in reality, consists
the exalted skill of the American artillerists. They have eighteenpounders, and we have nothing larger than eight-pounders; and yet the
intelligence and practice of the Mexicans sufficed to conquer those who
had superior arms. Unequalled glory and eternal honour to our brave
artillerymen!
"The enemy, in their impotent rage, and before they concealed their
shame behind the most distant parapets, had the barbarous pleasure or
aiming their guns towards the city to destroy its edifices, as it was not in
their power to destroy the fortifications from which they received so much
injury. This wicked revenge, which only springs from cowardly and
miserable souls, did not meet with the success expected by those who so
unworthily adorn themselves with the title of savants and philanthropists.
Their stupidity was equal to their wickedness. Almost all the balls passed
too high; and those which touched the houses, although they were eighteen-pounders, did not cause any other mischief but that of piercing one
or two walls. If those who conceived the infamous design of destroying
Matamoras had seen the contemptuous laughter with which the owners
of those houses showed their indifference for the losses which they might
sustain, they would have admired the patriotism and disinterestedness of
the Mexicans, always ready to undergo the greatest sacrifices, when it is
necessary to maintain their nationality and independence. The gl]rious
3d of May is another brilliant testimony of this truth; through the tnickest
of the firing, one could remark the most ardent enthusiasm oa all faces,
and hardly had a ball fallen, when even the children would look for it,
without fearing that another aimed in the same manner should fall in th
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 649
sahne place. That, we saw ourselves, in the public square, where a multitude of citizens were assembled.
"The triumph of our arms has been complete; and we have only to
lament the loss of a sergeant and two artillerymen, who fell gloriously In
fighting for their country. The families of those victims ought to be taken
care of by the supreme government, to whose paternal gratitude they have
been recommended by the most excellent senor general-in-chief. We
must also be consoled by the thought, that the blood of these brave men
has been revenged by their bereaved companions. As many of our balls
passed through the embrasure, the loss to the Americans must be very
great; and, although we do not know exactly the number of their dead,
the most accurate information makes it amount to fifty-six. It is probable
that such is the case. Since 11 o'clock in the morning, the abandonment of
their guns, merely because two of them were dismounted, and the others were
uncovered; the panic-terror with which, in all haste, they took refuge in
their furthest intrenchments, taking away from the camp all that could suffer from the attack of our artillery; the destruction which must have been
occasioned by the bombs, so well aimed, that some would burst at a yard's
distance from the ground, in their descent to the point at which they were
to fall; every thing contributes to persuade that, indeed, the enemy have
suffered a terrible loss. If it were not the case, if they preserved some
remnant of valour, why did they not dare to repair their fortifications in
the night? It is true that, from time to time, a few guns were fired on
them in the night, but their aim could not be certain, and cowardice alone
could force them not to put themselves in an attitude to return the fire
which was poured on them again at daylight. No American put out his
head; silence reigned in their camp; and for this reason we have suspended our fire to-day-that there is no enemy to meet our batteries.
"To conclude, we will give a brilliant paragraph relating to the contest,
by the most excellent senor general-in-chief, as to the part which he took
in the events of yesterday. He says thus:'Mexico must glorify herself,
and especially the valiant men of the division of the north, that a force
inferior in its elements, and perhaps in number also, and which required
nearly two months to swell itself with the auxiliaries coming from the
capital, should meet in an immense plain, defying the armies of the United
States, and the whole power of that republic, without their opponents, who
could receive succour in the space of fifty hours, should dare to leave the
fort to give us battle."
[From the Bulletin of the Northern Division.]
"So rapid is the fire of our guns, that the batteries of the enemy have
been silenced. But what is most worthy of notice, as showing the great
enthusiasm of this place, is the fact that many of the inhabitants of both
VOL. II.-82 3 1
650 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
sexes, in the hottest of the cannonade, remained firm in front of the enemy,
filled with enthusiasm; indeed, fear is always unknown to those whose
nlission it is to avenge an outrage upon the sacred right of their beloved
country.
"From our account of the war, the world will judge of the great superiority of our troops, in courage as well as skill, over the Americans. It
is indeed wonderful to witness the dismay of the enemy; rare is the occurrence when an American ventures outside of the breastworks. There can
be no doubt of this, that the Mexicans will be considered by foreign nations
as the very emblems of patriotism. How evident that they inherit the blood
of the noble sons of Pelayo! Happy they who have met with so glorious
a death, in defending the territory bequeathed to them by their fathers!
"The nation with which we are at war is most savage in its proceedings; no regard being paid to the flags of friendly nations; even those
usages and customs respected by civilized nations, to divest war of some of
its horrors, have been shamefully disregarded. The enemy have fired red
shot against this innocent city, and we publish it to the world in proof
that, with all their boasted wisdom and liberty, they are unworthy of being
counted among enlightened nations.
"His excellency, the general-in-chief of the northern division, and his
intrepid soldiers, are ready to fight the enemy in any numbers, and we are
certain that our arms will be successfill; but the nation against whom we
have to contend is excessively proud; and it is also possessed of resources
which may perhaps surpass those within our reach. Let us then make
an immense effort to repel their aggressions. Let us contribute every
thing most dear to us-our persons, our means-to save our country from
its present danger. Let us oppose to the unbridled ambition of the AngloAmerican that patriotic enthusiasm so peculiar to us. Indeed, we need
only follow the glorious example of Matamoras, that noble city, which will
be known in future by the name of Heroic. Its inhabitants have emulated
the examples of Menamia and Saguntum; they have determined to die at
the foot of the eagle of Anahuac, defend their fort whilst they retain the
breath of life-this plan is settled. The supreme government is making
strenuous exertions in order to protect the territory placed under its care by
the nation, and nothing is now wanting but for the people to rush in a
mass to the frontier, and the independence of Mexico is safe."
Between two and three o'clock on the morning of the 4th, Captain
Walker, with six rangers, arrived before the fort, and being hailed by the
sentinel, announced himself and party as "friends from Frontone."*
After some delay he was admitted, and delivered messages from General
Taylor to Major Brown.
* Frontone is the Texan designation of Point Isabel.
COM3MENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 651
HE noise of the cannonading had reached Point Isabel, and,
on account of the paucity of military stores in the fort,
had created the most intense excitement. As it continued,
the general determined to know something of the garrison,
Xi __Y Qand accordingly selected Captain May, with about one hundred men, including ten rangers under Captain Walker, to open the
wished-for communication. His orders were, to proceed to within a few
miles of the fort, and, in the event of hearing no cannonading, to conceal his
party behind some chapparel, while Captain Walker, with his rangers,
advanced towards the fort; and upon the return of' the captain, to make a
general reconnoitering of the country, and especially she enemy's position,
but under no circumstances to risk an engagement.
Early in the afternoon the party left Point Isabel, and at nine arrived
within view of the enemy's watch-fires, on the plain of 1'alo Alto. By
5kilfull mlnceuvering, May escaped observation, extended his party so as
to encircle the Mexicans, and, marching round them, reached a station
within seven miles of the American fort. Here he covered his party by
rows of.chapparel, and detached Captain Walker to Major Brown. After
waiting until daylight for the return of the rangers, he decided to return,
imagining that Walker had been captured by some of the numerous parties who were known to be on the alert for him. May returned at a full
gallop, passing within half a mile of the enemy's camp. When within
twelve miles of Point Isabel, he encountered a body of one hundred and
fifty lancers, whom he charged and pursued nearly three miles. As their
horses were superior to his own, he was obliged to relinquish the pursuit,
and returned to Point Isabel at nine o'clock.
ra.~~-) C~ T was believed by the army that Captain Walker had
been captured, and as he was a general favourite, as well
as a most active officer, his supposed loss cast a gloom
-' over both officers and men. Suddenly, however, he
was observed approaching the point, and in addition to
the joy attending his personal safety, reported the gratifying intelligence that Major Brown was able to maintain his position. His passage from the fort to the
position of General Taylor was a daring and skilful feat, and it was alone
owing to his accurate knowledge of the face of the country, that it was so
successful. In fact, this whole adventure of Captain May must be regarded as one of the most brilliant of all the events which have yet transpired in Mexico.
The fire of the enemy was not renewed on the 4th, and thus an excellent opportunity was afforded to finish the defences of the fort. On the
following morning, a battery was observed in the field on the east side of
the Rio Grande, and for several hours troops continued to pour from all
652 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
quarters towards that station. At the same time the army in Matamoras
were unusually active, and the Americans now felt certain that an assault
was intended. Late in the afternoon, the field-battery opened upon the
fort, and, after bring for a few minutes, was assisted by a severe discharge
of shells and shot from the army in the city. The Americans replied to
this combined fire by their six-pounder howitzer batteries, and after a short
time the Mexicans ceased.
In the evening, bodies of Mexican light troops, with some lancers and
rancheros, being observed in various parts of the field, north and east of the
fort, Lieutenant Hanson asked permission of the commandant, to issue out
with a small party in order to reconnoitre. This was granted, and he approached one party, who fled at perceiving him. The remainder then
endeavoured to surround him and intercept his return, but by vigilant
movements he *luded them, and having effected his object, returned to the
fort. The enemy then marched several detachments below the fort, so that
before night they had entirely surrounded it. General Taylor had advised
the major, that in case of this extremity he should discharge his two
eighteen-pounders at regular intervals as a signal; and this was accordingly done..~_,f-~Z N the 6th, the cannonade was renewed, and conducted
with far more vigour than on any previous day. At
10 o'clock, the Americans lost their brave commander,
Major Brown, who was mortally wounded by a cannonAi- /shot. His right leg was completely shattered, and
although amputation was immediately, as well as skil-,~~~S fully effected, he survived but three days. In the offiY~5~~~ ~ cial despatch of General Taylor, his death is thus
noticed:
"The field-work opposite Matamoras has sustained itself handsomely
during a cannonade and bombardment of one hundred and sixty hours.
But the pleasure is alloyed with profound regret, at the loss of its heroic
and indomitable commander, Major Brown, who died to-day from the effect
of a shell. His loss would be a severe one to the service at any time, but
to the army under my orders it is indeed irreparable."
Major Brown was succeeded by Captain Hawkins.
The fire of the Mexicans continued with but little intermission until
noon. It then ceased and every thing remained quiet for two hours, when
a battery commenced a languid fire which soon ceased. About the same
time, the companies which had moved to the rear of the fort on the preceding night, approached so near as to be almost within musket range. Here,
however, they were repulsed with some loss, by a discharge from the battery of Lieutenant Lowd.
About five o'clock, the Mexicans sounded a parley, and immedia'
COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 653
after, two officers with a white flag were seen approaching the fort. By
command of Captain Hawkins, they were met by Major Sewell and Lieutenant Britton, to whom they delivered a message from General Arista, to
the commandant of the fort. The following is a translation:
MEXICAN ARMY, DIVISION OF THE NORTH, General-in-chief.
You are besieged by forces sufficient to take you, and there is, moreover,
a numerous division encamped near you which, free from other cares, will
keep off any succours which you may expect to receive.
The respect for humanity acknowledged at the present age by all civilized nations, doubtless imposes upon me the duty of mitigating the disasters of war.
This principle, which Mexicans observe above all other nations, obliges
me to summon you, as all your efforts will be useless, to surrender, in order
to avoid, by a capitulation, the entire destruction of all the soldiers under
your command.
You will thus afford me the pleasure of complying with the mild and
benevolent wishes above expressed, which distinguish the character of my
countrymen, whilst I at the same time fulfil the most imperious of the
duties which my country requires for the offences committed against it.
God and Liberty!
Head-quarters at the Fauques del Raminerc, May 6th, 1846.
MARIANO ARISTA.
One hour was allowed for the American commander's reply. Accordingly a council of officers was convened, and the opinion of each one
asked, commencing at the youngest. The response was unanimous-to
defend the fort till death; and before the hour expired, Arista received the
fbllowing reply:
HEAD-QUARTERS U. S. FORCES,
Near Matamoras, May 6th, 1846, 5 P. M.
SIR, —Your humane communication has iust been received, and, after
the consideration due to its importance, I must respectfully decline to surrender my forces to you.
The exact purport of your despatch I cannot feel confident that I understood, as my ienerpreter is not skilled in your language; but if I have
understood you correctly, you have my reply above.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, E. S. HAWKINS,
Commanding U. S.forces opposite l1atamoras.
Gen. M. ARISTA, Commanding Division of the North.
The reception of this answer was the signal for a general burst of heavy
shot upon the fort, and until sunset the cannonading was more severe than
is had yet been. The American amrnunition was nearly exhaus;ed, and
they were cbliged to remain quiet, lest, by throwing it away now, they
312
654 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
would be unprepared in case of an assault. During the night the troops
slept upon their arms, the number of sentinels was increased, and every
preparation made to repel successfully the expected night attack.
The 7th was a day of activity to both armies. Not only was a heavy
cannonade maintained all day, but various parties fired into the fort from
almost every position, and large detachments of cavalry formed in the field
with the evident design of making an assault. Orders had been issued,
however, to the garrison not to fire upon the enemy unless they would approach within eighty yards of the fort; and as this was not done, they
were obliged to remain silent.
In the evening, a small party, under Captain Mansfield, advanced into
the plain and levelled the traverse formerly occupied by the Americans,
and which now served to shelter the enemy while firing upon the fort.
They also cut down large quantities of chapparel which the Mexicans used
for a similar purpose, and returned to the city unmolested. At midnight
the garrison were roused by volleys of musketry, and the noise of bugles,
which continued for some time, the Americans expecting each moment a
charge; in a short time all was again quiet. The firing was renewed at
daybreak of the 8th, and continued until afternoon, without loss however
to the fort.
In the afternoon, the sound of heavy cannonade, in the direction of Point
Isabel, announced to the garrison that for the first time General Taylor had
met with the enemy. In the evening, a Mexican fugitive arrived at the
fort, and gave an account of the battle of Palo Alto.
On the following morning the batteries re-opened on the fort, and continued until afternoor, when the cannonade of the previous day was renewed, apparently much nearer to the garrison. The Mexican batteries
were now all silent, and the intensest excitement pervaded the fort. At
evening the tale was told. A confused mass of infantry, lancers, and
cavalry, burst from the adjoining thicket, and rushed toward the river,
throwing aside every thing which might impede their flight. Some were
crushed to death by the horses, others precipitated into the water, and
many murdered by their own lancers; while the terrified citizens of Matamoras, who had so exultingly witnessed the retreat of General Taylor, now
saw his dark columns moving in stern pursuit of the flying legions of
Mexico
Gat 2 R EAL T.1 LOX.
BATTLES OF PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA.
Am,, A — ENERAL TAYLOR left Point Isabel on the even.
ing of the 7th of May, and moved with the main
9 body of the army toward the Rio Grande. They
marched about seven miles, and bivouacked on
their arms. The march was resumed on the following morning, and about noon, the army came
in sight of the enemy, stretched in one unbroken
line of more than a mile in length.
The battle of Palo Alto is described in the official report of General
Taylor, which we insert.
HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION,
Camp near Matamoras, Texas, May 16, 1846.
Sir, —I have now the honour to submit a more detailed report of the
action of the 8th instant.
655
656 PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA.
The main body of the Army of Occupation marched under my imme.
diate orders from Point Isabel, on the evening of the 7th May, and bivouacked seven miles from that place.
Our march was resumed the following morning. About noon, when our
advance of cavalrv had reached the water-hole of " Palo Alto," the Mexi.
can trcops were reported in our front, and were soon discovered occupying
the road in force. I ordered a halt on reaching the water, with a view to
rest and refresh the men and form deliberately our line of battle. The
Mexican line was now plainly visible across the prairie, and about threequarters of a mile distant. Their left, which was composed of a heavy
force of cavalry, occupied the road, resting upon a thicket of chapparel,
while masses of infantry were discovered in succession on the right, greatly
outnumbering our own force.
Our line of battle was now formed in the following order, commencing
on the extreme right: fifth infantry, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel
McIntosh; Major Ringgold's artillery; third infantry, commanded by
Captain L. M.. Morris; two eighteen-pounders, commanded by Lieutenant
Churchill, third artillery; fourth infantry, commanded by Major G. W.
Allen; the third and fourth regiments composed the third brigade, under
command of Lieutenant-colonel Garland, and all the above corps, together
with two squadrons of dragoons, under Captains Ker and May, composed
the right wing, under the orders of Colonel Twiggs. The left was formed
by the battalion of artillery, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Childs,
Captain Duncan's light artillery, and the eighth infantry, under Captain
Montgomery, all forming the first brigade under command of Lieutenantcolonel Belknap. The train was parked near the water, under directions of Captains Crossman and Myers, and protected by Captain Ker's
squadron.
About 2 o'clock, we took up the march by heads of columns in the
direction of the enemy, the eighteen-pounder battery following the road.
While the other columns were advancing, Lieutenant Blake, Topographical Engineers, volunteered a reconnoissance of the enemy's line, which
was handsomely performed, and resulted in the discovery of at least two
batteries of artillery in the intervals of their cavalry and infantry. These
batteries were soon opened upon us, when I ordered the columns halted
and deployed into line, and the fire to be returned by a'l our artillery. The
eighth infantry, on our extreme left, was thrown back to secure that flank.
The first fires of the enemy did little execution, wnile our eighteen-pounders and Major Ringgold's artillery soon dispersed the cavalry which
formed his left. Captain Duncan's battery, thrown forward in advance of
the line, was doing good execution at this time. Captain May's squadron
was now detached to support that battery and the left of our position. The
Mexican cavalry, with two pieces of artillery, wero now reported to be
~AT~rT~I OF ~LLO ~kZ, TO.
XATTLZ 0t PALO ALTO.
PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA. 659
moving through the chapparel to our right, to threaten that flank, or make
a demonstration against the train. The fifth infantry was immediately
detached to check this movement, and, supported by Lieutenant Ridgely,
with a section of Major Ringgold's battery, and Captain Walker's coimpany of volunteers, effectually repulsed the enemy-the fifth infantry repelling a charge of lancers, and the artillery doing great execution in their
ranks. The third infantry was now detached to the right, as a still further
security to that flank, yet threatened by the enemy. Major Ringgold, with
the remaining section, kept up his fire from an advanced position, and was
supported by the left infantry.
The grass of the prairie had been accidentally fired by our artillery, and
the volumes of smoke now partially concealed the armies from each other
As the enemy's left had evidently been driven back, and left the road free,
and as the cannonade had been suspended, I ordered forward the eighteenpounders on the road nearly to the position first occupied by the Mexican
cavalry, and caused the first brigade to take up a new position, still on the
left of the eighteen-pounder battery. The fifth was advanced from its
former position, and occupied a point on the extreme right of the new line.
The enemy'made a change of position corresponding to our own, and
after a suspension of nearly an hour, the action was resumed.
The fire of artillery w's now most destructive; openings were constantly made through the enemy's ranks by our fire, atf(l the constancy
with which the Mexican infantry sustained this severe cannonade was a
theme of universal remark and admiration. Captain May's squadron was
detached to make a demonstration on the left of the enemy's position, and
suffered severely from the fire of artillery, to which it was for some time
exposed.
The fourth infantry, which had been ordered to support the eighteenpounder battery, was exposed to a most galling fire of artillery, by which
several men were killed, and Captain Page dangerously wounded. The
enemy's fire was directed against our eighteen-pounder battery, and the
guns under Major Ringgold in its vicinity. The major himself, while
coolly directing the fire of his pieces, was struck by a cannon-ball and
mortally wounded.
In the mean time, the battalion under Lieutenant-colonel Childs had been
brought up to support the artillery on our right. A strong demonstration
of cavalry was now made by the enemy against this part of our line, and
the column continued to advance under a severe fire from the eighteenpounders. The battalion was instantly formed in square, and held ready
to receive the charge of cavalry, but when the advancing squadrons were
within close range, a deadly fire of canister from the eighteen-pounders
dispersed them. A brisk fire of small arms was now opened upon the
square, by which one officer (Lieutenant Luther, second artillery) was
660 PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA.
slightly wounded; but a well-directed volley from the front of the square
silenced all further firing from the enemy in this quarter. It was now
nearly dark, and the action was closed on the right of our line, the enemy
having been completely driven back from his position, and foiled in every
attempt against it.
While the above was going forward on our right, and under our own
eye, the enemy had made a serious attempt against the left of our line.
(Captain Duncan instantly perceived the movement, and, by the bold and
brilliant manceuvering of his battery, completely repulsed several successive
efforts of the enemy to advance in force upon our left flank. Supported in
succession by the eighth infantry, and by Captain Ker's squadron of dragoons, he gallantly held the enemy at bay, and finally drove him, with immense loss, from the field. The action here and along the whole line continued until dark, when the enemy retired into the chapparel, in rear of
his position.
Our loss this day was nine killed, forty-four wounded, and two missing.
Among the wounded were Major Ringgold, who has since died, and Captain Page dangerously wounded, Lieutenant Luther slightly so. I annex
a tabular statement of the casualties of the day.
Our own force engaged is shown by the field-report, herewith transmitted. to have been one hundred and seventy-seven officers, and two thousand
one hundred and eleven men; aggregate, two thousand two hundred and
eighty-eight. The Mexican force, according to the statements of their own
officers, taken prisoners in the affair of the 9th, was not less than six thousand regular troops, with ten pieces of artillery, and probably exceeded
that number-the irregular force not known. Their loss was not less than
two hundred killed, and four hundred wopnded-probably greater. This
estimate is very moderate, and formed upon the number actually counted
on the field, and upon the reports of their own officers.
As already reported in my first brief despatch, the conduct of our officers and men was every thing that could be desired. Exposed for hours
to the severest trial-a cannonade of artillery-our troops displayed a coolness and constancy which gave me throughout the assurance of victory.
I purposely defer the mention of individuals, until my report of the
action of the 9th, when I will endeavour to do justice to the many instances
of distinguished conduct on both days. In the mean time, I refer for more
minute details to the reports of individual commanders. I am, sir, very
respectfully, your obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR,
Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. I. Commanding.
The ADJUTANT GENERAL of the.rmy, Washington.
An officer writing from the field of battle gives the following thrilling
account of some of the incidents to which he was an eye-witness:
i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i
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Ar~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-~-,;-~~ —-'h: C
a ri...___
Di:ArTU 0F~BR xwra INssOr,
PALO ALrO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA. 663
"When fwe arrived within good artillery range, their b1tteries opened
upon us, soine of their balls bouncing along the plain, and passing us in
ricochet; others flying over our heads and falling in our rear, showing us
in a fesw moments that their pieces were served with skill and precision.
The infantry were destined to give the strongest evidence of courage that
a soldier can exhibit-to stand in squares four hours under fire of the
enemy's artillery so as to protect our own artillery from the cavalry, whilst
it was mowing down the enemy's ranks...... In the mean time, the
whole order of battle had been changed to conform to the manceuvres of the
enemy, and our brigade, which was the left, now turned itself in advance
on the right-the artillery battalion being on the extreme right and the
most in advance. In these different changes, our general was always
slowly but steadfastly gaining ground to the front, and the enemy gradually falling back. The enemy's fire having slackened, and then ceased,
General Taylor, from his new and more advanced position, ordered all his
batteries to open, and in his turn attacked the enemy with such fury, as to
cause evident destruction in their ranks; but still they remained firm. By
a charge on them they might have been routed entirely, but then we must
have exposed our wagons to be captured by their cavalry, and that could
not be thought of. At this moment the enemy were discovered coming
down with his left flank in great force of cavalry and infantry, on the
artillery battalion and eighteen-pounders, which that battalion supported.
The eighteen-pounders were served by thirty men, and the artillery battalion was about three hundred and sixty strong. Both the batteries and
battalion were in such a position that they could not be supported by the
other portion of the army, and at the time the charge commenced, the battalion had deployed into line. However, it was thrown into square by a
prompt manceuvre, and awaited steadily the Mexican charge. On they
came,'horse, foot, and dragoons,' shouting and yelling, when a single
horseman rode into the square and said,'Men, I place myself in your
square.' The general was immediately recognised by the men, who gave
him three cheers for this evidence of his confidence. At this moment
Lieutenant Churchill discharged one of his eighteen-pounders, loaded with
grape, into the advancing ranks, but not checking entirely their onward
movement. They marched forward to within good musket range, some
one hundred and fifty yards of us, halted and delivered their fire, which
our men received quietly at a shoulder..........
"Our army slept on their arms precisely as night found them, and occupied the position in which the enemy commenced the battle. The two
armies slept quietly almost in presence of each other. The night was
serene and beautiful, the moon casting the softest light on every thing
around us, and but for the groans of the wounded, and the screams of
those who were suffering under the knife of the surgeons, no one could
664 PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA.
have imagined the scenes which had occurred but a few hours pre
viously.
"Many dragoon horses were killed, and the escapes were almost incre.
dible. In Magruder's company, two men, whilst at an order, had the
bayonets of their muskets cut off by cannon-balls passing just over their
shoulders and between their heads. He had also a man killed on his immediate right, and one on his left. Some of the balls fell in the centres
of the squares and ricocheted out again without touching any one. Others
fell just on the outside and bounced over. To stand patiently and coolly
in square under such a fire, for five hours, without returning a shot, is the
best evidence of discipline and invincible courage that troops can give.
But more,-the effect of the conduct which none but regulars could have
shown, mlust be considered. The next morning the enemy retreated,
leaving the field strewed with their dead, and having lost, by their own
confession, five hundred in killed and wounded; but we have found out
since that his loss was much greater. The enemy's artillery was numeTous, and served with great rapidity and precision; while we had little
cavalry, and they had an immense proportion of that arm. Hence our
shell and grape-shot told briskly among them. In short, we gained on
that day a great victory. When we consider the enemy's numbers, his
numerous and effective regular cavalry, and well-drilled infantry and
artillery, and, above all, that he had chosen his own ground, that upon
which he is most accustomed to fight-the plain; and compare all this
with our inferiority in arms, and that we were encumbered by a train we
could not afford to lose; we can only account for the result by the impression made on the enemy by our firm and unshaken advance; by the
steadiness with which we repulsed their cavalry, and by the unrivalled
skill of our artillery officers and men; to which must be added a perfect
knowledge on the part of both men and officers, that if we lost that battle,
the fort at Matamoras must fall, the army be destroyed, and our depot —
Point Isabel —be taken, to He eternal disgrace of the American army, and
the ruin of the interests of our government, for some time at least, in this
part of the world. We could not afford to be driven back a single inch,
and all were prepared for any thing but retreat."
The followving remarks upon this battle are from a correspondent of the
Portsmouth Mercury, and give a clear and concise account of the very
active mnanoeuvering which formed an essential feature at Palo Alto:
"At Palo Alto, the view before the battle was beautiful in the extreme.
The Mexican lines were of great extent, and were drawn up, with much skill.
in terrible array. They outnumbered us more than four to one; nevertheless, there was no hesitation on our part; our little army was formed into
line at once, and continued to advance in the order of battle with ten pieces
of artillery, till we dresw the fire from their battery of fourteen gunll. Wt.
PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA. 665
then halted, corrected our allignment with the precision of a dress parade,
and took our part in the ball. The enemy made increasing exertions tc
outflank us, but without success; every such attempt uniformly ended in
their being obliged to give ground. Whenever their demonstrations
threatened our left, that wing of the army half-wheeled to the right, by
regiments, and marched by its left flank upon a point, slightly beyond the
enemy's extreme right. You will readily perceive, that this diagonal
movement enabled us always to pour in a destructive raking fire, scathing
their whole line. When they attempted our right, that wing half-wheeled
by regiments to the left, and marched, by its right flank, upon a point
beyond their left. These movements would leave a large interval in our
centre, and then the Mexican cavalry would prepare to charge through;
but they never could succeed, for a simple'By companies right and left
into line,' re-formed our whole force in the saine order as at first, but on
ground considerably in advance of its former position. The consequence
was that they would recede and try the same manmeuvres over again.
"In the mean time, clouds of dense smoke obscured the light of day,
and hung over the scene in huge festoons like a funeral pall; while the
thunder of the death-dealing charge, the roaring of cannon, and continued
volleys of musketry, deafened the ears and excited the imagination.
Round, grape, and canister came hustling through the air, crushing skulls,
mutilating limbs, and mangling bodies, till the whole plain was covered
with the dying and the dead. For fo(ur hours we stood against the tremendous odds arrayed against us, gradually forcing them to yield ground,
till darkness put an end to the slaughter. By the lurid light of a burning
prairie, we collected the wounded and buried the dead; then, fatigued
and supperless, we sank in repose upon the bare earth, with the full
assurance of a hard day's fight on the morrow. Nor were we disappointed. Daylight found the enemy retiring to a strong position in the
chapparel of Resaca de la Palma. Ilere, screened by the bushes, the
Mexicans waited our approach. General Taylor caused a detail of skirmishers, of whom I was one, to constitute the advance. We drew their
fire at about 3 o'clock P. M., and maintained our ground till our regiments
came up. The fifth and eighth infantry, with Captain May's squadron
of dragoons, charged the enemy's battery, and carried nine brass pieces,
when the enemy began to give way. We assisted them with the points
of our bayonets, and chased them into the river, where many hundreds of
them were drowned."
In this first day's battle the Mexicans fought with much determination,
and, notwithstanding their repulse, remained almost within sight of the
American army during the night. General Arista, in his despatch to the
Mexican minister of war, written on the field of battle, claims it as a
victory.
VOL. II —S
GCG PALO A Ir() AN I) lZ [S,:-ACA D)E LA P A LMA.
After the battle, the first care of General Taylor was to visit the
wounded, and see that every comfort was supplied. The constant and
well-directed energies of the medical department left but little for him to
do; every one, whether officer or soldier, having been attended with unwavering care and watchfulness. The troops having partaken of their
meal, order was given to get the command under arms. The genera.
then summoned a council of war, composed of the heads of the different
commands, in all thirteen, exclusive of himself. After returning thanks
for their support and bravery during the day, he called on each to give
his opinion as to the proper course to be pursued on the morrow. It was
then ascertained that but four out of thirteen wvere in favour of advancing. Of the others, some voted to intrench where they were, and await
the assistance of the volunteers, and others to retire at once to Point Isabel;
the general merely remarked, "I will be at Fort Brown before night, if I
live."*
On the following morning the army recommenced its march for the Rio
Grande, which General Taylor denominated Fort Brown, in honour of its
lamented defender. When within about four miles of it, they again
encountered the enemy encamped on chosen ground, considered impregnable. It was denominated the pass of Resaca de la Palma.t
ERE they were not only concealed and defended
by dense rows of chapparel, prickly pear, &c.,
J but had also placed their artillery in such a posii~! ~ ~ tion as completely to sweep the narrow road which
wound along the dry bed, or gorge, which gave
name to the pass. Seeing this, General Taylor
ordered the supply train to be strongly parked,
and leaving four pieces of artillery to defend them, he pushed toward
the enemy. Captain McCall was sent forward to ascertain their position, and was soon engaged in a severe skirmish. The Americans advanced, and the action became general. The enemy were sure of vic.
tory, and fought with a determination rarely evinced by Mexican soldiery.
As the battle advanced, it became evident that victory could not be completed by the Americans, without capturing the enemy's batteries. This
was a dangerous undertaking; but the commander intrusted it to Captain
May. That gallant officer rode to the front of his men, and the next
* " Lieutenant Ridgely, who was entitled to a vote in the council, was, at the time, in
attendance on the lamented Ringgold, and, therefore, had no voice in the matter; but
as he galloped up to the battery, on returning from his visit to the major, some one
asked-' Ridgely, were you at the council'' No,' he replied,' I did not know that
one had been called, but I hope old Zack will go ahead, and bring the matter to close
quarters.'"
+ The Dry River of Palma.
PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA. 667
moment they were sweeping toward the Mexicans. He charged the bat
terles, drove away the cannoneers, captured the guns, and dispersed the
Tampico veterans, who several times attempted their rescue. In this
assault, the Americans lost Lieutenant Inge, and seven men killed and a
few wounded. The Mexican loss was heavy, and their general, La Vega,
was captured by Captain May.
This bold charge decided the fate of the battle. The Mexicans fled in
disorder through the ravines and chapparel, and were closely pursued by
the Americans. Captain Ker's dragoons and Duncan's artillery led the
pursuit, and captured a large number of the fugitives.
T'he American force actually engaged in this battle was about seventeen hundred men. They lost three officers, and thirty-one men killed
and seventy-one wounded. The loss of the enemy was very great-they
left two hundred on the battle-field. Eight pieces of artillery, several
standards, a large amount of baggage and public property, together with
many prisoners, were the rewards of the victors.
A writer previously quoted, thus relates several incidents not fully described in the official report:
"At 2 o'clock P. M., we found the enemy drawn up in great force,
occupying a ravine which our road crossed; with thick chapparel or
thorny bushes on either side before it reached the ravine, and a pond of
water on either side where it cros'sed the ravine, constituting a defile.
They were seven thousand strong; we fifty-four weaker than on the previous day. The general ordered an immediate attack by all the troops,
except the first brigade, which was kept in reserve; and soon the rattling
fire of musketry, mingled with the heavy sound of artillery, announced
the commencement of the action. The enemy had chosen his position,
which he considered impregnable —was vastly superior to us in numbers,
and had ten pieces of artillery planted in the defile, which swept the road
with grape, and which it was absolutely necessary for us to take before
they could be beaten. These pieces were flanked on either side by a
regiment of brave veteran troops, from Tampico, and we were obliged to
stand an awful shower of grape and bullet before a charge could reach
them. The battle had lasted some two hours with great fury on both
sides, and many heroic deeds had been done, but no serious impression
rnade, when General Taylor sent for Captain May of the second dragoons,
and told him he must take that battery with his squadron of dragoons, if
he lost every man. May instantly placed himself at the head of his men,
and setting off at full speed, with cheers and shouts, dashed into the defile,
where he was greeted with an overwhelming discharge of grape and bullets, which nearly annihilated his first and second platoons; but he was seen,
unhurt, darting like lightning through this murderous hail-storm, and, ir
a second, he and his men drove away or cut to pieces the artillerists.
668 PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA.
"The speed of his horses was so great, however, that they passed through
the battery, and were halted in its rear. There, turning, he charged back,
and was just in time to rescue a Mexican general officer, who would not
leave his guns, and was parrying the strokes of one of his men. The
officer handed his sword to May, announced himself as General La Vega,
and gave his parole. May turned him over to an officer, and galloping
back to General Taylor, reported that he had captured the enemy's battery, and the gallant General La Vega, bravely defending it, whose sword
he had the honour to present his commanding officer. The general was
extremely gratified, and felt no doubt that a blow had been given, from
which it would be difficult for the enemy to recover..... Colonel Belknap, leading his regiment into the thickest of the fight, seized a Mexican
standard, and waving it over his head, dashed on in front of his men, until
his horse stumbled over some dead bodies, and threw him. Being a heavy
man, he was helped on his horse by a soldier, who in the act received a
ball through his lungs, and at the same moment a shot carried away the
Mexican flag, leaving but the handle with the colonel. He dashed ahead
with that, however, and his regiment carried every thing before it. At this
moment the Mexicans gave way entirely, and, throwing down their arms,
fled in every direction, leaving all their stores, munitions of war, arms,
standards, &c. The killed, wounded, and prisoners, including those who
were drowned in the Rio Grande, do not fall short of eighteen hundred-so
that the enemy's loss in two days amounts to at least two thousand men,
something more than the number we had in our army.
"When Lieutenant Magruder introduced General La Vega to General
Taylor, the latter expressed his deep regret that such a misfortune should
have happened to an officer whose character he so highly esteemed, and
returned to him his sword which he had so bravely won."
Another officer thus writes:
"On reaching the point of the road where May would have been discovered
by the enemy, he was stopped by Ridgely, who told him that the enemy had
just loaded their pieces, and if he charged them, he would be swept away,
adding,'Stop, till I draw their fire.' He then deliberately fired each gun.
So terrible was the effect of the grape that the Mexicans poured their fire
upon his pieces, and then May charged like a bullet, drove off their cannoneers, took La Vega prisoner, and retreated. Here Lieutenant Inge, a
gallant soldier, was killed just behind May, and afterwards stripped. Lieutenant Sackett had his horse shot under him, and was precipitated into the
pond, but rose again and escaped, covered with mud and water. The
squadron suffered very much. I am sure May feels grateful to Ridgely for
his cool judgment and timely advice. Had he charged on the battery.
loaded with grape as it was, I do not believe he would have saved a
man."
PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALM1A. 669
The battle-fields of the Sth and 9th are thus described by eye-witnesses:
"Our troops were resting on the battle-ground. Alas! what a sad picture
presented itself. Around were lying heaps of dead, dying, and disabled
men. The sigh, the groan, the shriek of agony filled the air, whilst the
eye could not rest upon a spot, but it met with a head, a leg, an arm, a
body cut off by the waist, or the more fortunate dead, who had received
their death-wound from the rifle or musket."
"Resaca de li Palma battle-ground is covered with the graves of our fallen
countrymen, who fell many of them fighting hand to hand with the enemy.
Terribly were they avenged, however, on the spot, for their antagonists are
buried around them by hundreds. I was shown one grave near the spot
where the brave Cochrane is interred, in which some eight Mexicans are
said to have been placed, and there are many more which each contain a
score or two of the slaughtered foe. The grave of poor Inge was pointed
out to me. It is near where one of the enemy's batteries was posted. It
was with feelings of deep sadness that I recalled to mind the many virtues
of this gallant and noble-hearted officer. He had left a young wife in Baltimore, and had arrived'at Point Isabel, with a body of recruits just in time
to march with General Taylor. He had distinguished himself in both battles by his heroic daring, P:nd fell at the moment when that brilliant victory,
to which he contributed so largely, was about to declare itself in favour of
our arms. Mexican caps and remnants of their clothing are scattered here
and there, and the whole field is dotted with marks of the enemy's camp
fires. It is a wild-looking place, and so advantageous was the position of
the enemy, that it will ever remain a wonder to me that our little army
was not cut to pieces by their greatly superior force. Over a great portion
of the ground on which our army prepared to attack them, the thickets
are so dense that a dog would find it difficult to penetrate them. The men
actually pushed each other through these thickets, and became divided
into small squads of from three to six.
HE Palo Alto battle-field, on this side, near the edge
- of the chapparels, is an open prairie, quite level, and
01/ 4 z 9 a most magnificent place for the rAeeting of two armies.
D/~ The positions of the Mexican lines were pointed out
to me, and we rode over a part of the field where the
battle raged the hottest. They are represented as
having presented a very warlike as well as wild and
picturesque appearance, as our troops approached them. Their compact
lines extended from an elevated point of chapparels on their right about a
mile; while their left stretched across the road near its entrance to the
pass. I visited the place where some of their heavy artillery opened upon.
our army, and against which our two eighteen-pounders were for a time
670 PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA.
directed. Convincing evidences of the skill with which our artillery was
used were still perceptible upon that part of the field; for although they
were permitted to bury their dead, and afterwards returned in numbers
and spent considerable time in that employment, I counted some thirty
d,cad bodies, stretched out as they fell in that immediate vicinity.
OME had been nearly severed in two by cannon-ball;
others had lost a part of the head, both legs, a shoulder, or the whole stomach. Of many of them nothing
but the bones, encased in uniform, was left; whilst
others had been transformed into mummies, retaining
the expression of countenance which their death agonies had stamped upon them. One man, who had
been shot between the hips with a large ball, lay douDled up as he fell, with his hands extended, and his face downward, between his knees. Another, whose shoulders and back were shot away,
seemed to have died in the act of uttering a cry of horror. Dead horses
were scattered about in every direction, and the buzzards and wild dogs
were fattening upon their carcasses."
The daring reconnoissance of Lieutenant Blake is thus related by tne
officer who accompanied him:
"After the line of battle had been formed, General Taylor rode along it
to survey his command. Every'man was perfectly cool, and had they
been about to take dinner, they could not have been more indifferent. At
this time the general had not the slightest knowledge as to whether the
enemy had any artillery or not. The long prairie grass prevented any
one from distinguishing it, when masked by men in front of the pieces.
What was to be done? It was an all-important point. Captain May was
ordered to go forward with his squadron, reconnoitre the enemy, and, if
possible, draw a fire from their artillery. but to no purpose; they took no
notice of him. Lieutenant Blake then proposed to go forward alone and
reconnoitre. I was close to him,and volunteered to accompany him. He
consented, and we dashed forward to within eighty yards of their line, the
whole army looking on us with astonishment. Here we had a full view.
The lieutenant alighted from his horse, and, with his glass, surveyed the
whole line, and handed it to me. After making a similar observation, I
returned the glass. Just then two officers rode out toward us. I mentioned it to Blake, and requested him to mount. He quietly told me to
draw a pistol on them. I did so, and they halted. Had they thought
proper, they could have fired a volley from their main line and riddled us
both. We then galloped along their line to its other end, there examined
them again, and returned. Scarcely had Blake reported, when their battories opened upon our line, and the work of destruction commenced. Oul
examnination proved to be correct."
PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA. 671
The particulars of Major Ringgold's death are given from the letter of a
distinguished officer in the United States navy.
"The engagement of the 8th was entirely in the hands of the artillery, and the major took a most active and important part in it. About
6 o'clock he was struck by a six-pound shot. He was mounted,
and the shot struck him at right angles, entering the right thigh, passing through the holsters and upper part of the shoulders of his horse,
and then striking the left thigh in the same line. On the evening
of the 9th, he reached this camp (Camp Isabel) under charge of Dr.
Byrne, of the army. An immense mass of muscies and integuments were
carried away from both thighs, but the arteries were not divided, nor the
bones broken. I remained with him all night. He had but little pain,
and, at intervals, had some sleep. On dressing his wounds, in the morning, they presented a most unfavourable aspect. During the night he
gave many incidents of the battle, and spoke with much pride of the executicn of his shot. He directed his shot not only to groups and masses of
the enemy, but to particular men in their line. He saw them fall, and
their places occupied by others, who in their turn were shot down, he
pointing his gun to the same place, and feeling as confident of hitting his
mark as though he had been using a rifle.
" He continued to grow worse, and a medical officer remained constantly
by his side. Dr. Byrne was with him during the night, using every means
which could be devised to save his valuable life, but without effect. He
continued to grow worse, and finally expired, having survived his wounds
sixty hours. During the whole time he had but little pain, conversed
cheerfully, and made all his arrangements for his approaching end, with
the greatest composure and resignation."
Upon receiving news of the battle of the 8th, and the defeat of the 9th,
the Mexican general, Parrode, issued a proclamation exhorting the Mexicans
to use greater exertions, and promising success for the future.
The victory of the 9th was complete. So great was the hurry of the
Mexicans to escape the ardour of their pursuers, that scores of them were
drowned in the river, and immense quantities of baggage, military stores,
and camp equipage fell into the hands of the Americans. Among the latter
was the property, both personal, public and private, of General Arista,
together with all his despatches.
The American army passed the night on the battle-field, and on the following morning an exchange of prisoners took place, by which they recovered all those held in Matamoras, including Captain Thornton. General
Vega was offered his parole, but refused accepting it, on the ground that
the Mexicans would not allow him to remain neutral in his own country.
On the 11th, General Taylor again left Fort Brown for Point Isabel, in
order to have an interview with Commodore Connor, commander of the
672 PALO ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA.
American Gulf squadron. While at the point, he despatched a hasty letter
to Washington, from which we give such extracts as may serve to illustrate his plans at that time.
