BIOGRAPUY
OF THIE
HON. SOLOMON AW, DOWNS,
OF LOUISIANA.
Printed by Robert Armstrong.




PREFACE,
THE writer of the biographical sketch which is to follow approaches
the task he has voluntarily undertaken with no little pleasure.  This is
because thle eventful public life of his subject is replete with facts bearing
upon the progress of a great State of this Union, in the adoption of improvernents in her laws and institutions founded in the root of American
liberty and national and social progress-the political principles of Thomas
Jefferson. To him it is, indeed, a pleasure to contemplate the career of
Senator Downs, which, in his mind's eye, presents a faithful type of the
gradual verging of our country's institutions to that condition of universal political equality among its citizens, and all who should be its-citizens,
to which Thomas Jefferson looked forward as the ultimate result of the
operation of his views of government, when carried out in spirit and in
truth.
The yoke of special privilege-that old man of the sea upon all people
who would be free in fact as in name-descended to us legitimately.  In
parting from the thraldom of our mother-England —we rid ourselves of
little more than our immediate government.  Many of the principles of
the constitution were fixed in the hearts of our fathers, as to this hour
not a few of the most odious features of her laws are still upon American
statute-books. Mr. Jefferson and his compeers in their day, laying out
the plan of battle, commenced the struggle against the ascendency of
both, which has been prosecuted by their disciples with more. or less
good fortune, and none with more vigor and success than by the
subject of our notice; for he has been to the State of Louisiana
what Andrew Jackson was to the United States —the destroyer of a
monstrous scheme of special privileges under the guise of irresponsible and corrupt banking corporations, which, while industriously appropriating to themselves the proceeds of the labor of the people of the State,
lost no opportunity, by example and the doctrines they caused to be promulgated in their justification, to sap the business morals of the comrmunity. As a democrat, I honor any man who has made a General Jackson
sort of a fight against corrupt banks. This, however, was but a third of
the task which history proves to have been that marked out for himself
by Senator Downs early in his career as a statesman —the extension of
the right of suffrage and the reform of the judiciary of his State com



pleting his labor of love for the principles of equal rights. In all these
he was eminently successful. as the reader will in the end perceive.
The contemplation of his marked features, as traced upon the plate in the
Democratic Review, will strike all true-hearted republicans that he is
indeed a reformer on principle-a man of deep thought, far-seeing sagacity, unyielding views of the fitness of things, ardent devotion to what he
regards as the cause of right, courage to defend that cause against any
and all odds, and industry knowing no point at which to flag short of
the attainment of his object. Such, emphatically, has Senator Downs
proved himself to be, in the crucible of perhaps the fiercest and longest
struggle for reform which has distinguished the political progress of any
State of this Union.
PHILADELPHIA, May 4, 185)2.




BIOGRAPHY.
Solomon W. Downs was born in 1801, in Tennessee. When a boy he
emigrated to Louisiana, from whence he was sent to Tennessee, where he
received his academical education under the tuition of the late Rev. To
Craighead, the early associate and fast friend of Andrew Jackson, who in
his day was the most renowned instructor of youth in the State. When
fit for college he was entered in Transylvania University, where, after
pursuing the usual course of studies under the immediate supervision of
the celebrated Dr. Holley, he graduated. Among his academical fellowstudents were the late Richard Winn, since a lawyer of distinguished
abilities and a State senator for the parish of Rapides in the Louisiana
legislature; William 1H. Wharton, the pioneer of the Texas revolution,
who first represented the young republic as minister to the United States 
the talented and intrepid brother of the latter-the late John A. Wharton 
Frederick Guion, late of the United States army-one of the most gifted
sons of the South; and Judges John J. Guion, of Vicksburg, Mississippi 
and Felix Boswvorth, of Louisiana-all of whom have niade their respective marks upon the history of the times in which they lived.
At one period since General Downs has served the State of Louisiana
in the United States Senate, four of his fellow-senators had been his college mates at Transylvania University. They were Messrs. Atchison,
Hannegan, Jefferson Davis, and Jones of Iowa. This, I believe, is the
only instance on record where such a number of the graduates of a collegiate institution studying together have served at one time in the Congress of the United States. I recur to it, more particularly to show that
the attraction of mind in the ordinary collegiate intercourse of such
college mates must have done much in the way of early developing their
intellectual powers. After graduating at the university, General Downs
commenced the study of the law; and on being admitted to the practice,
according to the custolp of the South, he soon found himself involved in
politics. In 1828, his political speeches and writings began to attract
attention, marking him for a rising public man, likely to be of real service
to the State. He took an active part in the canvass of that year in favor
of General Jackson, whom he sustained, without ever wavering or doubting for a moment, in all his subsequent brilliant and exciting career. In
the session of the legislature of 1837 and 1838 a bill was introduced by
a democratic representative " for the extension of the right of suffriage,"
and was rejected —the democrats voting for it, and most of their opponents,
of course, against it. A proposition was made at the same session for taking
the votes for and against a convention to remodel the State constitution,




5
which was also lost-the parties having divided upon that as upon its
kindred project. During the next canvass for members of the legislature,
these two propositions were the subjects for warm  party discussion, more
especially in the Ouachita senatorial district, where the candidates were
Judge Morgan, a distinguished whig, who, as a representative in the
other chamber, had voted against both bills, and General (then Major)
Downs. The former, in his circular, justified his vote against the extension of the right of suffrage; while the latter, proclaiming his attachment
to the principle in its broadest form, pledged himself to be willing to stand
or fall by it and all its consequences.  General Downs in this canvass also
took ground in favor of a convention to reform  the constitution of the
State, and had the honor to be, I believe, the only senator elected wholly
upon these two issues. The democratic representative, the candidate upon
the same reformn and extension of suffrage ticket, was also successful;
thus revolutionizing the parish.
On the meeting of the legislature after this election, in compliance with
his pledges, General Downs brought forward a bill for taking the sense of
the good people of the State as to the necessity and expediency of calling
a convention to amend the constitution, specifying in the body of the bill
the following as the alterations more especially to be attained, viz:
"' st. That all judges shallbe appointed for a limited period of years, and not for life.' 2d. That every free white male citizen of the United States, above the age of twenty-one
years, and who shall have resided twelve months in the State, and six months in the parish
in which he offers to vote, shall be entitled to a vote.
"3d. That a more equal and just system of representation, both in the senate and house
of representatives, shall be adopted.
"4th. That sheriffS, coroners, constables, and other parish officers, be elected by the people.
" 5th. That the governor be elected by the people alone, without the intervention of the
iegislature.*'
The bill having been referred to the committee on the judiciary, of
which he was a member, was reported back without amendment, and sustained by a powerful report from his pen. This bill was defeated in the Senate by the casting-vote of the presiding officer —all the democrats proving its
friends, and, with one exception, all their opponents its enemies.  At the
same time a similar bill was introduced in the other branch of the legislature
by a democrat. There it shared a similar fate, but a single democrat
voting against it. From this decision of the legislature, the democrats,
under the leadership of General Downs, (whose powerful report had at
once advanced him to the position of the first champion of the proposed
reform,) appealed to the people in the canvass of 1S40.  In this struggle,
so disastrous to the democracy, General Downs, who was conspicuously
active, devoted himself throughout the canvass wholly to the prime duty
of defending and advocating his principles with voice and pen.  Though




6
the State threw her vote for the federal candidate, and, as usual, elected a
federal legislature, so deep had the principles of constitutional reform sunk
into the public mind-thanks to the unceasing efforts of General Downs
and his fellow-democratic speakers and writers-that, with the assistance
of a few whigs pledged before the people to sustain this proposition to
amend the constitution upon this vital question, he found himself in a
majority on the meeting of the legislature.
His first move of the session of 1841 was again to bring forward his
constitutional-reform proposition, making, as chairman of a select committee charged with its consideration, another elaborate report in its favor.
In this document, after setting forth the difficulties thrown in the way of
the consummation of the proposed reforms by the requirements of the
existing constitution, under which, to succeed would be almost a miracle,
General Downs triumphantly demonstrated the blighting influence upon
the prosperity of Louisiana involved in the existence of features of the
judiciary of the State worthy of the political darkness of the middle ages,
and of the anti-democratic feature of exclusive (limited) suffrage then
remaining upon the stattute-book.  He also attacked the principle of
life-tenure of office, wherever found under the laws or constitution,
with crushingly convincing force, and satisfied a vast majority of
the people of the State that, in these and many other particulars,
radical reforms were necessary in the civil polity of Louisiana, if they
would ever hope for assistance from the laws in the enjoyment of their
rights and the attainment of individual prosperity, such as they were
fairly entitled to under proper institutions.  Save the writings of Thomas
Jefferson upon the dangers and embarrassments likely to grow out of the
perpetuation in this country of veteran abuses in the law systems of Europe, I have met with no other so powerfill exposition of the propriety of
legal reforms. This paper, having served as a text for the advocates of
reform in American State constitutions subsequently amended, will remain the guide to direct the labors of all in the United States who,
desiring to live up to the spirit of the age, aim to effect changes in fundamental regulations, framed to suit society as it existed half a century
since. The limits of this notice will not permit me to quote from this
elaborate paper. Its eulogy, however, is to be found in the fidelity with
which the principles it inculcates were insisted upon by the reformers
returned to the conventions which have since remodelled the constitutions
of not only Louisiana, but of Texas, Missouri, and New York.
Under the stunning effect of this report, the bill of General Downs passed
the senate by the constitutional vote-a majority of all the members elected
to the body. Unfortunately, the house, instead of immediately acting upon
it, took a copy of the bill introduced by a member, which seriously ena