"I avail myself of this brief time at my command to report, that the
Inain body of the army is now occupying its former position, opposite Matamoras. The Mexican forces are almost disorganized, and I shall lose no
timet in investing Matamoras, and opening the navigation of the river. I
am under the painful necessity of reporting, that Lieutenant Blake, Topographical Engirneers, after rendering distinguished service in my staff,
during the affair of the 8th instant, accidentally shot himself with a pistol the following day, and expired before night.
"I have exchanged a sufficient number of prisoners to recover the command of Captain Thornton. The wounded prisoners have been sent to
Matainoras-the wounded officers on their parole. General Vega and a
few other officers have been sent to New Orleans, having declined a parole,
and will be reported to Major-general Gaines. I am not conversant with
the usages of war;n such cases, and beg that such provision may be imade
for these prisoners as may be authorized by law. Our own prisoners hats
been treated with great kindness by the Mexican officers."
I ~
O3NIXRAL WORTH
CAPTURE OF MATAMORAS.
3;1,, *T the interview with Commodore Conner, Gene
ral Taylor arranged the plan of a combined land
and naval attack upon the Mexican posts on the
Rio Grande. Early on the 13th, he left Point
Isabel, accompanied by his staff, and proceeded
toward Fort Brown. After riding a short.;stance, he received intelligence that the Mexicans
rb th~{~ ~J,ere assembling a large force at Barita, a post
on the river below Matamoras. He, therefore,
altered his original plan, and in order to prepare for this danger, returned
to Point Isabel. Here he was gratified with the sight of a large number
of volunteers and regular troops, who had just arrived from New Orleans.
Thev were from the states of Louisiana and Alabama, and composed a part
of the force for which the general had formerly petitioned. This accession
enabled him to draw from the point a force of over six hundred men,
accompanied by a train of artillery, nearly three hundred wagons, and a
large quantity of military and other stores. With this force, he set out on
ne morning of the 14th, and reached Fort Brown without interruption.
VOL. 11.-5 3 L 673
674 CAP'URE OF MATAMORIAS.
The first object of the general was an attack upcn Barita. As ne here
anticipated considerable opposition, he took every precaution to organiz
such a force for its reduction as would ensure success. The commander
of the assailants was Lieutenant-colonel Wilson, of the first infantry. He
had three companies of volunteers, two from Louisiana, under Captains J.
F. Stockton, and G. Hi. Tobin, and the other from Alabama, under General
Desha.
The colonel crossed the river, and marched down toward the dep8t,
which, contrary to all expectation, he entered without opposition. Many of
the inhabitants thed at his approach; but after hearing that the Americans
not only offered no injury to the citizens, but also permitted them to pursue
their accustomed avocations, they returned, and soon business not only revived, but Barita became an important station to the American army.
The position of this place, together with the movements of Colonel Wilson, are thus described by an officer of the command:
"La Barita, May 17th. —I am here to select a site for the depot of our
new base of operations, and to intrench. This village is about ten miles
from the mouth of the river, and the same distance from Brazes Santiago,
or Fort Polk. (Point Isabel.) The prominent features which might induce
me to decide upon this, as the proper point for the depot, are, that it is the
first high land you reach in ascending the river, that it is above hurricane
tides, that the ground is naturally formed for a military position, commanding every thing around it, and commanded by nothing. It is equi-distant, and
not very inaccessible from our other depots. The worst road is to Fort
Polk; while the direct line is only ten miles, the only road for wragons is
over twenty. Colonel Wilson has four companies of his own regiment
here, and four of volunteers.
=- - -_ HIS movement up the river was intended to
have been a combined one with Commodore
Conner. It has been delayed two days in
consequence of unfavourable weather rendering the bar too rough. The commodore's
limited stay here compelled him to notify
the general not to count upon his co-operation in an expedition up the river. This
morning at daylight I started the Neva
(a river boat) out from the Brazos. She
entered the.Rio Bravo without difficulty
about 8 A. M., and some time after I rode
down the beach. Colonel Wilson's command has been bivouacking for
two days on our side of the mouth. We crossed them all over by 12; and
before 1 P. M. the coluinn was en. route up the river. The banks of the
river are but slightly higher than the surface of the water for some miles
CAPTURE OF MATAMORAS. 675
up. The whole country low, and filled with lagoons. There is a high
ridge of sand hills, some twenty feet high, extending up and down the
coast directly on the beach. The country bacli of this ridge is one vast
plain of prairie and lagoon. The road up the river is tolerably good.'he river is very serpentine. The road rulns from bend to bend, the distance rby river being nearly double that by road. The road up the right
bank is skirted to the left and south by lagoons, until you reach Barita;
so that a march of a column up this side is by no means exposed to a thick
attack'
FTER the capture of this station, General Taylor hurried
~(!!::i:,~.-~his preparations to cross the Rio Grande, and attack
D o~ ~ |Matamoras. So great, however, was his want of the
necessary means of transportation, that he was not able
e to complete all his arrangoements before the evening of
the 17th. Orders were then issued, for Colonel Twiggs
to cross above the city, while, simultaneous with his movements, Colonel.Wilson was to make a demonstration from Barita. At this moment the
Mexican general, Reguena, arrived at the American camp, and stated to
General Taylor that he had been empowered by Arista to negotiate for an
armistice.
To this the general replied that an armistice was out of the question;
that a month ago he had proposed one to Ampudia which was declined,
but that circumstances were now changed; that he had not provoked the
first hostilities, but in consequence of receiving large reinforcements, he
would not now suspend them; and finally, that he was determined to take
the town. He added, however, that the Mexicans might withdraw their
troops and public property.
The Mexican general promised an answer in the afternoon; but none
coming, General Taylor commenced his preparations for crossing, which
was dune on the fcil-owing morning. No opposition was experienced, and
it was soon ascertained that the army had evacuated the city during the
night. A message was then sent to the prefect demanding a surrender,
and assuring himn that every right of the citizens should be respected. To
this an answer was returned that the city was at Taylor's disposal, and
accordingly the Americans encamped, and commenced preparations to
march into it on the following morning.
The following letter, from a member of the army, gives a graphic
description of the city, as well as many interesting incidents connected
with its capture.
"We reached this point (Matamoras) on the 25th of May. The country through which we passed was lovely in the extreme-being as level as
a Lall-room floor, and full of little chapparels and muskeet groves. Our
road, though not exactly following the meanderings of the river, touched
676 CAPTURE OF MATAMORAS.
its ban-is often enough to obtain water every mile or two. The citizens
were friendly to us, and showed little displeasure at the invasion. In fact,
some of them expressed their wish that the country should be governed by
Americans or some other people, that would guaranty them a liberal and
stable government, so much had they been annoyed by the internal convulsions of their own. At every house we found three or four men, which
inc.;celd me to believe that the press-gang had met with poor success
among themn. They say that it is not their disposition to play the soldier
at any time, pastcut., rlr-y the present, and when the call is made for troops
they leave their homes.n possession of the women, and find business in
the chapparel. They are a happy, s,: rp'e people, whose aim seems to be
to make provision for to-day, leaving to-morrow to look out for itself. All
along the road they were found waiting with milk, a sort of bread, which
they call tortillias, cheese, poloncas, or maple sugar, and a sort of liquor
resembling, in looks and taste, San Croix rum. We paid them liberally for
all we obtained, which to them must have presented a strong contrast to
the Mexican soldiery, who spread dismay and devastation among their own
peoplle wherever they go. It seems to have been the desire of every rman
in our ranks to make the line of disparity between the American and Mexican soldiers as palpable as possible; and the good effect of such conduct,
if not immediately developed, will in the course of time be more apparent.
Our march was very heavy, particularly during the day we left the Baritas, and some of our young men were very much used up. Two from
Company A were so much affected by the scorching sun as to be unable to
proceed further, and stopped at the house of a Mexican, where they received the utmost kindness and attention during the night, and were furnished with horses in the morning to catch up with us.
"It was about ten o'clock in the morning when we reached the town of
Matamoras, though its white buildings, so different from those we had
passed on the route, had attracted the eye long before that time. There
was something far more attractive to the eye than the white buildings of
the town-something to awaken a thrill of pleasure in the breasts of the
whole regiment-the stripes and stars were majestically floating in the
breeze from the highest point in Matamoras, and between the river and the
town hundreds and hundreds of white tents were pitched in such admirable order as to induce the beholder to think it a great town.
"As we entered the town at the east end, thousands of people sallied out
o)f their houses to look upon us, whose looks more bespoke a welcome to
their own army than to that of the invaders. At many a half-opened door
or window was to be seen the head of a senora, whose timidity or modesty
(albeit they allow so little to the Mexicans) forbade their emerging into the
streets. Some of these women are indeed beautiful, though a great majority are indolent, slovenly and destitute of that female delicacy which cl
CAPTURE OF MATAMORAS. 677
racterizes our own women. Their common dress is a white muslin skirt
tied quite loosely around the body, without any bodice; their chemise
being the only covering for their breast, in which they wear their jewelry
and cross. I did not see one pair of stockings in all the town. From this
style of dressing you will infer that pride of dress gives way to comfort
and ease, and that, too, in a greater degree than I think the largest liberty
wou!d warrant them indulging in. I went into a house yesterday evening,
occupied by an old man and two daughters, both speaking a sufficiency of
English to be understood. After being seated for a few moments, the
eldest of the daughters went to the bed and brought to me a lovely and interesting child, as white almost as any of our own people. She informed
me that she was married about two years ago to a Texan prisoner, and
that he had been killed whilst fighting under General Taylor. She spoke
in the highest terms of her deceased lord, and seemed to worship his image
in the child. She is a lovely creature, and, I think, deeply devoted to our
cause.
"Matamoras is a much handsomer place thian I expected to find it. It
covers two miles square, though by no means as compact as an American
city-every house except those around the public square, has a large garden attached. The houses in the business part of the town are built after
the American fashion, though seldom exceeding two stories in height. All
the windows to these buildings are grated from top to bottom with iron bars,
and half of the door only opens for admittance, which gives them the appearance of prisons more than business-houses. The public square is in
the centre of the town, and must have been laid off by an American or
European, for the Mexicans never could have laid it out with such beauty
and precision. On the four sides of the square, the houses are built close
together, as in block, and are all of the same size and height, with the exception of the cathedral, which, though unfinished, still towers above the
others. In these houses are sold dry goods, groceries, and every kind of
wares, with now and then an exchange or coffee-house. They are principally occupied by Europeans, and you can hear French, English, Spanish
and German spoken at the same time. After leaving the public square on
either side, the houses decrease in size and beauty for two or three squares,
when the small reed and thatched huts commence, and continue to the extreme limits of the place.
" In walking through the streets, my attention was attracted to a house,
in the door of which stood, or leaned, two half-naked Mexicans, so wobegone as to cause me to halt. On my nearing the door, a most disagreeable
stench almost induced me to recede. I mustered courage to enter the door.
On the floor, lying upon mats without covering, were near fifty Mexicans,
wounded in the late engagements, attended by some ten or twelve women.
T'he smell of the place was insufferable, and I had to leave it. The next
3L2
678 CAPTURE OF MATAMORAS.
door was the same, and so on for about twenty houses. A friend of mine
called my attention to a room in which there were at least forty of these
miserable objects, and this room was scarcely twelve feet square. There
was not positively room for the nurses to attend them. Some had lost a
leg, others an arm, and some both legs and arms. I noticed one who will
certainly get well, whose legs were shot off, within two or three inches
above the knee, and he seemed to me to have a greater flow of spirits than
some who had only flesh wounds. I said to him, that had his wounds been
made by a Mexican shot, he would have been dead; to which he replied,'The American shot was very good-no poisonous copper in them.' One
had died just before I entered the room, and they were making preparations
to carry him out. He had been shot in the mouth by a rifle ball which
passed under the left ear, and he had lived from the 9th, up to this time.
There are between three hundred and fifty and four hundred of these horrid objects in this place, and the sight of them would induce many a stout
heart to lament the horrors of war. These men give the nurnber of' killed
and wounded on the 9th, mudh greater than the Americans ever claimeldsome say twelve hundred, and some fifteen hundred, but enough of them.
Lieutenant Wells, of the spies, informed me yesterday, that General Arista
had halted at the distance of eighty miles from this place, and is receiving
reinforcements quite briskly. Lieutenant Wells, with a few men, followed
them sixty miles. The Mexicans say, he (Arista) will certainly return and
attack us at this place, but the best informed Americans entertain no such
idea."
Br.y ~->. OLONEL TWIGGS was appointed as governor
of Matamoras, and immediately after, the old
governor, or prefect, left for the interior. Pub-, - ok lic as well as private property was respected, busixness went on as usual, and every exertion made by the
American officers to give peace and security to the
citizens.
Imnlediately after the capture of the city, General Taylor issued a proclamniation to the inhabitants of Mexico, setting forth at length the causes
of the war, his own conduct toward the Mexican population, the tyranny
of their rulers, and the desire of the United States speedily to terminate
th.v war in a manner honourable to both countries.
Such were the principal events attending the capture of Matamoras.
The victors found an immense quantity of military stores, as well as private personal property, among which was much belonging to General
Arista. In their flight the Mexican army had endeavoured to conceal all
that tney could not carry with thema; and accordingly, large supplies of
ball, cannon, small arms and munitions of every sort, were found secreted,E cellars, wells, and other places, where they had been thrown by the re
CAPTURE OF MATAMORAS. 679
treating soldiers. The supplies in Matamoras would have provisioned a
besieged army for many months.
For the first time since the movement from Corpus Christi, the Americans were permitted to encamp in habitable quarters, and be unannoyed
by the prospect of a momentary attack. They were entitled to this privilege. The fatigues of a march across the desert, a destitution of food and
water, the suspense attending the investment of the two forts, and the
weariness and suffering of bombardment and battle, had exhausted nature;
for a while they were to be rewarded-at least with that reward which is
the most that a soldier can expect..-<. / _ AM -r
-rr~Y~nu rawi-'*rz ~ ur9~rj.)z~Z~i _
STORMING OF MONTEREY.
FTER the capture of Matamoras, large num/ bers of volunteers reached Point Isabel and
/ the Rio Grande, swelling the force under
General Taylor to a large army. This accession, however, rather embarrassed him than
otherwise. He was encompassed with difficulties; the enemy could not be reached but
by a fatiguing march into the interior; to effect
which, he had neither supplies for his army,
nor means of transportation. Besides this,
the Mexicans, on their march, had been careful to remove all provisions, and every other article which might be of use
to the invaders. On the other hand, should the Americans remain encamped at Matamoras, not only would the enemy have an opportunity to
concentrate a larger force than they had hitherto displayed, but the troops
would become dispirited by long inaction, and perhaps wasted by disease.
His instructions from government were also of a very indefinite character,
6iR
_. _ __~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~j
STiOR MING OF MONTEREY. 681
tending rnather to increase his embarrassment, than to mark out a satisfactorQ
course of duty.
Amid these perplexing circumstances, General Taylor thought it more
prudent to advance into Mexico, than to expose his troops to the numerous
dangers consequent upon inactivity. Preparatory to the march of his
Inain army, he despatched Captain McCulloch and the Texan Rangers
to scour the country, and, if possible, inake himself master of some of the
Mexican posts near the Rio Grande. The party soon captured the ports:f Mier, Reyoncsa, and Catmargo. General Worth was subsequently sent
to San Juan, and Captain Wall to Reyonosa. On the 5th of August the
main army left Matamoras and proceeded toward Camargo.
On the 5th of September, news was br(ought to General Taylor, that
Ampudia had entered Monterey at the head of three thousand men, and
that the Mexicans were making every preparation to fortify the place for a
successful defence. Upon the reception of this intelligence, he appointed
Major-general Patterson to superintend the posts in the immediate vicinity
of the river, and marched for the city on the 6th. On the same day he
crossed the San Juan, and on the 7th took up his line of march for Seralvo,
which was already occupied by an advance corps under General Worth.
He soon received intelligence from that officer, that the Mexicans were in
such force at Monterey, as to threaten an attack upon his position before
the commander could arrive. He therefore hurried on by forced marches,
reached Seralvo and relieved General Worth.
Meanwhile some of the troops at Camargo succeeded in capturing sixty
Mexicans, on the evening of the 11th. They were well armed with
carbines, had a supply of ammunition and pack mules, and were, no doubt,
engaged as spies to the American camp. Some of them were provided
with brass balls of an ounce weight, and a spy-glass. These men were
all detained as prisoners of war.
After the junction of the commander with General Worth, they pushed
forward together to Marin, upon the borders of the San Juan river, where
the army encamped on the night of the 17th. On the following morning
they resumed their march, moving in three divisions, separated from each
other by a few miles, and having Gillespie and McCulloch, with a
squadron of dragoons, in advance. Each division with its train occupied
about three miles, having two companies in the rear of the whole, and the volunteers so placed, that they could retire to the centre in case of an attack.
At night they reached San Francisco, within thirteen miles of Monterey.
The city of Monterey is one of the strongest in America. It is built in
the old Spanish style, surrounded by massive walls, and having battlements
upon the roofs of each house. We give a list of its defences when attacked by General Taylor, numbering them for future reference.
Ist. A strong redoubt of masonry of four faces, with an open gorge:f
VOL II. —8
682 STORMING OF MONTEREY.
ten feet prepared for four guns, overlooked and commanded by a large
stone house in the rear; the whole prepared with sand-bags and loopholes
for infantry.
2d. A strong redoubt of four faces defended by an open gorge of twenty
feet and prepared for three guns.
3d. Fleches of masonry for infantry.
4th. A strong masonry work (tete du pont) in front of the bridge of'the
Purisia na.
5th. A strong redoubt for one gun, but which was not occupied by the
enemy during the attack.
6th. A strong redoubt of masonry for three guns, overlooking the approaches from Cadereita, and commanding the gorge of No. 2.
7th. A strong redoubt of masonry for three guns, overlooked and commanded by a large stone house, prepared for infantry by loopholes and
sand bags. Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, were connected by breastworks of
earth, and brush for infantry, thus forming a complete line of defence from
4 to 7. Barricades of masonry twelve feet thick, with embrasures for
guns, were erected in every part of the city. The house-tops and gardenwalls wvere loopholed threoughout the city, and furnished with sand bags,
for infantry defence.
8th. The cathedral in the main plaza, forming the principal magazine
of the enemy. The plaza itself was surrounded on all sides by the strongest buildings in the city, all of which were garrisoned and defended by
large bodies of troops, and stores of artillery and musketry. The streets
leading to it were parked with artillery, and every house provided with
loopholes for the guns of the infantry. Outside of the city was a steep
hill, called, by the Mexicans, Independencia. This was defended by several forts, and the "Bishop's Palace," an immense structure; and to use
the language of a volunteer, bristling with cannon and bayonets. This.,rnnmanded all the passes to the Saltillo road, and was a most favourable
station to resist a direct assault, or annoy an enemy acting against the city.
9th. Fort Independence or Citadel. This is a large rectangular stone
building, of which only the walls remain. It is surrounded by an enclosed work of solid masonry, having four bastion fronts, and prepared for
thirty-one guns. From No. 7, along the southern edge of the town, a stone
wall, four feet thick, prepared for embrasures for guns, and banquettes for
infantry, extended beyond the plaza.
The attack upon Monterey was conducted by two divisions of the army,
acting separately and independently. The one directed against the city
itself was commanded by General Taylor in person, assisted by General
Butler, while General Worth, with his detachment, was detached to storm
tne Bishop's Palace and the other forts outside of Monterey. Each of these
merits a particular description.
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STORMING OF MONTEREY. 685
A fter a careful reconnoissance of the surrounding country, which proved
thJe necessity of a separate operation against the Bishop's Palace, General
Worth was ordered toward that station. He left the camp at 2 o'clock
P. M., on the 20th, and at the same time Generals Twiggs and Butler
were ordered to make a diversion to favour his march. At night, a small
battery was erected opposite the citadel. In the morning, a second diversion was made to favour the march of General Worth. The infantry and
artillery of the first division, May's dragoons, Texas volunteers, and some
other troops, were ordered to this service. The firing soon commenced
with spirit, and both armies fought with a fierce determination to conquer.
Lieutenant-colonel Garland's command entered the city, and attempted a
capture of the first fort; but their loss soon became so heavy that they
were withdrawn. Cajtain Backus, however, mounted the roof of a tannery, from which he poured a most destructive fire into the fort, and at the
same time a larae body of volunteers attacked it with energy. It was
finally carried by General Quitman's brigade. About the same time General Butler was wounded and compelled to quit the field.
A heavy fire was now kept up by almost all the enemy's batteries.
Colonel Garland made a second attempt to enter the town by carrying a
bridge; but, although nobly supported by his men, he was obliged to desist,
and withdrew to No. 1. At the samle time the enemy made a demonstration of cavalry near the battery opposite tht citadel; but they were repulsed by Captain Pragg. The lancers had previously charged upon the
Ohio and a part of the Mississippi regiments in some fields at a distance
from the town, and were repulsed with loss. At the approach of night,
operations ceased, and the men were ordered to give additional strength to
the captured works during the night.
On this first day's attack the Americans lost, in killed and wounded,
three hundred and ninety-four.
During the night, the enemy evacuated nearly all his defences in the
lower part of the city; and on the following morning, General Quitman
commenced his march for the main plaza. The commander ordered
General Henderson to his support, assisted by Captain Bragg's artillery.
Their firing soon became destructive, and a portion of the large cathedral
was battered down. The troops advanced from house to house, and from
square to square, until they reached a street but one square in rear of the
plaza, near which the enemy's force was principally concentrated. The
advance was continued with due caution, until the falling buildings renaered it dangerous to continue the fire, when the troops were ordered to
fall baok. This they did in good order. Nothing was effected during the
night, and the reception of overtures of capitulation on the following mornmng terminated all further hostilities.
ll the following letter we have a description of the principal operations'
3M
686 STORMING OF MONTEREY.
"At noon of the 20th, General Worth marched from the camp, east Af
the town, in the direction of the heights west, McCulloch's and Gillespie's
companies of rangers forming the reconnoitering party. At night, the
division bivouacked almost within range of the guns stationed upon the
highest point of the hill on which the Bishop's Palace is situated. At
daylight of the twenty-first. the column was again in motion, and, in a
few moments, was turning the point of a ridge, which protruded out
toward the enemy's guns, bringing us as near to them as their gunners
could desire. They immediately opened upon the column with a howitzer and twelve-pounder, firing shell and round-shot as fast as they could
discharge their pieces.
" The road now wound in toward a gorge, bhut not far enough to be out
of range of their guns, which still played upon us. Another ridge lay
about three-fourths of a mile beyond the first, around the termination of
which the road wound, bringing it under the lofty summit of a height
which rises between Palace Hill and the mountains, which arise over us
on the west. When the head of the column approached this ridge, a body
of Mexican cavalry came dashing around that point to charge upon our
advance. Captain Gillespie immediately ordered his men to dismount
and place themselves in ambush. The enemy evidently did not perceive
this maneuvre; but the moment they came up, the Texians opened upon
them a most destructive fire, unsaddling a number of them. McCulloch's
company now dashed into them. Captain C. F. Smith's camp, and Captain Scott's camp of artillery, (acting as infantry,) and Lieutenant Longstreet's company of the eighth infantry, with another company of the
same regiment, likewise charged upon the enemy. The Texan horsemen were soon engaged with them in a sort of hand to hand skirmish,
in which a number of them fell, and one Texan was killed and two
wounded.
"Colonel Duncan now opened upon them with his battery of light artillery, pouring a few discharges of grape upon them, and scattering them
like chaff. Several men and horses fell under this destructive fire. I saw
one horse and rider bound some feet into the air, and both fell dead and
tumbled down the steep. The foot companies above named then rushed
up the steep, and fired over the ridge at the retreating enemy, a considerable body of' whom were concealed from our view, around the point of the
hill. About thirty of the enemy were killed in this skirmish, and among
them a captain, who, with two or three others, fell in the road. The
captain was wounded in three places, the last shot hitting him in the forehead. He fought gallantly to the last, and I am sorry that I cannot learn
his name.
"The light batteries, one of which is commanded by Lieutenant Mackall,
were now driven upon the slope of the ridge, and the howitzers opened
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ -f
77 _X
CAP E O! TE S P
STORMING OF M LONTEREY. 689
upon the height of Palace Hill. A few shots only were thrown, before
the enemy commenced firing with a nine-pounder from the height immeeliately over the right of the column, aiming at Duncan's batteries. The
several regiments took positions, and a few more shells were thrcwn
towards Palace Hill, but did no execution. The nine-pounder continued to
throw its shot with great precision at our batteries, one ball falling directly
in the midst of the pieces, but, fortunately, hitting neither men nor gulls.
Finding his batteries thus exposed, and unable to effect any thing, Colonel
Duncan removed his command to a rancho about half a mile further up
the Saltillo road, where General Worth took up his position, after ordering
the foot regiments to form along the fence near the point of the ridge.
The artillery battalion, fifth, seventh, and eighth infantry, and the Louisiaza volunteers, remained in this position about two hours, directly under
fire of the enemy's guns. The balls fell directly in their midst all this
time without wounding a man! To begin with, the Mexicans manage
their artillery in battery as well as the Americans do-this, I believe, is
now conceded by every officer.
"At half-past ten, the column moved towards the general's position. At
this time, Captain McKavett, of the eighth infantry, was shot through the
heart by a nine-pound ball, and a private of the fifth infantry was severely
wounded in the thigh, and he died the next morning. About fifty Mexicans now appeared upon the side hill over the moving column, and fired
at our troops some hundred musket-shot, without doing any harm. The
division deployed into the position pointed out, and remained an hour or
two, when Captain C. F. Smith, of the artillery battalion, with his own
company, and Captain Scott's, together with four companies of Texan
Rangers on foot, were ordered to storm the second height. This the gallant
officer cheerfully undertook, and was followed with enthusiasm by the
officers and men of his command. It was considered on all sides to be a
dangerous undertaking, and his party was regarded most emphatically as
afrlorn hope. That the height would be taken no one doubted, but that
many brave fellows would fall in the attempt seemed inevitable. The dis.
tance to be climbed, after reaching the foot of the hill, was about a quarter
of a mile; a part of the way almost perpendicular, through thorn-bushes
and over sharp-pointed rocks and loose sliding stones.
"The seventh infantry, commanded by Captain Miles, was ordered to
support Captain Smith's party, and by marching directly to the foot of the
height, arrived before Captain Smith, who had been ordered to take a circuitous route. Captain Miles sent up Lieutenant Gantt, with a detachment
of men upon the hill-side, to divert the attention of the enemy from Cap.
tain Smith's command, which could not yet be seen. The seventh hai
already sustained a heavy fire of grape and round-shot, as they forded the
San Juan, which winds round the foot of the height, and which fell like a
8i
690 STORMING OF MONTEREY.
shower of hail in their ranks without killing a man. Lieutenant Gantt's
party were greeted with grape and round-shot, which cut the shrubs, and
tore up the loose stones about the ranks, without killing any one; but the
gallant young officer came within an inch of being killed by a cannon-shot,
which ran down the steep and filled his face with fragments of rock, dust,
and gravel. The fire was accompanied by a constant discharge of musketry, the enemy covering the upper part of the hill-side; but the detachment
continued to move up, driving the Mexicans back, until they were recalled.
APTAIN SMITH'S party now arrived and moved
up the hill, the rangers in advance, and did not
halt for an instant until the Mexicans were driven
s from the summit. Whilst this was going on, Colonel Persifor F. Smith, who commanded the fifth
and seventh infantry-the fifth, with Blanchard's
Louisiana boys, under Major Martin Scott, had been
ordered to support the whole-gave orders for these
commands to pass around on each side and storm the fort, which was situated about half a mile back of the summit on the same ridge and commanded the Bishop's Palace. Such a foot-race as now ensued has seldom
if ever been seen; the Louisiana boys making tremendous strides to be in
with the foremost. Captain Smith had the gun which he took upon the
height, run down towards the breastworks, and fired into it. Then came
Colonel P. F. Smith's men with a perfect rush, firing and cheering-the
fifth and seventh, and Louisianians, reaching the ridge above nearly at the
same time. The Mexicans fired us with grape, but it did not cause an instant's hesitation in our ranks. Our men ran, and fired, and cheered until
they reached the work, the foremost entering at one end, while the Mexicans, about a thousand in number, left the other in retreat. The colours
of the fifth infantry were instantly raised, and scarcely were they tip before
those of the seventh were alongside. The three commands entered the
fort together-so close was the race-the fifth a little in advance. J. WV
Miller, of Blanchard's company, was among the first four or five who entered. The three commands may be said to have come out even in the
race, for the seventh was not five seconds behind. In less than five minutes the gun found in the fort was thundering away at the Bishop's
Palace."
" On the morning of the 21st, Colonel Childs, of the artillery battalion,
with three of his companies-one commnanded by Captain Vint,n, another
by Captain J. B. Scott, and the third by Lieutenant Ayres-and three companies of the eighth infantry-company A, commanded by Lieutenant
Longstreet and Wainright; company B, by Lieutenant Halloway and Merchant; company D, by Captain Scrivner and Lieutenant Montgomerywas ordered to take the summit of Palace Hill.
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STORMING OF MONTE R E Y. 693
"TilThe colonel left the camp at 3 o'clock, A. M., and climbed the mountain
through the chapparel, and up the steep rocks, with such secrecy, that at
daybreak he was within one hundred yards of the breastwork of sand bags
before he was discovered. Three of the artillerymen having rushed ahead
too fast, found themselves in the hands of the Mexicans. They surrendered, and were shot down with the very pieces they had given up. I
saw the poor fellows lying there.
"Colonel Staniford went up at daylight with the balance of the eighth
and Major Scott led up the fifth. The Louisiana troops were on the hill,
w;'h the fifth, at 8 o'clock, A. M. One of Duncan's howitzers, in charge
lieutenant Rowland, was dragged up, or rather lifted up, and opened
Dn the palace, which was filled with troops. The Mexicans charged on
the howitzer, but were driven back. A constant firing was kept up for
several hours, particularly by Blanchard's men, who left a dozen Mexicans
dead upon the hill-side. At length a charge was ordered, and our men
rushed down upon the palace, entered a hole in a door that had been
blocked up, but opened by the howitzer, and soon cleared the work of the
few Mexicans who remained. Lieutenant Ayres was the lucky one who
first reached the halyards and lowered the flag. One eighteen-pound brass
piece, a beautiful article, manufactured in Liverpool in 1842, and a short
brass twelve-po:und howitzer, were captured, with a large quantity of
ammunition, and some muskets and lances.
"The fort adjoining the palace walls is not complete, but is very neatly
constructed as far as it is built. The killed on our side, in taking the
palace, were seven —wounded, twelve. Lieutenant Wainwright was
wounded in the side and arm by a musket-ball. Colonel Childs, Captain
Vinton, Captain Blanchard, Lieutenant Longstreet, Lieutenant Clark,
(adjutant of the eighth,) Lieutenant Ayres, LieutenanL McCown, and
the two Nicholls, seem to have been the heroes of the day. The two
latter performed prodigies, and not only Judge Nicholls, but old Louisiana
may well be proud of such sons. The Mexicans lost at least thirty
killed.
"Yesterday morning the whole division under General Worth entered
the town on this side, and have been fighting there ever since. The heart
of the city is nothing but one fortification, the thick walls being pierced for
muskets and cannon, and placed so as.o rake the principal streets. The
roofs being flat, and the front walls rising three or four feet above the:oof,
of course every street has a line of breastworks on each side. A ten-inch
mortai came around from General Taylor last evening, and it is now placed
in the largest plaza, to which our troops have fought step by step and
from house to house. Duncan's batteries are in town, and the present
impression is that the place will soon be taken. General Worth has
694 STORMING OF MONTEREY.
gained all the strongholds that command the city, and has pushed the
entmy as far as they can go without falling into General Taylor's hands
on the other side of the city. All this has been done with the loss of only
about seventy killed and wounded."
On the 13th General Taylor received a note from the commandant of
the city, requesting him to grant a sufficient time for the women and children to retire from the city with their personal effects. The demand was
not granted.
Early on the following morning General Taylor received a communication from Morales, proposing the delivery of the city on condition of
being permitted to take with him all the "personelle and materielle," and
being assured that no injury should be done to the citizens who. had taken
part in the defence. General Taylor replied that this was impossible;
that the city must surrender, though in consideration of its gallant defence
the surrender should be upon terms; and proposed the appointment of
commissioners.
In accordance with this communication, commissioners were appointed
by the two commanders, to arrange the preliminaries of surrender; and at
the same time General Ampudia desired a personal interview with General
Taylor. This was granted, and, with a number of officers, the American
general proceeded to a house designated as the place at which the interview was to be held. The parties having convened, General Ampudia
announced, as official information, that commissioners from the United
States had been received by the government of Mexico; and that the
orders under which he had prepared to defend the city of Monterey had
lost their force by a subsequent change of his own government; therefore
he asked the conference. A brief conversation between the commanding
generals showed their views to be so opposite as to leave little reason to
expect an amicable arrangement between them.
General Taylor said he would not delay to receive such propositions as
General Ampudia indicated. One of General Ampudia's party-I think
the governor of the city-suggested the appointment of a mixed commission, different from the former. This was acceded to, and General W. G.
Worth, of the United States army, General J. Pinckney Henderson, of the
Texan volunteers, and Colonel Jefferson Davis, of the Mississippi riflemen,
were appointed on the part of General Taylor; and General J. La Ortega,
General P. Requena, and Senor the Governor M. la Llano, on the part
of g'eneral Ampudia.
General Taylor gave verbal instructions to his commissioners, which
were afterwards prepared in writing by them. These were:
I. As the legitimate result of the operations before this place, and the
present position of the contending armies, we demand the surrender of
STOR MING OF MONTEREY. 695!he town, the arms, and munitions of war, and all other public property
within the place.
II. That the Mexican armed force retire beyond the Rinrconada, Lin.
ares and San Fernando, on the coast.
III. The commanding general of the army of the United States agrees,
that the Mexican officers reserve their side-arms and private baggage; and
the troops be allowed to retire under their officers without parole, a reasonable time being allowed to withdraw their forces.
IV. The immediate delivery of the main work now occupied, to the
army of the United States.
V. To avoid collisions and for mutual convenience, the troops of the
United States shall not occupy the town until the Mexican forces have
been withdrawn, except for hospital purposes, &c.
VI. The commanding general of the United States agrees not to ad.
vance beyond the line specified in the second section before the expiration of eight weeks, or until the respective governments can be heard
from.
These terms were refused by the Mexican commissioners, who drew
up a counter proposition, which demanded, among other matters, permission of the Mexican forces to retire with their arms. This was urged not
only as a matter of soldierly pride, but of ordinary courtesy; but the
American commissioners having no power to negotiate further, the meeting rose to report disagreement.
General Ampudia then entered at length upon tne question, treating the
point of disagreement as one which involved the honour of his country,
spoke of his desire for a settlement without further bloodshed, but adding
that he did not care for the pieces of artillery which were in the city.
General Taylor responded to the wish to avoid unnecessary bloodshed.
And it was agreed that the Convention should reassemble, the American
commissioners being instructed to concede the small arms. The Mexican
commissioners now urged, that as all other arms had been recognised, it
would be discreditable to the artillery if required to march out without any
thing to represent their main arm, and stated, in answer to an inquiry, that
they had a battery of light artillery mnanceuvred and equipped as such.
This fresh obstacle caused the commission again to rise and report disagreement on the point of artillery.
Upon hearing that more was demanded than the middle ground, upon
which, in a spirit of generosity, he had agreed to place the capitulation,
General Taylor arose in a manner which showed his determination to talk no
more. As he crossed the room to leave it, one of the Mexican commissioners
addressed him, and some private conversation ensued. General Worth then
asked permission to address some remarks to General Ampudia, the spirit
of which was, that which he had manifested throughout the negotiation —
696 STORMING OF MONTEREY.
generosity and leniency, with a desire to spare the further effusion of
)lood. The commission assembled once more, and finally agreed to the
following terms:
Terms of capitulation of the city of Monterey, the capital of Nuevo Leon:
Agreed upon by the undersigned commissioners, to wit: General Worth,
of the United States army, General Henderson, of the Texan volunteers,
and Colonel Davis, of the Mississippi riflemen, on the part of Majorgeneral Taylor, commanding-in-chief the United States forces; and
General Requena and General Ortega, of the army of Mexico, and
Senor Manuel M. Llano, governor of Nuevo Leon, on the part of Senor
General Don Pedro Ampudia, commanding-in-chief the army of the
north of Mexico.
ART. I. As the legitimate result of the operations before this place, and
the present position of the contending armies, it is agreed that the city,
the fortifications, cannon, the munitions of war, and all other public property, with the undermentioned exceptions, be surrendered to the commanding general of the United States forces, now at Monterey.
ART. II. That the Mexican forces be allowed to retain the following
arms, to wit: the commissioned officers their side-arms; the infantry their
arms and accoutrements; the cavalry their arms and accoutrements; the
artillery one field battery, not to exceed six pieces, with twenty-one rounds
of ammunition.
ART. III. That the Mexican armed forces retire, within seven days from
this date, beyond the line formed by the pass of the Rinconada, the city of
Linares, and San Fernando de Presas.
ART. IV. That the citadel of Monterey be evacuated by the Mexican, and occupied by the American forces, to-morrow morning, at ten
o'clock.
ART. V. To avoid collisions, and for mutual convenience, that the troops
of the United States will not occupy the city until the Mexican forces have
withdrawn, except for hospital and storage purposes.
ART. VI. That the forces of the United States will not advance beyond
the line specified in the 2d [3d] article before the expiration of eight
wveeks, or until the orders or instructions of the respective governments
can be received.
ART. VII. That the public property to be delivered shall be turned over,
and received by officers appointed by the commanding generals of the two
armies.
ART. VIII. That all doubts as to the meaning of any of the preceding
articles shall be solved by an equitable construction, and on principles ot
lllterality to the retiring army.
STORMING OF MONTEREY. 697
ART. IX. That the Mexican flag, when struck at the citadel, may be
Laluted by its own battery.
Done at Mbnterey, Sept. 24, 1846.
MANUEL M. LLANO, W. J. WORTH,
Brigadier-General, U. S. J.
T. REQUENA, J. PINCKNEY HENDERSON,
Maj.- Gen. Com'g the Texan Volunteers.
ORTEGA. JEFFERSON DAVIS,
Col. Mississippi Riflemen.
Approved:
PEDRO AMPUDIA. Z. TAYLOR,
Maj.-Gen. U. S. d. Com'g.
After a short recess, the American commissioners again repaired to the
room in which they had parted from the Mexicans. The latter were tardy
in joining the Americans, as well as in executing the instrument of capitulation. The 7th, Sth and 9th articles were added during this session. At
a late hour the English original was handed to General Taylor for his
examination; the Spanish original having been sent to General Ampudia.
General Taylor signed the instrument and delivered it to Colonel Davis,
who returned to receive the Spanish copy with the signature of General
Ampudia, and send him the one having Generial Taylor's signature, so that
each general might countersign the original to be retained by the other.
General Ampudia did not sign the instrument as was expected, but came
in person to meet the commissioners. He unexpectedly began to dispute
many points which the Americans had considered settled, and evinced a
disposition to make the Spanish instrument differ in essential points from
the English. At this conference General Worth was absent. At last
Ampudia was required to sign the copy prepared for his own commissioners, and the English original was left with him, that, according to promise, he might have it translated during the night, so as to be ready in the
morning with a Spanish duplicate of the English instrument left with him.
By this means the two would be made to correspond, and he would be
compelled to admit his knowledge of the contents of the English original
before he signed it.
The next morning the commission again met, and the Mexican general
renewed his solicitation to gain some grant in addition to the original compact. At his request, the Americans had previously adopted the word
capitulation in lieu of surrender; and he now wished to substitute stipulation for capitulation. It was now evident to the American commander,
that he did not wish to sign at all, but was merely quarreling about names
and terms, either to gain time, or to accomplish some other purpose, pei
baps not definite even to himself. At length it became necessary,peremp
VOL. II.-88 3 N
S698 STORMIING OF MONTEREY.'o: r:y to demand his immediate signing of the English instrument, and the,iteral translation now perfected by the commissioners and their general.
The Spanish instrument first signed by General Arnpudia was destroyed
in presence of his commissioners, and the translation of our own instrument
was countersigned by General Taylor and delivered. The agreement was
thus complete, and it only remained to execute the terms.
OLONEL DAVIS of the Mississippi riflemen,
I~:-a has the following remarks upon the terms of
-.. t-.'' h capitulation:
"Much has been said about the construction. of article 2d, but whatever ambiguity there may be in
i ~~ I? the language used, there was a perfect understanding by
the commissioners upon both sides as to the intent of the
parties. The distinction we made between light artillery
equipped and manceuvred as such, designed for and used in the field, and
pieces being the armament of a fort, was clearly stated on our side; and
that it was comprehended on theirs, appeared from the fact, that repeatedly
they asserted their possession of light artillery, and said they had one bat-'ery of light pieces. Such conformity of opinion existed among our comrnissioners upon every measure which was finally adopted, that I consider
them in their sphere jointly and severally responsible for each and every
article of the capitulation. If, as originally viewed by General Worth, our
conduct has been in accordance with the peaceful policy of our governmnent, and shall in any degree tend to consummate that policy, we may
(ongratulate ourselves upon the part we have taken. If otherwise, it will
lemain to me as a deliberative opinion, that the terms of the capitulation
pave all that could have followed, of desirable result from a further assault.
It was in the power of the enemy to retreat and to bear with him his
small arms, and such a battery as was contemplated in the capitulation.
Tihe other grants were such as it was honourable in a conquering army to
bestow, and which it cost magnanimity nothing to give."
On the same subject, Major-general Henderson says: —
"My first impression was, that no better terms than those first proposed
on the part of General Taylor ought to have been given, and I said so to
the general, when I found him disposed to yield to the request of General
Ampudia; and at the same time gave it as my opinion, that they would
be accepted by him before he left the town. General Taylor replied th-e
he would run no'risk when it could be avoided, that he wished to avoi
the further shedding of blood, and that he was satisfied that our government
would be pleased with the terms given by the capitulation; and being
myself persuaded of that fact, I yielded my individual views and wishes;
and under that conviction, I shall ever be ready to defend the terms of the
capitulation."
STORMING OF MONTEREY. 699
0General Worth, whose valuable services and complete knowledge of the.esources of the enemy at Monterey, render his opinion very valuable, has
the following language on the same subject:
OT only did I counsel and advise the opportunity
offered the gYeneral-in-chief, in the first proposition, but cordially approved his decision in
__ respect to the latter, as did every member of the
commission, and for good and sufficient military
fil i and national reasons, and stand ready at all
k ll j~~lliii! ffi times and proper places to defend and sustain
- the action of the commanding geneira, and participation of the commissioners."
Ampudia announced the fall of Monterey in a despatch to the Mexican
Secretary of' War, in which he uses every exertion to exaggerate the force
and resources of his antagonist, and the difficulties surrounding himself.