7
dangered the consummation of the project, as, under the existing constitution, to authorize the submission of the question of a convention to the
people, the bill for that purpose was required to be enacted by both houses
within the first twenty days of the session. Commencing with a motion
for postponement, (equivalent to a motion for its rejection,) the whigs
in the house fought the bill at every step by proposing odious amendments, and other tricks of legislative diplomacy, which so often enable a minority to defeat the purposes of the majority. The bill was
finally passed in a shape to give the convention a carte blanche to enact
any and all needful constitutional reforms, without regard to its specifications; but at so late a period, that a legislative coup de main was necessary to secure its re-enactment by the senate within the constitutional term
of twenty days. To this end, General Downs procured the suspension
of a rule standing in the way of its consideration over a decision of the
Chair against the motion. It was passed within the constitutional hour,
and returned again to the house, the whig members of which body deserted their seats to break up the quorum usually required when bills were
thus returned. This ruse, however, proved of no avail; for, as the
friends of the bill soon made apparent, it had been enacted according to
the forms required by the constitution, (which did not demand its engrossment within twenty days,) if not by the custom of the legislature.
After a short struggle upon this unimportant technicality, the whigs aban.
doned the contest before the legislature, and prepar3d to meet the friends
of reform before the people-the question being, Shall this convention be
called or not? At the same session of the legislature, through the exertions
of General Downs and his democratic fellow-members, a resolution for the
extension of the suffrage to every free white male citizen of the United
States above the age of twenty-one years passed the senate by the constitutional majority, and was laid on the table in the house-its friends, as
before, being democrats with one or two exceptions, and its opponents all
whigs.
On the 8th of January, 1842, the democrats of Louisiana met in New
Orleans in State convention; and, nominating Governor Mouton as their
candidate for governor, by resolutions and an address-both from the pen
of General Downs, the most prominent member-they made the proposed
reforms their issues of the approaching canvass. In this address General
Downs formally incorporated the war on the banking system of the State,
which he and other individual democrats had carried on since 1837, in
the cycle of the measures of the democratic party.
Upon these issues the democracy triumphed-for the first time electing
a majority of the legislature, and obtaining the order of the people for the
assembling of the convention to revise and amend the constitution.