Throughout the whole Mexican war there is perhaps no event more
glorious to the American arms, or more honourable to the valour and humanity of the American soldier, than the capture of Monterey. If the rule
of warfare be true, that to capture a mere fort requires a force superior, in
every military point, to the garrison; and that to conduct a successful assault against any fortification, the assailants should number at least double
their opponents, how may we regard the storming of a city surrounded by
high massive walls which supported strong redoubts, whose every street
was swept by cross fires of artillery, and every house of which was an
armed fortification, by an army only one-half the number of the defenders,
inferior in artillery and small arms, and fatigued with a long march across
a desert country! The Mexicans had employed months in fortifying
Monterev; and it was considered by them impregnable. This was no
preposterous idea —it had been formerly attacked by an army vastly superior in resources to the Americans, and when its defences were comparatively few and weak, and yet had to brave the utmost efforts of the
besiegers; many of its garrison were veterans, who had seen many battles
and had been admired by General Taylor himself on the fields of Palo
Alto and Resaca. They were confident of success, and looked upon the
advance of General Taylor with calmness and indifference. If we add to
this the fact of their immense cavalry force, which was capable of directing
Its attacks upon any part of the American line, and the necessity of
dividing the American army so as to resist the cannonade of the Bishop's
Palace', which was as strong as the city itself, we will then have some just
appreciation of the magnitude of the American triumph. Its success can
be attributed only to the coolness and good discipline evinced by all our
troops, to their intrepidity in rushing forward in the very face of the most
tremendous artillery fires, unappalled by the havoc on every side, to the
700 STORMING OF MONTEREY.
fearlessness of the officers, erer foremost in danger, and especIally to the.
calm systematic movements of Generals Taylor and Worth. When the
excitement of the present will have subsided, and history has had time to
weigh what is now but a recent and every-day occurrence, she will
adjudge it a rank in her scale, by the side of the capture of Quebec and
the fall of Yorktown. The invincibility of tile Spanish race, when resisting a siege, was broken at Monterey; and as much as Wolfe, Wellington,
or Bonaparte himself could have done, was there done by General Taylor
and an army of volunteers.
FTER the evacuation of the city by the Mexicans,
General Taylor established his head-quarters there,
and made every preparation to render his wounded
comfortable, and to refresh his exhausted troops. He
was now in command of the key of Central Mexico,
and had he but possessed the means, he could possibly have been able to march to the capital itself, before the enemy could have recovered frioit their late
disaster. But the same difficulties which had cramped all his previous
operations surrounded him here-he had no means of transportation, and
but little prospect of soon obtaining any. The main army was therefore
obliged to remain quiet, until circumstances should warrant further active
operations. In order, however, to command as much of the country as
possible, General Worth was despatched with nearly one thousand five
hundred men and eight field-pieces to Saltillo, and General Wool with two
thousand four hundred men to Parras. No opposition was experienced
by these officers; the clergy and many citizens, however, fled at their approach.
A sketch of the former of these places is given by a member of the
army, whose style of writing entitles him to consideration. "Saltillo is by
far the best town that I have yet seen in Mexico. It surpasses Monterey
in all respects. The cathedral is a fine building of a sort of Moorish or
Saracen order of architecture, but gloonmy within and disgustingly filthy.
There is a great deal of gilding upon rude carved work about the altars
and chapels; but I have seen very little of the precious metals of a solid
shape in the churches." At Parras, the American army received more
than usual favour from the inhabitants; their sick were attended to, many
wants of the soldiers supplied, and many indications given that the people
were not dissatisfied with the change of affairs.
During these operations the Mexicans were not idle. In their retreat
from Monterey, the army had destroyed every thing in their route which
might be of service to the American army in their expected invasion.
The water streams had been stopped or filled up, the wells destroyed,
and all provisions carefully removed. Even private property was not re
— / --
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________________________________________________________________________ _________-;c______________________
STORMING OF MONTEREY. 703
spected; and, indeed, the inhabitants cheerfully yielded up their effects to
the flames, rather than, by retaining them, they should become a source of
comfort to the hated invaders. It was theii intention to make the country
supply the deficiency of their arms, and to nullify the victories of the Rio
Grande, by opposing to the victors an impassable desert. Meanwhile, unappalled by the loss of Monterey, they were making every effort to organize a large and efficient army in the interior; and declared that the
capture of the city was not the fault of the troops, but of Ampudia himself, who was accordingly court-martialed. We shall treat further of these
movements of the Mexicans in a subsequent chapter.
While the American commander was at Monterey, some unhappy dif
ferences between the citizens and volunteers led to several murders on both
sides. Many of the troops looked upon the Mexicans as a conquered people, perfectly at their disposal, and were, consequently, not very scrupulous in their treatment of them. On the other hand, the Mexicans were
chafed by shame and defeat, and disposed to consider the Americans as a
band of plunderers who had invaded their land for the purposes of rapine
and tyranny. Secret retaliation was sought and improved; and the hiddenness of the frequent murders added to their atrocity by rendering it
almost impossible to detect and punish the perpetrators. Of course, the
subject was extremely vexatious to both General Taylor and the Mexican
governor; but neither could effectually prevent the evil. A correspondence
took place between them, of which wve subjoin a copy:
Governor Morales to General Taylor.
September 29, 1846.
Multitudes of complaints have been made to this government agains'
excesses committed upon persons and property of Mexicans daily, by volunteers in the service of the United States, and I am this moment informed that three of our citizens have been killed by them without pity or any
reasonable motive, only because they possess the power to do so. Under
such circumstances, it is impossible that society can remain in much security, as the most essential guarantees are wanting. I have the honour of
making this known to your excellency, hoping that measures will be
adopted to put an end to such atrocities in future, and to carry into effect
the assurances given, of protection to the people.
Repeating my esteem and consideration for your excellency, I am, &c. &c.
The reply of General Taylor is dated on the 1st of October, and reads
as follows:
"The communication of your excellency, dated 29th ultimo, relative to
excesses committed by volunteers in Monterey, was duly rece:ved. Some
delay has occurred in answering it, in order that I might communicate with,he commnandant of that post.
XU0 4 a; ^ 0ST ~ 1)RMING; ()F MONTI 1',ItERY.
"It is with sentiments of regret that I learn your just cause of comtnlaint
founded upon the grounds stated by your excellency. Your excellency
must be aware that it is no easy task to keep such men in subjection; and
although my great desire is to maintain good order, yet excesses have been
committed; but I believe none of a grave character.' The volunteers now in the city will be removed in a few days, and by
their absence I hope all cause of further complaints will cease. In the
mean time, Brigadier-general Worth will use all efficacious measures to
maintain order in the city. He is now invested with orders to this effect.
Youi excellency,l:ust be aware, that my desire is to comply with the gua.
rantees I have given in the name of my government, relative to the security of persons and property."
The exertions of General Taylor, relative to this subject, seem to have
been productive of some benefit; so that in a short time the evils, althouga
tDt yet fully removed, were of much less frequency than before.
~11Ll
SANTA ANNA.
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
EFORE entering into a detailed acccount of this
battle, it may not be amiss to recede for a mo.
t ment from the regular progress of events, in
order to notice some of the important movements
) which gave rise to it.
Perhaps at no time since Mexico was an independent nation, has there been so much of a revo28 E m ~ lutionary spirit predominant among all classes,
as has existed during her present war with the
United States. Against the latter power, nothing but the most united efforts,
conducted by active and patriotic generals, can give them the least chance
of success; and yet at the very moment when these are most needed,
the nation is distracted by intestine tumults, and the jarrings of ambitious
demagogues. In the commencement of the war, as we have seen, General
Herrera was at the head of affairs. He seems to have been of a pacific
disposition, and well inclined to settle the difficulties with the United
States; but he was speedily deprived of power, and superseded by Gene
VoL II.-89 705
706 BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
rml Paredes, whose views and designs were entirely different from those
of his predecessor. Under his administration, war was declared, and every
exertion made to conduct it with vigour. Success, however, did not crown
his effbrts, and soon the populace, ever ready to judg, of men by their
fortunes, began to look for another ruler. Several candidates were now in
the field, each at the head of a small army, and each differing from the
others in all points except one-hatred and opposition to the United
States.
A party differing from these soon arose, whose object was the restoration of the banished Santa Anna. This general, as is well known, long
acted a conspicuous part in the revolutions of his country, as well as in
the Texan war, and was for a long while Supreme Dictator of all Mexico
In 1844, however, after the siege of Vera Cruz, he was expatriated, and
continued afterwards to remain in exile at Havana. The revolution in
his favour rapidly gained ground, and was finally consummated by the
election of General Salas, his avowed supporter,to the presidency of Mexico. Puebla and several other large cities declared for him; Paredes was
deposed, and while endeavouring to make his escape with a company of
lancers, was arrested and thrown into prison. One avowed object of the
restoration was the re-establishment of the constitution of 1824, by which
the Mexican states constituted a federal republic, similar to our own country, instead of a consolidated republic, which made each separate state a
mere department of the Union, and deprived the people in a great measure
of representation. In pursuance of this project, General Salas issued a
proclamation, directing Congress to meet on the 6th of December, under
the rules and restrictions of the aforesaid constitution. Soon after he
despatched his two sons to meet and welcome Santa Anna, who was daily
expected at Vera Cruz.
On the 16th of August, Santa Anna reached Vera Cruz in the ship
Arab, having passed through the American blockading squadron under
Commodore Conner, without opposition. Upon landing, he immediately
placed himself at the head of the movement in that department, and the
same day issued a proclamation, setting forth at large his views and designs with regard to the origin, former conduct, and prosecution of the
war.
This proclamation was in accordance with a previous one in his favour
which had been issued by the city of Mexico, detailing the plan proposed
to be pursued by that city. It is as follows:
ARTICLE I. Instead of the present Congress, another shall assemble,
composed of representatives, popularly chosen according to the electoral
laws in force for the election of 1824, whose duty shall be as well to frame
a constitution for the nation, adopting the form of government which they
gay deem in conformity to the national will, as to take charge of all mat
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 707
ters relating to the war with the United States, and the affair of Texas, and
other frontier departments. The monarchical form of government which
the nation evidently detests shall be excluded.
ART. 2. All Mexicans, faithful to their country, including those out of
the country, are called upon to give it their services in the present national
movement, for which purpose very particular invitation is given to his
excellency, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, who is from this time
recognised as general-in-chief of all the forces engaged, and resolved to
combat, in order that the nation may recover its rights, secure its liberty,
and govern itself.
ART. 3. Until the sovereign Congress shall assemble and adopt the
requisite measures for the war, it will be the indispensable duty of the
executive to dictate such measures as may be urgent and necessary to sustain with honour the national flag, and this sacred duty must be discharged
without the loss of a single moment.
ART. 4. Within four months from the occupation, by the liberating
forces, of the capital of the republic, the Congress referred to in the first
article must be assembled; for which purpose it will be the duty of the
general-in-chief to issue the order of convocation, in the terms indicated,
and to take care that the elections proceed with all possible liberty.
ART. 5. The existence of the army is guarantied, and it is assured of
such attention and protection as are due to the well-deserving military class
of a free people.
ART. 6. Any one will be declared a traitor to the nation, who shall
endeavour to retard the assembling of the said Congress, make any attempt
against it by infringing the liberty of its members, dissolve it or suspend
its sessions, or attempt to oppose the constitution which it may establish.
or the laws which it may enact in conformity with the present plan.
N September, Santa Anna left the hacienda near Vera
2'~ Cruz, and advanced towards Ayotla, which he reached
on the 14th of September. He here received a commission, appointing him supreme dictator, to which he
I f replied in a dignified note, of course accepting the
appointmnent.
On the 15th the dictator entered the capital, and was
welcomed with demonstrations of joy and confidence
He immediately directed his attention to the raising of
money and troops, and for that purpose republished the
following proclamations or decrees:
1. (Declaring, in substance, that) all Mexicans between the ages of
eighteen and fifty years were under obligations to take up arms in defence
of their country whenever required to do so.
2. Declaring free from import duty, for one year, the importation into
708 BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
any part of the republic, as well as the sale in it, of muskets, carbines
sabres, brass and iron cannon, with gun-carriages, and in general every
species of warlike arms and projectiles; and declaring that the government will purchase such quantity of the arms and projectiles referred to as
It may require, and at such prices as may be agreed upon by the importer
or holders.
3. Declaring an extraordinary contingent of thirty thousand men, to be
contributed by the several states.
4. Giving pardon to all who may have deserted from the regular army,
provided that they give themselves up within three months, and permitting
them to serve in such corps as they may select.
5. Declaring that all officers, in civil or military employment, who shall
refuse, without good cause, in the opinion of the government, to render
such services as may be required of them during the war in which the
republic is at present engaged, shall be dismissed from their employments,
and declared incapable of being employed hereafter as military officers;
being liable, moreover, to the punishment already provided by law for such
offences as they may have committed..~ A T will be remembered that the terms of capitulation at. Monterey stipulated for a conditional armistice of eight
weeks, during which time neither army was to cross a
certain line. General Taylor had no doubt that these
terms would be endorsed by his government, but in this
he was mistaken. The whole stipulation seems to have
~ o'. U" been somewhat opposed to the views of the Washington
Cabinet, and orders were immediately despatched to the general, to recommence hostilities. In obedience to the instructions, he directed a letter to
Santa Anna, notifying him of the recommencement of hostilities, and
requesting the release of some prisoners detained at San Luis Potosi, on the
ground of the general's similar conduct to others who had fallen in his
hands. Santa Anna replied in a courteous and dignified manner, acknowledging the conclusion of the armistice, and at the same time releasing the
prisoners, and providing money for their journey. This first correspondence between the two great generals is highly pleasing.
While Santa Anna was at San Luis Potosi, every exertion was being
made to raise an army sufficient to arrest all further successes of General
Taylor. These operations seemed to have been enthusiastically entered
into by the people, and soon the dictator found himself at the head of
nearly twenty thousand men. The greater portion of the press warmly
seconded his measures, and paraded him to the people as invincible. The
following extracts from the leading journal, dated November 14, will give
some idea of the spirit of their addresses:
"Bv the communication which we this day insert, our readers will
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 709
Y.'arn that General Taylor has declared that he is about to recommence
nostilities upon the republic. The moment has arrived, the result is
close at hand, of a terrible conflict, which is to decide the future lot of
the nation.
"The'enthusiasm of our army is great; it is determined to fall or
triumph, and wp'rust it will know how to avenge with honour the Mexican lllood whlch'flowed at Matamoras and at Monterey.
"The whole world is contemplating this struggle; its eyes are fixed
upon our republic, whose rights and prerogatives as an independent and
sovereign nation have been as audaciously as perfidiously trampled upon
by the United States of the north. If the republic rises with the emergency-if by the elastic impulse of alJ its citizens, it shall chastise its enemies, and if by force of arms it makes its international rights respected
from that day forth the fate of Mexico will be eternally fixed, since it assures
its independence, its respectability abroad, and its liberty.
"Mexicans! This is not a question of party-it concerns our political
existence. Let us, then, assist by every means in our power, in the national defence; let us sacrifice ourselves, if it be necessary; but in succumbing, let our last words be'Independence and Liberty.'"
In December, General Taylor received information- that the Mexican
general, Urrea, was in the neighbourhood of Victoria, with a large force of
cavalry. He, therefore, left Monterey on the 15th of December, and proceeded in the direction most favourable for encountering the enemy. Santa
Anna was now near Saltillo, and the general soon received further intelligence of a threatened attack upon that place. Fearing for the safety of
General Patterson, who was stationed there, Taylor detached General Quitman with a field-battery to join him, while he himself retired towards
Monterev. While marching thither, General Wool entered Saltillo with
reinforcements, and on receiving intelligence thereof, as well as that the
enemy were retiring towards Potosi, General Taylor again marched for
Victoria, which he entered on the 30th. Here he received a letter from
General Scott, the newly appointed commander of the Army of Occupation, requesting a large detachment of his troops, the object of which demand was to increase the force under Scott, so that it might be able to cooperate with the American gulf squadron, in an attack upon the fortress
of San Juan de Ulloa and city of Vera Cruz. It was a source of grief to
the American commander to be thus suddenly snatched from the prospect
of victory, and compelled to retire from his present position, to a condition
of comparative inactivity. The troops called for were the flower of his
army, the veterans of all his Mexican victories; and he parted from them
with profound sorrow. The following is his address to them at marching
from him:
"It is with deep sensibility that the commanding general finds himsel!
30
A.. W~~~~~_ _____
710 BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
separated from the troops he so long commanded. To those corps, regular
and volunteer, who have shared with him the active services of the field,
he feels the attachment due to such associations, while to those who are
making their first campaign, he must express his regret that he cannot
participate with them in its eventful scenes. To all, both officers and men,
he extends his heartfelt wishes for their continued success and happiness,
confident that their achievements on another theatre will redound to the
credit of their country and its arms."
After the departure of these troops, the general again established his
head-quarters at Monterey, where he remained until February. He received in that month a considerable number of volunteers, which swelled
his disposable force to five thousand four hundred men, with which force
he marched from Monterey, determined to fight the enemy on their own
ground.
Notwithstanding the demonstration of Santa Anna toward Saltillo, his
designs seem to have been either of a mixed or hidden character. For
a while he seemed disposed to march for Vera Cruz; then he would
advance towards General Taylor; and at one time seemed to be proceeding to the city of Mexico, in order to quell an insurrection which had
lately broken out there. On the 27th of January, he issued an address to
his " companions in arms," which, however, was believed by many to be
merely a feint to cover his meditated advance to Vera Cruz. The following are extracts:
" Soldiers! the entire world observes us, and will expect our acts to be
heroic as they are necessary. Privations of all kinds surround us, in consequence of the neglect shown towards us for more than a month, by those
who should provide your pay and provisions. But when has misery debilitated your spirits, or weakened your enthusiasm? The Mexican soldier
is well known by his frugality and patience under suffering, never wanting
magazines in marches across deserts, and always counting upon the resources of the enemy to provide for his wants. To-day we shall undertake to march over a desert country, without succour or provisions. But
be assured, that we shall be immediately provided from those of the enemy,
and with them you will be sufficiently reimbursed. My friends, we go to
open the campaign. What days of glory await us! What a flattering
future for our country! How satisfactory, when we contemplate that we
have saved its independence! How the world will admire us! How the
nation will bless us! And when in the bosoms of our families we shall
relate the risks and fatigues which we have endured, the combats with
and triumphs over a daring and presumptuous enemy; and hereafter, when
telling our children that we have saved our country a second time, the
jubilee will be complete, and the sacrifices will then appear to us as nothing. Soldiers! Hurry forth in the defence of your country. The
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BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 713
cause we sustain is a holy one; never have we struggled with more justice,
Decause we fight for the honour and religion of our wives and children!
What sacrifice, then, can be too great for objects so dear? Let our motto
be-' CONQUER OR DIE!' Let us swear before the great Eternal, that we
will not wait an instant in purging our soil of the stranger, who has dared
to profane it with his presence. No treaty, nothing which may not be
heroic and proud."
The subsequent movements of Santa Anna proved that the above was a
transcript of his real intentions. He left San Luis on the 2d of February,
a. the head of a large army, which was distributed as follows:
Artillerists with nineteen guns, heavy calibre,... 650
Eight regiments, (six of the line, two light troops,)... 6240
Light troops,......... 3200
Under General Parrode, with three pieces heavy calibre,.. 1000
Cavalry on the march,. 6000
Artillery, ditto,........ 250
General Mejia's division,....... 4000
Total,..21,340
The artillery were supplied with six hundred rounds of ammunition.
Besides these troops, there were large detachments in the field, under
Generals Juvera, Minon, and others. On the 7th, they reached Matehuala, a town between Saltillo and San Luis. They were in the utmost
distress: in want of food, water, and clothing. One of the officers says:"No honourable resource remains, except to advance without supplies; to
capture them from the immense storehouses of the enemy in Saltillo and
Monterey, and to live upon the country. The way to glory and honour is
to be preferred to turning our backs upon the enemy. We go to try our
fortune, since any thing would be a less evil than to die of hunger and
complete inaction, besides being called traitors by those who really are
such. If we do march, (without more than twelve days' provision for the
troops, and half a month's pay for the officers,) we will live upon the
country and the plunder of the enemy, now that they will not furnish us
with any supplies."
It now became necessary for Santa Anna to make the most vigorous
exertions in order to save his army from disbandment. Accordingly he
negotiated with certain commercial houses of San Luis for drafts, and a
loan to the amount of a hundred and eighty thousand dollars, drawing on
Mexico and Vera Cruz, and pledging all his private estate as security.
This sum enabled his commissary-general to distribute sufficient food and
clothing to the troops to continue them on the march to Monterey.
On the 20th of February, General Taylor reached Agua Nueva, a place
eighteen miles below Saltillo. He retired, however, at the approach of
VOL. II.-90 3 o 2
714 BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
Santa Anna, and awaited the threatened attack at Buena Vista, a strong
position, a few miles south of Saltillo.
On the 21st, the Mexicans attacked and defeated a small moulted force
engaged to cover the removal of some public stores. At 11 o'clock the
following day, Surgeon Liedenburg, of the Mexican army, arrived before
General Taylor, with a white flag, and a communication to surrender.
The demand was, of course, declined.
Santa Anna still forbore his attack, no doubt waiting for the arrival
of his rear troops, part of whom were already in view of the Americans.
Towards evening, the Mexican troops engaged the extreme left, under
Colonel Marshall, and considerable maneuvering and skirmishing took
place, which lasted till dark. A new order of battle was formed during
the night, and the troops slept on their arms, without fires. The Mexicans
also threw a body of light troops on the mountain-side, in order to outflank
the left. In this position the hostile armies passed the night.
Early on the 23d the action recommenced on the left. The enemy
attempted to dislodge Colonel Marshall, but he sustained their attacks
with the greatest coolness, and with but little loss. At 8 o'clock a large
body of cavalry advanced to the same point. Part of them were dispersed
by Captain Washington's battery, but the main body, aided by a large
infantry force, bore down all opposition, routed the second Indiana regiment, repelled the Illinois, drove back Captain O'Brien, and captured some
of his guns. The second Indiana regiment could not be rallied, and
many of them continued their retreat to Buena Vista.
The enemy now poured masses of infantry and cavalry along the base
of the mountain, and were concentrating them in the rear. At this
moment, General Taylor, who had been at Buena Vista during the night,
arrived upon the field. He immediately ordered the Mississippi regiment to the left, and brought up the second Kentucky and a section of
Bragg's artillery to support them. These arrived in a most happy
moment, and, with a portion of the first Illinois under Colonel Hardin,
drove back the enemy, and recovered a portion of the lost ground. In a
moment, however, the enemy returned, and for a while the action raged
with fearful violence. Captain Bragg fought within pistol-range, and
Colonel Davis's Mississippians could distinguish the features of the enemy
at every discharge of their rifles. The artillery mowed down horses and
horsemen by hundreds, and the incessant discharges rolled and reverberated
among the broken mountains, like the full thunderings of a whirlwind.
The enemy were, at length, thrown into confusion, and a part attempted
to retreat to the main line of battle. The first dragoons, under Colonel
Rucker, were sent to oppose them, but met with such heavy loss that
they returned without effecting any thing.
Meanwhile, a large body of the enemy concentrated to make a descent
l ~~~~~~~~~~l,wre In__I. eSr4~Sm~_-Sif_- 9ow.d-_.>L, ~~.*Xi tf~ov~S rZwAS
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 717
upon the hacienda of Buena Vista. Colonel May was ordered to support
this point with two pieces under Lieutenant Reynolds. Before these
could reach that point, the enemy had been met by the Kentucky and
Arkansas cavalry, under Colonels Marshall and Yell. The Mexican
column immediately divided, one portion sweeping by the depot under a
destruct,re fire from the dispersed Indiana regiment; the other gaining
the opp )site mountains. In this affair, Colonel Yell was killed by a lance,
which;ntered his mouth and tore away part of his head.
The situation of the Mexican army which had gained the rear was now
very critical; but, while they were there, General Taylor received a flag
of truce from Santa Anna, desiring to know what he wanted; and the delay
attending an answer to this, enabled the cavalry to rejoin the main army.
At the conclusion of the truce, the cavalry of General Minon, which had
been hovering all day near Saltillo, were so roughly handled by Shover's
and Washington's artillery, that they did not reappear.
The enemy now seemed to confine his efforts to the protection of his
artillery, and soon the Illinois and second Kentucky regiments were overwhelmed by the immense masses that were poured upon them. The artillery were also driven back. It was a critical moment. Captain O'Brien,
with two pieces, had sustained the charge until every man and horse was
killed or wounded, and had left his guns on the field. The commander
ordered Captain Bragg into battery, and without any infantry support, and
at the imminent risk of losing his guns, he came rapidly into action when
the Mexicans were within but a few yards of his pieces. In three discharges, the enemy were in confused flight. The second Kentucky regiment rushed forward so far in pursuit, that the cavalry suddenly wheeled
round, attacked, and drove them back. In this disastrous charge, Colonels
Hardin and McKee, and Lieutenant-colonel Clay, were killed. But for the
timely assistance of Washington's battery, which opened upon the enemy
from a ravine, the regiment would have been cut to pieces.
r HIS was the last effort of the enemy. The
{ IyrF?-fl[ ~ [~' exhausted soldiers sunk upon the battlefield, among dead and dying, with their
arms about them, and without fires. The
Li L:/j~~ 1officers removed the wounded to Saltillo,
-w - o~~and made every preparation for an attack
on the following night.,~~ i -General Wool's report of this battle is full.f interest. He was the field-officer of the day, and no man did more
than he to secure victory. His voice was everywhere heard amid the
successive charges of the enemy, and his bold conduct infused energy
into the soldiers. He is mentioned by General Taylor with distinguished
honour
718 BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
The artillery being the most valuable arm, and that by which the for
tune of the day was decided, the accounts of their labours, as given in the
despatches of the two principal artillerists, are full of the most thrilling
interest. No man could have fought braver, or with more efficiency, than
did Captain O'Brien; and although he was obliged to leave his guns, he
had the satisfaction of knowing that he had maintained his position long
enough to secure victory.
Although the advantages of victory in this affair were altogether with
General Taylor, yet his antagonist also claimed a triumph, alleging his
subsequent retreat to be the unavoidable result of the starving condition of
his troops. It is very probable that this cause hastened the retreat of the
Mexicans, and perhaps a second, and more obstinate engagement, as an
additional force was then on the road to join Santa Anna. The causes of
his failing to drive the Americans from their position, together with an
elaborate vindication of his own conduct, are given in a lengthy report
which he made to the government immediately after the battle of Buena
Vista. The difficulties which he encountered were undoubtedly great,
and in view of them we are obliged to admire the talents of the man who
under such circumstances could keep an army together.
The description of the last charge of the Mexicans, and of the close of
the battle, is given in the following terms by a gentleman who was actively
engaged during the whole of the 23d:
" While the dispersed Mexican cavalry were rallying, the third Indiana
regiment, under Colonel Lane, was ordered to join Colonel Davis, supported by a considerable body of horse. About this time, from some
unknown reason, our wagon train displayed its length along the Saltillo
road, and offered a conspicuous prize for the Mexican lancers, which they
seemed not unwilling to appropriate. Fortunately, Lieutenant Rucker,
with a squadron of the first dragoons, (Captain Steen having been previously wounded, and Captain Eustis confined to his bed by illness,) was
present, and, by order of General Taylor, dashed among them in a most
brilliant style, dispersing them by his charge, as effectually as the previous
fire of the Mississippi riflemen. May's dragoons, with a squadron of
Arkansas cavalry, under Captain Pike, and supported by a single piece
of artillery, under Lieutenant Reynolds, now claimed their share in the
discussion, and when the Mexicans had again assembled, they had to
encounter another shock from the two squadrons, besides a fierce fire of
grape from Reynolds's six-pounder.
"The lancers once more rallied, and directing their course towards the
Saltillo road, were met by the remainder of Colonel Yell's regiment and
Marshall's Kentuckians, who drove them towards the mountains on the
opposite side of the valley, where, from their appearance when last visible,
it may be presumed they are still running. In this precipitate movement
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 719
they were compelled to pass through a rancho, in which many of our
valiant comrades had previously taken refuge, who, from this secure
retreat, opened quite an effective fire upon them.
"At this time the Mexican force was much divided, and the fortunes of
the day were with us. Santa Anna saw the crisis, and, by craft and cunning, sought to avert it. He sent a white flag to General Taylor, desiring
to know'what he wanted.' This was at once believed to be a mere
ruse to gain time and re-collect his men: but the American general thought
fit to notice it, and General Wool was deputed to meet the representative
of Santa Anna, and to say to him that we'wanted' peace. Before the
interview could be had, the Mexicans themselves re-opened their fires,
thus adding treachery of the highest order to the other barbarian practices
which distinguish their mode of warfare. The flag, however, had accomplished the ends which its wily originator designed; for though our troops
could have effectually prevented the remainder of his cavalry from joining
the main body, it could only have been done by a fire, which, while the
parley lasted, would have been an undoubted breach of faith. Although a
portion of the lancers, during this interim, had regained their original position, a formidable number still remained behind. Upon these the infantry
opened a brisk fire, while Reynolds's artillery, beautifully served, hailed
the grape and canister upon them with terrible effect.
" The craft of Santa Anna had restored his courage, and with his reinforcement of cavalry he determined to charge our line. Under cover of
their artillery, horse and foot advanced upon our batteries. These, from
the smallness of our infantry force, were but feebly supported, yet, by the
most brilliant and daring efforts, nobly maintained their positions. Such
was the rapidity of their transitions, that officers and pieces seemed
empowered with ubiquity; and upon cavalryand infantry alike, wherever
they appeared, they poured so destructive a fire as to silence the enemy's
artillery, compel his whole line to fall back, and soon to assume a sort of
sauve qui peut movement, indicating any thing but victory. Again our
spirits rose. The Mexicans appeared thoroughly routed; and while their
regiments and divisions were flying before us, nearly all our light troops
were ordered forward, and followed them with a most deadly fire, mingled
with shouts which rose above the roar of artillery.
"When our men were driven through the ravines, at the extremities of
which a body of Mexican lancers were stationed to pounce upon them like
ligers, Brent and Whiting, of Washington's battery, gave them such a
torrent of grape as put them to flight, and thus saved the remnants of those
brave regiments which had long borne the hottest portion of the fight. On
the other flark, while the Mexicans came rushing on like legions of fiends,
the artillery was left unsupported, and capture by the enemy seemed
720 BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
inevitable. But Bragg and Thomas rose with the crisis, and eclipsed el en
the fame they won at Monterey; while Sherman, O'Brien, and Bryan,
proved themselves worthy of the alliance. Every horse with O'Brien's
battery was killed, and the enemy had advanced to within range of grape,
sweeping all before him. But here his progress was arrested, and before
the showers of iron hail which assailed him, squadrons and battalions fell
like leaves in the blasts of autumn. The Mexicans were once more driven
sack with great loss, though taking with them the three pieces of artillery
which were without horses.
" In this charge the first Illinois regiment and McKee's Kentuckians were
foremost. The pursuit was too hot; and as it evinced too clearly our
deficiency in numbers, the Mexicans, with a suddenness which was almost
magical, rallied and returned upon us. They came in myriads, and for a
while the carnage was dreadful on both sides. We were but a handful to
oppose the frightful masses which were hurled upon us, and could as
easily have resisted an avalanche of thunderbolts. We were driven back,
and the day seemed lost beyond redemption. Victory, which a moment
before appeared within our grasp, was suddenly torn from our standard.
There was but one hope; but that proved an anchor sure and steadfast.
"Thus thrice during the day, when all seemed lost but honour, did the
artillery, by the ability with which it was manacuvred, roll back the tide
of success fiom the enemy, and give such overwhelming destructiveness
to its effect, that the army was saved and the glory of the American arms
was maintained. At this moment, however, let it never be forgotten, that
while every effective man was wanted on the field, hundreds of volunteers
had collected in the rancho with the wagon train, whom no efforts or
entreaties could induce to join their brethren, neighbours, and friends, then
in the last struggle for victory.
"The battle had now raged with variable success for nearly ten hours,
and, by a sort of mutual consent, after the last carnage wrought among the
Mexicans by the artillery, both parties seemed willing to pause upon the
result. Night fell, and the American general, with his troops, slept upon
the battle-ground, prepared, if necessary, to resume operations on the morrow. But ere the sun rose again upon the scene, the Mexicans had disappeared, leaving behind them only the hundreds of their dead and dying,
whose bones are to whiten their native hills, and whose moans of anguish
were to excite in their enemies that compassion which can have no exist.
ence in the bosoms of their friends."
Major Coffee, of General Taylor's staff, gave the following interesting
incidents of Buena Vista, during a private conversation while in the United
States as bearer of the general's despatches
"General Taylor had fallen in love, at first sight, with the position at
vwhich he finally made his stand —at Buena Vista. His movement towards
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 721
Agua Nueva was merely a ruse to decoy the enemy into the field which
he had selected for his battle-ground. As soon as McCulloch's men,
who were invaluable as scouts, informed him of Santa Anna's approach to
Agua Nueva, General Taylor quietly broke up his camp, and fell back
to his first love, Buena Vista. This position was admirably chosen. It
was at the foot of a mountain, or rather of two mountains, between which
ran the road through a narrow valley. On his right there was a deep
ravine, which protected that flank more effectually than half a dozen regiments could have done. The left of General Taylor's line rested on the
base of a mountain. The road in the centre was intrenched and defended
by a strong battery. In front the ground was uneven-broken into hills
and deep ravines-well adapted to the mode of fighting suited to our
volunteers, and by its peculiarities supplying the disadvantage of a great
inferiority of numbers.
"On the 21st, the enemy were descried approaching over the distant
hills. At their appearance the volunteers raised a great shout, and gave
th'ree tremendous cheers. Their engineers and officers were seen flying
over the field, and dragging their cannon about to get them into position,
but the nature of the ground did not favour the undertaking, and it was
late in the day before the big guns began to open.
"The enemy had with them thirty-two cannon, mostly of large calibre.
Their fire, though kept up very briskly, and apparently well manned, did
so little execution in our ranks, that it was not considered necessary to
answer it. Our cannon were therefore silent the whole of the 21st.
Eight or ten killed and wounded was the extent of the casualties sustained by
our army on the 21st. During the next day an officer approached our lines
with a flag of truce, and requested to be shown to General Taylor. The
brave old man was sitting quietly on his white charger, with his leg over
the pommel of the saddle, watching the movements of the enemy, when
the Mexican officer was presented. In a very courteous and graceful
manner the officer stated that'he had been sent by his excellency General Santa Anna, to his excellency General Taylor, to inquire, in the most
respectful manner, what he (General Taylor) was waiting for?' From
the silence of General Taylor's batteries, and the quiet manner in which
he received Santa Anna's terrific cannonading, the Mexican supposed he
was asking a very proper question; to which, however, old Rough and
Ready gave the very pertinent reply that'he was only waiting for Gereral Santa Anna to surrender.' The Mexican returned hastily to his lines.
This message proved to be a rause to ascertain where General Taylor's
position was; for after the return of the Mexican officer to his own ranks,
the whole Mexican battery seemed to open upon General Taylor's position,
and the balls flew over and about himn like hail. Utterly indifferent to the
perils of his situation, there sat the old chief on his conspicuous white
Vol. lil.-tl 3 P
722 BA'TT LX, E 0F BUENA VlSTrA.
horse, peering through his spy-glass at the long lines of Mexican troops
that could be seen at a great distance on the march. The persuasion of
his aids could not induce him to abandon his favourite point of observation,
nor to give up his old white horse.
"All the officers on our side, in this hard-fought battle, distinguished
themselves. The details of the battle were confided to General Wool
who nobly justified the confidence of his commander and brother veteran'
by the most active, zealous, efficient, and gallant conduct. Throughout
the whole action he was constantly engaged in the disposition of our
forces, and in rallying them to the onset. It was a miracle he escaped
the thick-flying balls which thinned the ranks he was marshaling. There
was but one complaint made against him, and that was that he exposed
himself too much. Brigadier-general Lane also showed himself to be a
brave and capable officer. Although wounded early in the action, he
kept his horse until it closed, and never for a moment left his post.
" On the night of the 22d, both armies drew off from the field of battle.
Our men were engaged all night in bringing in the wounded and taking
care of them, the Mexicans as well as their own men. There were, however, but few of our men found on the field wounded. They were, to use
Santa Anna's significant words in his despatch, "all dead," the cowardly
miscreants having killed every man whom they overtook, wounded and
helpless, on the field. With like turpitude and treachery, they left their
dead unburied and their wounded uncared for on the field where they fell.
The latter were carried to Saltillo in our own wagons; the former were
buried by the alcalde, under the orders of General Taylor.
"A number of officers were taken prisoners, and an exchange was
effected, by which all our men in their hands were released. Cassius M.
Clay's party are understood now to be in the city of Mexico.
"Among the killed and wounded of the Mexicans are three general
officers, and twenty colonels and commanders of battalions. General
Minon, it appears, has not as yet realized the brilliant career of which he
considered his capture of Major Borland an earnest. He was ordered by
Santa Anna to attack and carry Saltillo during the engagement at Buena
Vista. With this object he made a demonstration against the town with
two thoua. nd cavalry. Lieutenant Shover, with sixty men and two small
pieces (di It.JATry, went out to meet the valiant general, and at one discharge ti r.ls cannon sent him and his large force to the right-about in
double quick time."
Private letters from Mexican officers and soldiers give frightful details
of the sufferings experienced by their troops, both before and after the
battle. "Our troops," says one, "are perishing with hunger and thirst.
They have not drank water in two days, and have eaten nothing since the
day they were at Encarnacion, and a slice of roasted meat at La Vaca.
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 723
I am much afraid lest this cause should disperse us to-night, since the soldiers are already scattering, and bodies of them fighting and charging
upon the enemy wherever they thought there was water, caring for
nothing; and we have seen them disputing among themselves, tctally
regardless of the fire of the enemy, for a piece of ham found upon the
dead Yankees. This night is a fearful one for the republic, since I dread
lest we should become disbanded. In conclusion, dear friend, there now
remains but little to be done, because we have been pursuing the enemy
all day long with the bayonet, and to-morrow they will be finished. They
killed the horse of the general-in-chief with a grape-shot." " Since closing
my letter the general-in-chief has ordered the army to Agua Nueva, where
there are some cattle and water-water, which is before every thing else.
m * * * * We have lost about a thousand men, and many officers.
killed and wounded, and our Lombardini among the rest."
Another writer says-" We have gained a bloody battle, and taken from
the enemy standards and artillery. They have come to demand a peace.
and they have been answered by the general-in-chief, that until the
whole republic is evacuated by them, he will not listen to them."
The following are the orders of the Mexican general issued on the 20th
and'list of February, and defining the order of battle, together with other
matters relative to it.
"General officers of the day, Don Rafael Vasquez; aids, Colonel Jose
M. Bermudes and Lieutenant Colonel Don Florencia Aspeitia. And for
to-morrow, Don Francisco Mejia, general officer of the day; Colonel Don
Carlos Brito, and Lieutenant Colonel Don Gregoria Elati, aids.
N the morning the army will continue its march, which will
commence at 11 o'clock precisely, in the following order.
The 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th battalions of light infantry will
take the lead under the order of General Ampudia, so that
he may be able to avail himself of all advantages that the
circumstances may require. Immediately after the battalion
mJ "l[~ of Sappers,and in its rear, and at the head of the division
of infantry of the van, under the orders of General Pacheco,
will be placed the company of sharp shooters, and three
sixteen-pounders, with their respective artillerists and reserve —as, likewise the ammunition, composed of one hundred round shot and one hundred and nine grape for each piece, and eighty boxes musket ammunition,
each containing nine thousand six hundred cartridges. Division of infantry
of the centre, commanded by General Manuel M. Lombardini,will follow.
At the head of this column there will be five twelve-pounders as above
named and ammunitioned, and also eighty boxes of musket ammunition. At
the head of the division of the rear, commanded by General Ortega, there
A.ll be five eight-pounders, supplied with men and ammunition as above,
724 BArITLE OF BUENA VISTA.
and also its eighty boxes of musket ammunition, each containing Line
thousand six hundred cartridges.
-HE division of cavalry of the
rear will follow closely on the
last of infantry, having at their
i~-~ A iehead the'Hussars,' and in their rear the general ammunition train escorted by the brigade of horse artillery. After
the ammunition train all the camp followers of all classes,
with the baggage of all kinds, laundresses, cooks, it being
distinctly understood that no woman will be allowed to mix
with the column. The chief in command of the commissary
department is Don Pedro Ravejel, who is also in charge of the baggage train.
"His excellency, the general-in-chief, furthermore orders, that the different corps shall to-day receive from the commissary three days' rations, for
the 21st, 22d and 23d, and that they require the nlecessary meat this afternoon, for the first meal to-morrow morning, which the troops are directed to eat
one hour before taking up the line of march; and the second will be taken
in their haversacks, to be eaten in the night whenever they may halt. This
last will consist of meat, two biscuits, and half a cake of brown sugar for
each man; for on the night of the 21st, there will be no fires permitted,
neither will there be signal made by any military instruments of musicthe movement at early daybreak on the morning of the 22d, having to
be made in the most profound silence.
"The troops will drink all the water they can before marching, and will
take with them in their canteens. or other vessels, all they can possibly
carry. They will economize the water all they can, for we shall encamp
at night without water, and shall not arrive at it until 12 o'clock on the
following day. The chiefs of corps will pay much-much attention to this
last instruction.
"Each mule belonging to the ammunition train, and the horses of officers,
will receive two rations of corn, which they will take with them, and these
will be fed to them to-morrow night at dusk and on the following morning
at daybreak. The horses' girths will only be slackened, and the mules
will not be unharnessed while they are eating. The light brigade will
likewise obey this order of the 21st, only loosening their saddles a little.
The horses and mules will all be taken to water before commencinfg:he
march. Each division will take with it its respective medical staff, hospital attendants, medicines,&c.,as regulated by the medical inspector-general.
"The chaplain-in-chief will provide each division with its chaplain. He
will also, as to-morrow is a feast-day, order mass to be said at 6 o'clock,
in front of the position occupied by the vanguard; at 7 o'clock, ill front
of the centre; at 8 o'clock, in front of the rear-guard; and at 9 o'clck, in
front of the division of cavalry.
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 725
"General Don Francisco Perez is ordered to be recognised as second in
ommand to General Lombardini, and General Don Luis Guzman as second
to General Ortega.
"To facilitate the duties of the conductor-general of the baggage train,
the cavalry of Celaza, and the Presidial troops, are hereby placed under
his command.
"His excellency the general-in-chief recommends to every officer punctual compliance with, and obedience to, each and every part of this his
general order.
"By order of his excellency, MANUEL MICHETOVENA,
Chief of the General Staff."
The following remarks upon the character of the battle, and the merits
of General Taylor's victory, are from the able editor of the New Orleans
Delta, (March 24.)
"The list of killed and wounded on the American side, at the bloody
battle of Buena Vista, is a mournful proof of the ferocity and violence
which characterized this severe conflict, and a sad testimonial of the chivalry and fearlessness of American soldiery. Sixty-five commissioned officers killed and wounded in so small an army, exhibits a proportion and
result unparalleled in the history of war. Estimating General Taylor's
force at five thousand rank and file, and allowing one commissioned officer
to twenty men, the startling conclusion is arrived at that our loss in this
sanguinary engagement, of commissioned officers, amounted to one-fourth
of the number in the field. If the loss of the rank and file were in like
proportion to that of officers, it would exceed one thousand two hundred.
In view of such terrible results as these, Santa Anna approached as near
the truth, melancholy as it is, as he ever did, when he said that both armies
were cut up. The loss of the Mexicans can scarcely be exaggerated, when
it is put down at four thousand. Santa Anna must have had with him at
least seventeen thousand men. When we last heard from him, previous to
the battle, he was at San Fernando, waiting for all the various detachments
of his army to assemble, preparatory to his attack. This was on the 17th,
and the attack was fixed for the 21st. Now, as Santa Anna knew exactly
Taylor's situation and force, he would certainly not attack him until he
had collected all his available troops, and these we know, allowing for desertion and for a corps de reserve, could not have fallen short of seventeen
thousand, as he left San Luis with twenty-three thousand. If, then, with
such a force as this, after a two days' hard fight, and after inflicting upon
General Taylor so heavy a loss, he is compelled to withdraw twenty miles
to the rear, the conclusion is inevitable that he has sustained a prodigious
loss, and is irretrievably beaten. The army of General Taylor may be
considered as reduced at least one-third by casualties and by details to take
3P2
726 BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
care of the wounded. This would leave but about three thousand men to
hold his position, and we know he did hold it for several days after the
action, undisturbed by the enemy."
General Taylor issued the following congratulatory orders on the 26th,
three days after the battle:
" 1. The commanding general has the grateful task of congratulating the
troops upon the brilliant success which attended their arms in the conflict
of the 22d and 23d. Confident of the immense superiority of numbers,
and stimulated by the presence of a distinguished leader, the Mexican
troops were yet repulsed in every effort to force our lines, and finally withdrew with-immense loss from the field.
" 2. The general would express his obligations to the officers and men
engaged, for the cordial support which they rendered throughout the action.
It will be his highest pride to bring to the notice of the government the
conspicuous gallantry of particular officers and corps, whose unwavering
steadiness more than once saved the fortune of the day. He would also
express his high satisfaction with the conduct of the small command left to.hold Saltillo. Though not so seriously engaged as their comrades, their
services were very important and efficiently rendered. While bestowing
this just tribute to the conduct of the troops, the general deeply regrets to
say, that there were not a few exceptions. He trusts that those who fled
ingloriously to Buena Vista, and even to Saltillo, will seek an opportunity
to retrieve their reputation, and to emulate the bravery of their comrades,
who bore the brunt of the battle, and sustained, against fearful odds, the
honour of the flag.
"The exultation of success is checked by the heavy sacrifice of life
which it has cost, embracing many officers of high rank and rare merit.
While the sympathies of a grateful country will be given to the bereaved
families and friends of those who nobly fell, their illustrious example wil)
remain for the benefit and admiration of the army.
"By order of MAJOR-GENERAL TAYLOR.
W. W. S. BLISS, d.djutant-general."
The following are similar documents of Santa Anna to his Mexicans:
General Order of the armrny-2t3d February, 7 o'clock at night —on the
ground occupied by the enemy, camp of La dngostura.
His excellency, the general-in-chief of the army, directs me to announce to
the generals, field and company officers, and the soldiers which compose it,
that he has witnessed with satisfaction the gallant bearing of each one of
them during the days of combat which we have had with the invading
forces of North America. Such bearing is worthy of the soldiers of a
people who desire to be free; and the ground which we now occupy, on
winch the enemy was just now posted, the pieces of artillery, and the
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 727
cotlors we have taken, and the thousand corpses of the enemy which are
scattered around us, will always be evidence of the valour of the soldiers
of Mexico. His excellency also directs me to say, that in testimony of
the brave deeds of his subordinates, he will present them to the nation
and to the supreme government, with his commendation; and, taking into
consideration the fatigues of these days and the scarcity of provisions
which the troops are suffering, that he will direct them to be so disposed
that they may recover themselves so as to conclude with glory the enterprise so brilliantly commenced. He directs that this order shall be communicated to the army in a general order extraordinary.
By command of his excellency, M. MICHELTORENA.
General Order (about midnight) of 23d, (while marching.)
His excellency the general-in-chief has directed that the army shall
repose this day, it being understood that the design of retiring to this point
is purely stratagetical, to see if the enemy will abandon his position, so that
the cavalry can have an opportunity to operate. His exceiency also
directs that I should express to the generals, field and other officers, and to
the soldiers, the satisfaction which he has derived from their brilliant deportment on the illustrious day of the 22d, and in the battle of the 23d.
Victory has been ours. The loss of the enemy in men has been immense;
and then we have in our possession his colours and his artillery, which
the infantry as well as cavalry, each for itself, succeeded in taking from the
enenly. The unevenness of the ground alone saved from our swords the
miserable remnant of the enemy which have already fled for Saltillo. For
all which, the commander-in-chief cffers every class his due thanks, trusting that hereafter they will continue +o give similar proofs of heir discipline
and patriotism —services which the nation will ever acknowledge. * * * *
By order of his excellency, M. MICHELTORENA.
Upon hearing of the battle, the governor of San Luis Potosi issued a
pompous declaration, claiming a complete victory to the Mexican arms.
Many of the inhabitants thought different.
We have thus collected into one view all the documents which might
assist the reader in forming a clear as well as comprehensive opinion of this great action, abstaining in the meanwhile, as much as possible, from any remarks of our own. It is difficult to judge fairly and
impartially of any great national event, recently enacted. Party or national prejudices, the fear of opposition, deference to the opinions of
others, and often ignorance of important circumstances, all combine to
warp the verdict of the historian. To these may be added the unavoidable accumulation of different and often contradictory evidences and
authorities, which frequently renders even a correct narration of the event
itself an impossibility. Hence the conflicting statements of many of
728 BATTIE OF BUENA VISTA.
Napoleon's battles, cf General Greene at Eutaw Springs, and of the British
in India. On the other hand, when time has divested the great event of
all its appendages, and the sight can grasp it, without being distracted by
a multiplication of attendants, then only the impartial narrator may pronounce with firmness, and without fear of contradiction, of its nature and
merits.
T the battle which we have just described, each
army laboured under its peculiar disadvantages.
The Mexicans were worn out by a fatiguing
march, and debilitated by sickness and hunger.
Several of their generals were also unpopular,
especially those who had been concerned at Monterey; and more than all, they were the assailants
of an army flushed with the remembrance of former victories, and occupying picked ground,
which is universally acknowledged to be one of the strongest positions
which a military force had ever defended. The Americans, however, were
far inferior in numbers, in artillery, and especially in cavalry; and, with
the exception of a few companies, were composed entirely of new volunteer
troops, who had been drawn from the quiet pursuits of every-day life, and
were almost unknown to their officers and to each other. On the other
hand, both were commanded by popular generals, possessing the entire
confidence of their commands, both were certain of victory, and both confident that the eyes of their governments were upon them. The balance
of advantage however must be conceded to the Mexicans; for we cannot
resist the impression, that had the assailants been of the same nation or
same military character with their opponents, General Taylor must have
been cut to pieces. To other causes, then, than those just mentioned, we
must ascribe the result of the conflict, and these are to be found in the systematic co-operation of each corps and commander, with the general-inchief and with each other, thus forming a federal whole; in the coolness
evinced by almost every company, even while exposed to the most tremendous fires of artillery and musketry; in the fearlessness of the officers,
who were always in advance of their men; to the admirable management
of the artillery; and finally, in no inconsiderable degree to the spirit of
emulation between the regiments of different states, and of which the Mexicans were wholly destitute. These are the qualifications of an army,
without which superior numbers are of but little avail. In that last terrible
charge, when the thousands of cavalry were rushing down upon one devoted corps, had the unanimity of the Americans for one moment forsaken
them, they would that moment have been annihilated. O'Brien had lost
i.. killed and wounded every man and horse, and had seen the hoofs of
the horses strike the muzzles of his guns. But almost at the same
BATTLE OF BUENA VISTa,. 729'nstant, Captain Bragg received his orders, galloped into action, and opened
upon the exulting pursuers so suddenly that confusion ensued almost before
they had time to perceive its source. A similar instance we have in the
conduct of the Mississippi regiment after the retreat of the Indiana troops.
Then, also, the day would have been lost, but for the oneness of action
which pervaded both the officers and men of those gallant troops.
An example of the want of it is given by Santa Anna, in the case of
the failure of General Minon to co-operate with him in the last charge —
and it is to be noted that to this cause alone the dictator ascribes his
defeat.
UT the principal cause of victory-that which combined and
modified all others-was the character and conduct of the
American general. Few men, besides himself, could
have conquered at Buena Vista; none other could have
inspired the troops with such devotion and enthusiasm.
Talents for the choice of position, for the arrangement of
the line of battle, and for the conduct of the engagement,
coolness and intrepidity while exposing his person whenever it became
necessary; together with the determination to conquer, which inspired
through him, all his men, marked his conduct on that day, and securec
him, to future history, as the Hero of Angostura.
After the retreat of Santa Anna, no event of importance transpired,
until the 2d of March, when a force of two hundred Americans, commanded by Major Giddings, and accompanied by a train of a hundred and
fifty wagons, was attacked by General Urrea, at the head of fifteen hundred Mexicans. The first onset of the enemy was repelled; but the
cavalry then attacked the wagon train, and succeeded in driving the teamsters from their horses, and separating the whole into two bodies. A
summons to surrender was now sent to the smaller division, which was
refused, and, soon after, the Americans cut their way through the enemy,
re-united, and forced them to retire. They lost fifteen teamsters and two
soldiers, while the Mexicans left more than forty on the field. Major Giddings entered Seralvo the next morning, and in a few days was joined by
a considerable force under Colonel Curtis, who was in pursuit of Urrea.
On the 16th, the colonel came up with General Taylor, near Marin. The
general was also in pursuit of the Mexicans, having with him May's dragoons and two companies of Bragg's artillery. Notwithstandingt, however, the active exertions of the general, Urrea succeeded in eluding him,
and retreated beyond the mountains; and, soon after, the Americans retired
toward Monterey, and took up a position at Walnut Springs.
The following is the address of General Taylor to the inhabitants oi
Northern Mexico:
VIL 1I.-92
73.0 BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.
The General-in-chief of the.rnericanforces, to the inhabitants of Tamau.
lipas, ANuevo Leon, and Coahuila.
WVhen the American troops first crossed the frontier, and entered the
above states, it was with the intention, and publicly declared to you, of
making war, not upon peaceful citizens of the soil, but upon the central
government of the republic, with a view to obtain an early and an honourable peace. The undersigned was authorized by his government to levy
contributions upon the people, for the support of his army; but, unwilling
to throw the heavy burden of the war upon those who, with few exceptions, manifested a neutral disposition, he has continued, from the first, to
pay punctually and liberally for all supplies drawn from the country for
the support of his troops.
He has used every effort to cause the war to bear lightly upon the people of these states, and he had hoped by this means to retain their confidence and insure their neutrality in the strife between his government and
that of Mexico; but he regrets to say that his kindness has not been
appreciated, but has been met by acts of hostility and plunder. The citizens of the country, instead of pursuing their avocations quietly at home,
have, in armed bands, waylaid the roads, and, under the direction, and
with the support of the government troops, have destroyed trains and
murdered drivers, under circumstances of atrocity which disgrace hutmanitv.
The lives of those who were thus wantonly put to death cannot be
restored, but the undersigned requires from the people of the country an
indemnification for the loss sustained by the destruction of the trains and
the pillage of their contents. To that end, an estimate will be made, by.he proper officers, of the entire loss; and this loss must be made good
either in money or in the products of the country, by the community at
large, of the states of Tamaulipas and New Leon and Coahuila, each district, orjuzgado, paying its just proportion.
It is expected that the rich will bear their full share. And the undersigned
calls upon all good citizens to remain absolutely neutral, and to give no
countenance to the bands which infest the country for the purpose of murdier and pillage. It is his anxious desire to continue the same policy as
heretofore, and he trusts that the course of the citizens will enable him to
do so!
Z. TAYLOR, Maj. Gen. U. S. a.
Head-quarters at Monterey, March 31, 1847.
GiENICRAL SCOTT.
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
S we have formerly stated, General Winfield Scotl
had been sent by government to the seat of war,
previous to the battle of Buena Vista; as he was
the senior officer in rank, he of course becamo
commander-in-chief of the whole southern armly.'sbE > He cannot, however, be said to have superseded
-i z E Taylor, as the sphere of operations of the two
Alit t gt / generals was entirely different. The order defin-,nrg the duties of the new commander is as follows:
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, November 523, 1S4f0.
Sir, —The President, several days since, communicated in person to you
his orders to repair to Mexico, to take the command of the forces the'e asseln731
732 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
bled, and particularly to organize and set on foot an expedition to operate
on thie Gulf coast, if, on arriving at the theatre of action, you shall deem it
to be practicable. It is not proposed to control your operations by definite
and positive instructions, but you are left to prosecute them as your judgment, under a full view of all the circumstances, shall dictate. The work
is before you, and the means provided, or to be provided, for accomplishing
it, are committed to you, in the full confidence that you will use them to
the best advantage.
The objects which it is desirable to obtain have been indicated, and it is
hoped that you will have the requisite force to accomplish them.
Of this you must be the judge, when preparations are made, and the
time for action arrived.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. L. MARCY, Secretary of XWar.
Gen. WINFIELD SCOTT.
N pursuance of this order, General Scott sailed
from New York on the 30th of November, and
reached the Rio Grande on the 1st of January.
The great object of the new army was an
attack upon the Mexican city and fort of Vera Cruz and
San Juan d'Ulloa. The land forces of the general were
to be assisted by the naval squadron under Commodore
Conner. The latter embarked at the depot, and on the 7th of March
landed at Anton Lizardo. Still the forces of the general were not sufficient
to justify an attack, and he was obliged to detach a large number from the
troops under General Taylor. These reached him in February, and augmented his army to about twelve thousand men.
The following excellent description of the city and castle of Vera Cruz,
we extract from the New York Herald; it will be seen chat the Mexicans
were justifiable in regarding it as impregnable:
"Vera Cruz is situated in 19~ 11' 52" north latitude, and Fahrenheit's
thermometer has an average range there of 77 degrees. One portion of its
walls is washed by the Atlantic, and the shore on the opposite side is a dry
and sandy plain. Measuring from the wharf of the city to the fortress of
San Juan de Ulloa, the latter is 1072 varas distant, and its circumference
is 3174.
" The city is situated on the exact spot where Cortes landed on the 21st
of April, 1519, to which he then gave the name of Chalchiuheuecan. The
city, however, was not founded at that time. The first Spanish colony
which occupied the Mexican territory was the Villa Rica de Vera Cruz,
according to the account given by the illustrious Clavijero. This was
situated three leagues from Tempoala, but wvas abandoned three years sub
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 733
sequent to its occupation; and t~e town afterwards known as La Antigua
was raised in place of it. This latter is situated more to the south. At
the end of the sixteenth century, during the period when the Marquis of
Monterey was governor of Mexico, the present city of Vera Cruz was
founded. It was termed New Vera Cruz, in order to distinguish it from
the other one previously alluded to, and in the year 1615, it was incorporated as a city. Seventy-eight years after, that is to say in the year 1683,
the buccaneers took it by surprise and sacked it, the tradition of which
event is still spoken of in Vera Cruz, as the'Invasion of Lorencillo,' that
being the popular name which was given to the Hollander, Lawrence de
Graff, the chief of the pirates who committed this outrage.
"The reason of the several changes made in the site of the city erected
by the first settlers, however, may be somewhat attributed to tlie ravages
made among the two first colonies by the yellow fever, or vomito prieto.
Unfortunately, though, the new settlement of New Vera Cruz did not at all
assist the new settlers in this particular, for in addition to the insalubrious
nature of its warm and moist climate, there were other causes that were
equally unfavourable, such as the ponds and marshes in the immediate
vicinity of the city —the exhalations from which poisoned the atmosphere
-and the reflected heat from the sandy plains that were still nearer, raised
the temperature to a most extraordinary height. Added to these difficulties was the bad quality of the water, and the immense abundance of that
tormenting kind of musquito called the tancudo, whose bite gave rise to
great irritation of the system.
"All these causes operating together, gave rise to various affections
among those who were acclimated. The most common effects were more
or less serious tertian fevers, whilst the stranger felt them in an attack of
the terrible vomito, the very name of which is sufficient to terrify the inhabitants of the more salubrious interior. Observation and experience,
however, have now served to show all that can be done towards curing
this awful disease, and, consequently, its ravages have not been so great for
some years past. The two following facts have likewise been ascertained
regarding it-first, that foreigners who have once become acclimated in
Vera Cruz, then enjoy better health than do the natives of that place; and,
second, that though the climate is so unhealthy and fatal during those
periods of the year when great heat and heavy rains prevail, yet, that as
soon as the north winds (which commence in October, and end in April)
blow sufficiently strong to remove the miasmatic exhalations and Inusquitoes, and cool the atmosphere, then it becomes much more healthy than the
climate of many places in the interior.
"The city is small, but from the regularity which marks its laying out, it
is beautiful. The streets are wide, straight, and well pavetd.'The houses,
of which there are one thousand and sixty-three, are mostly two stories
3 q
734 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
high, and built of the Muscara stone, taken from the sea-beach. There
are some three stories high, and of fine architectural design, with their internal arrangements corresponding to the beauty of their external appearance. The finest public buildings are those near the wharf, which have
not long been built, and contain the principal public offices. We may also
notice the market-place that has been recently laid out; the parish or principal church; the military and female hospitals; the maritime custom-house,
and the convent of St. Augustine, formerly occupied by the Jesuits. This
latter is remarkable for the solidity of its walls. The other convents of
San Francisco, Santo Domingo, La Merced, and Belen, are more remarkable for their extent than for their architectural merits. The streets are
well lighted by means of two hundred and thirty-two lamps, which suffice
to illuminate them perfectly on dark nights. The excellent organization
of the night-watch perfectly fulfils its object. In addition to the hospitals
we have mentioned, there are others for the reception of male patients.
The cemetery, which is situated outside the walls, is one of the handsomest
in the republic.
" The country in the vicinity of Vera Cruz produces almost every thing,
in the way of eatables, required by the inhabitants of that city. The
woods abound in game, the fields in grain, vegetables and tropical fruits,
and the savannas or plains with cattle. The sea, rivers, and large lakes
abound with a great variety of fish, and the elevated and temperate regions
with the various fruits and vegetables natural to those climates, while
numerous vessels from Europe and America bring into the port all the
various wines, liquors, and delicacies which the most refined epicure can
desire.
"As Vera Cruz is one of the strongholds of the republic, in this description of it, it will not be amiss to give some idea of its fortifications. These
consist of nine towers connected together by means of a stone and mortar
wall, which, however, is not very thick. The two towers named Santiago
and Conception are the most important, as well from their size and strength,
as from the fact that by their position they contribute much to the defence
of the port. They are situated at that portion of the walls looking toward
the castle of San Juan, and are distant from each other one thousand two
hundred and seventy varas. The other towers, including the one called
San Fernando, are almost equal in shape, size, and strength. All of them
can mount one hundred pieces of artillery of various sizes; and save those
of the middle ones, their fires all cross in front of the guard-houses,
the external walls of which form part of the walls which surround the
city.
"Although the port of Vera Cruz is the principal one in the Gulf of
Mexico, it is very dangerous during the seasons of the northers —that
which is called the bay being, in reality, nothing more than a bad road
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 735
stead. The republic of Mexico is as badly situated in this respect on
the eastern coast, as it is highly favourable on the western; and Baron
Humboldt.but too faithfully described the harbour of Vera Cruz when he
said, that the only shelter it affords shipping is a dangerous anchorage
among shoals. The ruinous condition into which the city wharf has been
allowed latterly to fall, has not, by any means, contributed to lessen the
serious inconvenience and risk which the maritime commerce of the place
experiences from this state of things. This latter difficulty, however, we
trust, will not be of long duration, as the necessary repairs have lately
been commenced on the wharf, and, unless the funds fail, we hope to see
this work completed during the coming year.
"The situation which Vera Cruz has occupied in the scale of Mvexican
civilization since the era of the emancipation from the Spanish yoke, is,
undoubtedly, very high. The rising generation is gifted with excellent
talents and imaginations, as ardent and lively as their climate; and it is
much to be regretted that they have not had the advantages of good colleges in their city to foster and bring out their capacities. The Vera
Cruzanos are not less distinguished for force of character, than they are for
capacity-as they are frank, affable and generous. Indeed, it would be
difficult to instance any other part of the republic, where the inhabitants
are better informed or more refined, or where there are more ideas of
liberty and progression, less fanaticism, or better customs. The lower
classes in the vicinity are not so addicted, generally speaking, to those
lamentably dissipated and debauched habits, which are, unfortunately, too
often found among the lower classes of the populace of the larger cities;
and long periods of time often elapse in Vera Cruz, without the occurrence
of any of those awful crimes which are so frequent in other parts. When
homicides or murders occur, it is generally among the soldiery; and the
robberies that are committed are, almost always, the work of strangers.
Travellers arriving in the night during the hot season would be much
surprised by finding the doors of the houses left open, and their inmates
asleep. Yet such is the result of the confidence which the morality of
the inhabitants inspires.
"Though in times past, Vera Cruz, from its riches and mercantile activity, well deserved the title of the Tyre of America; it is, at the preseeL
day, falling rapidly into decay. Its business, which, in the year 1802,
amounted to the enormous sum of eighty-two millions and forty-seven
thousand dollars, has now (1844) become quite insignificant; and the
population, which in 1804 exceeded twenty thousand souls, now scarcely
amounts to seven thousand, even including the garrison. Vera Cruz is,
beyond all doubt, the point in the republic which has been most severely
tried in these latter times. In 1821, it was besieged and carried by the'ndependent troops; in 1822, it was again besieged by the Spanish troops,
'736 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
and between the 25th of September, 1823, and the 23d of November, 1825,
it was thrice bombarded by the Spanish, who were occupying the castle
of San Juan. In 1832, it was again besieged by what were termed the
ministerial troops; and, in 1838, it was blockaded and taken by the French.
The results of some of those sufferings have been very beneficial to the
republic, and honourable to the city itself. It is the keystone of the
republic, and well deserves the title of Heroica, which it has borne since
the year 1825, when she accomplished the taking of the fortress of San
Juan from its Spanish occupants.
"The castle of San Juan de Ulloa is unquestionably the most celebrated of all American fortresses. Its construction was commenced in the
year 1582, upon a bar or bank, in front of the town of Vera Cruz, at the
distance of one thousand and sixty-two Castilian varas or yards, and it is
entirely surrounded by water. The centre of the area occupied by this
fortress is a small island, upon which Juan de Grijalva landed a year
previous to the arrival of Cortes upon the continent, and, at that period, it
accidentally received the name which it retains to this present day. It
seems that there was a shrine or temple erected upon it, in which human
victims were sacrificed to the Indian gods; and as the Spaniards were
informed that these offerings were made in accordance with the commands
of the kings of Acolhua, (one of the provinces of the empire,) they confounded or abbreviated this name into the word Ulloa, which they affixed
to the island.
"Sixty-one years after the conquest, the work was undertaken, and
although it seems to have been designed, not only to defend Vera Cruz,
but to attack it in case of necessity, that city was, nevertheless, sacked
by the pirates, under the renowned freebooter, Lorencillo, in the year
1683.
"The cost of the castle has been estimated by various writers, to have
amounted to the sum of forty millions of dollars; and it may not be regarded as an exaggeration, if we consider the difficulty of obtaining some
of the materials of which it is composed, and the fact that a large portion
of it is built in foundations laid in the sea, whose waves it has resisted
for more than two centuries.
"According to a report made on the 17th of January, 1775, it was the
opinion of a council of war, composed of distinguished officers, that this
fortress, after all its defences were completed, would require a garrison for
effective service, composed of seventeen hundred infantry soldiers, three
hundred artillery, two hundred and twenty-eight sailors, and a hundred
supernumeraries.
"The exterior polygon, which faces Vera Cruz, extends three hundred
yards in length, whilst that which defends the north channel is, at least,
two hundred yards long. Besides this, there is a low battery situated in
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 7,37
the bastion of Santiago, which doubles the fire on that channel. The
southern channel is commanded also by the battery of San Miguel.
"The whole fortress is constructed of Madrepora.strea, a species of
soft coral, which abounds in the neighbouring islands. Its walls are from
four to five yards in thickness, their exterior being faced with a harder
stone. It is well supplied with water, having seven cisterns within the
castle, which altogether contain ninety-three thousand seven hundred and
sixty-seven cubic feet of water. Its full equipment of artillery pieces is
three hundred and seventy; but it contained only a hundred and seventyseven when attacked by the French in 1838."
In February, a regiment of Louisiana volunteers, commanded by Colonel
Russey, were wrecked near the island of Lobos. Here they were met by
a summons to surrender, from a large Mexican force under General Cos;
but although the colonel's men were without arms, he presented a bold
front, and delayed his answer until night, when leaving his baggage, and
lighting camp-fires, he left his position, and by forced marches reached
Tampico, the American head-quarters.
E will describe the landing and principal
Scte etevents of the siege, in the language of eyewitnesses, believing that a clearer idea is
thereby conveyed than from a mere detailed
narrative.
Q Immediately after landing at Lizardo, the
two commanding officers made a reconnoissance in the steamer Petrita, and selected
the beach due west from the island of Sacri_X+, at ) ficios, as the most suitable point to land the
troops. The landing is thus described by
the commodore in his official letter to the secretary of the navy at Washington.
"The anchorage near this place being extremely contracted, it became
necessary, in order to avoid crowding it with an undue number of vessels,
to transfer most of the troops to the vessels of war for transportation to
Sacrificios. Accordingly, on the morning of the 9th, at daylight, all necessary preparations-such as launching and numbering the boats, detailing
officers, &c.-having been previously made, this transfer was commenced.
The frigates received on board between twenty-five and twenty-eight hundred men each, with their arms and accoutrements, and the sloops and
smaller vessels numbers in proportion. This part of the movement was
completed very successfully about 11 o'clock, A. M., and a few minutes
thereafter the squadron under my command, accompanied by the commanding general, in the steamship Massachusetts, and such of the transports -a
had been selected for the purpose, got under way.
VOL. 11. —93
CAPTURE OF VERA CI U Z.
"The weather was very fine-indeed we could not have been more
favoured in this particular than we were. We had a fresh and yet gentle
breeze from the south-east, and a perfectly smooth sea. The passage to
Sacrificios occupied us between two and three hours. Each ship came in
and anchored without the slightest disorder or confusion, in the small space
allotted to her-the harbour being still very much crowded, notwithstanding the number of transports we had left behind. The disembarkation
commenced on the instant.
" Whilst we were transferring the troops from the ships to the surf-boats,
(sixty-five in number,) I directed the steamers Spitfire and Vixen, and the
five gun-boats, to form a line parallel with and close in to the beach, to cover
the landing. This order was promptly executed, and these small vessels,
from the lightness of their draught, were enabled to take positions within
good grape-range of the shore. As the boats severally received their complements of troops, they assembled in a line, abreast, between the fleet and
the gun-boats; and when all were ready, they pulled in together, under
the guidance of a number of officers of the squadron, who had been detailed for this purpose. General Worth commanded this, the first line ot
the army, and had the satisfaction of forming his command on the beach
and neighbouring heights just before sunset. Four thousand five hundred
men were thus thrown on shore, alhnost simultaneously. No enemy appeared to offer us the slightest opposition. The first line being landed, the
boats in successive trips relieved the men-of-war and transports of the remaining troops by 10 o'clock, P. M. The whole army, (save a few straggling companies,) consisting of upwards of ten thousand men, were thus
safely deposited on shore, without the slightest accident of any kind.
"The officers and seamen under my command vied with each other, on
this occasion, in a zealous and energetic performance of their duty. I
cannot but express to the department the great satisfaction I have derived
from witnessing their efforts to contribute all in their power to the success
of their more fortunate brethren of the army. The weather still continuing fine, to-day we are engaged in landing the artillery, horses, provisions,
and other material. The steamer New Orleans, with the Louisiana regiment of volunteers, eight hundred strong, arrived most opportunely at
Anton Lizardo, just as we had put ourselves in motion. She joined us, and
her troops were landed with the rest. Another transport arrived at this
anchorage to-day. Her troops have also been landed.
" General Scott has now with him upwards of eleven thousand men. At
his request, I permitted the marines of the squadron, under Captain Edson,
to join him, as a part of the third regiment of artillery. The general-inchief landed this morning, and the army put itself in motion at an early
hour, to form its lines around the city. There has been some distant firing
od shot and shells from the town and castle upon the troops, as they ad
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 739
7anced, but without result. I am still of the opinion, expressed in my
previous communications, as to the inability of the enemy to hold out for
any length of time. The castle has, at most, but four or five weeks' provisions, and the town about enough to last for the same time."
The following are the despatches of General Scott, describing the
siege:
HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE ARMY, CAMP WASHINGTON,
Before Vera Cruz, MIarch 23, 1847.
Sir, —Yesterday, seven of our ten-inch mortars being in battery, and the
labours for planting the remainder of our heavy metal being in progress, I
addressed, at 2 o'clock, P. M., a summons to the governor of Vera Cruz,
and within two hours limited by the bearer of the flag, received the governor's answer. Copies of the two papers (marked respectively, A and B)
are herewith enclosed.
It will be perceived that the governor, who it turns out is the commander
of both places, chose, against the plain terms of the summons, to suppose
me to have demanded the surrender of the castle and of the city-when,
in fact, from the non-arrival of our heavy metal —principally mortars-I
was in no condition to threaten the former.
On the return of the flag with that reply, I at once ordered the seven
mortars, in battery, to open upon the city. In a short time the smaller
vessels of Commodore Perry's squadron-two steamers and five schooners
-according to previous arrangement with him, approached the city within
about a mile and an eighth, whence, being partially covered from the castle
-an essential condition to their safety-they also opened a brisk fire upor.
the city. This has been continued, uninterruptedly, by the mortars, only
with a few intermissions, by the vessels, up to 9 o'clock this morning,
when the commodore, very properly, called them off a position too daringly
assumed.
Our three remaining mortars are now (12 o'clock, M.) in battery, and
the whole ten in activity. To-morrow, early, if the city should continue
obstinate, batteries Nos. 4 and 5 will be ready to add their fire: No. 4,
consisting of four twenty-four pounders and two eight-inch Paixhan guns,
and No. 5, (naval battery,) of three thirty-two pounders and three eightinch Paixhans-the guns, officers, and sailors landed from the squadronour friends of the navy being unremitting in their zealous co-operation, in
every mode and form.
So far, we know that our fire upon the city has been highly effectiveparticularly from the batteries of ten-inch mortars, planted at about eight
hundred yards from the city. Including the preparation and defence of
the batteries, from the beginning-now many days-and notwithstanding
the heavy fire of the enemy from city and castle, we have only had four
or five men wounded, and one officer and one man killed, in or near the
740 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ
trenches. That officer was Captain John R. Vinton, of the United States
third artillery, one of the most talented, accomplished, and effective mem
bhers of the army, and was highly distinguished in the brilliant operations
at Monterey. He fell, last evening, in the trenches, where he was on duty
as field and commanding officer, universally regretted. I have just attended
his honoured remains to a soldier's grave, in full view of the enemy and
within reach of his guns.
Thirteen of the long-needed mortars-leaving twenty-seven, besides
heavy guns, behind —have arrived, and two of them landed. A heavy
norther then set in (at meridian) which stopped that operation, and also the
landing of shells. Hence the fire of our mortar batteries has been slackened, since 2 o'clock to-day, and cannot be reinvigorated until we shall
again have a smooth sea. In the mean time I shall leave this report open
for journalizing events that may occur up to the departure of the steamshipof-war Princeton, with Commodore Conner, who, I learn, expects to leave
the anchorage off Sacrificios, for the United States, the 25th instant.
March 24. —The storm having subsided in the night, we commenced
this forenoon, as soon as the sea became a little smooth, to land shot, shells.
and mortars.
The naval battery, No. 5, was opened, with great activity, under Captain
Aulick, the second in rank of the squadron, at about 10 A. M. His fire
was continued to 2 o'clock, P. M., a little before he was relieved by Captain
Mayo, who landed with a fresh supply of ammunition —Captain A. having exhausted the supply he had brought with him. He lost four sailors
killed, and had one officer, Lieutenant Baldwin, slightly hurt.
The mortar batteries, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, have fired but languidly during
the day, for the want of shells, which are now going out from the beach.
The two reports of Colonel Bankhead, chief of artillery, both of this
date, copies of which I enclose, give the incidents of these three batteries.
Battery No. 4, which will mount four twenty-four pounders and two
eight-inch Paixhan guns, has been much delayed in the hands of the indefatigable engineers by the norther, that filled up the work with sand nearly
as fast as it could be opened by the half-blinded labourers. It will, however, doubtless be in full activity early to-morrow morning.
March 25.-The Princeton being about to start for Philadelphia, I have
but a moment to continue this report.
All the batteries, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5, are in awful activity this morn-ng. The effect is, no doubt, very great, and I think the city cannot hold
out beyond to-day. To-morrow morning many of the new mortars will be
in a position to add their fire, when, or after the delay of some twelve
hours, if no proposition to surrender should be received, I shall organize
parties for carrying the city by assault. So far the defen:e has been spi
sited and obstinate
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 741
I enclose a copy of a memorial received last night, signed by the consuls:f Great Britain, France, Spain, and Prussia, within Vera Cruz, asking
mne to grant a truce to enable the neutrals, together with Mexican women
and children, to withdraw from the scene of havoc about them. I shall
reply, the moment that an opportunity may be taken, to say-First, That
a truce can only be granted on the application of Governor Morales, with
a view to surrender; second, That in sending safeguards to the different
consuls, beginning as far back as the 13th instant, I distinctly admonished
them, particularly the French and Spanish consuls-and, of course, through
the two, the other consuls —of the dangers that have followed; third,
That although, at that date, I had already refused to allow any person
whatsoever to pass the line of investment either way, yet the blockade
nad been left open to the consuls and other neutrals to pass out to their
respective ships of war up to the 22d instant; and, fourth, I shall enclose
to the memorialists a copy of my summons to the governor, to show that I
had fully considered the impending hardships and distresses of the place,
including those of women and children, before one gun had been fired in
that direction. The intercourse between the neutral ships-of-war and the
city was stopped at the last-mentioned date by Commodore Perry, with my
concurrence, which I placed on the ground that that intercourse could not
fail to give to the enemy moral aid and comfort.
It will be seen from the memorial, that our batteries have already had a
terrible effect on the city, (also known through other sources,) and hence
the inference that a surrender must soon be proposed. In haste,
I have the honour to remain, sir, with high respect, your most obedient
servant, WINFIELD SCOTT.
Hon. WILLIAM L. MARCY, Secretary of War.
HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE ARMY,
Vera Cruz, March 29, 1847.
SIR,-The flag of the United States of America floats triumphantly over
the walls of this city and the castle of St. Juan de Ulloa.
Our troops have garrisoned both since 10 o'clock. It is now noon.
Brigadier-general Worth is in command of the two places.
Articles of capitulation were signed and exchanged at a late hour night
before the last. I enclose a copy of the document.
I have heretofore reported the principal incidents of the siege, up to the
25th instant. Nothing of striking interest occurred, until early in the
morning of the next day, when I received overtures from General Landero,
on whom General Morales has devolved the principal command. A terrible storm of wind and sand made it difficult to communicate with the city,
and impossible to refer to Commodore Perry. I was obliged to entertain the
proposition alone, or to cont:nue the fire upon a place that had shown a dispo
742 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
sition to surrender; for the loss of a day, or perhaps several, coulc not be pez
mitted. The accompanying papers will show the proceedings and results.
Yesterday, after the norther had abated,and the commissioners appointed
by me early the morning before had again met those appointed by General
Landero, Commodore Perry sent ashore his second in command, Captain
Aulick, as a commissioner on the part of the navy. Although not included
in my specific arrangement made with the Mexican commander, I did not
hesitate, with proper courtesy, to desire that Captain Aulick might be duly
introduced and allowed to participate in the discussions and acts of the
commissioners who had been reciprocally accredited. Hence the preamble
to his signature. The original American commissioners were, Brevet
Brigadier-general Worth, Brigadier-general Pillow, and Colonel Totten.
Four more able or judicious officers could not have been desired.
I have time to add but little more. The remaining details of the siege;
the able co-operation of the United States squadron, successively under the
command of Commodores Conner and Perry; the admirable conduct of
the whole army-regulars and volunteers —I should be happy to dwell
upon as they deserve; but the steamer Princeton, with Commodore Conner
on board, is under way, and I have commenced organizing an advance into
the interior. This may be delayed a few days, waiting the arrival of additional means of transportation. In the mean time, a joint operation, by
land and water, will be made upon Alvarado. No lateral expedition,
however, shall interfere with the grand movement towards the capital.
In consideration of the great services of Colonel Totten, in the siege that
has just terminated most successfully, and the importance of his presence
at Washington, as the head of the engineer bureau, I intrust this despatch
to his personal care, and beg to commend him to the very favourable consideration of the department.
I have the honour to remain,, sir, with high respect, your most obedient
servant, WINFIELD SCOTT.
Hon. W. L. MARCY, Secretary of War.
Gentlemen who were eye-witnesses to the scenes which they portray,
write as follows:
CAMP OF THE BESIEGING ARMY, March 10, 1847.
At 2 o'clock this morning the camp was aroused by a brisk fire from the
enemy, and the balls came whistling through, "as thick as hail," breaking
one man's thigh, and wounding two others. Instead of "beating the long
roll," as usual in cases of alarm, a small detachment, under Captain Gordon, was sent out to reconnoitre. He had not proceeded over two or three
hundred yards, when he found his command in the close vicinity of a body
mf men. He hailed them, and they answered him in English, but the
zaptaln, not admiring their accent, withdrew his small force a short dis
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 743
tance, and again hailed, when he was answered with a volley of musketry
from their whole body, which was returned by the detachment, and had
the effect of compelling the Mexicans to retire towards the town. Nothing
but tLe sagacity of an experienced and able officer prevented the capture
or destruction of the whole reconnoitering detachment.
The steamer Spitfire, Captain Tatnall, at sunrise took position in front
of the castle and town, and commenced a fire, by way of "opening the
ball," which she continued for about an hour, and which was returned by
the castle and city.
Shortly after the Spitfire commenced firing, the first and second divisions
moved in a column up the beach towards the city, about a mile, and proceeded to invest the place. A Mexican force of cavalry and infantry,
numbering, perhaps, four or five regiments in all, showed themselves on
the sand heights towards the city, at the distance of half a mile from our
advance, and commenced firing musketry. One of the mountain howitzers
and rockets were placed on the hills, and fired a few shots and sent a few
rockets whizzing through the air without any effect. The Mexicans
appeared to be a little shy of them at first, but soon recommenced spreading their line along the hill and firing their muskets. Captain Taylor
was then ordered to try their mettle with a six-pounder, which had not
been fired but a few times before they withdrew behind the hill, and left
for some place secure from danger. In this firing there wag one Mexican
killed.
General Worth succeeded in taking his position on the right of the line
of investment by 11 o'clock. The line circumvallating the city, when
completed, will run along a chain of sand-hills about three miles from the
city, ranging from three hundred to fifteen hundred feet high, and cempletely overlooking and commanding the town and fortifications, but the
heavy guns from the castle can be brought to bear upon the right wing of
the line, where no doubt the quarters will be very hot.
As soon as General Worth had occupied his ground, General Patterson's division took up its march, with General Pillow's brigade in advance,
for the purpose of forming on the left of General Worth. The advance,
however, did not proceed over a mile before they became engaged with
the enemy in a thick cluster of chapparel. A rapid fire immediately
ensued, which lasted about twenty minutes. The Mexicans retreated, and
no loss on either side that I could ascertain positively; though I have
heard it repeatedly this evening that five dead Mexicans had been found.
General Pillow again commenced extending the line, but owing to thgreat difficulty and labour of cutting a road in the chapparel, through
which he had to pass, he had not proceeded more than half a mile, up to
4 o'clock, P. M., when he again came in contact with the enemy, wno
were in ambuscade. The firing was so heavy, and appeared so to in
744 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
crease, that General Patterson despatched the New York regiment, of
Shields's brigade, to the assistance of General Pillow-but only one company of the New Yorkers arrived at the point of attack before General
Pillow had routed the enemy by a charge. In this engagement, two of
the first Pennsylvanians were slightly wounded, viz.: M. Crann, of company C, and T. Tice, of company F.
A body of Mexicans was shortly afterwards discovered, through a glass,
on the left flank of General Pillow's command, at a house known as a
magazine, and I expect it has been occupied as such. A six-pounder was
brought to bear on it from one of the heights in our possession, which
caused them to leave without ceremony.
Towards sundown, General Pillow's brigade very unexpectedly succeeded in reaching one of the highest points in the rear of the city, and
planting the " stars and stripes," which they greeted, as one of the Tennesseans said, with "three of the biggest kind of cheers."
The batteries from town and castle kept throwing thirteen-inch shells,
and twenty-four pound round-shot, at the entire line, until dark. One of
them exploded immediately in front of General Worth and staff, and a
portion of it passed through Captain Blanchard's company, but fortunately
without injuring any one.
General Quitman's brigade now moved forward and encamped on the
right of General Pillow.
CAMP OF THE BESIEGING ARMY,
three miles in rear of city, March 11, 1847.
This morning, shortly after daylight, the batteries from the caLie and
the town opened on our lines, and continued, with short intervals, throughout the day. I sincerely regret to announce that, among our losses to-day,
is the death of Captain William Alburtis, of the second infantry. His
head was shot off with a twenty-four pound shot from the city, while
marching with the regiment to join General Twiggs, at the north end.
Captain Alburtis was a printer, and former editor of the Virginia Republican, at Martinsburg, Va. There was also killed by the cannonade, Private Cunningham, of company A, mounted rifles, and a drummer boy of
company B, second artillery, had his arm shot off.
About 7 o'clock this morning, General Quitman's brigade was ordered
to relieve General Pillow from the position he had occupied during the
night, in order that his troops might get their breakfast, and procure water
to last during the day. The Mexicans saw our party leaving the height,
but did not see the other coming up with their cavalry, expecting, no
doubt, to steal upon their rear, but they were very much mistaken.
General Quitman advanced to the top of the hill, and a rapid fire at long
shots was kept up for about an hour. Captain Davis, of the Georgia regi
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 745
ment, with twenty riflemen, were sent as sk;rmishers, to incline round
under the hill, and engage them at close quarters. As soon as they
observed Captain Davis, about two hundred advanced on him, but with his
small force he held them in check until Colonel Jackson, with the balance
of three companies, and Colonel Dickenson, with his regiment, came to his
assistance, when the enemy were compelled to retreat under the cover of
the guns of the town, with the loss of several dead and some wounded,
Our loss in this affair this morning is seven slightly wounded.