8
At the succeeding session of the legislature an election for members of
the convention was ordered under the vote of the people above referred to,
and in the memorable contest of 1844 they were chosen. Among them
was-the life and soul of the movement-General S. W. Downs himself.
As the whigs had opposed the proposition in its every stage, in this election
they were badly beaten-a handsome majority of the members chosen
being democrats, in favor of thorough and sweeping-reforms.
On the 14th of January, 1845, this important body met in New Orleans,
and sat de die in diem until the 16th of May following-full, four monthsboth political parties having sent up their first men: it embraced, indeed,
almost all the great and learned men of the State identified in any manner with public affairs. During the year previous to the meeting of this
body General Downs had been elected a brigadier general-an office of responsibility and labor under the old constitution of Louisiana-and had
served the State as a senator, and in the capacity of elector for President
and Vice President; which, in the South, it will be remembered, requires
a devotion of all the time and talent of the candidate for five or six
months of the year in which residents of Louisiana avoid active bodily
or mental exercise as dangerous to health. While engaged in the dis,
charge of his duties as a member of the convention, he was honored with
the unsolicited appointment of district attorney for the district of Louisiana by Mr. Polk. General Downs, however, did notqualify and enter upon
the discharge of the duties of this office before seeing his hopes of radical
constitutional reform crowned with success. The whigs opposed with
vehement resistance almost all the reforms proposed, and more especially
the proposition to place naturalized citizens in all respects on a footing
with those of native birth. Upon this question, which was the subject
of protracted debate, in which all the great minds of the convention participated, he and a few others delivered arguments of so much fbrce-so
conclusively demonstrating the impropriety of requiring a longer residence
in the State to entitle naturalized citizens of the United States to the franchise than it was the intention of the convention to demand of the nativeborn-that without distinction of party the Europeans by birth, residents
of New Orleans, presented them with an address and medals. I recur to
this fact, because, in having occasion to denounce the tone of Mr. Gallatin's famous pamphlet against the Mexican war in a speech in the Senate
of the United States, he took occasion to point out in strong terms the
impropriety of an indulgence in aspersions upon the integrity and character of the United States government on the part of those naturalized
citizens whose hearts, like that of Mr. Gallatin, are wrapped up in the
systems of the European world. This portion of his famous speech (on
the Mexican war) was garbled and misquoted by the federal press, with




9
the design of creating an unfounded impression that his sympathies were
with the Native-American party. This very characteristic federal trick,
however, is so completely refuted by his previous labors to secure unimpaired and without delay all the rights of citizenship to the foreign-born,
as promised in the legislation of the general government, that it is not
necessary to be further noticed here.
But to resume the thread of my history. The constitution of Louisiana, as then existing, (which had been adopted in 1812,) was but a
version of the old constitution of Kentucky, the imperfections of which
gave rise to the embarrassments and the general bankruptcy of its citi.
zens, ending in the never to-be forgotten " old" and " new court" party
troules of that State, in which this charter was finally swept from their
statute-books.  The right of suffrage was restricted without reason or
judgment. The judiciary were irresponsible, and held office for life. Of
course, therefore, they were inefficient, tyrannical, and corrupt. The public expenditures were enormous, out of proportion to the means of the
State, having really brought the treasury to bankruptcy, only concealed
by issuing stock for an annually increasing State debt; the actual revenue
falling short some $200,000 a year of meeting the public expenditures.
To go to law to obtain one's rights was in fact to be well-nigh ruined,
and getting a judgment, after long years of litigation, was to find one's
adversary's property swamped in paying his own costs of the suit.
Among the important reforms effected by this convention was the extension of the right of suffrage, as advocated by General Downs when a
candidate in 1838-" the adoption of the principle in its broadest form,
and the voluntary assumption of all its consequences."
[Here follows in the original article an analysis of the new constitution of Louisiana, which is omitted.]
From these extracts, it will be perceived that there are far more of the
doctrines of Thomas Jefferson infused in the new constitution of Louisiana than in that of any other State of the American Union. It certainly
discovers more political foresight and insight, and more perfect reliance on
the principles upon which popular governments are based, than are to be
traced in any other series of these fundamental laws.
I need hardly pronounce the new constitution of Louisiana one of
the best American State constitutions in existence; for this opinion will
suggest itself to all who believe with the writer that the world is governed
too much-one of the fundamental axioms of the creed of the Jeffersonian democrat. From the introduction of his first constitutional-reform
proposition, in 1838, into the legislature, until the ratification of the new
constitution, General Downs led the reformers, never ceasing for an instant in his labors, or wavering under the many and severe personal controversies in which they involved him.