The column of General Twiggs moved up this morning, with the
mounted rifles in advance, at 9 o'clock, to take position on the left of the
fine. The undertaking was a most arduous one, but with General Twiggs
there is " no such word as fail." When his cannon could not be hauled
by horses, they were pulled and lifted by his men, and they were taken
up and over sand-ridges that I should think it utterly impossible, and
beyond the physical strength of men, to surmount. The advance of this
column arrived at their destination, on the sea-shore, above the town, about
2 o'clock, and the rear closed up at sundown.
This now entirely circumscribes the place, and the entire line investing
occupies a space of ground about eight miles in length. As the troops
lay stretched along the hills and valleys, with the stars and stripes dotted
here and there, fluttering in the breeze, they present to the view a majestic
and sublime appearance. The enemy are now completely within our
grasp, and whether they can rend asunder the chains that bind them to
the confined limits of the walls of the city and castle, remains to be seen.
General Worth occupies the right, General Twiggs the left, and General
Patterson the centre. If either of these officers can be moved from their
positions, one foot, by any force that can be brought against them, I am
very much mistaken. Having our position, in the course of two or three
days the mortars and cannon will be planted on the heights, when the
enemy will have an opportunity of witnessing the effects of our shot upon
their city.
I was informed, at a late hour last night, that Colonel Persifor F. Smith,
with his rifles, has had a very pretty fight with a force of about eight
hundred from the city, and compelled them to retire in quick time, with a
loss of about twenty-five killed, and several wounded, and sustaining a loss
of two or three privates killed and wounded.
I have made diligent inquiry into the health of the army to-day, and the
surgeons state that they never knew the army to be in better health and
condition, and no evidence of any thing like vomito.
[From the Correspondence of the Tropic.]
OFF VERA CRUZ, March 13, 1S47.
~ * * * Nothing has been more remarkable in this
campaign than the quietness with which the troops were permitted to land
VOL. II.-94 3 R
746 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
I have the assurance of officers, whose experience qualifies them to judge,
that three pieces of cannon, judiciously planted, and masked by the small
eminence which overhangs the point of landing, would have produced
terrible havoc amongst our troops. I believe that three pieces so planted
and masked, and served with grape and canister-shot, would have placed
at least five thousand of our men hors du combat, before they could have
reached the position which they were permitted to take unmolested. They
could have spiked their guns upon our advance, and retired in perfect
safety. To what are we to attribute this supineness? I cannot guess.
General Scott may have deceived them somewhat by his reconnoissances
of the 6th instant, in which he examined the coast to the northward as
well as to the southward of the city; but this will not account for the mat
ter, as half a dozen guns upon each side of the city could form a con
sideration of trifling importance to them in the way of defence. But so
it was.
Previous to the commencement of the attack, Commodore Perry had
been appointed, by government, to supersede Conner. The following are
the despatches of the former officer, remarkable, like those of General
Taylor, for their terseness and modesty.
FLAG-SHIP MISSISsIPPI, off Vera Cruz, March 25, 1847.
SIR,.-The sailing of the Princeton this day for the United States offers
me an opportunity of informing the department that General Scott had, on
the 22d instant, the day after I assumed command of the squadron, so far
completed the erection of his batteries in the rear of Vera Cruz, as to
authorize the summoning of the city, and, on the refusal of the governor
to surrender, of opening his fire at 3 o'clock of that day.
In conformity with arrangements made in the morning with General
Scott, I directed the flotilla of small steamers and gun-boats of the squadron, led by Commander J. Tatnall, in the Spitfire, to take a position and
commence a simultaneous fire upon the city. The order was promptly
and gallantly executed, and the fire was kept up with great animation until
late in the evening.
On visiting them at their position, I found that the two steamers had
nearly exhausted their ammunition, but having received a fresh supply
during the night from this ship, they, at sunrise, moved to a more favourable and advanced point, and resumed and continued their fire until
recalled by signal.
At the earnest desire of myself and officers, General ScoEt generously
assigned a position in the trenches to be mounted with guns from the
squadron, and worked by seamen. Three eight-inch Paixhans and three.ong thirty-two pounders (all that was required) were consequently landed,
and after immense labour in transporting them through the sand, in which
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 747
parties from the divisions of Generals Patterson, Worth, and Pillow
re'.pectively detached by those officers, cheerfully participated, the pieces
were placed in position and opened upo n the city about 10 o'clock yesterday, immediately drawing upon them a sharp fire from the enemy, which, in
a short time, killed and wounded ten of the detachment fiom the squadron.
In order to give all a chance to serve in the trenches, for the honour of
which there is a great, though generous strife, I have arranged that detachments from each ship, in charge respectively of lieutenants, and the
whole commanded by a captain or commander, shall be relieved every
twenty-four hours. Captain Aulick, assisted by Commander Mackenzie,
and several lieutenants, had the direction of mounting the guns and opening the fire, and well and bravely was the duty performed. Captain
Mayo is now in charge, and will be relieved in turn.
The Ohio arrived on the 22d instant, but, in consequence of a norther,
did not reach her proper anchorage until yesterday afternoon. Detachments of boats from all the vessels are employed night and day in landing
from the transports the stores and munitions of the army.
Enclosed is the list of killed and wounded, ascertained up to this hour,
(12 meridian,) with the report of Captain Aulick; also a list of the small
vessels comprising the flotilla of the squadron, all of which were engaged
on the 22d instant.
I have the honour to be your most obedient servant,
M. C. PERRY, Commanding Home Squadron.
Hon. JOHN Y. MASON, Secretary of the Navy, Washington City, D. C.
Friday, March 26, 1847.
SIR,-The detention of the Princeton enables me to inform the department of events up to this hour, (10 A. M.)
Captain Mayo and his party have returned, having been relieved in the
batteries by a detachment under Captain Breese. I hardly need assure the
department that the party under Captain Mayo sustained, with unabated
courage and spirit, the admirable fire of the naval battery. The bombardment from the trenches was continued through the night. A heavy
norther now blowing, (the third in five days,) has prevented communication
with the shore since last evening. Several merchant vessels have been
thrown, this morning, ashore by the gale.
The report of Captain Mayo is enclosed, as also an additional list of
killed and wounded. Among the names of the killed, will be found that
ot Midshipman T. B. Shubrick, a most amiable and promising young
officer.
I have the honour to be your very obedient servant,
M. C. PERRY, Commanding Home Squadron.
Hon. JOHN Y. MASON, Secretary of the Navy, Washingtonl City, D. C.
748 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
Sunday, March 28, 1847.
Sir, —I am happy to inform you that the city and castle of Vera Cruz
surrendered yesterday to the combined force of the army and navy of the
United States, on terms highly favourable to us.
With high respect, your obedient servant,
M. C. PERRY, Commanding Home Squadron.
Hon. JOHN Y. MASON, Secretary of the Navy.
The terms of capitulation were the following:
"1. The whole garrison, or garrisons, to be surrendered to the arms of
the United States, as prisoners of war, the 29th instant, at 10 o'clock, A. M.;
the garrisons to be permitted to march out with all the honours of war, and
to lay down their arms to such officers as may be appointed by the generalin-chief of the United States armies, and at a point to be agreed upon by
the commissioners.
" 2. Mexican officers shall preserve their arms and private effects, including
horses and horse-furniture, and to be allowed, regular and irregular officers,
as also the rank and file, five days to retire to their respective homes, on
parole, as hereinafter prescribed.
"3. Coincident with the surrender, as stipulated in article 1, the Mexican flags of the various forts and stations shall be struck, saluted by their
own batteries; and, immediately thereafter, Forts Santiago and Conception, and the castle of San Juan de Ulloa, occupied by the forces of the
United States.
"4. The rank and file of the regular portion of the prisoners to be disposed of after surrender and parole, as their general-in-chief may desire,
and the irregular to be permitted to return to their homes. The officers,
in respect to all arms and descriptions of force, giving the usual parole, that
the said rank and file, as well as themselves, shall not serve again until
duly exchanged.
"5. All the material of war, and all public property of every description found in the city, the castle of San Juan de Ulloa and their dependencies, to belong to the United States; but the armament of the same, (not
injured or destroyed in the further prosecution of the actual war,) may be
considered as liable to be restored to Mexico by a definite treaty of peace.
"6. The sick and wounded Mexicans to be allowed to remain in the city,
with such medical officers and attendants, and officers of the army, as may
be necessary to their care and treatment.
" 7. Absolute protection is solemnly guarantied to persons in the city, and
property, and it is clearly understood that no private building or property
is to be taken or used by the forces of the United States, without previous
arrangement with the owners, and for a fair equivalent.
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 749
"8. Absolute freedom of religious worship and ceremonies is solemnly
guarantied."
The following is the letter of General Scott to the Spanish consul in the
city, in reply to a request of the consul, for the protection of the persons
and property of Spanish residents:
HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY,
Camp [Washington, before Vera Cruz.
The undersigned, Major-general Scott, general-in-chief of the armies of
the United States, has had the honour to receive the note dated the 10th
instant, of Senor D. Afiloss G. de Escalante, consul of Spain, residing in
the city of Vera Cruz, asking that the said army, in its operations against
the city, may respect the persons of Spanish subjects and their property
within the same.
The undersigned has great pleasure in recognising the intimate relations
of amity which happily exist between his government and that of Spain,
and the consequent obligations imposed on the public forces of the former,
in their operations against the said city, to respect, as far as may be practicable, Spanish subjects and their property within the same but he begs
to say to the consul of Spain, that in carrying the city, whether by bombardment and cannonade, or assault, or all-and, particularly in the nighttime, it will be exceedingly difficult for the forces of the United States to
perceive the consular flags, or to discriminate between the persons and
property of friends, and the persons and property of the enemy. The
undersigned can, therefore, only promise to do all that circumstances may
possibly permit, to cause such discrimination to be observed; and, in the
mean time, to show his anxiety to carry out that friendly purpose, he sends
to her Spanish majesty's consul, residing in Vera Cruz, a printed safeguard,
under his (Major-general Scott's) sign-manual, to protect as far as practicable the house of the Spanish consul, and Spanish subjects and property
within the same —to be shown, if the city should be carried, to all officers
and soldiers of the United States forces who may approach the house of
the consul; it being well understood, that the said safeguard is solely intended to protect Spanish subjects and their property.
The undersigned, who has not had the honour to hear directly from tht
British consul, requests that a like safeguard, herewith enclosed for him,
may be delivered by the Spanish consul.
The undersigned offers to the consul of her majesty the Queen of Spa.n,
the assurance of the high respect and consideration of the undersigned.
WINFIELP SCOTT
For the Consul of Spain, at Vera Cruz,
Senor D. AFILOSS DE ESCALANTE.
3a2
__ ____ ~_ __ __ ___________ ]
750 CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ.
AMERIOAN FLZET SALUTINO THa 0CATLX AT VERA ORUZ.
Upon receiving the memorial of the consuls, the Mexican governor
addressed a letter to General Scott, requesting his conformity with their
request. The American commander replied in a negative to their demands.
The surrender of the city took place on the 29th. The Americans were
drawn up in two lines facing each other, and stretching across a plain for
more than a mile. The Mexicans left the city at 10 o'clock to the sound
of their national music, passed between the American lines, and, after laying down their arms and colours, marched for the interior. General
Worth had been appointed to superintend the evacuation; and as soon as
it was accomplished, a portion of his division entered the city, to the sound
of national music and in full military array. Soon after the flag of the
United States was erected over the Plaza, and saluted by the guns of the
city and squadron. General Scott took up his head-quarters at the place,
and General Worth was appointed military governor.
The city of Vera Cruz was found to be in a state of the most disgusting
filth, and considerable time was spent in restoring it to cleanliness and
health. The Americans remained there about a fortnight in order to
recruit themselves after the fatigues of the siege; and at the end of that
time, General Scott prepared for a march into the interior. Previous to
setting out, he issued a proclamation declaring his regard for the Mexican
religion and customs, and advising all citizens not to join the army which
was in arms against the United States
CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ. 751
On the Sth of April, the army left Vera Cruz, and commenced its march
for the " talls of the Montezumas." They advanced in high spirits, and
with the certainty of speedy battle, as it was understood that Santa Anna
was in the neighbourhood with a large force. After his defeat at Buena
Vista, the dictator had used every effort to assemble another army; and
succeeding in this, he marched to meet the detachment under General
Scott. Upon the near approach of the Americans, he retired towards
Puebla, and after stripping it of every thing which might be of service tc
his army, he marched towards the Jalapa road, and took up a strong position at Sierra Gordo. Here he waited with firmness the approach of the
American forces.
Ii
BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO.
HE battle of Angostura, and capture of'Vera
Cruz, had been severe blows to the pride and
strength of Mexico; but with true Spanish
pride, she still refused to yield to her conquerors, although every battle but testified to her
own weakness and the enemy's strength. Santa
Anna still possessed energy and influence enough
to present a formidable array, and one which,
with the strength of his position, enabled him to
lace the approach of General Scott with coolness.
Mr. Kendall, of the New Orleans Picayune, thus describes the advance
of the American army: —" General Twiggs's division of the army reached
this place on Sunday last, (April 11th,) and General Patterson's on Monday evening. Both are now encamped here in a delightful valley on the
banks of the Plan del Rio, awaiting the arrival of General Worth's division, and General Quitman's brigade of volunteers. General Scott arrived
last evening, and we anticipate in a few days a hard battle. The Mexicans, to the number of from twelve thousand to fifteen thousand men, with
General Vega, if not Santa Anna himself, at their head, are strongly fortified about three miles in our advance, and appear to be constantly engaged
in making their position, if possible, still stronger. They have several batteries planted, and will make a desperate stand. Our present force here is
not over six thousand men, including Steptoe's, Wall's, and the howitzer
batteries. The sappers and miners are busily engaged in cutting roads.
"April 16th.-The Mexicans under Santa Anna are occupying a chain
of works along the road, the nearest of which is about a mile and a quarter from General Scott's head-quarters in a direct line. The road this side
s cut up and barricaded, and every possible means of defence and annoy752
BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO. 753
ance has been resorted to. Beyond the first work there are three or four
others, completely commanding the gorge through which the road to Jalapa
runs-these fortifications on hills, and rising so as to defend one another.
It is thought that Santa Anna has twenty thousand men with him-the
lowest estimate gives him fifteen thousand, and with these he has twentyfour pieces of field-artillery, besides some fourteen heavy cannon in position.
"'l'o turn the different works, a road has been partially cut through the
rough ground and chapparel to the right; and although the reconnoissance
is as yet imperfect, it is still thought that a point near the enemy's farthest
work can be reached. General Twiggs, with his division, is to march at
8 o'clock to-morrow morning, by the new road, and on the following morning
it is thought the attack will commence on the works on this side. If
General Twiggs succeeds in reaching the rear of Santa Anna-and he
will use every exertion to do so-I do not see what can save him. He is
generally fox enough, however, to have plenty of holes out of which to
escape, and from the great difficulty of reconnoitering his position fully, he
may have some means to escape here. The general impression now in
camp is, that this is to be the great battle of the war; and the immense
natural strength of Santa Anna's works would justify the belief. General
Worth left Puenta Nacional this afternoon with his division, and will be
up during to-night. H-e started a little after 1 o'clock this morning, with
nearly two thousand picked men, determined to make a forced march
through; but learning on the road that the attack upon the Mexican works
was not to commence as soon as anticipated, he returned to Puenta Nacional, after marching a mile and a half."
The following description of the Mexican general's position, and of the
preparatory arrangements of the American army, are from the pen of a gentleman who was with General Scott during the whole affair of Sierra Gordo:
"The road from Vera Cruz, as it passes the Plan del Rio, which is a
wide, rocky bed of a once large stream, is commanded by a series of high
ciffs, rising one above the other, and extending several miles, and all well
fortified. The road then debouches to the right, and, curving around the
iidge, passes over a high cliff, which is completely enfiladed by forts and
batteries. This ridge is the commencement of the Terra Templada, the
upper or mountainous country. The high and rocky ravine of the river
protected the right flank of the position, and a series of most abrupt and
apparently impassable mountains and ridges covered their left. Between
these points, running a distance of two or three miles, a succession of
strongly fortified forts bristled at every turn, and seemed to defy all bravery
and skill. The Sierra Gotdo commanded the road on a gentle declination,
like a glacis, for nearly a mile —an approach in that direction was impossible. A front attack must have terminated in the almost entire annihilation
of our army. But the enemy expected such an attack, confiding in the
VoL. 11.-95
754 BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO.
desperate valour of our men, and believing that it was impossible to turn
their position to the right or left. General Scott, however, with the eye
of a skilful general, perceived the trap set for him, and determined to avoie
it. He, therefore, had a road cut to the right, so as to escape the front fire
from the Sierra, and turn his position on the left flank. This movement
was made known to the enemy by a deserter from our camp, and consequently a large increase of force under General Vega was sent to the forts
on their left. General Scott, to cover his flank movements, on the 17th of
April, ordered forward General Twiggs against the fort on the steep ascent,
in front and a little to the left of the Sierra. Colonel Harney commanded
this expedition, and, at the head of the rifles and some detachments of infantry and artillery, carried his position under a heavy fire of grape and
musketry. Having secured this position in front and near the enemy's
strongest fortification, and having by incredible labour elevated one of our
large guns to the top of the fort, General Scott prepared to follow up his
advantages. A demonstration was made from this position against another
strong fort in the rear, and near the Sierra, but the enemy were considered
too strong, and the undertaking was abandoned. A like demonstration
was made by the enemy."
On the morning of the 18th, the army moved to the attack in columns,
and their success was rapid and decisive. General Twiggs's division
assaulted the enemy's left, where he had remained during the night, and,
after a slight resistance, carried the breastwork at the point of the bayonet,
and completely routed its defenders. Meanwhile, Pillow's brigade, accom
panied by General Shields, moved rapidly along the Jalapa road, and took
up a position to intercept the retreat of the Mexicans. At the same time
General Worth pushed forward toward the left, to aid the movement of
Twiggs. The rout was total. Three thousand men, with field and other
officers, surrendered, and an immense amount of small arms, ordnance and
batteries, were also captured. About six thousand Mexicans gained the
rear of the'Americans on the Jalapa road, but were closely pursued. The
Americans lost two hundred and fifty in killed and wounded-among the
latter, General Shields; the loss of the Mexicans, exclusive of prisoners,
was about one hundred more.
The following more enlarged description of Twiggs's attack upon the
Mexican fort, is given from the account of an eye-witness:
"On the 18th, General Twiggs was ordered forward from the position
be had already captured, against the fort which commanded the Sierra.
Simultaneously an attack on the fortifications on the enemy's left was to
be made by Generals Shields and Worth's division, who moved in separate columns, While General Pillow advanced against the strong forts and
difficult ascents on the right of the enemy's position. The enemy, fully
acquainted with General Scott's intended movemrent, had thrown large
PM~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~P
~~~~tP ~~~~~~~~~~~~~i~~~~~~~si~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~1I"
BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO. 757
bodies of men into the various positions to be attacked. The most serious
enterprise was that of Twiggs, who advanced against the main fort that
commanded the Sierra. Nothing can be conceived more difficult than
this undertaking. The steep and rough character of the ground, the con
stant fire of the enemy in front, and the cross fire of the forts and batteries
which enfiladed our lines, made the duty assigned to General Twiggs one
of surpassing difficulty.
"Nothing prevented our men from being utterly destroyed but the
steepness of the ascent under which they could shelter. But they sought
no shelter, and onward rushed against a hailstorm of balls and rnusketshot, led by the gallant Harney, whose noble bearing elicited the applause
of the whole army. His conspicuous and stalwarth frame at the head of
his brigade, his long arm waving his men on to the charge, his sturdy
voice ringing above the clash of arms and din of conflict, attracted the
attention and admiration alike of the enemy and of our own men. On,
on, he led the columns, whose front lines inelted before the enemy's fire
like snow-flakes in a torrent, and staid not their curse until leaping over
the rocky barriers, and bayonetting their gunners, they drove the enemy
pell mell from the fort, delivering a deadly fire into their ranks, from their
own guns, as they hastily retired. This was truly a gallant deed, worthy
of the Chevalier Bayard of our army, as the intreilid Harney is well
styled. General Scott, between whom and Cc lc- l i-i.rney there had
existed some coolness, rode up to the colonel after tlhis achievement, and
remarked to him-' Colonel Harney, I cannot now adeiuately. express my
admiration of your gallant achievement, but at the proper time I shall take
great pleasure in thanking you in proper terms.' Harney, with the
modesty of true valour, claimed the praise as due to his officers and men.
Thus did the division of the gallant veteran, Twiggs, carry the main position of the enemy, and occupy the front which commanded the road. It
was here the enemy received their heaviest loss, and their General Vasquez was killed. A little after, General Worth, having, by great exertions, passed the steep and craggy heights on the enemy's left, summoned
a strong fort in the rear of the Sierra to surrender. This fort was manned
by a large force under General Pinzon, a mulatto officer of considerable
ability and courage, who, seeing the Sierra carried, thought prudent to
surrender, which he did with all his force. General Shields was not so
fortunate in the battery which he attacked, and which was commanded by
General La Vega. A heavy fire was opened on him, under which the
fort was carried with some loss by the gallant Illinoisians, under Baker
and Bennett, supported by the New Yorkers, under Burnett. Among
those who fell under this fire was the gallant general, who received a
grape-shot through his lungs,by which he was completely paralyzed, and
at the last account was in a lingering state. On the enemy's right, Gene3 S
758 BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO.
ral Pillow commenced the attack against the strong forts near the river.
The Tennesseans, under Haskell, led the column, and the other volunteer
regiments followed. This column unexpectedly encountered a heavy fire
from a masked battery, by which Haskell's regiment was nearly cut to
pieces, and the other volunteer regiments were severely handled. General
Pillow withdrew his men, and was preparing for another attack, when the
operations at the other points, having proved successful, the enemy concluded to surrender. Thus the victory was complete, and four generals,
and about six thousand men, were taken prisoners by our army. One of
their principal generals and a large number of other officers killed. The
Mexican force on this occasion certainly exceeded our own."
According to the account of the captured officers, Santa Anna had in
his lines at least eight thousand men, and without the intrenchments about
six thousand, of which a third was cavalry. The army was composed
of the best soldiers in Mexico. The infantry who had fought so bravely
at Buena Vista, and all the regular artillerists of the republic, including
several naval officers, were present. Some of the officers whom General
Scott released at the capitulation of Vera Cruz without extorting the parole
on account of their gallantry, were found among the killed and wounded.
Of the latter was a gallant young officer named Halzinger, a German by
birth, who excited the admiration of our army during the bombardment of
Vera Cruz, by seizing a flag which had been cut down by our balls, and
holding it in his right hand until a staff could be procured. He had been
released by General Scott without a parole, and was found on the field of
Sierra Gordo dangerously wounded. In addition to the loss of the enemy
in killed and taken they lost about thirty pieces of brass cannon,
mostly of large calibre, manufactured at the royal foundery of Seville. A
large quantity of fixed ammunition, of a very superior quality, together
with the private baggage and money-chest of Santa Anna, containing
twenty thousand dollars, was also captured.
On the same day that the battle of Sierra Gordo was fought, a portion
of the American Gulf Squadron, under Commodore Perry, captured the
town of Tuspan, on the Gulf.
On the 19th, the city of Jalapa was captured by a detachment under
General Twiggs; and on the 22d, General Worth entered the town of
Perote. Both these cities were taken without opposition; and in the
latter were found immense stores of small arms, ammunition, and the large
guns of the city and castle.
On the 30th, the following General Orders were issued to the
army:
"1. The divisions of the army in this neighbourhood will be held in
readiness to advance soon after the arrival of trains now coming up from
Vera Cruz.
BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO. 759
"2. The route and time of commencing the march will be given at general
head-quarters.
"3. Major-general Patterson, after designating a regiment of volunteers
as part of the garrison to hold this place, will put his brigades successively
in march with an interval of twenty-four hours between them.
"4. Brigadier-general Twiggs' division will follow the movement, also,
by brigades.
"5. Each brigade, whether of regulars or volunteers, will be charged
with escorting such part of the general supply train of the army as the
chiefs of the general staff may have ready to send forward.
"'6. Every man of the division will take two days' subsistence in his
]aversack. This will be the general rule for all marches when a greater
number of rations is not specially mentioned.
"7. As the season is near when the army may no longer expect to derive
supplies from Vera Cruz, it must begin to look exclusively to the resources
of the country.
"8. Those resources, far from being over-abundant near the line of operations, would soon fail to support both the army and the population, unless
they be gathered in without waste and regularly issued by quarter-masters
and commissaries.
" 9. Hence, they must be paid for, or the people will withhold, conceal or
destroy them. The people, moreover, must be conciliated, soothed or well
treated by every officer and man of this army, and by all its followers.
"10. Accordingly, whosoever maltreats unoffending Mexicans, takes without pay or wantonly destroys their property, of any kind whatsoever, will
prolong the war, waste the means, present and future, of subsisting our
own men and animals as they successively advance into the interior or
return to our water dep8t, and no army can possibly drag after it to any
considerable distance, no matter what the season of the year, the heavy
articles of breadstuffs, meat and forage.
"11. Those, therefore, who rob, plunder or destroy the houses, fences,
cattle, poultry, grain fields, gardens or property of any kind along
the line of our operations, are plainly the enemies of this army. The
general-in-chief would infinitely prefer that the few who commit such outrages should desert at once and fight against us; then it would be easy to
shoot them down or to capture and hang them.
"12. Will the great body of intelligent, gallant and honourable men who
compose this army tolerate the few miscreants who perpetrate such crimes?
Again, the general-in-chief confidently hopes not. Let then the guilty be
promptly seized and brought to condign punishment, or the good must suffer the consequences in supplies and loss of character, of crimes not their
own.
"13. To prevent straggling and marauding, the roll of every company
760 BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO.
of the army will be called at every halt by and under the eye of an
officer. In camps and in quarters there must be at least three such rollcalls daily. Besides, stragglers on marches will certainly be murdered or
captured by rancheros.
"14. The waste of ammunition by neglect, and idle or criminal firing, is
a most serious evil in this army. All officers are specially charged to see
that not a cartridge be lost fromr want of care, nor fired except by order
otherwise; fifty wagons of ammunition would not suffice for the campaign, and it is difficult to find ten. Let every man remember that it is
unsafe to meet the enemy without he has forty rounds in his cartridgebox.
"15. Every regiment that leaves wounded or sick men in hospital, will
take care to leave a number of attendants according to the requisition of
the principal surgeon of the hospital. Those least able to march will be
selected as attendants. This rule is general."
On the 15th of May, General Worth, the active coadjutor of the commander-in-chief, took possession of the city of Puebla. The following spi
rited description is given by one of the officers of his comnmand.
"General Worth's command, four thousand strong, entered and took possession of this city of palaces, with its eighty thousand population, on the
15th. Our guns gape on the city, and on its lazeroni, from every quarter.
At Amazogue, twelve miles in the rear, Santa Anna came out to meet us
with a column of about three thousand five hundred, supposing, as was
the fact, that one of General Worth's brigades (Quitman's) was in the rear.
We gave him the usual reception, a la Rough and Ready. We could
only get Santa Anna near enough to give play to our light batteries, and
only keep him in range long enough to unsaddle ninety cavalry. Santa
Anna never fired a shot, and of course there was no loss on our side. We
followed as close on his heels as tired foot could after Mexican horses well
frightened, and entered Puebla at 10 o'clock in the morning, while Santa
Anna had left at 4 o'clock, with a guard of three hundred or four hundred
cavalry. Could General Worth have reached him, General Santa Anna
and his force would have been destroyed. He is now at the capital. and
a pronunciamento is hourly looked for. It is thought Herrera will be
elected president; the vote took place on the 15th.
" We are over eighty miles, or four days' march of the Halls of the Mon.
tezumas. The gen:eral-in-chief probably left Jalapa yesterday, and will be
here in five days, (the 24th of May.")
The expected proclamation of Santa Anna, mentioned in the above extract, was issued from Ayotla, three days after the date of that letter. It
is a document grounded on necessity, but displays the ingenuity of its
author, who, although professing entire willingness to resign his high office
as dictator, yet so manages his language as to inspire respect for himself.
BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO. 761
ana a continuance of the favour of his people. The following is his
paper:
"EXCELLENT SIR,-From the moment of my arrival at this point, I
learned, from reliable sources, with profound regret, that my approach to
the capital with the'army of the east,' had diffused great alarm among the
inhabitants, caused by the idea that it was intended to defend the city
within itself, as well as by the agitation of party interests, which, putting
political passions in action, have, it would seem, in this case, made common cause with the enemies of the national honour and independence.
Alarmed by this state of things, which left to its natural course would not
only rob me of the sole possession which remains to me on earth, my
honour, but might at the same time decidedly injure the holy cause which
we defend, I believed it to be my duty to suspend my march, in order tc
render to the supreme government an account of my actions and intentions, hoping that the loyalty and frankness with which I shall make
the explanation, will prevent the most horrible calamity which, under pre
sent circumstances, could afflict our country-distrust and division among
those who are called upon to save it.
" When I took up my line of march for that city, it was in consequence
of a resolution adopted by a council of war; of which I informed your
excellency in my note of the day before yesterday, by which the salvation
of your capital was considered as a measure advantageous and necessary
for the ulterior operations of the war; concluding that this would suffice
to bring it to a happy and honourable termination. Notwithstanding these
convictions, I had determined, on my arrival at the capital, to submit the
same question to a new and more numerous council, presided over by the
oldest general of the army, proposing to myself to conform to its decision,
and even to resign my military power, as was manifested in the note referred to. Such were my intentions, to which, I solemnly aver, no thought
of personal aggrandizement or ambition entered. The nation has seen
that since my return to the republic, I have passed my life in the field, not
accepting the supreme power until a majority of the representatives of the
nation loudly called for me to put an end to the civil war which was devouring the heart of the republic.
"Neither the abnegation so entire, nor so many and so severe sacrifices
as I have made, have been sufficient to destroy old prejudices; calumny
and suspicion have arisen to infuse new gall into the already too bitter cup
of my life. And under what circumstances? When I lead to the capital,
for its defence, a corps saved from the ruins of the army, and when I come
to ask of the country no other favour than to die in defence of its cause.
Although this unexpected and unmerited recompense presents to me the
opportunity of retiring with honour from the very difficult position in
which I find myself involved, I will, nevertheless, take no such step, volunV o,. 11.-96 3 s 2
2S(j, BAT'rTLE OF SIERRA GORDO.
tarily; it shall never be said that the man to whom the nation had con.
fided its salvation did not make every kind of sacrifice-even that of selflove or proper appearances-before he retired from the front of the enemy;
that if he did so, he was forced by unconquerable obstacles; in fine, because he was repudiated by his fellow-countrymen.
"In my person are actually centred two kinds of representation —both
supreme-the one military, and the other political, which respectively
claim the discharge of peculiar duties; it is necessary to satisfy both, and
I shall do it as fully and completely as the circumstances in which I am
placed are difficult. The first requires that I should manifest frankly and
explicitly my convictions in respect to the military operations intrusted to
my charge, and these are that the war should be continued until we obtain
justice from our unjust aggressor, and that, in order to attain this result, it
is necessary to preserve the capital at all hazards; as we,l that its defence
may be the base of ulterior operations, as that I greatly fear, were it occur
pied without resistance, that the public spirit would be broken, and the
complete submission of the country follow.
"My duty as first magistrate of the nation, now atrociously outraged,
and unworthily suspected by unjust and artful detractors, requires that I
should remove the pretext, invented by perfidy and pusillanimity, to nullify
the generous efforts which good citizens are disposed to make to save their
honour and independence. In order to arrive at this result, it is indispensable to make known to the government my plan, which I have insinuated
on other occasions, and which I now expose in the two following points:
first, to conduct the war upon the principles already indicated; and secondly, to consider as one of the necessary present means the salvation of
the capital. Being resolved not to swerve from these points, I desire that
your excellency will inform his excellency, the president, of the same, so
that if a contrary resolution be taken, he may consider that I have formally
resigned my command-in-chief of the army and first magistracy of the
republic, sending me suitable passports that I may retire to such place as
shall be to me convenient.
"It may so happen, that although there is an absolute conformity with
my ideas, it may be supposed that I myself am an obstacle to carrying
them into the desired effect. I have already said that the circumstances
would be propitious for me to retire from the difficult situation at which I
have arrived, in a manner easy and honourable, by a prompt resignation;
but I entertain an exalted idea of my duties; I know the obligations I contracted towards the nation when it called me to its head, confiding in me
its precious defence. Never will I betray these duties, and a voluntary
separation from affairs would cause it to be believed that I was implicated
in an infamous desertion. My country has me on her side, and I am resolved Io prosecute the mission to which she has called me to the last ex
BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO. 763
treme: my dearest interests and my very existence are placed upon the
altar of the liberty and independence of my country.
"As I desire to seek and conform to sound opinion, I wish that, speaking with loyalty and frankness, the supreme government would inform me
whether it believes that I ought to separate myself from the charges which
have been confided to me, and I will not hesitate a moment to resign them.
1 shall thus have given way to respectable opinion, and not to the calculations of faction or individual interest. I shall retire, tranquilly making the
last sacrifice, that of my opinions; and of the satisfaction I would have
had in shedding my blood for my country, and standing by its side in the
moment of its affliction."
0 this letter Santa Anna received answer that the views of
"his excellency the general, respecting the war and the
defence of the capital at all costs, were the same as his
T excellency the president substitute had always entertained." He was also invited to the capital and to the
assumption of supreme power. In obedience to this invitation he left his army with some officers, and proceeded
toward the capital. His reception, however, was any thing but flattering.
His late disasters had estranged the fickle populace from their late idolized
dictator; and he was met by their curses and denunciations. It is even
reported that stones and missiles were cast upon his head, and that a double
guard alone saved him from being dragged through the streets in ignominy
or murdered. Much of this report has since been contradicted, and it is
stated that upon his entrance he was enabled to immediately assume the
supreme authority.
Upon his entrance into the capital he applied himself to the raising of a
defensive military force to oppose the progress of General Scott. He also
began to fortify Gaudaloupe, Perion and other stations near the city, but
was not able to complete them satisfactorily on account of an opposition to
his plans prevalent among a large portion of the inhabitants. He left
Mexico in May, and for a short time threatened an attack upon Vera Cruz;
but subsequently fell back to a very strong position between the capital and
the army of General Scott. Here it is expected that he will make his last
great stand for the safety of the capital, and the news of a decisive battle is
looked for with great anxiety.
Mexico is now torn by civil dissensions, and any government but her
own would be a gain to her. Yet still her people persist, with an obstinacy rarely equalled, to refuse all overtures of peace, and notwithstanding
their immense losses of life and treasure, madly hope to repel a nation, with
whom every advantage has hitherto failed to give them one single victory
Perhaps few nations have ever met with so many and heavy losses in so
short a period; and no one certainly has persevered, under similar circum.
764 BATTLE OF SIERRA GORDO.
stances, in maintaining an erect front, and furnishing army after army of
devoted citizens. How long this feeling will prevail, it is impossible to
tell. General Scott may be victorious in the coming battle, and will then
no doubt take immediate possession of the capital. But will the war then
be ended? Will the loss of their principal city arrest the intrusions of the
numerous guerilla bands which are known to infest every forest and mountain, and whose avowed military code is no quarter to an American?
These are questions rife with importance to every lover of peace, and te
every American, and should receive the gravest consideration of our
country. War at any time is a fearful calamity, but when it places men
on a foreign soil, far from any resources, but those of the barest necessity,
exposed to blazing suns, wasting marches, and ravaging local diseases,
with no power to make a decisive blow, and with a chaos of prospects
before them, then indeed humanity calls loudly for its termination. A
practical illustration of this we have in the history of the Tennessee regiment, when passing through New Orleans. On their way to the seat of
war they numbered nine hundred strong young recruits; just one year after,
% when they returned through the same city, their broken rernraant dis..
played three hundred and fifty worn-out men. Two-thirds of their original number, averaging about fifty per month, had been left on the plains
of Mexico.
However opinions may disagree concerning the origin and progress of
the Mexican war, we think all are willing to unite in a wish for its speedy
termination. Battles and cities may yet be won, and the nation will not
be dilatory in her expression of admiration and bravery for the troops w'o
have gained them; but with greater alacrity would she hail the news of a
permanent and honourable peace between the two republics.
AFFAIRS IN NEW MEXICO.
2. ~~ THE campaigns of Taylor and Scott were not the
only occasions to call forth the prowess of American
soldiery. An army, separate from both the main
ones, had entered New Mexico in the commencement
of the war, and, after a few successful battles, had
taken military possession of all Northern Mexico
and California. Although these battles were foughL
at various times, we have thought proper to throw
the account of all the operations in those provinces
into one description, in order not only to obtain a
more connected view of them, but also to avoid interrupting the narratives of more important events.
In the spring of 1846 the United States government determined to explore New California, and the
country to the north of it, and for that purpose sent
out Captain John C. Fremont, with a force of sixtytwo men. On entering the territory he learned that
his arrival had been anticipated, and that a large
force under General Castro, was advancing to attack
him. Instead of returning to Oregon, he retired to a mountain position
about thirty miles from Monterey, the capital of California, where he
intrenched himself and awaited the expected attack. As this did not take
place, he determined so far to enlarge on his original mission, as to enable
him to act in the capacity of a military leader. Accordingly he detached
small parties to different portions of the neighbourhood, one of which cap:t red thirteen men and two hundred horses on the 11th of June; and on
the 15tb, a second took possession of the Sanoma Pass, containing nlnm
765
766 AFFAIRS IN NEW MEXICO.
cannon, two hundred and fifty muskets, and some other munitions, and p
small garrison.
After this affair, Fremont advanced toward the Sacrimento river, but
was obliged to return in consequence of information that General Castro
was on the point of attacking the small garrison he had left at Sanoma.
He arrived at Sanoma on the 25th, at the head of ninety riflemen, and
detached twenty men upon a party of seventy dragoons, whom they
defeated, killing and wounding several, without loss to themselves. After
this skirmish, General Castro retired to Santa Clara, whither the American party determined to pursue him. He now learned that an American
force. under General Kearney, had taken possession of New Mexico; and
that Commodore Sloat had taken Monterey, and was ready to combine with
him in the pursuit of Castro.
On the 18th of August, Brigadier-general Kearney, with sixteen hundred men, took possession of Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico. He
had left Fort Leavenworth on the 30th of June, and marched across a
plain country for the distance of eight hundred and thirty-seven miles
The city was taken without opposition; Governor Armigo, and the garrison of four thousand troops, flying at his approach.
General Kearney now advanced for California, but, after proceeding
nearly two hundred miles, he received information of the occupation ol
that country by Fremont. He, therefore, sent most of his forces back ts
Santa Fe, and advanced with only one hundred to join Fremont.
Meanwhile, the pursuit of Castro was continued, and on the 12th of
August, a body of riflemen and marines, under Fremont and Stockton,
who had succeeded Sloat in the navy, took undisputed possession of the
"City of the Angels." Commodore Stockton now appointed Fremont as
Governor of all New Mexico, to act until he should return to the City of
the Angels.
The army now remained quiet until the commencement of the year
1847. On January 24th, two hundred and ninety Americans, under
Colonel Price, advanced on the village of La Canada, where two thousand
Mexicans and Indians were posted among the hills and strong positions.
A battle commenced by the American artillery, and, after an hour's fight,
the Mexicans broke and fled on all sides, having experienced a loss of
thirty-six killed and forty-five wounded. The Americans lost none
Another engagement took place on the 29th, at El Embudo, between a
large Mexican force and some Americans under Captain Burgwin. On
account of the difficulties experienced by the Americans in gaining the
heights, the battle continued longer than it would otherwise have done.
The enemy, however, were finally routed, with the loss of twenty killed
and sixty wounded; the Americans lost but one killed and one wounded.
On the 3d of February, at about 2 P. M.. the Americans attacked the
___________o_ _ I
AFFAIRS IN NEW MEXICO. 767
-------; —--—; - - _- - - - - - - - --
-.) 0 IP ASN S M AS R (C.
village of Puebla de Taos, and an engagement ensued which lasted until
dark. It was renewed on the Ath, and again continued until evening.
At that time the Americans had penetrated into the village, and the Iexicans sued for peace on the following morning. This victory placed all
New Mexico in the hands of the invaders.
Meanwhile, equally important operations were going forward in the
department of Chihuahua. The 3Mexicans had fortified a very strong
position in a valley crossing the road to the city of Chihuthua. Here
they were attacked at 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the 28th of February,
and the engagement continued until dark, when the Mexicans broke and
fled on all sides, leaving their cannon and other munitions in the hands
of the victors. In this affair, the American force was nine hundred and
twenty-four, of whom one was killed, and eight wounded, one mortally.
The Mexicans numbered twelve hundred cavalry, twelve hundred infantry,
and fourteen hundred and twenty rancheros; their loss was three hundred
killed, as many wounded, forty prisoners, and their entire artillery, ten
wagons, and large stores of provisions.
The march of Colonel A. W. Doniphan, with the Missouri regiment of
mounted riflemen, and a company of artillery, from Santa Fe to Chihuahua,
and thence to General Taylor's camp, is one of the most remarkable expeditions of which history gives any account. Colonel Doniphan commenced his
march on the 17th of December, 1846, and proceeded without interruption to
708siI A-iAFI: Aii.S iN NEW MEXI CO.'
the Blracito Bend of the Rio Grande. There he was suddenly attaeked; f1V a
greatly superior force; but the enemy were repulsed and routed with a considerable loss of men, and all their artillery and baggage. Resuming his march,
Colonel Doniphan proceeded through a desert country, where his men endured
every hardship and privation, until he reached the vicinity of Chihuahua, where
he found about four thousand Mexicans strongly posted upon the bank of the
Sacramento. These he defeated in a battle which we have described above.
The victory was one of the most complete achieved during the Mexican war,
reflecting the highest glory upon the brave Missourians.
Doniphan halted at Chihuahua to recruit his exhausted troops and obtain
supplies; and he then started for the camp of General Taylor's army, near
Monterey. This march of nine hundred miles was accomplished in fortyfive days. The greater part of this journey lay through a country sometimes
a desert, and sometimes inhabited by a hostile people. Yet it was performed
in almost unprecedented time,-by troops who were laden with the spoils of
victory. The term of service of these gallant men expired soon after they
arrived at General Taylor's camp, and they could not be induced to re-enlist.
They returned to their homes in Missouri by the route of the Gulf of Mexico
and the Mississippi, and were received with enthusiasm.
L_ _ _ _ _ - _ _ _ -L -
BATTLE OF BRACITO.
L__________________ _______ -___
THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO.
FTER the battle of Sierra Gordo, General Scott remained for some time inactive, in the hope of receiving reinforcements. His head-quarters were at
Puebla. Meanwhile the Mexicans, discouraged but
not disheartened by their late disasters, were collecting another army and fortifying the different
entrances to the capital. When a small number
of additional troops arrived, the American army
left Puebla on the 8th of August, and after a fatiguing march in an unhealthy season, reached Ayotla about the 12th. A reconnoissance now took
place of the rocky fortification of St. Pinon, which was found to be so well
defended, both by nature and art, as to render an attack upon it eminently
hazardous. Another road was discovered, south of Lake Charles, opening
into that from Vera Cruz, below Ayotla, and the old one abandoned. The
march was a dreadful one. Heavy rains had filled the low places with water,
through which the troops were often obliged to wade; while in many
places steep and towering heights were to be crossed, in the paths and
gorges of which the enemy had rolled immense masses of stone. The
nights were dark, wet, and dreary, and a damp and chilly rest succeeded
the heavy labours of each day. On the 17th, the advance reached San
Augustin, a village about twelve miles south of the city, and was joined
next day by the second division. General Worth advanced a division to
VoL. II.-97 3 T 769
770 THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO.
take possession of a hacienda, near the fortification of San Antonio. and
preparatory to assaulting the latter place. The village was captured, but
in a reconnoissance that ensued, a heavy discharge from a Mexican battery killed Captain Thornton, and wounded one or two others. An artillery squadron and battalion of infantry continued to hover round the
redoubt in hope of making a successful attack that afternoon; but, towards
evening, a heavy rain ensued, and General Scott thought proper to withdraw them. All night, the hostile batteries frowned in gloomy silence
upon this detachment; had they opened with activity it might have been
forced to retire, or perhaps even been cut to pieces.
During the night, the divisions of Pillow and Twiggs marched toward
the strong work of Contreras, so as to take up a position for an assault on
the following morning. The fatigue they encountered was appalling.
The country was enveloped in thick darkness, rain poured down in
streams, while the wind tossed and whirled like the ground in an earthquake. Now they mounted over clumps and ridges, formed by rocks of
lava, and entangled with dense brushwood; and now plunged into some
swollen stream, whose rushing waters destroyed all order of march.
Dimly, in the distance, could be observed the flame of camp fires, struggling through the wind and rain; while the rumbling of heavy cannon,
the tramp of horses, the clashing of guns and bayonets, and the thunderings of the tempest, rolled strangely through the sullen night.
T eight next morning, the Mexican batteries
re-opened upon the hacienda of San Antonio,
where General Worth was posted. The heavy
explosions shook the air, while houses and
strong bulwarks sunk in thundering masses
beneath the showers of shot and shells. The
balls whistled through the quiet lanes, raking
them from end to end, and tearing up the
ground in deep ridges. Large bombs burst
in the air, throwing slugs, shot, and fragments
among the Americans, with terrible effect. Yet these gallant troops, disdaining to yield, stationed themselves behind walls and buildings, and
though all around was ruin and confusion, calmly prepared for active duty.
Soon after, the divisions of Pillow and Twiggs pushed toward Contreras,
which, after a fatiguing march, they reached about 1 o'clock, P. M.
General P. F. Smith was then ordered to march up in face of the enemy's
works, and Colonel Riley to move rapidly toward the right, gain the main
road, and cut off any Mexican reinforcement that might present itself.
Smith rushed forward amid a tremendous fire, and gained a position for
his artillery; every gun on both sides now opened, and the terrific explosions shook the ground for miles around, and rolled in deafening echoes
THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO. 771
along the mountain ridges of Mexico. But the few guns of the American
advanced battery were soon silenced; and General Pierce marched to the
relief of General Smith. About this time, large reinforcements of the
enemy approached Contreras, and General Cadwalader pushed forward
to reinforce Riley. Again the batteries broke forth in rapid discharges.
but neither army yielded one inch of ground. About 4 o'clock, a commanding figure swept along the American line, while his piercing
eyes glanced over the field of action. "General Scott!" rang from
rank to rank, and a shout, wild and enthusiastic, poured forth his welcome. Perceiving the immense strength of the Mexicans, the commander-in-chief ordered General Shields to reinforce Riley and Cadwalader, and also strengthened the army in front of the enemy. The
whole field was now covered with soldiers, marching and wheeling in line.
At some distance off, the Mexican cavalry hovered like a cloud on the
movements of Cadwalader and Riley; while on the side of General
Smith, peal after peal of heavy ordnance told that death was raging with
terrible strides among the ranks of the high-souled combatants. For six
hours the dreadful work continued, when darkness closed round the
armies, and the firing grew less and less rapid, then died away and all
was still. The disappointed Americans, who, unacquainted with the
enemy's strength, had calculated on speedy victory, lay down on the rugged ground without blankets, and amid rushing floods of rain that, collecting among the ridges, rushed and foamed like mountain torrents. About
8 o'clock General Scott retired to San Augustin, and was followed by
Twiggs and Pillow, at 11.
Early the next morning, Generals Scott and Worth again set out for
Contreras. Some cannonading, and a rapid discharge of musketry, was
heard in that direction, and, soon after, Captain Mason galloped up to the
commander-in-chief, with the tidings, that Smith had carried the whole
line of fortifications at Contreras. That enterprising general had planned
and executed the assault, and suffered comparatively small loss. He captured fifteen hundred prisoners, including Generals Salas, Blanco, Garcia,
and Mendoza, an immense amount of ammunition and camp equipage,
and fifteen artillery pieces; among them the two that had been taken from
Captain O'Brien at Buena Vista. Seven hundred of the enemy were
killed, and a still larger number wounded; while the route of the fugitives was strewed with muskets and other arms.
Upon receiving this intelligence, General Scott sent General Worth to
make a demonstration on San Antonio, while he, with a portion of the
army, should get in its rear. The troops composing the latter passed by
the late battle-field. Even the bold heart of the soldier grew sick at the
shocking spectacle. Hundreds, that but one day before were active with
health and ambition, now covered the bloody plain, stiff, pale, and dis
772 THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO.
torted as death had left them. Here and there a wretch, writhing in
agony, moaned forth a prayer for water; while the neighbouring streams
ran red with human blood, and mangled heaps were piled on each
other along their banks. On reaching San Pablo, another action commenced, and at almost the same instant, the roar of Worth's cannon was
heard at Churubusco. The flower of the American army was now engaged with that of Mexico, and the battle was one of those rarely witnessed
on the continent. Thousands of musketry rattled in uninterrupted succession, while, now and then, the deep cannon would break in with sullen
roar, that rolled trembling away in the distance. On one part of the field
the commanding form of Scott was sweeping from rank to rank, anlimating and superintending his legions, heedless of the thick storm that was
whizzing like hail around him; on another, the loud voices of Worth and
Twiggs were shouting their heroes on the stubborn foe. Dark around
that scene hung dense columns of smoke, as though hiding man's dark
character from the gaze of day.
In two hours, all the works were in possession of the Americans, and
the enemy in full flight for the city. General Worth pursued them almost
to the gates of the capital.
The next morning, a portion of the American army entered the town
of Chapultepec, without opposition; and soon after, flags arrived from
General Santa Anna, proposing a suspension of hostilities. Negotiatio
took place, and the following commissioners were appointed to arrange
a temporary suspension. The following is the result of their deliberations:
THE ARMISTICE.
The undersigned, appointed respectively, the first three by Major-general Winfield Scott, commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States,
and the last two by his Excellency D. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna,
President of the Mexican Republic, and commander-in chief of its armies.
met with full powers, which were fully verified in the village of Tacubaya,
on the 23d day of August, 1847, to enter into an armistice for the purpose of
giving the Mexican government an opportunity of receiving propositions
of peace from the commissioners appointed by the President of the United
States, and now with the American army, when the following articles were
agreed upon:
ART. 1. Hostilities shall instantly and absolutely cease between the
armies of the United States of America and the United Mexican States,
within thirty leagues of the capital of the latter States, to allow time to the
commissioners appointed by the United States and the commissioners to
be appointed by the Mexican Republic to negotiate.
2. The armistice shall continue as long as the commissioners of the two
governments may be engaged on negotiations, or until the commander of
THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO. 773
either of the said armies shall give formal notice to the other of the cessation of the armistice for forty-eight hours after such notice.
3. In the mean time, neither army shall, within thirty leagues of the
city of Mexico, commence any new fortification or military work of
offence or defence, or do any thing to enlarge or strengthen any existing
work or fortification of that character within the said limits.
4. Neither army shall be reinforced within the same. Any reinforcements in troops or munitions of war, other than subsistence now approachJng either army, shall be stopped at the distance of twenty-eight leagues
from the city of Mexico.
5. Neither army, or any detachment from it, shall advance beyond the
line it at present occupies.
6. Neither army, nor any detachment or individual of either, shall pass
the neutral limits established by the last article, except under a flag of
truce bearing the correspondence between the two armies, or on the business authorized by the next article; and individuals of either army, who
may chance to straggle within the neutral limits, shall, by the opposite
party, be kindly warned off, or sent back to their own armies under flags
of truce.
7. The American army shall not, by violence, obstruct the passage from
the open country into the city of Mexico, of the ordinary supplies of food
necessary to the consumption of its inhabitants, or the Mexican army
within the city; nor shall the Mexican authorities, civil or military, do
any act to obstruct the passage of supplies from the city or country, needed
by the American army.
8. All American prisoners of war remaining in the hands of the Mexican army, and not heretofore exchanged, shall immediately, or as soon as
practicable, be restored to the American army, against a like number,
having regard to rank, of Mexican prisoners captured by the American army.
9. All American citizens who were established in the city of Mexico
prior to the existing war, and who have since been expelled from that city,
shall be allowed to return to their respective business or families therein,
without delay or molestation.
10. The better to enable the belligerent armies to execute these articles,
and to favour the great object of peace, it is further agreed between the
parties, that any courier with despatches that either army shall desire to
send along the line from the city of Mexico or its vicinity, to and from
Vera Cruz, shall receive a safe conduct from the commander of the opposing army.
11. The administration of justice between Mexicans, according to the
general and state constitutions and laws, by the local authorities of the
towns and places occupied by the American forces, shall not be obstructed
in any manner.
3 T 2
774 THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO.
12. Persons and property shall be respected in the towns and places
occupied by the American forces. No person shall be molested in the
exercise of his profession; nor shall the services of any one be required
without his consent. In all cases where services are voluntarily rendered,
a just price shall be paid, and trade remain unmolested.
13. Those wounded prisoners who may desire to remove to some more
convenient place, for the purpose of being cured of their wounds, shall be
allowed to do so without molestation, they still remaining prisoners.
14. The Mexican medical officers who may wish to attend the wounded
shall have the privilege of doing so, if their services be required.
15. For the more perfect execution of this agreement, two commissioneis shall be appointed, one by each party, who, in case of disagreement,
shall appoint a third.
16. This convention shall have no force or effect, unless approved by
their excellencies, the commanders respectively of the two armies, within
twenty-four hours, reckoning from the sixth hour of the 23d day of August, 1847.
A. QUITMAN, Maj. Gen. U. S. d.
PERSIFER F. SMITH, Brig. Gen.
FRANKLIN PIERCE, Brig. Gen. U. S..
IGNACIO DE MARA Y VILLAMIL,
BENITO QUIJANO.
A true copy of the original.
G. W. LAY, U. S. i., 2Military Secretary to the General-in-chief.
HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE ARMY, U. S.
Tacubaya, Jug. 23, 1847.
Considered, approved, and ratified, with the express understanding that
the word "supplies," as used the second time, without qualification, in the
seventh article of this military convention —American copy-shall be.aken to mean (as in both the British and American armies) arms, munitions, clothing, equipments, subsistence, (for men,) forage, and in general,
all the wants of an army. That word "supplies," in the Mexican copy
is erroneously translated "viveres," instead of "recursos."
WINFIELD SCOTT, General-in-chief of the U. S. i.
[Translation.]
Ratified, suppressing the 9th article, and explaining the 4th, to the
effect that the temporary peace of this armistice shall be observed in the
capital and twenty-eight leagues around it; and agreeing that the word
supplies shall be translated recursos; and that it comprehends every thing
which the army may have need, except arms and ammunitions.
ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA.
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ j
THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO. 775
HEAD-QUARTERS ARMY U. S. OF AMERICA,
Tacubaya, Hug. 24, 1847.
I accept and ratify the foregoing qualification added by the Presidentgeneral of the Mexican Republic.
WINFIELD SCOTT.
A true copy of the original.
G. W. LAY, U. S..., Military Secretary to the General-in-chief.
HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY, U. S. OF AMERICA,
Tacubaya, dug. 23, 1847.
To his Excellency the President and General-in-chief of the Mexican
Republic:
SIR:-Under a flag of truce, I send Lieutenant Semmes, of the United
States navy, who will have the honour to exchange with such officer as
may be appointed for the purpose, the ratification of the military convention that was signed yesterday, by commissioners from the American and
Mexican armies.
I particularly invite the attention of your excellency, to the terms of my
ratification, and have the honour to remain, with high consideration and
respect, your excellency's most obedient servant,
WINFIELD SCOTT, General-in-chief of the U. S. army.
[Translation.]
NATIONAL PALACE OF MEXICO,
~iugust 23, 1847.
I have the note of your excell;icy, of this date, in which you are
pleased to say that Lieutenant Semmesj of the navy of the United States,
will exchange, with another officer named for that purpose, the ratification
of the military convention which was signed yesterday by commissioners
of the Mexican and American armies, and calls particular attention to the
terms of the ratification.
The most excellent President orders the undersigned to say to your
excellency, as he has the honour to do, that he orders its ratification
within the time agreed in the armistice; and he is also charged to direct
the attention of your excellency to the terms of ratification by his excellency the President.
I have the honour to be, &c., LINO JOSE ALCORTA,
Minister of State, and of War and Marine.
To his excellency the General-in-chief of the United States army.
The whole force of the Mexicans, in these engagements, is estimated to
have been about thirty-two thousand men. They lost between five and
six thousand, including by their own account, thirteen generals, and
7 6 T E,'!' T I, A' T 1I'' 0 C TI ITJ l U 1 I U C 0.
forty-five pieces of cannon. The Americans numbered seven thousand,
of whom eleven hundred were killed and wounded. Soon after the
engagement, Santa Anna published a manifesto, stating the causes of the
defeat, throwing all the blame upon a particular officer, and calling on
hjis countrymen still to maintain their opposition to the invasion of the
Americans.
The cessation of hostilities was improved by Mr. Trist, plenipotentiary
from the United States, by opening negotiations for a permanent treaty of
peace. He offered to retain California for a certain sum, to be subsequently
specified, and to draw the boundary line between the two republics so as to
secure to the United States a portion of territory west of the Nueces. To
the latter item the Mexican commissioners would not agree. Negotiations
continued until the 2d of September, when Mr. Trist handed in his ultimaturn (on boundaries,) and the council adjourned until the 6th.
Meanewhile Sergeant Riley, with seventy others who at various times had
deserted from the American arnmy, but had been captured with the Mexicans
at Churubusco, were tried by a court-martial appointed by General Scott.
Fifty were found guilty of high-treason, and hung in the presence of both
armies. The remainder, including the sergeant, were proven to have
deserted prior to the commencement of hostilities, and consequently received
u remission of punishment to public whipping, (fifty lashes each,) branding
on the cheek (letter D,) and confinement with a chain and ban' irl;l the
ciose of the war.'71 WE
3 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~`~
- = ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-///
CITY OF MXICOO.
THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO.!i:..~ 1N the 6th of September the ultimatum proposed
by the American commissioners was rejected by
a great council of the Mexican ministers and
others, and immediately after, General Scott ref'l'ffx.~,~! I'< ceived information that Santa Anna was actively
jlr fortifying his defences in violation of the third
K \! article of the armistice.
On the evening of the same day (6th) he wrote to the Mexican commander, accusing him of the infringement, and demanding a satisfactory
explanation. Santa Anna replied by laying a similar charge to the Americans, and intimating that he was prepared for a resumption of hostilities.
The armistice being at an end, the Americans commenced on the evening of the 7th a reconnoissance of the different approaches to the city preparatory to planning an attack. At the same time a large body of the
enemy was discovered hovering about the Molinos del Rey, (King's
Mills,) within less than a mile and a half of the American head-quarters.
Information had previously been received that in the Molinos and Casa
Mata near them was a foundery with large deposites of powder, where
many church-bells had lately arrived to be cast into guns.
General Scott determined to assault this place without delay, and the
execution of this measure was assigned to Brevet Major-general Worth,
reinforced by Cadwalader's brigade, three squadrons of dragoons under
Major Sumner, and some heavy guns under Captains Huger and Drum.
VOL. II.-98 777
778 THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO.
On carefully reconnoitering the works, Worth found them so intimately
connected with those of Chapultepec, that it was found necessary to divide
his force considerably in order to avoid contact with the Mexicans stationed
in that stronghold. A full description of the defences and of the assault
itself is contained in the following extracts from General Worth's report:" At three o'clock in the morning of the 8th, the several columns were put
in motion, on as many different routes; and, when the gray of the morning
enabled them to be seen, they were as accurately in position as if posted
in midday for review. The early dawn was the moment appointed for the
attack, which was announced to our troops by the opening of Huger's guns
on El Molino del Rey, upon which they continued to play actively until
this point of the enemy's line became sensibly shaken, when the assaulting party, commanded by Wright, and guided by that accomplished officer,
Captain Mason, of the engineers, assisted by Lieutenant Foster, dashed
gallantly forward to the assault. Unshaken by the galling fire of musketry
and canister that was showered upon them, on they rushed, driving infantry
and artillery-men at the point of the bayonet. The enemny's field-battery
was taken, and his own guns were trailed upon his retreating masses;
before, however, they could be discharged, perceiving that he had been
dispossessed of this strong position by comparatively a handful of men, he
made a desperate effort to regain it. Accordingly, his retiring forces rallied
and formed with this object. Aided by the infantry, which covered the
house-tops, (within reach of which the battery had been moved during the
night,) the enemy's whole line opened upon the assaulting party a terrific
fire of musketry, which struck down eleven out of the fourteen officers
that composed the command, and non-commissioned officers and men in
proportion; including among the officers Brevet Major Wright, the com
mander; Captain Mason and Lieutenant Foster, engineers; all severely
wounded.
"This severe shock staggered for a moment that gallant band. The light
battalion, held to cover Huger's battery, under Captain E. Kirby Smith,
(Lieutenant-Colonel Smith being sick,) and the right wing of Cadwalader's
brigade, were promptly oraered forward to support, which order was executed in the most gallant style; the enemy was again routed, and this point
of his line carried, and fully possessed by our troops. In the mean time
Garland's (lst) brigade, ably sustained by Captain Drum's artillery,
assaulted the enemy's left, and, after an obstinate and very severe contest,
drove him from this apparently impregnable position, immediately under
the guns of the castle of Chapultepec. Drum's section, and the battering
guns under Captain Huger, advanced to the enemy's position, and the
captured guns of the enemy were now opened on his retreating forces,
on which they continued to fire until beyond their reach. Whije this
work was in progress of accomplishment by our centre and right, our
THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO. 779
troops on the left were not idle. Duncan's battery opened on the right of
the enemy's line, up to this time engaged; and the 2d brigade, under Col.
McIntosh, was now ordered to assault the extreme right of the enemy's
line. The direction of this brigade soon caused it to mask Duncan's
battery, the fire of which, for the moment, was discontinued; and the
brigade moved steadily on to the assault of Casa Mata, which, instead of
an ordinary field intrenchment, as was supposed, proved to be a strong
stone citadel, surrounded with bastioned intrenchments and impassable
ditches-an old Spanish work, recently repaired and enlarged. When
within easy musket range, the enemy opened a most deadly fire upon our
advancing troops, which was kept up, without intermission, until our gallant men reached the very slope of the parapet of the work that surrounded
the citadel. By this time a large proportion of the command was either
killed or wounded, among whom were the three senior officers present,
Brevet Colonel McIntosh, Brevet Lieutenant-colonel Scott, of the 5th
infantry, and Major Waite, 8th infantry; the second killed, and the first
and last desperately wounded. Still the fire from the citadel was
unabated. In this crisis of the attack, the command was momentarily
thrown into disorder, and fell back on the left of Duncan's battery,
where they rallied. As the 2d brigade moved to the assault, a very
large cavalry and infantry force was discovered approaching rapidly
upon our left flank, to reinforce the enemy's right. As soon as Duncan's
battery was masked, as before mentioned, supported by Andrew's voltigeurs, of Cadwalader's brigade, it moved promptly to the extreme left of
our line to check the threatened assault on this point. The enemy's
cavalry came rapidly within canister range, when the whole battery opened
a most effective fire, which soon broke the squadrons and drove them back
in disorder. During this fire upon the enemy's cavalry, Major Sumner's
command moved to the front, and changed direction in admirable order,
under a most appalling fire from the Casa Mata. This movement enabled
his command to cross the ravine immediately on the left of Duncan's
battery, where it remained, doing noble service until the close of the action.
At the very moment the cavalry were driven beyond reach, our own troops
drew back from before the Casa Mata, and enabled the guns of Duncan's
battery to re-open upon this position; which, after a short and well-directed
fire, the enemy abandoned. The guns of the battery were now turned upon
his retreating columns, and continued to play upon them until beyond reach.
"He was now driven from every point of the field, and his strong lines,
which had certainly been defended well. were in our possession. In fulfilment of the instructions of the general-in-chief, the Casa Mata was
blown up, and such of the captured ammunition as was useless to us, as
well as the cannon moulds found in El Molino del Rey, were destroyed.
Afte" which, my command, under the reiterated orders of the general-in
780 THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO.
chief, returned to quarters at Tacubaya, with three of the eriemy's four
guns, (the fourth, having been spiked, was rendered unserviceable;) as
also a large quantity of small arms, with gun and musket ammunition, and
exceeding eight hundred prisoners, including fifty-two commissioned officers
"By the concurrent testimony of prisoners, the enemy's force exceeded
fourteen thousand men, commanded by General Santa Anna in person.
His total loss, killed, (including the second and third in command, Generals
Valdarez and Leon,) wounded, and prisoners, amounts to three thousand,
exclusive of some two thousand who deserted after the rout.
"My command, reinforced as before stated, only reached three thousand
one hundred men of all arms. The contest continued two hours, and its
severity is painfully attested by our heavy loss of officers, non-commissioned
officers, and privates, including in the first two classes some of the brightest
ornaments of the service."
Immediately after this victory, the American engineers commenced a
series of daring reconnoissances on the castle of Chapultepec, and the
gates of Piedad, San Angel, San Antonio, and the Paseo de la Vega. The
defences around these positions are thus described by General Scott:
"This city stands on a slight swell of ground near the centre of an irregular basin, and is girdled with a ditch in its greatest extent-a navigable
canal of great breadth and depth-very difficult to bridge in the presence
of an enemy, and serving at once for drainage, custom-house purposes,
and military defence; leaving eight entrances or gates over arches, each
of which we found defended by a system of strong works, that seemed to
require nothing but some men and guns to be impregnable.
"Outside and within the cross-fires of those gates, we found to the
south other obstacles, but little less formidable. All the approaches near
the city are over elevated causeways, cut in many places, (to oppose us,)
and flanked on both sides by ditches, also of unusual dimensions. The
numerous cross-roads are flanked, in like manner, having bridges at tht
intersections, recently broken. The meadows thus checkered are more
over, in many spots, under water or marshy;-for it will be remembered,
we were in the midst of the wet season, though with less rain than usual,
and we could not wait for the fall of the neighbouring lakes, and the consequent drainage of the wet grounds, at the edge of the city —the lowest
in the whole basin."
An advance upon the enemy in the face of such obstacles, although it
might have resulted successfully, would no doubt have fearfully thinned
the American columns. Accordingly, ever mindful of the lives of his
soldiers, General Scott determined on a change of plan, enabling him to
attack the city on the soath and south-west, still deceiving the enemy by a
feint against the north. The execution of this admirable stratagem we
relate in his own words:
THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO. 781
" fter a close personal survey of the southern gates, with four times
our numbers concentrated in our immediate front, I determined on the I Ith,
to avoid the network of obstacles, and to seek, by a sudden inversion to
the south-west and west, less unfavourable approaches.
"To economize the lives of our gallant officers and men, as well as to
ensure success, it became indispensable that this resolution should be long
masked fromt the enemy; and again, that the new movement, when discovered, should be mistaken for a feint, and the old as intimating our true
and ultimate point of attack.
"Accordingly on the spot, (on the 11th,) I ordered Quitman's division
from Coyoacan to join Pillow by daylight, before the southern gates, and
then, that the two major-generals, with their divisions, should by night
proceed two miles to join me at Tacubaya, where I was quartered with
Worth's division. Twiggs with Riley's brigade, and Captains Taylor and
Steptoe's field-batteries —the latter of twelve-pounders —was left in front
of these gates to mIanmavre, to threaten, or to make false attaclis, in order
to occupy and deceive the enemy. Tw'oigs's other brigade (Smith's) was
left at supporting distance, in the rear at San Angel, till the morning of
the 13th, and also to support our general depot at Miscoac. The stratagem
against the south was admirably executed throughout the 12th, and down
to the afternoon of the 13th, when it was too late for the enemy to recover
from the effects (of his delusion.
"The first step in the new movement was to carry Chapultepec, a natural and isolated mound of great elevation, strongly fortified at its base, on
its acclivities and heights. Besides a military garrison, here was the mnilitary college of the republic, with a large number of sub-lieutenants and
other students. Those works were within direct gunshot of the village of
Tacubaya, and, until carried, we could not approach the city on the west,
without making a circuit too wide and too hazardous.
"In the course of the same night, (that of the 11th,) heavy batteries
within easy ranges were established. No. I on our right, under the command of Captain Drum, 4th artillery, (relieved late next day for some
hours by Lieutenant Andrews, of the 3d,) and No. 2, commanded by
Lieutenant Hagner, ordnance, both supported by Quitman's division.
Nos. 3 and 4, on the opposite side, supported by Pillow's division, were
commanded, the former by Captain Brooks and Lieutenant S. S. Anderson,
2d artillery, alternately, and the latter by Lieutenant Stone, ordnance.
The batteries were traced by Captain Huger, and Captain Lee, engineer,
and constructed by themr with the able assistance of the young officers of
those corps, and the artillery."
The general thus describes the operations upon Chapultepec, prior to
the final assault:
"The bombardment and cannonade under the direction of Captain Huger.
3U
782 THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO.
were commenced early on the morning of the 12th. Before nightfall
which necessarily stopped our batteries, we had perceived that a good impression had been made on the castle and its outworks, and that a large
body of the enemy had remained outside towards the city from an early
hour, to avoid our fire and be at hand on its cessation, in order to reinforce
the garrison against an assault. The same outside force was discovered
the next morning, after our batteries had reopened upon the castle, by
which we again reduced its garrison to the minimum needed for the guns.
"Pillow and Quitman had been in position since early on the night of
the 11th. Major-general Worth was now ordered to hold his division in
reserve near the foundtery, to support Pillow; and Brigadier-general Smith,
of Twiggs's division, had just arrived with his brigade from Piedad, (two
miles,) to support Quitman. Twiggs's guns before the southern gates again
reminded us, as the day before, that he, with Riley's brigade and Taylor's
and Steptoe's batteries, was in activity threatening the southern gates, and
there holding a great part of the Mexican army on the defensive.
"Worth's division furnished Pillow's attack with an assaulting party of
some two hundred and fifty volunteer officers and men, under Captain
McKenzie, of the 2d artillery; and Twiggs's division supplied a similar
one commanded by Captain Casey, 2d infantry, to Quitinan. Each of
those little columns was furnished with scaling ladders."
At an appointed signal on the morning of the 8th, Generals Quitman and
Pillow advanced to the assault. As the troops were marching, the batteries
behind them threw shot and shell over their heads into the enemy's works,
while strong reinforcements were held in reserve. Pillow pushed through
an open grove, driving before him the sharp-shooters with which it
abounded, until he was struck doiwn by a severe wound, and the command
devolved upon Brigadier-general Cadwalader.
On reaching the base of the height on which the castle is situated, the
progress of the troops was retarded by rocks, chasms, and mines. Notwithstanding these obstacles, they advanced in face of a galling fire of
cannon and musketry. The enemy's redoubt soon yielded to resistless
valour, and loud shouts announced to the castle its coming fate. Steadily
driven from shelter to shelter, the Mexicans were not allowed time to fire
a single mine without the certainty of blowing up friend and foe. Those
who at a distance attempted to apply matches to the long trains were shot
down. Death was above and below. At length the ditch and wall of the
main work were reached; the scaling ladders were brought up and planted
by the storming parties; some of the daring spirits first in the assault were
cast down, but a lodgement was soon made; streams of heroes followed, all
opposition was overcome, and the different regimental colours soon were
flung from the upper walls, and hailed with long continued shouts that
echoed to the capital.
A. A
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THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO. 78b
Simultaneously with these movements on the west, General Quitman
nad approached the south-east over a causeway with cuts and batteries,
and defended by an army strongly posted outside the works. He was
obliged to face these formidable obstacles, with but little shelter to his
troops, or space for manceuvring. Deep ditches flanking the causeway
made it difficult to cross on either side into the adjoining meadows, which
were also intersected by ditches. Smith's brigade made a sweep to the
right, in order to present a front against the enemy's outside lines, and
turn two intervening batteries near the foot of Chapultepec. This movement was intended to support Quitman's storming parties on the causeway.
These crossed the meadows in front and entered the outer enclosure of
Chapultepec, in time to join the final assault from the west.
Meanwhile General Scott had sent orders to Worth, to turn Chapultepec
with his division, and to proceed cautiously, by the road at its northern
base, in order, if not met by very superior numbers, to threaten or to attack
in rear that body of the enemy. That officer with one brigade, (the other
having been demanded as a reinforcement by General Pillow,) promptly
advanced, turned the forest on the west, and arrived opposite to the north
centre of Chapultepec. Here he encountered the troops under Colonel
Trousdale, and aided in the capture of a breastwork. Continuing to
advance, he passed Chapultepec, and attacked the right of the enemy's
line resting on that road about the moment of the general retreat consequent upon the capture of the castle and its outworks.
Immediately after this brilliant affair, the American commander began
active preparations for entering the -ity. These, together with the obstacles to be surmounted, he thus des:..- bes:"There are two routes from Chapitepec'o the capital: the one on the
right entering the same gate, Belen, with the road from the south via
Piedad; and the other obliquing to the left, to intersect the great western,
or San Cosnie road, in a suburb outside of the gate of San Cosine.
"Each of these routes (an elevated causeway) presents a double roadway on the sides of an aqueduct of strong masonry and great height,
resting on open arches and massive pillars, which, together, afford fine
points both for attack and defence. The sideways of both aqueducts are,
moreover, defended by many strong breastworks at the gates, and before
reaching them. As we had exlected, we found the four tracks unusually
dry and solid for the season.
"Worth and Quitman were prompt in pursuing the retreating enemy:
the former by the San Cosine aqueduct, and the latter along that of Belen.
Each had now advanced some hundred yards.
"Deeming it all-important to profit by our successes, and the consequent
dismay of the enemy, which could n.ot be otherwise than general, I haste n, L
to despatch, frorm Chapultepec-first, Clarke's brigade, and then Cadw-'
VULt 11.-'99 3 U I
q6 Ad 1l E-i i CA PTU I' E O(F EXIC S 1( O.
der's, to ti_e support of Worth, and gave orders that the necessary heavy
guns should follow. Pierce's brigade was, at the same time, sent to Quit
man, and, in the course of the afternoon, I caused some additional siege
pieces to be added to his train. Then, after designating the fifteenth
infantry, under Lieutenant-colonel Howard, (Morgan, the colonel, had
been disabled by a wound at Churubusco,) as the garrison at Chapultepec..
and giving directions for the care of the prisoners of war, the captured ordnance and ordnance stores, I proceeded to join the advance of Worth,
within the suburb, and beyond the turn at the junction of the aqueduct
with the great highway from the west to the gate of San Cosme.
"At this junction of roads, we first passed one of those formidable systems
of city defences spoken of above, and it had not a gun!-a strong proof —
1. That the enemy had expected us to fail in the attack upon Chapultepec,
even if we meant any thing more than a feint; 2. That, in either case, we
designed, in his belief, to return and double our for( es against the southern
gates, a delusion kept up by the active demonstrations of Twiggs and the
forces posted on that side; and 3. That advancing rapidly from the reduction of Chapultepec, the enemy had not time to shift guns (our previous
captures had left him, comparatively, but few) from the southern gates.
"Within those disgarnished works I found our troops engaged in a street
fight against the enemy posted in gardens, at windows, and on house-tops,
all flat, with parapets. Worth ordered forward the mountain howitzers of
Cadwalader's brigade, preceded by skirmishers and pioneers, with pickaxes and crowbars, to force windows and doors, or to burrow through walls.
The assailants were soon in an equality of position fatal to the enemy. By
eight o'clock in the evening Worth had carried two batteries in this suburb.
According to my instructions, he here posted guards and sentinels, and
placed his troops under shelter for the night. There was but one more
obstacle-the San Cosme gate (custom-house)-between him and the great
square in front of the cathedral and palace; the heart of the city and that
barrier, it was known, could not, by daylight, resist our siege guns thirty
minutes.
"I had gone back to the fort of Chapultepec, the point from which the
two aqueducts begin to diverge, some hours earlier, in order to be near that
new depot and in easy communication with Quitman and Twiggs as well
as with Worth.
"From this point I ordered all detachments and stragglers to their respective corps, then in advance; sent to Quitman additional siege guns,
ammunition, intrenching tools; directed Twiggs's remaining brigade,
(Riley's) from Piedad, to support Worth, and Captain Steptoe's field battery, also at Piedad, to rejoin Quitman's division.
"I had been, from the first, well aware that the western, or San Cosme,,wasthe less difficult route to the centre and conquest of the capital; and,
THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO. 787
therefore, intended that Quitman should only maneuvre and threaten the
Belen or south-western gate, in order to favour the main attack by Worth:
snowing that the strong defences at the Belen were directly under the
guns of the much stronger fortress, called the citadel, just within. Both
of these defences of the enemy were also within easy supporting distance
fiorn the San Angel (or Nino Perdido) and San Antonio gates. Hence
the greater support, in numbers, given to Worth's movement as the main
attack.
" Those views I repeatedly, in the course of the day, communicated to
Major-general Quitman; but, being in hot pursuit-gallant himself, and
ably supported by Brigadier-generals Shields and Smith, (Shields badly
wounded before Chapultepec, and refusing to retire,) as well as by all the
officers and men of the column, Quitman continued to press forward, under
flank and direct fires; cam ried an intermediate battery of two guns, and
then the gate, before two o clock in the afternoon, but not without proportionate loss, increased by his steady maintenance of that position.
" Quitman, within the city, (adding several new defences to the position
he had won, and sheltering his corps as well as practicable,) now awaited
the return of daylight under the guns of the formidable citadel, yet to be
subdued.
"At about four o'clock next morning, (September fourteenth,) a deputation of the ayuntamiento (city council) waited upon me to report that the
federal government and the army of Mexico had fled from the capital some
three hours before, and to demand terms of capitulation in favour of the
church, the citizens, and the municipal authorities. I promptly replied
that I would sign no capitulation; that the city had been virtually in our
possession from the time of the lodgments effected by Worth and Quitman
the day before; that I regretted the silent escape of the Mexican army;
that I should levy upon the city a moderate contribution, for special purposes; and that the American army should conie under no terms, not seyfimposed; such only as its own honour, the dignity of the United States, and
the spirit of the age, should, in my opinion, imperiously demand and
impose.
" At the termination of the interview with the city deputation, I communicated, about daylight, orders to Worth and Quitman to advance slowly
and cautiously (to guard against treachery) towards the heart of the city,
and to occupy its stronger and more commanding points. Quitman proceeded to the great plaza or square, planted guards, and hoisted the colours
of the United States on the national palace, containing the halls of Congress
and executive apartments of federal Mexico. In this grateful service,
Quitman might have been anticipated by Worth,but for my express orders,
halting the latter at the head of the.l1ameda, (a green park,) within three
squares of that goal of general ambition. The capital, however, was not
188 THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO.
taken by any one or two corps, but by the talent, the science, the gallantry
the prowess of this entire army. In the glorious conquest, all had con.
tributed-early and powerfully-the killed, the wounded, and the fit for
duty-at Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, Contreras, San Antonio, Churubusco,
(three battles,) the Molinos del Rey, and Chapultepec —as much as those
who fought at the gates of Belen and San Cosine.
" Soon after we had entered, and were in the act of occupying the city,
a fire was opened upon us from the flat roofs of the houses, from windows
and corners of streets, by some two thousand convicts liberated the night
before by the flying government: joined by, perhaps, as many Mexican
soldiers, who had disbanded themselves and thrown off their uniforms.
This unlawful war lasted more than twenty-four hours, in spite of the
exertions of the municipal authorities, and was not put down till we had
lost many men, including several officers, killed or wounded, and had punished the miscreants. Their objects were, to gratify national hatred; and,
in the general alarm and confusion, to plunder the wealthy inhabitants;
particularly the deserted houses. But families are now generally returning;
business of every kind has been resumed, and the city is already tranquil
and cheerful, under the admirable conduct (with exceptions very few and
trifling) of our gallant troops."
After the capture of the city, General Quitman was appointed military
governor, and Captain Naylor superintendent of the National Palace.
Soon after, the former officer left the army on a visit to the United States,
and General i'ersifor F. Smith was appointed to succeed him.
Thus, in less than one month, eight thousand men fought eight important
battles, stormed castles, towns, and redoubts, garrisoned with three times
the number of the assailants, defeated thirty-two thousand Mexican veterans, killing seven thousand, and capturing thirty-seven hundred, and
thirteen generals, of whom three were ex-presidents; taking more than
twenty colours and standards, one hundred and twenty-two cannon, twenty
thousand small arms, with an immense quantity of shot, shells, &c.; and
finally entered triumphantly a capital whose every wall was a fortification,
every house a fort, and which contained a population of nearly two hundred
thousand souls.
While these great events were transpiring before the capital, important movements were taking place at Puebla. The American force
at this place was commanded by Colonel Childs. It consisted of but
two hundred and forty-seven effective men, eighteen hundred being
sick at the hospital. Under these circumstances a revolt of the inhabitants obliged him to retire from the city and take refuge in the
neighbouring redoubts. There he was attacked by the citizen soldiery.
aided by numerous bands from other quarters, and obliged to maintain a siege of twenty-eight days. His account of these transactions
THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO. 789
and of Santa Anna's arrival with reinforcements to the assailants, is full
of interest:
"No open acts of hostility, other than the murdering of straggling soldiers, occurred until the morning of the 13th of September, when a fire
was opened from some of the streets. On the night of the 14th it recom
menced, and from every street, with a violence that knew of no cessation,
for twenty-four days and nights.
"The enemy, with their numerous cavalry, succeeded in cutting off, at
once, every kind of supplies, and vainly attempted to change the current of
the stream of water, that we might become a more easy prey. The night,
however, before the cattle and sheep disappeared from this vicinity, two
well-conducted parties obtained thirty of the former and four hundred of
the latter.
"The various points to be defended for the preservation of San Jose, on
which the safety of the other posts depended, demanded the untiring vigilance of every officer and mrran
"The enemy augmented in numbers daily, and a.ily the firing was
increased; and finally, on the 22d of September, General Santa Anna
arrived with large reinforcements from Mexico, much to the delight of the
besiegers, on which occasion a great ringing of bells took place, and was
only stopped, as it had been several times before, by a discharge of shells
and round-shot from Loretto into the heart of the city.
"On the 25th of September General Santa Anna demanded my surrender.
* * * * "I here beg to pay a passing tribute to my gallant troops.
So soon as I had despatched my answer, I supposed not a moment would
be lost by the general, who was to attack me at all points with his eight
thousand troops. I rode to the different posts, and announced to the
troops the demand, the force with which it was backed, and my reply.
Their responses convinced me that all was safe; that a hard and bloody
battle must be fought ere the great captain of Mexico could overcome my
little band.
"The point of attack was San Jose, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel
Black, with Captain Ford's company of cavalry, and Captain Miller's
company of 4th artillery, and four companies of his own regiment, and one
hospital, the guard of which was in command of Captain Rowe of the 9th
regiment of infantry.
"The duty required of this command, as I have before observed, iln
consequence of the various points to be defended, demanded an uintiring
effort on the part of every officer and soldier. A shower of bu iets was
constantly poured from the streets, the balconies, the house-tops, and
c;urches, upon their devoted heads.
"Never did troops endure more fatigue by watching night after night,
for more than thirty successive nights, nor exhibit more patience, spirit,
790 THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO.
PUEBLA DE LOS ANGELO.
and gallantry. Not a post of danger could present itself, but the gallant
fellows were ready to fill it. Not a sentinel could be shot, but another was
anxious and ready to take his place. Officers and soldiers vied with each
other to be honoured martyrs in their country's cause. This is the general
character of the troops I had the honour to command, and I was confident
the crown of victory would perch upon their standard when the last great
effort should be made. Their bold and determined front deprived them of
what they anxiously desired.
"On the 30th ult. General Santa Anna had established his battery bearing upon San Jose, and opened with much spirit. Having anticipated this
movement, I had thrown up a traverse on the plaza, and withdrawn a twelve
pounder from Loretto, by which means I was enabled to answer his shot
Towards night his battery ceased, and on the next morning was withdrawn,
together with from three to four thousand of the besieging force, to meet
the reinforcements then daily expected at Pinal.
"On the 2d instant I availed myself of some reduction of the enemy's
numbers to make a sortie against certain barricades and buildings, whose
fire had become very annoying. One of the expeditions was confided to
THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO. 791
Captain Small, of the 1st Pennsylvania volunteers. Passing through the
walls of an entire square with fifty men, he gained a position opposite the
barricade, and drove the enemy with great loss, they leaving seventeen
dead on the ground. The barricade, consisting of one hundred and fifty
bales of cotton, was consumed. In this affair, Captain Small and his comnand behaved with great gallantry, and for twenty-four hours were unceasing in their labours in accomplishing the object; when I sent Lieutenant
Laidley, of the ordnance corps, to blow up a prominent building, which
was done by that excellent officer in good style; when the entire party was
withdrawn, with a few wounded.
"At the same time Lieutenant Morgan, of the 14th regiment, with a
detachment of marines, and Lieutenant Merrifield, of the 15th regirent,
with a detachment of rifles, attempted to gain possession of certain builoings
from which we were receiving a most galling fire. Lieutenant Mtrrifieid
entered the building. Lieutenant Morgan was not so fortunate. The
enemy being present in great force, I directed him to fall back, with the
loss of one man killed. On the 5th instant, Captain Herron was detached
with his company to take possession of a building, from which the enemy
had been enfilading the plaza. T'his he did in a very handsome manner,
and to my entire satisfaction, with only a few men wounded."
On the 12th of October General Lane entered Puebla with large reinforcements for the Americans, cleared the streets of the enemy, and restored
order and quietness in the city.
In his march to this place General Lane had encountered a part of Santa
Anna's forces, and defeated them at the town of Huamantla. Santa Anna
had previously left Puebla in consequence of a revolt among his troops,
and in retiring encountered General Lane. An officer of the American
army gives the following account of the engagement:" The army, now numbering some three thousand men, advanced towards
Puebla, and, on the evening of the 8th of October, arrived at the hacienda
San Antonio Tamaris, distant thirty-five miles from that city. Information
had been daily received, that General Santa Anna was stationed at the pass
of Pinal, (Venta del Pinal,) with four thousand men and several pieces of
artillery to oppose our progress. This pass was twelve miles in advance
of the hacienda. Accordingly, on the morning of the 9th, the whole army
prepared to march and attack the pass. At this moment information was
received, that General Santa Anna was in the town of Huamantla, distant
ten miles from the hacienda, seven from the main road, and eight from the
pass, or four miles nearer the pass than our encampment.