10
While engaged upon this Herculean task, as before remarked, he had
another in hand of scarcely less importance-more dangerous to himself,
and requiring the exercise of severe exertions of his physical and mental
powers. From 1838 to 1842 he was in the field against the banks of'the
State-sixteen in number.  They were wholly irresponsible, and many
of them insolvent, while they were encouraging among the people the
spirit of individual busitness speculation and recklessness, (the existence
of which alone enabled them to conceal their bankruptcy, so as in fact to
control the fortunes of the people and the politics of the State.) General
Downs, in performing his task, became a mark for the shafts of almost
all the bank officers, orators, stockholders, debtors, attorneys, and writers
in the State. The agents and supporters of these institutions in the
legislature-men of eminent abilities and great weight of characterfought him at every step. Protesting their solvency, and denying his
allegation that they maintained a fictitious vitality only by fraud and
corruption, they yet refused him  the demanded exposition of their
affairs.
In January, 1842, he delivered his great speech (in the senate of
Louisiana) against the banks, which is replete with a more powerful exposition of the thieving iniquity of Mr. Biddle's bank schemes and principles, and of the dangers, corruptions, and flagrant wrong involved in
the existence of banking privileges, as usurped by the moneyed corporations of Louisiana, than is embraced in any other State paper to which
the great Jackson contest against the power and corruption of the Bank
of the United States gave rise-for this bank war in Louisiana was but a
branch of the old Jackson anti-bank controversy.  The banks of that
State had suspended in 1837, and, resuming with Mr. Biddle, had
again promptly followed his example in suspending in 1839.  The
bank bill of this session, which was indeed the old project of 1838, was
designed, first to force these institutions to come under the control of the
State, and next to make such expositions of their affairs as would enable
the legislature to judge whether they had forfeited their charters, and the
community to distinguish the solvent from the insolvent.
At this session the labors of Gen. Downs were crowned with such strong
demonstrations of public opinion, that Governor Romain (a whig) and a
handful of' whig members came to his assistance, and thus carried through
this important democratic project. Under the operations of this lfaw the
truth was soon told; for the consequent examination of the banks resulted
in proving the hopless and fraudulentl insolvency of eleven of the sixteen-all of which soon exploded, leaving but five in existence. To this
day the five have continued sound. This irrefragable proof of the justice




11
of the position so early taken, and sustained with so much courage and
perseverance  by General Downs in overwhelming the State bank party
under a load of public odium, operated greatly to increase his previous
popularity, and thus eventually to place him in his present enviable
position.
Throughout the bank contest, as in that for the extension of the right
of suffrage and constitutional reform, General Downs was the main mark
for the shafts of the opposition, who levelled their missiles of destruction
at his head as though impressed with the belief that in silencing him  they
would achieve the overthrow of this important purpose of the democracy.
The democratic reader who has witnessed the struggle which combined
and corrupt local banks made for the preservation of their privilege to
plunder, when the rod of reform is uplifted against them, will understand that in this combat every possible scheme to defeat the final exposure was resorted to. Though aided in his good work by an almost
unanimous democratic party, the chief labor and the weight of the federal
odium  fell upon General Downs.  By way of illustrating his position in
this contest, I here present the reader with two extracts from the federal
papers of that day. The first is from the New Orleans Bee-then the
principal organ of the banks of the State, edited by Mr. Bullit, who, on
the 23d of June, 1849, was to commence the publication at Washington
of the official organ of the general administration. The second is an
extract from  a letter in  the Concordia Intelligencer-then, as since, the
best conducted federal paper in the State. From these papers it will at
once be perceived that General D)owns was, indeed, the life and soul of the
laborious task of reform the democrats of the legislature had in hand:
"THE CRISIS.-THE STATE SENATE.-THE PEOPLE.-The fiat has gone forth, and henceforward an abject, dumb, and servile submission to the imperial behests of the senate can
alone protect the citizens from the denunciation, reproach, and slander of its inquisitor general.
The press must be muzzled, the presidents and directors of our banks must violate the charters
under which they act, and compromise the interests of their stockholders, in the indecent haste
to prostrate themselves before the Jauggernaut that is to crush them. The citizen who refuses
to abase himself before the standard of perfectibility set up by the senate is no longer entitled
to the immunities or consideration of freemen. We venture to assert that the history of free
government, from the dawn of liberty to this hour, does not furnish such an example of
tyranny, usurpation, and scandalous disregard of the rights of the people, as has been exhibited by the upper branch of the legislature within the past month, unless, indeed, it be found
in the legislation of South Carolina during the rebellion of 1832, when jurors, judges, constables, and militia officers were sworn on the Bible of nullification instead of the Holy Evangelist, before they could enter upon the discharge of their duties.
"The moving spirits in that body have assumed the powers of the executive, legislature,
and judiciary. The executive nominated, according to law, certain directors for those banks
in which the State had an interest. The senate held up the nominations until its bill had become a law, and forthwith passed a resolution inquiring of the nominees if they were opposed
to the bank bill, and directing them to hand in their answers at a given hour. We would like
to know when before, in the history of free government, was a step like this taken? And who