"General Lane, leaving a considerable portion of his forces at the hacienda
with the baggage wagons, and part of the artillery, determined to advance
upon Huamantla, taking with him the Indiana and Ohio regiments, and
Colonel Wynkooe's, Major Lally's, and Captain Simmon's battalions, and
792 THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO.
sending in advance the mounted men, about two hundred, under command
of Captain Walker, with instructions to act as circumstances might require.
Captain Walker advanced rapidly towards the town, and when within a
short distance, ascertained that the enemy were there in considerable force
with several pieces of artillery; and fearing lest any delay, in waiting for
the advance of the infantry, might enable the enemy to escape with their
cannon, gallantly ordered a charge with his handful of men, and after a
brisk fight, succeeded in capturing four pieces of artillery, and driving off
the enemy.
"When the order was given to charge, there rose a wild yell, and such
a charge, the flashing of the sabres, the thundering of the horses' feet
over the paved streets, were enough to strike terror into the hearts of the
enemy. Two of their cannon were pointed up the street, another pointed
down a cross street, and the fuse was burning in it. The terrified artillerymen moved merely to the sides of the houses, at whom our men made their
thrusts and right and left cuts, killing many in this manner; the cavalry
rushed over their cannon, the lancers (how many we did not know, but.upposed there were three or four hundred) fled; our men separating into
small parties pursued them beyond the town, on tne outskirts of which a
good many were killed. Captain Walker went beyond the town for the
purpose of overtaking the artillery which had left the place. Captain
Lewis went in another direction for the same purpose; Captain Besanson
was ordered to follow the road, to see if the artillery could be overtaken.
In the mean time, the most of our men having gone in pursuit, Captain
Loyall with a few men, assisted by Adjutant Claiborne, secured some fifty
or sixty prisoners at their quarters, together with their arms, &c. Lieutenant Claiborne then proceeded to secure and bring up to the plaza the
cannon (three pieces) we had captured; Captain Walker returned about
this time, and going to the plaza was collecting our men.
"Lieutenant Anderson, of the Georgia volunteers, pursued and captured
Major Iturbide and Colonel La Vega, (a brother of the general's,) and a
lieutenant; these he delivered to Captain Walker. Lieutenant Claiborne,
assisted by Corporal Hescock, and private Myers, and one or two others,
limbered up the six-pounder and brought it to the plaza. Leaving it limbered up and the mules standing in it, and returning to get the fourpounder, the lieutenant was in the act of bringing it up, when he was
forced to leave it by the appearance of all Santa Anna's cavalry, two thousand five hundred strong. Corporal Tilghman, of company C, rifles,
brought up a small howitzer. Private Dusenbery, of company C, took a
lieutenant of artillery prisoner, and turned him over to Surgeon Reynolds.
By this time a good many of our men had returned, and were in the plaza
in scattered groups, when the lancers charged them suddenly and unexpectedly. Our men received them with great bravery, and kept the plaza
THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO. 793
with.he exception of a few under Captain Walker, who retired by a street
leading west from the plaza; they were joined by Lieutenant Claiborne
and his party, who were approaching the square. Captain Walker led
themn from the plaza —the enemy close on them at a charge; he turned the
next street to his left, while the enemy, seeing the four-pounder, rushed to
it to retake it. Fortunately for the few men with Captain Walker, they
saw this piece, for at the very next corner, a still larger force met him; he
wheeled, and dashing swiftly past the rear of those who had cut him off
from the plaza, again entered it. Here the men dismounted and occupied
the convent yard, together with a large house in the corner of the square.
Captain Lewis and Lieutenant Waters, with some ten or twelve men,
charged twice upon the enemy, who gave way, and were pursuing them,
when they discovered they.were being surrounded by a vast number of
lancers. They gallantly forced their way to the plaza; Captain BesanDon
barely returned in time to save himself. Private Hugenen and Corporal
Merrillen, of company C, rifles, being entirely surrounded, drove right into
their midst, and fell covered with wounds. Captain Walker gave his orders
promptly to form the men to receive the enemy, who now made their appearance on our right, in front, and on our left. They had also run up
the four-pounder to open on us.
" Lieutenant Claiborne, assisted by Corporal Tilghman, unlimbered the
six-pounder, and pointed it at the column on our left. Having no port-fire,
he prepared to fire it with a horse-pistol; the enemy came nearer and
nearer, until at about sixty yards off, when they halted. At this moment,
the lieutenant fired the pistol, but the fuse of the cannon would not catch,
and being left alone in the plaza, he retired to the corner house, and posted
some riflemen to keep the piece from recapture. At this juncture Captain
Walker, while examining the approach of the enemy, and looking at the
four-pounder on our right, was shot from behind, from a house that displayed a white flag. He sunk down immediately, and was borne into the
yard, the men bursting into tears as the cry spread among them,' Captain
Walker's killed.' Captain Walker directed that we should'never surrender,' and died in about thirty minutes.
" The state of the case, as subsequently ascertained, appeared to be this:
-General Santa Anna having remained during the night of the 8th, in the
town of Huamantla, some four or five miles nearer the pass than the encampment of General Lane, had confidently left early in the morning with four
thousand five hundred men for the pass, leaving behind five hundred men
and artillerists to follow with the cannon. The unexpected advance of
Walker was soon perceived by the advanced forces of General Santa Anna,
who, being cavalry, and in large numbers, immediately started back to the
town at a rapid pace to save or recover their artillery, without which they
could of course make no stand at the pass of Pinal. Being well mounted
VOL I. —100 3 X
794 THE CAP'rURE OF MEXICO.
they were enabled to reach the town sooner than the infantry under Gene.
ral Lane, who, however, made most strenuous exertions to reach it with or
before them. This movement of the enemy was unknown to Captain
WTalker, and supposing after the capture of the guns, and the rout of the
five hundred men with them, the affair to be over, suffered his men to disperse through the town to cut off the retreat of the enemy, and capture
any more guns and ammunition that might be discovered. Captain
Walker, with some fifty or sixty men, remained in the plaza or centre
square of the town.
" At this time, to the entire surprise of all, a sudden rush was made into
the plaza by the enemy, who made a fierce attack with lances and escopets
upon the small band. Captain Walker soon rallied his few men, and took
a position in front of a church, and determined to fight until the last. He
had maintained this position some fifteen or twenty minutes, when he fell
mortally wounded. Captain Lewis, of the Louisiana mounted volunteers,
gallantly rallied the few remaining men, and with the aid of one cannon,
captured from the enemy, maintained the position until the arrival of the
infantry, which soon terminated the whole engagement.
"General Lane, perceiving the return of the enery's cavalry, properly
foresaw that whoever reached the town first would have the advantage,
gave the order for a rapid advance, and it was with great emulation that
Colonel Gorman's Indiana regiment and Colonel Wynkoop's battalion
struggled to gain the town. They arrived at about the same time, Colonel
Gorman taking position on one side of the city, and Colonel Wynkoop on
the other. After a few rounds between them and the enemy, the latter
withdrew and left the town in the hands of the Americans.
"In the course of the action between the American mounted men and
the enemy, two of the four pieces of cannon were recovered by the enemy,
but the small band resolutely retained, defended, and saved the two others,
and a large amount of ammunition was also captured, say about thirty
wagon loads. Santa Anna, being thus deprived of part of his means of
warfare, made no stand subsequently at the Pass of Pinal.
"The loss on our side was thirteen killed and eleven wounded, all, with
the exception of three, of Captain Walker's company. The loss of the
enemy was one hundred and fifty.
"We will here mention one incident, which shows how insensible the
gallant W'aiker was to danger, however impending. When in the course
of the second engagement between Walker's band and the overwhelming
body of lancers. Surgeon Reynolds, who had become separated from him
by the breadth of the plaza, or open square of one hundred yards, seizing
the most favourable moment, dashed through the space occupied by the
enemy, and jumping from his horse, with an escopet, which he had
taker. from a Mexican, took his place again by the side of Walker,
TI lE CAP1TU E OF MEXICO. 795
the latter turned to him and said,' That's right, doctor, we can whip them
a.'
"Santa Anna had been waiting for the American train for some time at
Huarnantla, and had obtained accurate information of its strength through
his spies. It was his intention to let it proceed until it reached the narrow
and difficult pass of Pinal, and then to attack it in the rear. He was,
however, fortunately for us, out-generaled by Lane. When the Americans
left the main road and took that leading to Hunmantla, Santa Anna was in
a steeple of a distant village church, surrounded by his staff, using his
spy-glass in scanning the country. The moment the head of our column
debouched from the main road, he realized the design of General Lane tc
capture his artillery, and immediately sent two or three of his aids, with a
strong force, to bring it off, if not already lost, or recapture it, if taken. In
the execution of this order, Major Iturbide, who was afterwards made a
prisoner, came dashing towards the town in a furious gallop. At the same
time, Lieutenant McDonald, of the artillery, was spurring ahead of our
troops towards the same point. Both officers rode for some distance within
hail of each other, and a desperate and exciting race was kept up between
them, until Lieutenant McDonald's horse stumbled and fell, when Iturbide
pushed forward and gained the town. He, however, arrived too late to
bring off all the artillery, and was soon captured by Lieutenant Anderson.
"Major Bowman was in the immediate command of the four companies
of the 1st Pennsylvania regiment, and led them up in gallant style. His
conduct on this occasion is highly spoken of by all who witnessed it.
Lieutenant Claiborne, of Captain Walker's company, is also highly commended for his gallantry."
On the evening of the 18th instant, General Lane received intelligence
that a considerable force of the enemy were at Atlisco, a town about thirty
miles from Perote. He marched for that place about noon next day, and
at four o'clock, P. m., came in sight of the enemy's advance guard, stationed
at Santa Isabella. This the cavalry charged, driving it a mile and a half
in a sort of running fight. On arriving at a small hill the Mexicans made
a stand, and fought obstinately until the American infantry. appeared, when
they again fled. The artillery fired a few shots as it came up, but without
effect, as by their rapid retreat the enemy had placed themselves at long
range. The dragoons, however, again engaged them, and another running fight, for about four miles, ensued. When within a mile and a
half of Atlisco, the whole body of the enermy lwas discovered on a side
hill, posted in small parties behind chaparral hedges, with which the hill
was covered. Into these the pursuing cavalry dashed, cutting down great
numbers. The chaparral was so thick that the dragoons were ordered to
dismount and fight on foot. "A most bloody conflict ensued," says General
Lane, "fatal to the enemy. Our infantry for the last six miles had been
796 THE CAPTURE OF MEXICO.
straining themselves to the utmost to overtake the enemy, pressing forward
most arduously, notwithstanding the forced march of sixteen miles since
eleven o'clock. Owing to the nature of the road, almost entirely destroyed
by gullies, the artillery could only advance at a walk. As soon as the
infantry again appeared in sight, the enemy retreated. So worn out were
our horses, (the sun having been broiling hot all day,) that they could pursue
the enemy no further. The column was pressed forward as rapidly as
possible towards the town; but night had already shut in, giving us, however, the advantage of a fine moonlight. As we approached, several shots
were fired at us, and deeming it unsafe to risk a street fight in an unknown
town at night, I ordered the artillery to be posted on a hill near to the town,
overlooking it, and open its fire. Now ensued one of the most beautiful
sights conceivable. Every gun was served with the utmost rapidity; and
the crashing of the walls and the roofs of the houses when struck by our
shot and shell, was mingled with the roar of our artillery. The bright
light of the moon enabled us to direct our shots to the most thickly populated parts of the town.
"After firing three-quarters of an hour, and the firing from the town
having ceased, I ordered Major Lally and Colonel Brough to advance
cautiously with their commands into the town. On entering, I was waited
upon by the ayuntamiento, desiring that their town might be spared. After
searching the next morning for arms and ammunition, and disposing of
what was found, I commenced my return."
The loss of the enemy in this action was two hundred and nineteen
killed and three hundred wounded. The Americans had one killed and
one wounded. Immediately after the battle, General Lane marched for
Puebla, which he reached without opposition.
On the same day that General Lane left Puebla, (October 18th,) a portion of the American fleet were making active preparations for an attack
upon the town of Guayinas. The following is an account of the bombardment and capture of this place:" The frigate Congress, the sloop of war Portsmouth, and the brig Argo,
belonging to Mr. John Robinson, United States consular agent there, composed our force. The Portsmouth anchored off the port on the 16th of
October, and the Congress and Argo the next day. On the 18th the Argo
anchored between the islands of Almogre Grande and Almagre Chico.
"A mortar was planted during the day upon each island. A small boat
was then put off from the Argo, bearing Mr. Wm. Robinson, a relative of
the consul, and came off to the town. Robinson was conducted to the
governor, and explained to him that the purpose of the Americans was to
take the port, and he advised its surrender to prevent disastrous consequences. Mr. Robinson also explained that he had fallen in with the
United States squadron, in the Argo, off Cape Pulmnon, and the vessel was
THIE CAPTURE OF MEXICO. 797
made prize of. The Mexican commandant replied that the surrender of
she town was out of the question, being incompatible with the honour of
the commandant and that of the arms of the republic. Mr. Robinson thern
returned to the Argo.
"On the 19th the Congress and Portsmouth took up their position to
open their fire; the town was formally summoned to surrender, under pain
of being fired into. The commander still refused, but the Americans did
not open upon it that day. The Mexicans allege that having no heavy
artillery to annoy our squadron, the commandant evacuated the town during
the night with his troops, and took up a position at Bacochibampo, a league
fiom the town, where he had previously placed a battery of fourteen guns
to resist the Americans, should they attempt to penetrate the interior.
"At six o'clock on the morning of the 20th, the Americans opened their
fire from both vessels of war and two mortars, and continued it for more
than an hour. In this time they discharged upon the town over five
hundred shot, among which were many shells. One English resident was
killed, some houses were burnt and others destroyed. A flag of truce
was then sent to them, and a party of sailors and marines then went
ashore and planted the American flag on the fort erected on the hill called
the Casal Blanca, close to the pier."
Immediately on taking possession, Captain Lavallette issued a proclamation, dated the 20th, claiming the town for the United States, but securing
to the inhabitants all their civil and religious privileges, promising official
protection, and requesting the civil authorities to continue the exercise of
their functions under his supervision.
The town of Mazatlan was soon afterwards captured by the American
troops without opposition.' ii:!'i! -:'%Ztwov
-— ~~~ ~~~~~~~i;~~~~;~f~~=~P-Hil
COLON3EL JC.C. FREMONT.
FINAL CONQUEST OF' CALIFORNIA.
- HILE Generals Taylor and Scott had been con,
ducting their brilliant operations
in the heart of Mexico, Alta
California had been the scene of
active hostilities. On the 28th of
August, 1846, Commodore Stockton and Colonel Fremont were at
Los Angeles, whence, early in September, Colonel Fremont went
north, with only forty men, intending to recruit and return immediately. Commodore Stockton proceeded with the squadron to San Francisco, leaving Captain Gillespie, with only thirty riflemen, at Los Angeles, and Lieutenant Talbot,
with nine men, at Santa Barbara.
Scarcely had Commodore Stockton arrived at San Francisco, when he received
798
FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA. 799
information that all the country below Monterey was in arms, and the Mexican flag again hoisted. The Californians rebelled, and invested, on the 23d
of September, the " City of the Angels," where Captain Gillespie, finding himself and his very few men overpowered by full three hundred Californians,
capitulated on the 30th following. He thence retired with all the foreigners,
aboard the sloop of war, &c., lying at San Pedro, and sailed to Monterey.
Manual Gaspar then marched to Santa Barbara, and summoned Lieutenant
Talbot to surrender; this he refused, but marched out with his nine men,
arms in hand.
Commodore Stockton sent down, from San Francisco, the frigate Savannah to
relieve the Pueblo de los Angeles, but she arrived a few days after the above
events. Our eager tars lost no time, however, and her crew, numbering
three hundred and twenty men, were landed to march to Los Angeles. They
met the Californians on a plain near Domingo's Rancho-about halfway
from San Pedro and Los Angeles-distant about fifteen miles from the ship.
The enemy, mounted on fine horses and with artillery, had every advantage
over our brave sailors, who, on foot, and with small arms alone, were forced
to retreat with the loss of five killed, and six wounded.
Commodore Stockton himself came down in the Congress to San Pedro,
whence he took up his march for the "City of the Angels," dragging up, by
hand, six of the ship's guns, (for the Californians had driven off every animal.)
At the Rancho Sepulvida, they met a large force of the enemy; when, sending one hundred men in advance to receive the fire of the Californians, and
to fall back on the main body without returning it, Commodore Stockton thus
decoyed the enemy close up to the main body, formed in a triangle, with the
guns hid by the men, and loaded with grape and canister, when the wings
were extended, and a most deadly fire opened, by which more than one hundred were killed, and more than that number wounded, and the enemy routed,
leaving about one hundred prisoners, many of whom, thus captured, were at
the time on parol, and had before signed an obligation not to take up arms
during the war. Their subsequent disposition will be seen elsewhere.
As rapidly as possible, Commodore Stockton mounted his men and organized
his forces for operations on shore. All the horses were thus taken by one party
or the other from the purposes of agriculture; in fact, the emigrants were all
more or less enrolled and engaged in the contest, which was waged in series
of skirmishes, until January, 1847, when the war was put an end to by a
decisive action.
Meanwhile, individual feats of gallantry, a characteristic courage, activity,
and ardour, strongly marked all the operations of our sailors in their novel
position ashore.
The fleet had cruised actively along the whole western coast of Mexico,
blockading all her ports. Guaymas had been taken by bombardment
Commander Dupont, in the Cyane, had taken fourteen prizes, &c., and had
800 FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA.
GENERAL E ARNY.
captured at San Bias many guns. Lieutenant Radford, in command of the
boats of the Warren, had gallantly cut out of the harbour of Mazatlan the
Mexican vessel of war Malek-Abdel, and various other achievements had
signalized their efficiency.
Busy settlements were being formed by emigrants, of whom numbers
arrived, and who, marching in arms through the country, acquired, at least,
a knowledge of its real value and resources.
On the bay of San Francisco, several towns were located. Yerba Buena,
in rivalry with Monterey, was rapidly becoming an important place; lots,
squares, &c., were laid out, and a newspaper established by the leader of the
Mormon emigrants, S. Brannon, Esq., entitled, "The California Star."
It is to be remembered that our gallant tars carried on this contest, up to
this time, almost entirely without the means of transportation, whereby they
could "meet the enemy," while the Californians were mounted on fine horses,
and the best riders in the world, and could thus choose their own time, place,
and distance of attack.
The warfare was kept up chiefly south of Monterey, until the arrival of
General Kearny. That distinguished officer, after leading about eighty dragoons through a great extent of unknown country, arrived in Alta California
in December. On the 5th of that month, he was joined by a small party of
FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA. 801
BATTLE: 0 SA1 N PASQUAL
volunteers under Captain Gillespie, and he encamped near the rancho of Mr.
Stokes, about forty miles from San Diego. His movements immediately
subsequent are narrated in the following official despatch, dated, San
Diego, Upper California, December 13, 1846:-' SIR: In my communication to you of yesterday's date, I brought the reports of the movements of my guard up to the morning of the 5th instant, in
camp near a rancho of Mr. Stokes, (Santa Maria,) about forty miles from
San Diego.
"Having learned from Captain Gillespie, of the volunteers, that there was an
armed party of Californians, with a number of extra horses, at San Pasqual:
three leagues distant, on a road leading to this place, I sent Lieutenant Hammond, First Dragoons, with a few men to make a reconnoissance of them.
He returned at two in the morning of the 6th instant, reporting that he had
found the party in the place mentioned, and that he had been seen, though
not pursued by them. I then determined that I would march for and attack
them by break of day. Arrangements were accordingly made for the purpose. My aid-dce-camp, Captain Johnston, dragoons, was assigned to the command of the advanced guard of twelve dragoons, mounted on the best horses
we had; then followed about fifty dragoons under Captain Moore, mounted,
with but few exceptions, on the tired mules they had ridden from Santa Fee
(New Mexico, ten hundred and fifty miles;) then about twenty volunteers of
VOL. II. — 101.
co 22.~ 7XT. (OU' ST (A IOIF 0' }.,.
Capl'tain G ibson's company under his command, and that of Captain Gillespie;
then l)!1owed our two mountain howitzers, with dragoons to manage them,
anl under the charge of Lieutenant Davidson, of the 1st regiment. The remainder of the dragoons, volunteers, and citizens employed by the officers of the
staff, &c., were placed under the command of Major Swords, (quartermaster,)
with orders to follow on our trail with the baggage, and to see to its safety.
"As the day (December 6) dawned, we approached the enemy at San
Pasqual, who was already in the saddle, when Captain Johnston made a furious
charge upon them with his advance guard, and was in a short time after supported by the dragoons; soon after which the enemy gave way, having kept
up fromn the beginning a continued fire upon us. Upon the retreat of the
enemy, Captain Moore led off rapidly in pursuit, accompanied by the dragoons,
mounted on horses, and was followed, though slowly, by the others on their
tired mules; the enemy, well mounted, and among the best horsemen in the
world, after retreating about half a mile, and seeing an interval between
Captain Moore with his advance, and the dragoons coming to his support,
ralIlied their whole force, charged with their lances, and, on account of their
Lgreatly superior numbers, but few of us in front remained untouched; for five
minutes they held the ground from us, when our men coming up, we again
drove them, and they fled from the field, not to return to it, which we occupied and encamped upon.
"A most melancholy duty now remains for me: it is to report the death of
my aid-de-camp, Captain Johnston, who was shot dead at the commencement
of the action; of Captain Moore, who was lanced just previous to the final
retreat of the enemy; and of Lieutenant Hammond, also lanced, and who
survived but a few hours. We had also killed two sergeants, two corporals,
and ten privates of the First Dragoons; one private of the volunteers, and
one man, an engage in the topographical department. Among the wounded
are myself, (in two places,) Lieutenant Warner, Topographical Engineers,
(in three places,) Captains Gillespie and Gibson, of the volunteers, (the
former in three places,) one sergeant, one bugleman, and nine privates of
the dragoons; many of these surviving from two to ten lance-wounds, most
of them when unhorsed and incapable of resistance.
"Our howitzers were not brought into the action; but coming to the front
at the close of it, before they were turned, so as to admit of being fired upon
the retreating enemy, the two mules before one of them got alarmed, and
freeing themselves from their drivers, ran off, and among the enemy, and
were thus lost to us.
"The enemy proved to be a party of one hundred and sixty Californians
under Andreas Pico, brother of the late governor; the number of their dead
and wounded must have been considerable, though I have no means of
ascertaining how many, as just previous to their final retreat they carried off
all excepting six.
FT15 AL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA. 803
"The great number of our killed and wounded proves that our officers and
men have fully sustained the high character and reputation of our troops;
and the victory thus gained over more than double our force may assist in
forming the wreath of our national glory.
"I have to return my thanks to many for their gallantry and good conduct
on the field, and particularly to Captain Turner, First Dragoons, (assistant
acting adjutant-general,) and to Lieutenant Emory, Topographical Engineers,
who were active in the performance of their duties, and in conveying orders
from me to the command.
"On the morning of the 7th, having made ambulances for our wounded,
and interred the dead, we proceeded on our march, when the enemy showed
himself, occupying the hills in our front, but which they left as we approached; till, reaching San Bernado, a party of them took possession of a
hill near to it, and maintained their position until attacked by our advance,
who quickly drove them from it, killing and wounding five of their number,
with no loss on our part.
"On account of our wounded men, and upon the report of the surgeon that
rest was necessary for them, we remained at this place till the morning of
the 11th, when Lieutenant Gray, of the Navy, in command of a party of
sailors and marines, sent out from San Diego by Commodore Stockton, joined
us. We proceeded at 10 A. M., the enemy no longer showing himself; and
on the 12th, (yesterday,) we reached this place; and I have now to offer my
thanks to Commodore Stockton, and all of his gallant command, for the very
many kind attentions we have received and continue to receive from
them.
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"S. W. KEARNY, Brig. Gen. U S. A.
"Brigadier-General R. JONES,
"Adjutant- General U. S. A., Washington."
The conduct of Kearny's troops in the affair of San Pasqual was worthy
of all praise. Almost exhausted by a long and dreary march, and altogether
unprepared for battle, they yet fought, and achieved a brilliant victory.
The numbers engaged on both sides were small, it is true; but, all the
circumstances considered, we must look upon the battle of San Pasqual as an
event which redounded greatly to the credit of the American arms.
At San Diego, General Kearny and his troops received every attention
from their countrymen. In the mean time, Commodore Stockton was preparing for some decisive movements. His gallant tars were equipped for
land operations, and every available man, regular and volunteer, was stimulated to active preparation for a bold and determined campaign against the
insurgent Californians. No time was to be lost. Every day added to the
strength of the enemy, and diminished Stockton's chances for success.
804 FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA.
BATTLE OF 8AN GABRIEL.
The brilliant events which led to the final conquest of California are thus
narrated by Commodore Stockton:HEAD-QIUARTERS, CIUDAD DE LOS ANGELES.
January 11, 1847.
SIR: I have the honour to inform you that it has pleased God to crown
our poor efforts to put down the rebellion, and to retrieve the credit of our
arms, with the most complete success. The insurgents determined, with
their whole force, to meet us on our march from San Diego to this place, and
to decide the fate of the territory by a general battle.
Having made the best preparation I could, in the face of a boasting and
vigilant enemy, we left San Diego on the 29th day of December, (that portion of the insurgent army who had been watching and annoying us, having
left to join the main body,) with about six hundred fighting men, composed
of detachments from the ships Congress, Savannah, Portsmouth, and Cyane,
aided by General Kearny, with a detachment of sixty men on foot, from the
First Regimnent of United States Dragoons, and by Captain Gillespie, with
sixty mounted riflemen.
We marched nearly one hundred and forty miles in ten days, and found
the rebels, on the 8th day of January, in a strong position, on the high bank
of the "Rio San Gabriel," with six hundred mounted men and four pieces of
artillery, prepared to dispute our passage across the river.
We waded through the water dragging our guns after us against the galling fire of the enemy, without exchanging a shot until we reached the oppo-'ite shore, when the fight became general, and our troops, having repelled a
FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA. 805
charge of the enemy, charged up the bank in a most gallant manner, and
gained a complete victory over the insurgent army.
The next day, on our march across the plains of the "Mesa" to this place,
the insurgents made another desperate effort to save the capital and their
own necks; they were concealed with their artillery in a ravine until we
came within gunshot, when they opened a brisk fire from their field-pieces
on our right flank, and at the same time charged both on our front and rear.
We soon silenced their guns and repelled the charge, when they fled, and
permitted us the next morning to march into town without any further opposition.
We have rescued the country from the hands of the insurgents, but I fear
that the absence of Colonel Fremont's battalion of mounted riflemen will
enable most of the Mexican officers, who have broken their parole, to escape
to Sonora.
I am happy to say that our loss in killed and wounded does not exceed
twenty, while we are informed that the enemy has lost between seventy and
eighty.
This despatch must go immediately, and I will wait another opportunity
to furnish you with the details of these two battles, and the gallant conduct
of the officers and men under my command, with their names.
Faithfully, your obedient servant,
R. F. STOCKTON, Commodore, &c.
To the Hon. GEORGFE BANCROFT,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.
P. S. Enclosed I have the honour to send to you a translation of the letter
handed to me by the commissioners mentioned in another part of this despatch, sent by Jose Ma. Flores, to negotiate peace honourable to both
nations. The verbal answer, stated in another page of this letter, was sent
to this renowned general and commander-in-chief. He had violated his
honour, and I would not treat with him nor write to him.
General Flores' letter is here given:[Translation.]
Civil and Military Government of the Department of California.
The undersigned, governor and commandant-general of the department
and commander-in-chief of the national troops, has the honour to address
himself to the commander-in-chief of the naval and land forces of the United
States of North America, to say that he has been informed by persons worthy
of credit, that it is probable at this time the differences which have altered
the relations of friendship between the Mexican republic and that of the
United States of North America have ceased, and that you looked for the
news of the arrangement between the two governments by the schooner
Shark, expected every moment on this coast.
806 FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA.
A number of days have elapsed since the undersigned was invited by
several foreign gentlemen settled in the country, to enter into a communication with you, they acting as mediators, to obtain an honourable adjustment
for both forces, in consequence of the evils which all feel are caused by the
unjust war you wage; but the duty of the undersigned prohibited him from
doing so, and if to-day he steps beyond the limits marked out by it, it is with
the confidence inspired by the hope there exists a definitive arrangement between the two nations; for the undersigned being animated with the strongest
wishes for the return of peace, it would be most painful to him not to have
taken the means to avoid the useless effusion of human blood and its terrible
consequences, during moments when the general peace might have been secured.
The undersigned flatters himself with this hope, and for that reason has
thought it opportune to direct to you this note, which will be placed in your
hands by Messrs. Julian Workman and Charles Fluge, who have voluntarily
offered themselves to act as mediators. But if, unfortunately, the mentioned
news should prove untrue, and you should not be disposed to grant a truce
t -o aevils under which this unfortunate country suffers, of which you alone
are the cause, may the terrible consequences of your want of consideration
fall on your head. The citizens, all of whom compose the national forces of
this department, are decided firmly to bury themselves under the ruins of
their country, combating to the last moment before consenting to the tyranny
and ominous discretionary power of the agents of the goverment of the United
States of North America.
This is no problem; different deeds of arms prove that they know how to
defend their rights on the field of battle.
The undersigned still confides you will give a satisfactory solution to this
affair, and in the mean time has the honour of offering to you the assurance
of his consideration and private esteem.
God and Liberty! JOSE MA. FLORES.
HEAD-QUARTERS AT THE ANGELES, Jan. 1, 1847.
General Order.
HEAD-QUARTERS, CIUDAD DE LOS ANGELES,
January 11, 1847.
The commander-in-chief congratulates the officers and men of the southern
division of the United States forces in California on the brilliant victories
obtained by them over the enemy on the 8th and 9th inst., and on once more
taking possession of the "Ciudad de los Angeles."
He takes the earliest moment to commend their gallantry and good conduct both in the battle fought on the 8th, on the banks of the "Rio San
Gabriel," and on the 9th inst. on the plains of the "Mesa."
The steady courage of the troops in forcing their passage across the "Rio
FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA. 807
San Gabriel," where officers and men were alike employed in dragging the
guns through the water against the galling fire of the enemy, without exchanging a shot, and their gallant charge up the banks against the enemy's
cavalry, has perhaps never been surpassed; and the cool determination with
which, in the battle of the 9th, they repulsed the charge of cavalry made by
the enemy at the same time on their front and rear, has extorted the admiration of the enemy, and deserves the best thanks of their countrymen.
R. F. STOCKTON,
Governor and Commander-in-chief of the Territory of Calfjornia.
On the 14th, Colonel Fremont had arrived, and Commodore Stockton
wrote as follows:HEAD-QUARTERS, CIUDAD DE LOS ANGELES,
January 15, 1847.
SIR: Referring to my letter of 11th, I have the honour to inform you
of the arrival of Lieutenant-colonel Fremont at this place, with four hundred
men-that some of the insurgents have made their escape to Sonora, and
that the rest have surrendered to our arms.
Immediately after the battles of the 8th and 9th, they began to disperse;
and I am sorry to say that their leader, Jos MIa. Flores, made hip escape,
and that the others have been pardoned by a capitulation agreed upon by
Lieutenant-colonel Fremont.
Jose6 Ia. Flores, the commander of the insurgent forces, two or three days
previous to the 8th, sent two commissioners with a flag of truce to my camp,
to make "a treaty of peace." I informed the commissioners that I could
not recognise Jose Ma. Flores, who had broken his parole, as an honourable
man, or as one having any rightful authority, or worthy to be treated withthat he was a rebel in arms, and if I caught him I would have him shot. It
seems that not being able to negotiate with me, and having lost the battles
of the 8th and 9th, they met Colonel Fremont on the 12th instant, on his
way here, who, not knowing what had occurred, entered into the capitulation with them, which I now send to you; and, although I refused to do it
myself, still I have thought it best to approve it.
The territory of California is again tranquil, and the civil government
formed by me is again in operation in the places where it was interrupted by
the insurgents.
Colonel Fremont has five hundred men in his battalion, which will be quite
sufficient to preserve the peace of the territory; and I will immediately withiraw my sailors and marines, and sail as soon as possible for the coast of
Mexico, where I hope they will give a good account of themselves.
Faithfully, your obedient servant, R. F. STOCKTON,
Commodore, &c
To the Hon. GEORGE BANCROFT,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.
808 FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA.
COLONEL FREMONT'S PROCLAMATION.
| Lo all to wlom these presents shall come, greeting:
Know ye that, in consequence of propositions of peace or cessation of
hostilities being submitted to me as commandant of the California battalion
of United States forces, which has so far been acceded to by me, as to cause
me to appoint a board of commissioners to consult with a similar board
appointed by the Californians; and it requiring a little time to close the
negotiations, it is agreed upon and ordered by me, that an entire cessation of
hostilities shall take place until to-morrow afternoon, (January 13th,) and
that the said Californians be permitted to bring in their wounded to the
mission of San Fernandez, where also, if they choose, they can remove their
camp, to facilitate said negotiations.
Given under my hand and seal, this 12th day of January, 1847.
J. C. FREMONT,
Lieut. Col. U. S. A., and Military Commandant, California.
THE CAPITULATION.
Articles of capitulation made and entered into at the Ranch of Cowanga,
this thirteenth day of January, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and fortyseven, between P. B. Reading, major, Louis McLane, Jr., commanding
artillery, Wm. H. Russell, ordinance officer, commissioners appointed by
J. C. Fremont, Lieutenant-colonel United States army, and military commandant of the Territory of California, and Jose Antonio Carrillo, Commandant Esquadron, Agustine Olvera, deputado, commissioners appointed by
iDon Andres Pico, commander-in-chief of the Californian forces under the
Mexican flag:
Art. 1. The commissioners on the part of the Californians agree that their
entire force shall, on presentation of themselves to Lieutenant-colonel Fremont, deliver up their artillery and public arms, and that they shall return
peaceably to their homes, conforming to the laws and regulations of the
United States, and not again take up arms during the war between the
United States and Mexico, but will assist and aid in placing the country in a
state of peace and tranquillity.
Art. 2. The commissioners on the part of Lieutenant-colonel Fremont
agree and bind themselves, on the fulfilment of the 1st article by the
Californians, that they shall be guarantied protection of life and property
whether on parol or otherwise.
Art. 3. That until a treaty of peace be made and signed between the
lUnited States of North America and the republic of Mexico, no Californian
or other Mexican citizen shall be bound to take the oath of allegiance.
Art. 4. That any Californian or other citizen of Mexico desiring, is per.
mitted by this capitulation to leave the country without let or hinderance.
Art. 5. That in virtue of the aforesaid articles, equal rights and privileges
l I..
FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA. 809
are vouchsafed to every citizen of California as are enjoyed by the citizens of
the United States of North America.
Art. 6. All officers, citizens, foreigners, or others, shall receive the protection guarantied by the 2d article.
Art. 7. This capitulation is intended to be no bar in effecting such
arrangements as may in future be in justice required by both parties.
P. B. READING,
Major California Battalion.
WM. H. RUSSELL,
Ord. offcer of California Bat.
LOUIS McLANE, JR.
Commd'g Art. California Bat.
JOSE ANTO. CARRILLO,
Commandante de Escuadron.
AGUSTINE OLVERA,
Deputado.
Approved: J. C. FREMONT,
Lt. Col. U. S. A., and Mil. Com. of California.
Aprobado: ANDRES PICO,
Corn. de Escuadron en gefe de las fuerzas nacionales en Cal.
ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.
That the paroles of all officers, citizens, and others of the United States,
and of naturalized citizens of Mexico, are by this foregoing capitulation cancelled, and every condition of said paroles from and after this date are of no
further force and effect, and all prisoners of both parties are hereby released.
CIUDAD DE LOS ANGELES, Jan. 16, 1847.
P. B. READING,
Major California Battalion.
LOUIS McLANE, JR.
Commd'g Art. California Bat.
WM. H. RUSSELL,
Ord. officer of California Bat.
JOSE ANTO. CARRILLO,
Commandante de Escuadron.
AGUSTINE OLVERA,
Deputado.
Approved: J. C. FREMONT,
Lt. Col. U. S. A., and Mil. Cornm. of California.
Aprobado: ANDRES PICO,
Corn. de Escuadron en gefe de lasfuerzas nacionales en C6al.*
* Cutts's Conquest of California.
VOL. II.-102.
810 FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA.
At the meeting of Commodore Stockton, Colonel Fremont, and General
Kearny, misunderstandings as to prerogatives arose. General Kearny denied
the right of the Commodore to appoint Colonel Fremont governor while a
brigadier-general was in the territory. This difficulty was not settled until
some months afterward.
General Flores and some of his officers fled to Sonora. Violent measures
were not used toward those who were not captured; and in a short time Alta
California was passive under the sway of the conquerors. Throughout the
events above narrated, Commodore Stockton and Colonel Fremont displayed
a courage and an energy which elicited the warmest encomiums from their
countrymen. General Kearny co-operated very efficiently; but the spirit of
the Californians was broken, and they were virtually subdued before he
reached the scene of action.
No attempt was made by the commanders of the United States to conquer
Lower California, until July, 1847, when Lieutenant-colonel Burton, with
three companies of New York volunteers, arrived in the vicinity of La Paz,
its chief post. They remained in garrison undisturbed, until the 16th of
Novcmber, when they were besieged by a force greatly superior in numbers
and equipment, gathered from the neighbouring country.
A fierce and obstinate conflict ensued, which lasted till the 21st, when a
vigorous sally compelled the assailants to retire. About the same time, a
small force at San Jose, commanded by Lieutenant Heywood, was attacked;
but the crews of some whaling vessels aided the little garrison, and the
enemy fled. Lower California remained in possession of the United States
troops until the treaty of peace.
Negotiations for peace were resumed immediately after the capture of the
Mexican capital. In January, 1848, the Mexican government accepted a
treaty, the basis of which was the same as that of the one they had previously rejected.
In February, this treaty arrived in Washington, and was transmitted by
President Polk to the Senate. After a secret session of several days, that
body, on the 10th of March, agreed to it, with a few alterations, by a vote
of thirty-seven to fifteen, four senators being absent. On the 14th, Mr.
Sevier was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, to
present the treaty as amended to the Mexican congress for their final action.
IIe was accompanied by Mr. Clifford. On arriving in Mexico, these gentlemen immediately submitted the treaty to the national congress, then assembled at Queretaro. After a long and animated discussion, it passed the
HIouse of Deputies by a large majority, and on the 25th of May was ratified
in the Senate by a vote of thirty-three to five. Information of the ratification was received in Mexico with the ringing of bells, discharging of fireworks, and other manifestations of satisfaction.
Great preparations were made for the withdrawal of the American troops
FINAL CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA. 811
from lMexico, in accordance with the treaty. The duty of superintending the
necessary arrangements devolved on General Butler, who, in consequence of
the suspension of General Scott, had been appointed by the president to the
chief command. The general-in-chief had left the city of Mexico on the 22d
of April, reached Vera Cruz on the 30th, and immediately embarked for the
United States. The army left Vera Cruz by detachments, the greater part
arriving in New Orleans before the middle of June.
The war being at an end, the people of the United States could congratulate themselves upon their many victories and conquests, the acquisition of
the vast and valuable territories of California and New Mexico, and an increased influence among the nations of the earth.
States by Mexico, neither power had any
conception of the extent of its resources.
Its towns, chiefly situated on the coast, were
small and insignificant. The inhabitants
who could claim Spanish descent were indolent; and they depended upon their herds of
cattle for subsistence. The interior of the
country was occupied by tribes of degraded
savages, much inferior to the Indians of the plains east of the Rocky Mountains. Hides were the principal export of the territory.
The annexation of the territory to the United States changed the aspect of
affairs. Then a new era was opened up, and prosperity filled the towns with
bustle, the ports with shipping, the fields with cultivators, and the workshops
with industrious artisans. Even the Indians, driven to the forests by misgovernment, flocked to the peopled communities, and gradually cast away,
for the second time, the mantle of their barbarous life.
Before the establishment of Christianity, they formed one of the strangest
and most savage sections of the human race. They worshipped a fantastic
god; they dwelt in tribes, and lived partly in primitive thatched huts, and
partly under the still more primitive roof of the forest. They wandered
abroad in search of game, of dried seeds, of the wild produce of nature's own
orchards, and roots dug out of the earth. The whole race was plunged in
812
812
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DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA. 815
the darklst barbarism. From this condition they were elevated by the suecesive European rulers of the country. Their domestic manners were purified by passing through the first progress of refinement; their habits of life
became more decent and more regular, and their ideas were enlarged within
the sphere of a new belief. They rose to a considerably high standard of
progress; but were again depressed by the events of 1835, and once more
reclaimed by the establishment of American power. The fisheries were
actively prosecuted, and the culture of grain-which had been so neglected
that foreign produce was required to blunt the edge of famine-occupied the
energies of a numerous class. The rearing of oxen and sheep was undertaken
with the vigour of former times. During the spring-tide of her prosperity,
California was famous for hides and fleeces. This branch of industry also
withered, and the traveller across those wide-spreading pastures was only
reminded of the productive labour of former days by the vast heaps of
bleaching bones left on the slaughtering-grounds. They frequently occur in
many of the districts, and call to recollection those ominous piles of white
bones which dot the sandy wastes of Libya, recording the fate of luckless
caravans. But a new epoch was about to open. A sudden change appeared
in the aspect of the country. It sprang up from its low prostration; it
revived from its long lethargy; and society, restored to health, was again
inspired with the spirit of industry, the love of commerce, and the ambition
of well-earned prosperity.
The inter-communication between California and the United States received
a vigorous impulse. Broad currents of emigration flowed through the gorges
of the Rocky Mountains, from the territories of the great republic, and into
the valleys and plains of California.
But the chief source of California's value was yet to be discovered. In
May, 1848, while a Mr. Marshall was digging a mill-race near Sutter's
Fort, on the American fork of the Sacramento, gold was discovered among
the sand. Of this important event, we give Captain Sutter's own account
as related to Dr. J. Tyrwhitt Brooks.