12
can doubt, if a vacancy in the judiciary were to take place, that any one nominated by the
governor for the office would be in like manner interrogated, and his opinion favorable to the
constitutionality of the bank law made the sine qua non of this confirmation. The nominations
of those persons sent to the senate as State directors, who refused to answer the resolution
above noticed, were rejected. This is a novel tenure of office. They have already passed a
law against the constitution, vacating the office of attorney general in case he does not, within
ten days after a prescribed period, move against the banks; thus assuming to themselves the
power of impeachment vested in the house of representatives, and condemning, before accusation or trial, a high functionary under the constitution. There is but one step more to be
taken; and that is, to pass a resolution requiring the judges of the supreme court to hand in
their opinions upon the constitutionality of the law, and procure the impeachment of those
who refuse to respond or question its conformity with the constitution.
"The senate's finance committee have taken upon themselves the functions of inquisitors.
They are not satisfied with encroaching upon the executive, but they must invade the judiciary.
Their chairman, Mr. Downs, pronounces upon violations of law, and denounces the penalties
against offenders, with as much nonchalance as if he were judge, jury, and sheriff. He seems
ambitious of prying into every man's business, and enlightening the public upon everybody's
indebtedness to the bank. He thinks the other departments of the government utterly useless.
And, indeed, the senate itself comes in for no better share of his esteem, the'committee on
finance' being alone capable of executing all the functions of government; and, to simplify the
system yet further, the chairman of the committee is fully competent to dispense with the assistance of his coadjutors. The whole theory, practice, and power of the government is reduced to a song-'t311 in the Downs.' "
In the senate, those members who were obviously  the prominent men
are Diwns, Hloa, Sparrow, and Walker.
" Major Downs is a native of Tennessee, now about forty years of age, and in the prime
vigor of his physical and intellectual powers. He has been six years a member of the senate, and in that time has gained the reputation and character of a leader of his party in the
State senate. His politics are democratic, and those principles blend with nearly all his legislative efforts. In debate he is free, open, manly, and candid, and enters with so much spirit
and earnestness into his subject as to inspire confidence in his sincerity. Indeed, it will require time for the observer to discover the discipline with which he has prepared himself for
success, so candid and fair does he seem in discussion; yet it is probable that no member of
the senate drills his intellectual forces with more rigor for success at all hazards. When the
conflict unexpectedly becomes difficult and doubtful, he becomes aroused, is somewhat thrown
off his guard, and the weak points of his defence, if any there be, are developed. His strong
prejudices are his greatest failing. Few have ever heard him yield a point; for he call defend,
with considerable array of truth, and a tremendous cannonade of blank cartridges after his
effective ammunition is exhausted, any position which lie assumes. He considers the principles of his political creed a sacred depository, which he is bound to guard from the attacks of
the enemy's regular assault in line, as well as from the insidious and skirmishing sorties of
scouting debate; and he will command all his forces to charge with the same desperation upon
a wandering whig militia-man as upon the solid column of truth and justice, making good
way to the citadel of democracy. EHeis a valiant soldier in the ranks of his party, and never
loses an opportunity to fight. The course taken by Major Downs in reference to the banks
and bank laws has rendered him very unpopular in the city —with what degree of justice remains to be seen; for no one now seems able to guess what will be the ultimate effects of this
strange and complicated fabric of legislative manufacture," (referring to the bank law urged
by General Downs.) *      *   * ~  "Nature blessed him with a stron- mind,strong body,
decision of character, even to stubbornness. In the social relations of life he is much esteenned
as a hospitable, temperate, and intellectual man. His stature is tall, but inelegant; his
complexion dark; hair black; eyes blue; and, taken all in all, is a very hard-favored man."




13
If the measures to compass the reform talken by General Downs were
arbitrary, and involved the assumption of unlawfill authority, as alleged
in the article from " The Bee,'' their triumphant justification is to be
found in the fact that he was dealing with corrupt institutions, then abo;e
all lawv, almost wholly irresponsible, as the equally corrupt and banlk-influenced judiciary of the State at that time had decided. Dangerous
diseases at times require desperate renmedies, such as the Bee argues was
resorted to. The final disclosure of the true condition of these institutions relieved General Dowvns of the " odium" which his measures had
generated against him —that is, in the estimation of all the community
whose good opinion was desirable to a man of true integrity.
But I must hasten on. The blow-up of the insolvent banks of the State
greatly strengthened the democratic party-demonstrating the patriotism
of its warfare of five or six years' duration. Indeed, that event secured
a triumph for the democracy for the first time in the State election soon
following.
In the spring of 1844 General Downs was chosen to be a delegate for
the State at large in the Baltimore Convention, and instructed to support
Mr. Van Buren. IHe was at the same time nominated a candidate for
presidential elector by the democratic State convention.
On the promulgation of the anti-Texas letter of Mr. Van Buren, which
took place after these nominations were made, General Downs promptly
threw them up, alleging that he could not support a traitor to the principles
of democracy and the South. But after Mr. Polk was nominated, at the request of the State central committee, he resumed his position as a candidate
for elector. In the discharge of his duty as a candidate for elector, on the
19th of June, 1844, he delivered, at Farmersville, in the parish of Union,
the most elaborate, carefully prepared, and powerful argument in favor of the annexation of Texas which, as far as my reading extends, the
canvass produced. This was at once printed in large numbers by the
democracy, and sent in every direction over the Southwest, furnishing
the speakers and writers of our party with by far the most extensive and
convincing collection of " proof from the record " brought to bear in
favor of that great measure of the democracy. As before remarked, he
was chosen an elector, and voted for James K. Polk.
On the occurrence of the first vacancy from Louisiana in the United
States Senate, after the election of 1844, General Downs, without solicitation, was unanimously nominated by the democratic members of the
legislature, and triumphantly elected to that honorable post, in which his
career has been marked by quiet labor and retiring modesty. Ile has,
however, in Washington, added not a little to his previous fame as a distinguished statesmen. As chairman of the Senate's Committee on Pri



14
vate Land Claims, his indefatigable habits and extensive legal attainnlents have been of great service in obtaining for honest claimants their
dues, and guarding the public treasury against unjust demands. As one
of the Judiciary Committee, to whom was referred the bill of Senator
Douglas for the admission of California as a State, he made a minority
report, dissenting from the views of his fellow committee men upon the
question of the constitutionality of the famous proposition of Mr. Douglas,
and reviewing and refuting the positions of that paper seriatim.  It will
be recollected that the majority report, drawn up by Mr. Berrien, denying
the constitutionality of the proposed measure, went on to argue from the
history of the action of this government in the admission of all the new
States, by way of sustaining this view' General Downs attacked these
positions at the root, showing that in this case Congress had been asked
to do no niore than it had in fact, at a prior date, done virtually in the
case of Vermont and in that of Kentucky. The latter, when admitted,
had no State constitution framed, nor indeed for fourteen months after;
and as for laws, she was then entirely without them-being in a chaotic
state.
His triumphant refutation of the facts presented by the majority, and
consequently of the conclusions drawn from these facts, made converts
of a sufficient number of senators to render it apparent that a majority
stood ready to enact some bill on the principles of that of Mr. Douglas,
when satisfied that it could pass the other branch of Congress.
The speech of Senator Downs on the " ten-regiment bill " was regarded
by Congress, without distinction of party, as perhaps the most conclusive
defence of the war policy and measures of the administration to which
that memorble debate gave rise. This paper-for it was an elaborate
State paper-embraced the result of long labor, close investigation, and
profound thought upon the subject-matters being considered. Yet young
for his position, and in the possession of all his powers in full vigor,
Senator Downs bids fair to win a broadly national reputation in the war
which special privilege is destined to wage, for the next three or four years,
against the rights of the States and the people of the States, under the
auspices of the federal administration of the general government. He
can hardly fail to have in the Senate of the United States, in all that time,
a field suited to render his peculiar talents and attainments almost of as
much value to the Union at large as they have been to the people of
Louisiana within the period particularly reviewed in this sketch. Knowing the character of his mind, his abilities, and attainments, and the
history of his previous labors in behalf of sound republican progress, and
also anticipating the efforts which federalism will essay in the legislation
of the next Congress to take advantage of the election of President