"I was sitting, one afternoon," said the captain, "just after my siesta,
engaged, by-the-bye, in writing a letter to a relation of mine at Lucerne,
when I was interrupted by Mr. MarsLall-a gentleman with whom I had
frequent business transactions-bursting hurriedly into the room. From the
unusual agitation in his manner, I imagined that something serious had
occurred, and, as we involuntarily do in this part of the world, I at once
glanced to see if my rifle was in its proper place. You should know that the
mere appearance of Mr. Marshall at that moment in the fort was quite
enough to surprise me, as he had but two days before left the place to make
some alterations in a mill for sawing pine planks, which he had just run up
for me, some miles higher up the Americanos. When he had recovered
himself a little, he told me that, however great my surprise might be at his
_____________._ -.... ~ I..
816 DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA.
unexpected reappearance, it would be much greater when I heard the intelligence he had come to bring me.'Intelligence,' he added,'which, if
properly profited by, would put both of us in possession of unheard-of
wealth-millions and millions of dollars, in fact.' I frankly own, when I
heard this, that I thought something had touched Marshall's brain, when
suddenly all my misgivings were put an end to by his flinging on the table a
handful of sca!es of pure virgin gold. I was fairly thunderstruck, and asked
him to explain what all this meant, when he went on to say, that, according
to my instructions, he had thrown the mill-wheel out of gear, to let the
whole body of the water in the dam find a passage through the tail-race,
which was previously too narrow to allow the water to run off in sufficient
quantity, whereby the wheel was prevented from efficiently performing its
work. By this alteration the narrow channel was considerably enlarged, and
a mass of sand and gravel carried off by the force of the torrent. Early in
the morning after this took place, he (MIr. MIarshall) was walking along the
left bank of the stream, when he perceived something which he at first took
for a piece of opal-a clear transparent stone, very common here-glittering
on one of the spots laid bare by the sudden crumbling away of the bank.
He paid no attention to this; but while he was giving directions to the workmen, having observed several similar glittering fiagments, his curiosity was
so far excited, that he stooped down and picked one of them up.'Do you
know,' said Mr. Marshall to me,'I positively debated within myself two or
three times whether I should take the trouble to bend my back to pick up
one of the pieces, and had decided on not doing so, when, farther on, another
glittering morsel caught my eye-the largest of the pieces now before you.
I condescended to pick it up, and to my astonishment found that it was a
thin scale of what appears to be pure gold.' He then gathered some twenty
or thirty similar pieces, which on examination convinced him that his suppositions were right. His first impression was, that this gold had been lost or
buried there by some early Indian tribe-perhaps some of those mysterious
inhabitants of the West, of whom we have no account, but who dwelt on this
continent centuries ago, and built those cities and temples, the ruins of which
are scattered about these solitary wilds. On proceeding, however, to examine
the neighbouring soil, he discovered that it was more or less auriferous.
This at once decided him. He mounted his horse, and rode down to me as
fast as it would carry him, with the news.
"At the conclusion of Mr. Marshall's account," continued Captain Sutter.
"and when I had convinced myself, from the specimens he had brought with
him, that it was not exaggerated, I felt as much excited as himself. I eagerly
inquired if he had shown the gold to the work-people at the mill, and was
glad to hear that he had not spoken to a single person about it. We agreed,"
said the captain, smiling, "not to mention the circumstance to any one, and
arranged to set off early the next day for the mill. On our arrival, just be
DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA. 817
fore sundown, we poked the sand about in various places, and before long
succeeded in collecting between us more than an ounce of gold, mixed up
with a good deal of sand. I stayed at Mr. Marshall's that night, and the
next day we proceeded some little distance up the South Fork, and found
that gold existed along the whole course, not only in the bed of the main
stream, where the water had subsided, but in every little dried-up creek and
ravine. Indeed, I think it is more plentiful in these latter places, for I myself, with nothing more than a small knife, picked out from a dry gorge, a
little way up the mountain, a solid lump of gold which weighed nearly an
ounce and a half.
"On our return to the mill, we were astonished by the work-people coming
up to us in a body, and showing us small flakes of gold similar to those we
had ourselves procured. Marshall tried to laugh the matter off with them,
and to persuade them that what they had found was only some shining
mineral of trifling value; but one of the Indians, who had worked at the
gold mine in the neighbourhood of La Paz, in Lower California, cried out,'Oro! oro!' We were disappointed enough at this discovery, and supposed
that the work-people had been watching our movements, although we thought
we had taken every precaution against being observed by them. I heard,
afterward, that one of them, a sly Kentuckian, had dogged us about, and
that, looking on the ground to see if he could discover what we were in
search of, he had lighted on some flakes of gold himself.
"The next day I rode back to the Fort, organized a labouring party, set
the carpenters to work on a few necessary matters, and the next day accompanied them to a point of the Fork, where they encamped for the night. By
the following morning I had a party of fifty Indians fairly at work. The
way we first managed was to shovel the soil into small buckets, or into some
of our famous Indian baskets; then wash all the light earth out, and pick
away the stones; after this, we dried the sand on pieces of canvas, and with
long reeds blew away all but the gold. I have now some rude machines in
use, and upward of one hundred menf employed, chiefly Indians, who are well
fed, and who are allowed whiskey three times a-day.
"The report soon spread. Some of the gold was sent to San Francisco,
and crowds of people flocked to the diggings. Added to this, a large emigrant party of Mormons entered California across the Rocky Mountains, just
as the affair was first made known. They halted at once, and set to work on
a spot some thirty miles from here, where a few of them still remain. When
I was last up to the diggings, there were full eight hundred men at work, at
one place and another, with perhaps something like three hundred more
passing backward and forward between here and the mines. I at first imagined
the gold would soon be exhausted by such crowds of seekers, but subsequent
observations have convinced me that it will take many years to bring about
such a result, even with ten tiimes the present number of people emiployed.
VOL. 1I.-103.
) I, i'-'.; V - {'.V- 1, ) I x-'` lci CALIFORNIA.
GOLD DIGGERS OF CALIFORNIA.
"What surprises me," continued the captain, "is, that this country should
have been visited by so many scientific men, and that not one of them should
have ever stumbled upon the treasures; that scores of keen-eyed trappers
should have crossed this valley in every direction, and tribes of Indians have
dwelt in it for centuries, and yet that this gold should have never been di'rcovered. I myself have passed the very spot above a hundred times during
the last ten years, but was just as blind as the rest of them, so I must not
wondor at the discovery not having been made earlier."
Further investigations demonstrated the existence of the precious metal in
the beds of the streams throughout the valley of the Sacramento, and in the
ravines in the vicinity of the Sierra Nevada. Colonel Mason, governor of
the territory, communicated information of the discovery to the General
Government in an official despatch, the language of which created a grea-t.
excitement in the Atlantic States.
Fromn the vast population of the rising republic new streams of emigration
broke at once to swell that current which had for years set noiselessly toward
the valleys of California. The upper region, or at least that portion of it
lying between the Snowy Mountainis and the sea, previously contained about
twenty-five thousand inhabitants, of whol:m half were christianized Indians, a
third Spanish Americans, and the rest foreigners. Of the wild tribes in the
interior no;reckoning was ever made; but the number we mention swelled at
DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA. s19
once to immense additional magnitude after the discovery of the gold.
Gradually the knowledge of that auriferous soil was borne to the four
quarters of the world, and from all the ports of all the nations a few sails
were spread toward the coasts of that wealthy region, the valley of that
modern Pactolus, whose chrysorrheean stream appeared to pour down an inexhaustible flood of riches from the caverns of the Snowy hills.
In(lustry was making rapid progress along the coast; the towns were full
of life, and the sounds of the hammer and the anvil awoke a thousand cheerful echoes. But the sands of the Sacramento attracted the population as by
a magnetic impulse. Lawyers, stewards, hotel-keepers, merchants, mechanics,
and cultivators, left their occupations and hurried with basket and spade to
the glittering region. Sinbad's diamond valley appeared not half so rich.
Houses were closed; the grass threatened to grow over whole streets; deserted ships swung on their anchors in silent harbours. There was little
danger in this. None had time to rob; none had the inclination. The
garrison of Monterey abandoned arms and took up the pickaxe and the
shovel. Trains of wagons constantly streamed from the coast to the interior.
Stores and sheds were built along the river bank, and crammed with provisions to- be sold at more than famine price; whole towns of tents and busily
bowers asprang up as if by magic; every dawn rose upon a motley toiling
multitude, swarming in every nook and corner of the modern El Dorado, and
every night was illumined by the flames of a thousand bivouacs.
Half-neaked Indians; sharp-visaged Yankees in straw hats and loose frocks;
groups of swarthy Spanish Americans; old Dons in the gaudy costume of a
dead fashion; gigantic trappers with their rude prairie garb; and gentlemen
tradetrs from the United States, with crowds of pretty Californian women,
jostled in tumiultuous confusion through the gold district. Every method,
from the roughest to the most ingenious, was devised for the rapid accumulation of gold; and the strange spectacle was presented of a vast population
without law, without authority, without restraint, toiling together in amicalle
companionship. But the duration of this condition of things was brief.
Outrages were perpetrated; robbery commenced; blood was shed, and
anarchy in its -most hideous form appeared. But the United States' Government soon laid the foundations of order, and prepared a system of regular
legislation for California. A severe code was established; thieving incurred
the heavy penalty of a brand on the cheek, with mutilation of the ears.
Dr. James L. Tyson, who visited California soon after the gold discovery,
thus describes San Francisco, which had shortly before been a mere village:
" The town in front of us consisted of tents and scattered frame-tenements, a
few presenting quite a neat and cottage-like aspect, either resting in the
amphithlcatre made by the surrounding barren-looking hills, or picturesquely
perched on their sides. The question which was very forcibly suggested to
the mind at first view was, what commercial inducements could such a mean
820 DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA.
and insignificant-looking place as this present, to bring together such a forest
of masts as the harbour disclosed? We soon learned that every vessel which
had arrived since the first discovery of gold in the country, was quickly deserted by its crew, and left to idly swing at its cable's length: however
anxious the captains or owners might be to depart, it was impossible to man
a ship with a sufficient number to work her to the nearest port. The wages
for even a common labourer in the town were higher per day than a sailor
was accustomed to receive monthly.
"Desirous to see a place offering so many attractions, and to again step foot
on terra firma, some half a dozen of us engaged one of the boats that were
quickly alongside, and were at once indoctrinated with California prices, a
trip of a quarter of a mile costing us twelve dollars. Arrived at the shore,
each seemed anxious to be the first to step foot on the soil, and in the eagerness and haste which followed, some measured their length on the sand, and
others were knocked sprawling into the bottom of the boat; and amid many
merry peals of laughter we climbed the steep and rugged hill, proceeded to
the post-office, and sought a cook-shop. Long abstinence had sharpened the
appetite, for we were almost famished, and did full justice to the beefsteak,
bread, butter, and coffee that were set before us.
"The state of affairs here we found to be on the high-pressure principle, and
truly anomalous. Without going into lengthened details, it will suffice to
state that unoccupied ground, thought to be in an eligible location, met with
ready sale and at higher rates than the same amount would bring in the most
business parts of any of the great cities of the Union. Pistols were fired in
rapid succession in every direction. Horses with their drunken riders were
dashing through the town, the gay serapa and other gaudy trappings flying
in the wind. Blasphemous oaths were heard on all sides. The vice of
gambling prevailed to an enormous extent. Immense piles of gold, in its
natural state and in coin, could be seen heaped upon the numerous monte
and roulette tables. Owing to the high rents which the proprietors of these
places are able and willing to pay, it has contributed to give a fictitious value
to property. Most of the titles to land sold or leased being of the same
character, I have known as many as six claimants for one lot."
In the vicinity of the northern mines, a large trading-city sprang up, called
-Sacramento; and in all directions the building of towns was commenced. So
rapid a change in the aspect of a country had never before been known.
At the mines strange scenes were exhibited. Dr. Tyson says"The vices of gambling, drunkenness, and obscene oaths were as prevalent
here as elsewhere. Monte tables were constantly in operation about the little
tent-stores and groggeries seated on the hill-side. The most useful articles
vended at these places were flour and salt or jerked meat. With these indispensables, and the luxuries of sugar and tea or coffee, the miner must be content; and happy is he, if at the close of a hard day's work he can muster
DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA. 821
snfficient resolution to cook his meal, and sit down under his tent to slap-jacks
and fried pork. He must pay enormous prices for all he buys, and, unless
success attends his efforts, he will find it difficult to keep body and soul together. Vegetables of any kind could not be had. A good deal of sickness
prevailed, and my services were in great demand. The principal diseases
that afflicted the miners were scurvy, rheumatism, dysentery; and brain,
intermittent, remittent, and continued fevers-these latter, in many cases,
early assuming a typhoid character. Where the patients were brought under
treatment soon after the attack, however, I did not, generally speaking, find
their cases at all intractable. I did not vary the treatment from ordinary
cases at home, and had the satisfaction to lose none. Some, either from
inability or disinclination to pay for medical attendance, chose to treat themselves. Death was often the consequence of this, or they were walking
shadows for months, with impaired intellects, and rarely recovered their
accustomed vigour. I never saw more broken-down constitutions than I
witnessed during my stay in California; and few who work in the mines, ever
carry home their usual full health.
" Sitting in front of my tent, which was a short distance from the road, I
have often been surprised at the numbers constantly passing and repassing to
and from the mines in different parts of the country. Cavalcades of fifty and
a hundred, with their. pack-mules bearing the gold-washer, tin-pan, pickaxe,
shovel, and cooking utensils, could be seen. Among these, the sturdy Oregonians were readily distinguishable by their leather breeches fringed down
the side, and the invariable rifle resting on the pommel of the saddle, and
ready for instant service. I had frequent conversations with these men, and
found them all intelligent and sensible, but generally uneducated. They
spoke with the utmost contempt of the climate and soil of California, but in
raptures of their beloved, healthful Oregon, and of the rich verdure and cultivated fields of the lovely Willamette valley. Many had visited the mines in
different sections of the country, not only on Juba, Feather, and Bear rivers,
and on the Middle and South fork of the American River, but on the Stanislaus and various tributaries of the San Joaquin, over a surface of several
hundred miles in extent. They were continually roving from point to point.
When asked if they would not be more successful to remain in one spot, their
invariable reply was, that wherever they had been they heard richer mines
spoken of farther on, but that they had been unable to discover much difference in any. And so it was. Little reliance could be placed on the statements of any in California, relative to the mines. Parties were constantly
moving from one place to another, restless and dissatisfied, or led on by the
glowing accounts of some remote spot, where rumour, with her thousand
tongues, placed immense deposites of the precious metal, which could be obtained with little labour and in vast quantities.
In spite of many disappointments, however, the majority of those engaged
822 DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA.
in working the mines of California met with extraordinary fortune, and imrn
meouse 2weallth was accumulated. Even as early as Governor Mason's first
vi;it to the mines, diggers and washers made an astonishing average per day.
The graphic despatch of the governor is worthy of quotation in this conneck ~ cn.
".At the urgent solicitation of many gentlemen, I delayed there, [at Sutter's
Fort,] to participate in the first public celebration of our national anniversary
at that 1iort, but on the 5th resumed the journey, and proceeded twenty-five
miles up the American Fork to a point on it now known as the Lower M1ines,
or Mi,:rml;on Diggings. The hillsides were thickly strewn with canvas tents
and bush arbours; a. store was erected, and several boarding shanties in
operati n. The day was intensely hot, yet about two hundred men were at
work in the full glare of the sun, washing for gold-some with tin pans,
sonrme with close-woven Indian baskets, but the greater part had a rude
machiine, known as the cradle. This is on rockers, six or eight feet long,
open at the foot, and at its head has a coarse grate, or sieve; the bottom is
rounded, with small cleats nailed across. Four men are required to work
this machine: one digs the ground in the bank close by the stream; another
carries it to the cradle and empties it on the grate; a third gives a violent
roeerking motion to the machine; while a fourth dashes on water from the
streallm itself.
"The sieve keeps the coarse stones from entering the cradle, the current
of w~:.Cr washes off the earthy mnatter, and the gravel is gradually carried out
at the fi o t of the machine, leaving the gold, mixed with a heavy, fine bl-ack
sand, above the first cleats. The sand and gold, mixed together, are then
drawn off through auger-holes into a pan below, are dried in the sun, and
afterward separated by blowing off the sand. A party of four men thus emplayed at the lower mines averaged one hundred dollars a day. The Inldians,
and those who have nothing but pans or willow baskets, gradually wa:hl out
the earth and separate the gravel by hand, leaving nothing but the gold
mixed with sand, which is separated in the manner before described. The
gold in the lower mines is in fine bright scales, of which I send several
spee'iens.
"From the mill, [where the gold was first discovered,] Mr. Marshall guided
me up the mountain on the opposite or north bank of the south fork, where,
in the bed of small streams or ravines, now dry, a great deal of coarse gold
has been found. I there saw several parties at work, all of whom were doing
very well; a great many specimens were shown me, some as heavy as four or
five ounces in weight, and I send three pieces, labelled No. 5, presented by a
Mr. Spence. You will perceive that some of the specimens accompanying
this, hold mechanically pieces of quartz; that the surface is rough, and evidently moulded in the crevice of a rock. This gold cannot have been carried
far by water, but must have remained near where it was first deposited from
T)ISCOVERY OF COLT IN CALIFORNIA.. 23
the ratck tha.t once bound it. TI inquired of many people if they had encountered the metal in its matrix, but in every instance they said they had not;
but that the gold was invariably mixed with washed gravel, or lodged in the
crevices of other rocks. All bore testimony that they had found gold in
greater or less quantities in the numerous small gullies or ravines that occlur
in that mountainous region.'" On the 7th of July I left the mill, and crossed to a stream emptying into
the American Fork, three or four miles below the sawmill. I struck this
stream (now known as Weber's Creek) at the washings of Sunol & Co.
They had about thirty Indians employed, whom they pay in merchandise.
Thelly we're getting gold of a character similar to that found in the main fork,
and d-,ubtless in sufficient quantities to satisfy them. I send you a small
spe(imeyn, presented by this company, of their gold. From this point, we
proceedled up the stream about eight miles, where we found a great many
pe!pl(e and Indians —some engaged in the bed of the stream, and others in
the small side valleys that put into it. These latter are exceedingly richl,
and two ounces were considered an ordinary yield for a day's work. A small
gutter, not more than a hundred yards long, by four feet wide and two or
three feet deep, was pointed out to me as the one where two men-William
Daly and Parry IcCoon.-had a short time before obtained seventeen thousand do!lars' worth of gold. Captain Weber informed me that he knew that
these two men had employed four white men and about a hundred Indians,
and that, at the end of one week's work, they paid off their party, and had
left ten thousand dollars' worth of this gold. Another small ravine was
shown nme, from which had been taken upward of twelve thousand dollars'
worth of gold. Hundreds of similar ravines, to all appearances, are as yet
untouched. I could not have credited these reports, had I not seen, in the
abundlance of the precious metal, evidence of their truth.
"Mr. Neligh, an agent of Commodore Stockton, had been at work about
three weeks in the neighbourhood, and showed me, in bags and bottles, over
two thousand dollars' worth of gold; and Mr. Lyman, a gentleman of education, and worthy of every credit, said he had been engaged, with four others,
with a machine, on the American Fork, just below Sutter's mill; that they
worked eight days, and that his share was at the rate of fifty dollars a day;
but hearing that others were doing better at Weber's place, they had removed there, and were then on the point of resuming operations. I might
tell of hundreds of similar instances: but, to illustrate how plentiful-the gold
was in the pockets of common labourers, I will mention a single occurrence
which took place in my presence when I was at Weber's store. This store
was nothing but an arbour of bushes, under which he had exposed for sale
goods and groceries suited to his customers. A man came in, picked up a
box of Scidlitz powders, and asked the price. Captain Weber told him it was
not for sale. The man offered an ounce of gold, but Captain Weber told
824 DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA.
him it only cost fifty cents, and he did not wish to sell it. The man then
offered an ounce and a half, when Captain Weber had to take it. The prices
of all things are high, and yet Indians, who before hardly knew what a
breechcloth was, can now afford to buy the most gaudy dresses.
"The country on either side of Weber's Creek is much broken up by hills,
and is intersected in every direction by small streams or ravines, which contain more or less gold. Those that have been worked are barely scratched;
and although thousands of ounces have been carried away, I do not consider
that a serious impression has been made upon the whole. Every day was
developing new and richer deposits; and the only impression seemed to be,
that the metal would be found in such abundance as seriously to depreciate
in value.
"On the 8th of July, I returned to the lower mines, and on the following
day to Sutter's, where, on the 19th, I was making preparations for a visit to
the Feather, Yuva, and Bear rivers, when I received a letter from Commander A. R. Long, United States Navy, who had just arrived at San Francisco from Mazatlan, with a crew for the sloop-of-war Warren, with orders to
take that vessel to the squadron at La Paz. Captain Long wrote to me that
the Mexican Congress had adjourned without ratifying the treaty of peace,
that he had letters from Commodore Jones, and that his orders were to sail
with the Warren on or before the 20th of July. In consequence of these, I
determined to return to Monterey, and accordingly arrived here on the 17th
of July. Before leaving Sutter's, I satisfied myself that gold existed in the
bed of the Feather river, in the Yuva and Bear, and in many of the smaller
streams that lie between the latter and the American Fork; also, that it had
been found in the Cosummes, to the south of the American Fork. In each
of these streams the gold is found in small scales, whereas in the intervening
mountains it occurs in coarser lumps.
"Mr. Sinclair, whose rancho is three miles above Sutter's, on the north
side of the American, employs about fifty Indians on the north fork, not far
from its junction with the main stream. He had been engaged about five
weeks when I saw him, and up to that time his Indians had used simply
closely woven willow baskets. His net proceeds (which I saw) were about
sixteen thousand dollars' worth of gold. He showed me the proceeds of his
last week's work-fourteen pounds avoirdupois of clean-washed gold.
"The principal store at Sutter's Fort, that of Brannan & Co., had received in payment for goods thirty-six thousand dollars' (worth of this gold)
from the 1st of May to the 10th of July. Other merchants had also made
extensive sales. Large quantities of goods were daily sent forward to the
mines, as the Indians, heretofore so poor and degraded, have suddenly become ct(nsumers of the luxuries of life. I before mentioned that the greater
part of the farmers and rancheros had abandoned their fields to go to the
mines. This is not the case with Captain Sutter, who was carefully gather.
]DSCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA.
inog h.is wheat, estimated at forty thousand bushels. Flour is already worth.at Sutter's thirty-six dollars a barrel, and soon will be fifty. Unless large
quantities of breadstuffs reach the country, much suffering will occur; but as
each man is now able to pay a large price, it is believed the merchants will
bring from Chili and Oregon a plentiful supply for the coming winter.
t'Khe most moderate estimate I could obtain from men acquainted with
the subject, was, that upward of four thousand men were working in the gold
district, of whom more than one-half were Indians; and that from thirty
thousand to fifty thousand dollars' worth of gold, if not more, was daily obt:ained. The entire gold district, with very few exceptions of grants made
somrle years ago by the Mexican authorities, is on land belonging to the
inited States. It was a matter of serious reflection with me, how I could
s(v-ure to the government certain rents or fees for the privilege of procuring
this gold; but upon considering the large extent of country, the character of
the people engaged, and the small scattered force at my command, I resolved
not to interfere, but to permit all to work freely, unless broils and crimes
should call for interference. I was surprised to learn that crime of any kind
was very infrequent, and that no thefts or robberies had been committed in
the gold district.
"All live in tents, in bush arbours, or in the open air; and men have fie-.
quently about their persons thousands of dollars' worth of this gold; and it
was to mle a matter of surprise that so peaceful and quiet a state of things
should continue to exist. Conflicting claims to particular spots of ground
may cause collisions, but they will be rare, as the extent of country is so
glieat, and the gold so abundant, that for the present there is room enough
for all. Still the government is entitled to rents for this land, and immediate steps should be devised to collect them; for the longer it is delayed, the
more difficult it will become. One plan I would suggest is, to send out fiom
the United States surveyors with high salaries, bound to serve specified
periods.
"The discovery of these vast deposits of gold has entirely changed the
character of Upper California. Its people, before engaged in cultivating
their small patches of ground, and guarding their herds of cattle and horses,
have all gone to the mines, or are on their way thither. Labourers of every
trade have left their work-benches, and tradesmen their shops. Sailors desert
their ships as fast as they arrive on the coast, and several vessels have gone
to sea with hardly enough hands to spread a sail. Two or three are now at
anchor in San Francisco with no crew on board. Many desertions, too, have
taken place from the garrisons within the influence of these mines; twentysix soldiers have deserted from the post of Sonoma, twenty-four from that of
San Francisco, and twenty-four from Monterey. For a few days the evil
appeared so threatening, that great danger existed that the garrisons would
leave in a body; and I refer you to mly orders of the 25th of July, to show
VOL. II.-104.
826 DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA.
the steps adopted to meet this contingency. I shall spare no exertions to
apprehend and punish deserters, but I believe no time in the history of our
country has presented such temptations to desert as now exist in California.
"The danger of apprehension is small, and the prospect of high wages
certain; pay and bounties are trifles, as labouring men at the mines can now
earn in one day more than double a soldier's pay and allowances for a month,
and even the pay of a lieutenant or captain cannot hire a servant. A carpenter or mechanic would not listen to an offer of less than fifteen or twenty
dollars a day. Could any combination of affairs try a man's fidelity more
than this? I really think some extraordinary mark of favour should be
given to those soldiers who remain faithful to their flag throughout this
tempting crisis.
"Many private letters have gone to the United States giving accounts of
the vast quantity of gold recently discovered, and it may be a matter of surprise why I have made no report on this subject at an earlier date. The
reason is, that I could not bring myself to believe the reports that I heard of
the wealth of the gold district until I visited it myself. I have no hesitation
now in saying that there is more gold in the country drained by the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers than will pay the cost of the present war with
Mexico a hundred times over. No capital is required to obtain this gold, as
the labouring man wants nothing but his pick and shovel and tin pan, with
which to dig and wash the gravel; and many frequently pick gold out of the
crevices of rocks with their butcher-knives, in pieces of from one to six ounces.
"Mr. Dye, a gentleman residing in Monterey, and worthy of every credit,
has just returned from Feather river. He tells me that the company to
which he belonged worked seven weeks and two days, with an average of fifty
Indians, (washers,) and that their gross product was two hundred and seventythree pounds of gold. His share (one seventh,) after paying all expenses, is
about thirty-seven pounds, which he brought with him and exhibited in
Monterey. I see no labouring man from the mines who does not show his
two, three, or four pounds of gold. A soldier of the artillery company returned here a few days ago from the mines, having been absent on furlough
twenty days. He made by trading and working, during that time, fifteen
hundred dollars. During these twenty days he was travelling ten or eleven
days, leaving but a week in which he made a sum of money greater than he
receives in pay, clothes, and rations, during a whole enlistment of five years
These statements appear incredible, but they are true.
"Gold is also believed to exist on the eastern slope of the Sierra Nevada,
and when at the mines, I was informed by an intelligent Mormon that it had
been found near the Great Salt Lake by some of his fraternity. Nearly all
the Mormons are leaving California to go to the Salt Lake, and this they
surely would not do unless they were sure of finding gold there in the same
abundance as they now do on the Sacramento,
DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA. 827
"The gold' placer' near the mission of San Fernando has long been known,
but has been little wrought for want of water. This is a spur which puts off
from the Sierra Nevada, (see Fremont's map,) the same in which the present
mines occur. There is, therefore, every reason to believe, that in the intervening spaces, of five hundred miles, (entirely unexplored,) there must be
many hidden and rich deposits. The'placer' gold is now substituted as the
currency of this country; in trade it passes freely at sixteen dollars per'
ounce; as an article of commerce its value is not yet fixed. The only purchase I made was of the specimen No. 7, which I got of Mr. Neligh at twelve
dollars the ounce. That is about the present cash value in the country,
although it has been sold for less. The great demand for goods and provisions, made by sudden development of wealth, has increased the amount of
commerce at San Francisco very much, and it will continue to increase."
Since the period at which the above despatch was written, it has been
ascertained that the gold region extends over a tract of country more than six
hundred miles in length and sixty in breadth. Millions of dollars' worth of
gold have been shipped almost every week for the ports of the United States
and England; a hundred thousand persons have worked in the golden land
at a time, and yet, despite their enormous profits, the wealth of the soil seems
inexhaustible. The greater part of the gold has been obtained by washing
the earth, but latterly the quartz rock has been made to yield an enormous
amount of gold.
The sudden influx of population, and the frequency and enormity of crime,
for which the territorial laws were not sufficient to provide, created a necessity
for organizing a state government for California. Accordingly, Governor
Riley issued a proclamation, calling a convention at Monterey to frame a
state constitution. This was based upon the most liberal principles, and it
gave general satisfaction. Application was now made for admission into the
confederacy of states, but this was resisted by members of Congress from
slave-holding states, inasmuch as California had for ever prohibited slavery in
her territory. The application was not successful until 1850, when the bill
of admission passed Congress among the Compromise measures.
With an efficient state organization, California advanced more steadily in
her career of prosperity. The laws being vigorously enforced, crime diminished; and the regulation of internal trade being more decided and satisfactory, more confidence was entertained by men of business. Every thing
in the new state promises a long career of wealth and power, tending to
benefit the Union, as well as the trade of the world.'
ADMINISTRATION OF ZACHARY TAYLOR AND
MILLARD FILLMORE.
HE discovery of the golden wealth of
California was one of the last events
of the exciting administration of
President Polk, during which the
policy of the Demnocratic party had
been fully carried out.
In November, 1848, the presi_ dential election occurred. The candidates of the administration party
lR m were General Lewis Cass, of MlichiE;l; |-gan, and General WVilliam 0. Butler,
of Kentucky. The Whig party:l l l~ 0nominated for the same offices, Ge(/ /1, iI neral Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana,
and Millard Fillmore, of New York.
_/: - 3- = Another party was formed in the
North in favour of prohibiting the
|-'-~ p extension of slavery by Congressional
enactment. Martin Van Buren, of New York, and Charles F. Adams, of
Massachusetts, were put forward as the nominees of this sectional party.
The canvass was spirited and exciting, and the vote rather close. General
Taylor and Millard Fillmore were successful, each receiving one hundred and
sixty votes in the electoral college. The "Free-soil" candidates did not
succeed in obtaining the vote of a single state, though their poll was considerable in New York and other Northern States.
828
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Z_::::: -I::::: E'-::::::: /\~~PnX~l~n~ l 1~11 mlR mcl~a;~~ u ON\
ADMINISTRATION OF TAYLOR AND FILLMORE. 831
On the 4th of March, 1849, General Zachary Taylor was inaugurated; hir
address was short but eloquent. By his own'declaration " a Whig, but not
an ultra Whig," the President chose from the ranks of that party the members of his cabinet-distinguished men, but not ultra partisans. He appointed
as his Secretary of State, John M. Clayton, of Delaware. During the sessions
of Congress in 1848-9, a new department had been created to relieve the
secretaries of the State and the Treasury of a portion of their arduous duties.
This was called the Home Department, and the office was filled by Thomas
Ewing, of Ohio. The appointed Secretary of Treasury was William M.
Meredith, of Pennsylvania; George W. Crawford, of Georgia, was appointed
Secretary of War; William Ballard Preston, of North Carolina, Secretary of
the Navy; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Attorney-General; and Jacob
Collamer, of Vermont, Postmaster-General. The chief diplomatic posts were
filled by able and distinguished members of the Whig party.
On the first Monday of December, 1849, Congress assembled. Most of
the President's appointments were ratified by the Senate. The short and
characteristic message of the Chief Magistrate to Congress, sufficiently indicated the moderate course he intended to pursue. A great deal of exciting
discussion was caused by the question of the prohibition of slavery in the
Territories. The subject of slavery was introduced into every debate. The
bills providing territorial governments for California and New Mexico were
defeated.
A caucus of the Southern members was held in Washington after the
adjournment of Congress, and an address, prepared by John C. Calhoun, was
issued to the Southern States, complaining of various acts of aggression upon
the rights of slave-holding people, and exhorting them to resist while they
had the power. The increasing excitement upon the slavery question demonstrated the effect of this address, and threats of disunion were freely and
boldly made.
In December, 1850, Congress convened. Parties had become equally
balanced in the House of Representatives, by the preceding congressional
election. In the Northern States, a few members had been elected, called
" Free-soil" men, who were pledged to oppose the extension of slavery. The
contest for the speakership continued six weeks. The principal candidates
were Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, and Howell Cobb, of Georgia.
The latter was elected by a small majority.
The excitement was not terminated by the choice of Speaker. Slavery
was introduced into every debate by the ultras on both sides. Feeling the
necessity for a more efficacious form of government than had been provided
for by the national authorities, the people of California had adopted a state
constitution. Slavery was for ever prohibited in the new state by a prefixed
declaration of rights. When the people applied for admission into the Union,
the clause relating to slavery caused a violent opposition by the members
832 ADMINISTRATION OF TAYLOR AND FILL)MORE.
from the Southern States. A claim to the territory of New Mexico was put
forth by the Government of Texas; the question of -the abolition of the slavetrade in the District of Columbia was agitated; and it soon became clear that
unless there was a compromise, there would be no business done in Congress.
On the motion of Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, the Senate elected by ballot a
committee of thirteen, known as the Compromise Committee. Henry Clay
was elected chairman. The Omnibus Bill was reported to the Senate, by this
connmittee, on the 6th of May. The aim of the bill was to calim the public
excitement, and restore harmony to the national councils. It provided for
the admission of California; giving territorial governments to New Mexico
and Utah; paying Texas to relinquish her claim upon New Mexico; and the
abolition of the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. A display of talent
rarely surpassed was called forth in the discussion of this great nmeasure.
An expedition which had been in preparation in the Southern ports for
some time, destined to attempt to revolutionize Cuba, arrived off Yucatan
about the middle of May. About six hundred men were on board of the
steamer Creole, commanded by General Lopez. The Creole reached Cardenas, Cuba, on the 19th of May, and the men were disembarked. Skirmishing ensued, and the town surrendered. During the day the invaders held
possession of it; and in the evening, they returned to the Creole and left the
island. The loss of the invaders was about forty men killed or wounded; the
loss of the Cubans was much larger. The Creole was seized by the U. S.
revenue officers, after disembarking her men at Key West. The people of
the United States generally condemned this expedition, and several distinguished individuals were arrested and tried for violating the neutral laws of
their country by aiding and abetting it. They were, however, discharged
for want of evidence. The discussion of the Omnibus Bill lasted about two
months. The Senate was equally divided upon the merits of the bi11. Some
of its provisions were generally acceptable, but, being combined with obnoxious measures, they were condemned. The bill was finally r'educed to the
provision of a territorial government for Utah.
On the 9th of July, the nation was suddenly called to mourn the death of
the President. General Taylor's illness was very short: he died at the age
of sixty-five years. His last words were expressive of the sublime simplicity
of his great and good character: —"I HAVE ENDEAVOURED TO DO MY
DUTY."
According to the provision of the constitution, the Vice-President, Millard
Fillmore, became President, and was inaugurated immediately after the death
of General Taylor. The members of the cabinet at once tendered their
resignations, which were accepted. A new cabinet was immediately formed.
The new Secretary of State was Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, and the
other important offices were given to men distinguished for strong Whig
principles, and known to be in favour of the Compromise measures. These
(-p.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~K........
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\Ol l- (I.
V OL.IT- (.
ADMINISTRATION OF TAYLOR AND FILLMORE. 835
m asures were now brought forward separately, and after some debate they
passed both houses. This consummation was hailed with rejoicing by the
friends of the Union, North and South. Mr. Fillmore had too long been a
member of the Whig party for any doubts to arise about the policy of his
administration. In his first annual message to Congress, he set forth the
principles of union, compromise, domestic protection, and foreign neutrality,
as necessary for the honour and safety of the country.
Difficulties had occurred with France, Spain, Portugal, and England, which
were all amicably adjusted. Mr. Clayton had succeeded in negotiating a
treaty with the British minister, Sir Henry Bulwer, and a route was opened
to both nations across Nicaragua, in Central America.
While the Hungarian struggle for independence was going on, the Government of the United States had sent an agent to Hungary to ascertain the
position of affairs, so that its government might be recognised if there was
any probability of its independence being maintained. A correspondence
concerning this agency occurred between Mr. Webster and the Chevalier
Hulsemann, the Austrian minister to the United States, in the month of
December, 1850. The letter of the American Secretary was a noble vindication of the country's position among the nations of the earth.
In the spring of 1851, those who had formerly attempted to revolutionize
Cuba, resolved upon another expedition. In several Southern ports preparations were going on, which revealed to the officers of Government what was
afoot. The President issued a proclamation upholding the neutral laws, and
placing those who disobeyed them beyond the protection of the Government.
Nevertheless, about four hundred men, under the command of General Lopez,
sailed for Cuba, in August, on the steamer Pampero. They landed at Bahia
Honda, where they expected the inhabitants would join them; but they were
disappointed. General Lopez, with the main force, proceeded into the interior,
leaving the baggage in charge of a small detachment under Colonel Crittenden. These were attacked by a superior force of Spaniards, and after a
desperate resistance, dispersed. ( Colonel Crittenden, with fifty-one men, was
captured while attempting to regain the boats. All were taken *to Havana,
and summarily shot.
Lopez was also attacked by the Spanish troops. At first he repulsed them
with great slaughter, but being reinforced, they returned to the attack, and
compelled the invaders to disperse. Most of the latter were either captured
or killed. General Lopez was sent to Havana and put to death by the
garotte.
In June, 1852, the national convention of the Democratic party met at
Baltimore. After forty-nine ballotings, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire,
was nominated for the Presidency; and William R. King, of Alabama, for
the Vice-Presidency.
A convention of the Whig party soon after assembled at the same place,
836 ADMINISTRATIONT OF TAYLOR AND FILLMORE.
and after fifty-three ballotings, GeneralsTWinfield Scott, of New Jersey, was
nominated for the Presidency; and the name of William A. Graham, of North
Carolina, was put upon the same ticket for the Vice-Presidency. Other
candidates were nominated in different parts of the Union.
At the election, held on the 23d of November, the candidates of the
national Democratic party received majorities in all but four States. Franklin
Pierce and William R. King were therefore elected to the offices for which
they had been nominated.
j010
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M[XSLK & C/LDfd/f/SEERJRCS.
ADMINISTRATION OF FRANKLIN PIERCE.; RANKLIN PIERCE was inaugurated President
~;l ~of the United States on the 4th of March, 1853.
E His address was remarkable for its clearness and
elegance of style, and for its bold avowal of opinion.
Yi He said he believed that the constitution recog", -, Enised slavery, as it existed in the Southern States;
/-x~ 3 expressed his approval of the Compromise mea~t sures; and indicated that the policy of his admi_ ~!! t~' h nistration should be conservative at home, and
moderately progressive abroad. The address gave
satisfaction to the dominant party.
The new cabinet was organized as follows: —William L. Marcy, of New
York, Secretary of State; James Guthrie, of Kentucky, Secretary of the
Treasury; Robert McLelland, of Michigan, Secretary of the Home Department; Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, Secretary of War; James Dobbin, of
North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts,
Attorney-General; James Campbell, of Pennsylvania, Postmaster-General.
Distinguished members of the Democratic party were appointed to the
principal diplomatic posts. Mr. Buchanan became Minister to Great Britain,
and Pierre Soule, of Louisiana, was appointed Minister at the Spanish courtthen a very important position.
One of the first acts of the new Secretary of State was to instruct the
representatives of the United States at foreign courts to appear always in the
dress of republican citizens. This was called for by the improper conduct of
certain diplomatic officials, and it was approved by a vast majority in the
United States.
839
840 ADMINISTRATION OF FRANKLIN PIERCE.
Although there was every indication of a vigorous and prosperous adminis.
tration of the government under President Pierce, the aspect of foreign affairs
was somewhat gloomy. In Mexico, General Santa Anna had regained dictatorial power, and his movements showed a warlike disposition. Early in the
spring, Governor Lane, of New Mexico, laid claim to the Mesilla valley,
upon the line of boundary between the two great republics. The Mexicans
became much excited in consequence, declared their title to the valley indisputable, and, under the command of General Trias, occupied it with a formidable military force. Colonel Sumner, commander of the regular troops of the
United States in New Mexico, refused to take up a position in the valley
when ordered by Governor Lane; and as the General Government displayed
forbearance, hostilities were averted, at least for a time. Spain regarded her
valuable possession of Cuba with an anxious eye, as she believed it to be
strongly coveted in the United States. To add to the threatening signs, a
general war seemed about to break out in Europe, in consequence of the
aggressive designs of Russia; and, during such a contest, it would be exceedingly difficult for the United States to maintain a neutral position.
During the summer, the honour of the country was maintained by a signal
demonstration in the Mediterranean. An Austrian vessel in the port of
Smyrna, having imprisoned a Hungarian exile named Kosta, who had filed a
declaration of intention to become a citizen of the United States, Captain D.
H. Ingraham, of the U. S. corvette St. Louis, demanded his release, and by
a show of determination compelled the Austrian to submit. The Austrian
cabinet remonstrated against this bold proceeding, but the Government of the
United States was not inclined to make any acknowledgment of a wrong
having been committed.
The opening of the World's Fair in the city of New York, in July, was an
event of national importance. President Pierce, with some members of his
cabinet, attended the inauguration, and superintended the ceremonies.
During the journey to New York, the President received many flattering
demonstrations of respect. From all sides came assurances of attachment to
that Union which had proved the source of innumerable blessings.
DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE. 523
Indians to debouche from the wood upon our centre, at the same time that;
his centre and left columns advanced upon our right.
The firing had, in some measure, subsided on the left, when the. approach of those columns was announced by the fire of our picket-guard
in a. ravine, at a small distance from our right-and in less than a minute
afterwards the. direction of the two was plainly distinguishable,:by the
voices of their officers-one of them appearing to move from the ravine,
towards the. fort, and the other rapidly approaching its point of attack by
the margin of the lake. It has already been observed, that this flank was
in a very inefficient state of defence, and as this circumstance was doubtless known to the enemy, it became doubly necessary to make timely
resistance. Accordingly, the first of the two was promptly m-et by the
fire from the salient bastion of the fort, and the musketry on its right and
left;-that on its right consisting of Boughton's and Harding's volunteers,
and that on its left of the ninth regiment-altogether making perhaps one
hundred and sixty or one hundred and seventy.men. The night was excessively dark; but as. near as we could judge:through the obscurity, thelast column did not continue long advancing-it seemed to hesitate at fifty
or sixty yards' distance-remained stationary for a minute, and then began;
to recoil. At this critical moment loud and repeated calls from the salient;
bastion of the fort to " cease firing" caused a momentary suspension of
operations along the line below —but the threats and confusion with whicht
they were mingled immediately undeceived those;to whom they were
directed as to the party from which they came, and conveyed the unwelcome intelligence that the enemy had been successful at that point. The
deception, though it lasted but for a moment, was sufficient to enable the
column that had been repulsed, to recover itself-which itdid, and returned
a second time to the charge. The enemy's threats were now no longer
heard-.the action was renewed with more violence than ever, and though
the defenders were exposed to the fire of their own:guns, which had been
turned upon them along with the enemy's musketry, from the captured
bastion, the assailing column was again driven back. Its leader, Colonel
Scott, was killed, and nearly all his party cut -.to pieces before.it had ap-,
proached near enough to place its ladders, or avail itself of the open places
in our line. Such was the result of the attack at this point. -In thei
mean time day-had broken, and the enemy, notwithstanding several attempts
to dislodge him, was still in possession of the contested. bastion. He had
not been able, however, to derive any advantage from:that circumstance,.
and. still less was he in a condition to do so now, as Drummond himself
had fallen, and nearly all his party was killed or wounded. The passagei
from the bastion into the body of the fort was in a great. measure closed by
the position of one of the block-houses, mentioned in the former part o,
this letter; this, though in a ruinous condition at the time, had been; o._ _ _.1