15
Taylor, the writer, in conclusion, predicts, if spared by Providence to
his country, he will come to be regarded as perhaps the main senatorial
bulwark of the democratic party in future contests over principles and
measures in which the supremacy of Thomas Jefferson's readings of law
or rights may be involved. I cannot close this sketch without noticing
the fate of the classmates of General Downs when under the tuition of
the Rev. Mr. Craighead, mentioned previously; for their story, fill of
vicissitudes and sorrow, illustrates the state of society and of the tinmes in
which General Downs persevered in his labors for reform until they were
crowned with triumphant success. Of the seven, five are already in the
grave.
WTinn died at the close of 1840, a victim to fatigue and exposure in the
presidential campaign, and chagrin at the defeat of Mr. Van Buren.
Frederick Guion fell in a duel at Natchez.  One of the Whartons lost his
life in the accidental discharge of a pistol; the other died from a wound
received at the battle of San Jacinto.  Bosworth, who since died in the
service of his country in the Mexican war, had his right arm shattered to
pieces in a furious rencontre; and General Downs himself was shot
through the lungs by a musket ball in a duel. Yet there was not one
ameng them not remarkable for suavity of disposition.
The portion of this sketch which precedes was written and published
in June, 1849. There remains to be added, to bring down the record to
the present time, a brief review of the course of Senator Downs on the
compromise measures of 1850. Few men acted a more conspicuous part,
or had greater influence in bringing to a satisfactory and safe result those
important, exciting, and dangerous questions, than he. No member of
the l'hirty-first Congress, or other statesman of the nation, has less to
regret in his past action on them-none whose course will better stand
the test of time, the ordeal of all human action, or has received, anrd will
continue to receive, a greater share of the approbation of all good men
and true patriots of all sections. His course on this subject is a part of
the history of his country, and requires no extended comment here. It
may be stated in a few words. As a cotton planter, largely interested
in slave property, and a senator from a State more largely interested
in  it, in  proportion to her population, than  any other State. he
strongly, and with great ability and success, opposed the Wilmot
proviso, the abolition of slavery in the District of -Columbia, and the
slave trade between the States-the assaults which the South had
chiefly to contend against. He advocated, and was an active member of the Compromise Committee of Thirteen, sustaining the report of
the committee, though it did not come up to his views in all respects, because it contained none of the measures injurious to the South mentioned




16
above, and benefited it by the figitive-slave bill and the Texas comprod
mise.  He acted cheerfully with men of all parties and sections on th ese^
measures; but in doing so he did not cease to be a democrat, and when
they where consummated, or while they were pendirl:, refused to enter into
any new organizations of Union.or State-rights parties insisting that they
(the compromise measures) are in accordance with the old democratic doctrines and the doctrines of Jefferson, Jackson, and Polk, and required no
new creed or combination to settle them.  His course was triumphantly
sustained by the people of his own State and the South generally; for
all the States of the South now acquiesce in the Compromise, as well
as nearly all the statesmen who once opposed it; and the course of no
southelrn:memlber of Congress whoT took. a prominent part in the great
contest is so generally applauded and approved by the sound democrats
of the North as his.  There is, therefore, no objection to him North or
South on this ground.  Is not this a strong reason why he should be
taken up as a candidate for the Vice Presidency, if the President is to be
from the North, as will no doubt be the case?  Another reason might be
stated in favor of running him  for this place. Louisiana is a doubtful
State; the vote will be a close one. It is strongly in favor of union and
the Compromise.  General Downs would give the ticket a strength there
which n'o other man would.  This is admitted by all in that State.  In
the late-election of senator in that State he received every democratic
vote, Union and State-rights men, and three whig votes; and the people
are indignant at many of the whig members of the legislature because
they did not vote for him as was expected. Either General Scott or Mr.
Fillmore will be the whig candidate.  If Scott should be the man, with
his doubtful position on the slavery question, the contrast ofl.the democratic ticket, with Downs on it, would help our cause.  If Fillmore
should be the whig candidate, still more important, would it be to have a
man on our ticket as much identified with the Compromise as he is, or
more so. General Williamson, a prominent State-rights member of tile
legislature, nominated him in the caucus for senator —so he would be
cheerfully supported by democrats holding similar opinions. The nature
of General Downs's public services heretofore has been calculated to give
him peculiar qualifications for the office of Vice President and President
of the Senate. At the end of his present term he will have served thirteen years in the Sen cte-State and federal.