HO1IME
INSURANCE COMPANY,
OF
NEW YORK.
OFFICE, Nos. 112 and 114 BROADWAY.
CASH CAPITAL,: - -                       - $1,000,000.00
ASS E T S, 1st January, 1862.      -            1,5 2 1,2 6 8.08
LIABILITIES,                 - - - - -               55,080.43
A.SSErTS.
Cash, balance in Bank,................................$124,434.14
Bonds and Mortgages, (being- first lien on Real
Estate, worth at least $1,715,900.................. 910,219.53
Loans on Stocks, payable on demand, (market
value of securitie's51353,653)...............   126,300.00
United States Stocks ax  Treasury Notes, (market
value)...................................................  83,800.00
State Stocks, (market vAue)..............................  35,661.00
Bank Stocks, (market falue)............................ 65.225.00
Brooklyn City Water Bonds, (market value).........  9.650.00
Real Estate, No. 4 Wall street........................... 50,000.00
Interest due on 1st January, 1862, (of which
$21,789.10 has since been received)............... 29,348.85
Balance in hands of Agents, and in course of
transmission from Agents, on 1st January, (of
which $21,980.90 has since been received).... 57,188.88
Bills Receivable, (for Premiums on Inland Risks)  22,711.99
Other Property, Miscellaneous Items...................  5,085.16
Premiums due and uncollected on Policies issued at
offi ce......................................................  1,643.53
TOTAL............................. $1,521,268.08
II.ABIIiTI'E1S.
Claims for Losses Outstanding on 1st January, 1862, $54,570.43
Due Stockholders on account i4th and 15th dividends..................................................  510.00
This Company Insures against Loss or Damage by FIRE,
and the risks of INLAND NAVIGATION and TRANSPORTATION on favorable terms.
Particular attention given to insuring Farm          Property and
detached Dwellings, for one to five years.
Losses equitably adjusted and promptly paid.
CHAS. MARTIN, President.
A. F. WILLMARTH, Vice-President,
JOHN McGEE, Secretary.




GROVER & BAKER'S
FIRST PREMIUM
SEWING MACHINES,
WITH
HEMMERS, FELLERS, TUCKERS, CORDERS, BINDERS, &C.
Making the " Lock " stitch, or the " Grover & Baker " stitch
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Price, $40 and upwards.
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A NEW STYLE
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RUNS FAST AND QUIET.
FOR
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PRICE, $5.
Call and examine our MACHINES, or send for a circular containing samples of sewing, &c.
GROVER    &  BAKER    SOWING    MACHINE     CO.,
58 West Fourth Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.




OF
Rev. ROBERT J. BIRCKIRIDGE, D.D., LL.D.,
ON THB
STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
I. At the Opera Eonse, Cininnati, on Tuesday vening, ta  0, 1862, by invitation
of many loadinj ditizens of that ity.
H. During a Debate in the IesbytiM  Goeneral Asembly, at Columbus, Ohio, on
Thursday1,ay 22, 1862.
CINCINNATI:
PRESS OF E. MORGAN & CO.
1862.




WHEELER & WILSON'S
SEWING MACHINES.
AWARDED FIRST PREMIUM
AT THE
UNITED STATES FAIRS of 1858, 1859, and 1860,
AND AT THE
OHIO STATE FAIRS of 1858,1859,1860, and 1861.
The sales of this machine in 1861, were over 20,000, or equal to the sales of all
other sewing machines combined. Machines Warranted Three Years.
WM. SUMNER & CO., AGENTS,
No. 77 West Fourth St., Pike's Opera House, Cincinnati. 




From the Cincinnati Gazette. (Editorial.)
DR. BRECiRIwDE'sID   ADDRESS.-A large company assembled at the Opera House to listen to the
address upon the state of the country by this distinguished minister. The occasion was in every
way successful, and must have a happy effect. No new positions were offered; but the substantial
situation of affairs, the powers and prospects of the Government, was canvassed with force, truth,
and, at times, eloquence. No one present could have been at any loss as to the position of the
speaker, on the great question now before this country. He was as emphatic as he was clear, in
the expression of his views. We print the address verbatim, and an opportunity is thus afforded,
for the people to read that which was heard with so much pleasure and profit, by one of the finest
audiences ever assembled in Cincinnati.
[Reported for the Cincinnati Gazette.]
Pike's Opera House was well filled last night, notwithstanding
the inclemency of the weather, by a highly intelligent audience,
which assembled to hear an address by Rev. Dr. BRECKINRIDGE,
on the State of the Country. At 8 o'clock, precisely, the exercises were opened with prayer by Rev. ASA D. SMITH, D.D., of
New Yorkf after which
Judge STORER made the following remarks, in introducing the
speaker to the audience:
FELLOW CITIZENS-It is with great pleasure I am called upon
to introduce to you the Rev. Dr. BRECKINRIGIE of Kentucky, one
who has profoundly and reverently discussed the interests of the
Government, and ably and gloriously sustained the same.         He
appears before you as an American citizen, as well as a Christian
minister, vindicating his Master's mission, by proving his loyalty
to the Government unde&rwhich he was born, and which it is his
pious duty to sustain.    I introduce now to you the Reverend
Doctor.   [Applause.]
SPEECH OF DR,. BRECKINRIDGE.
I beg leave, my friends and fellow-citizens, to say that I should
by no means venture to present myself before you or ask your
consideration to anything that 1 can offer on a subject which has
been discussed by far abler persons than myself. I have endeavored to give myself unreservedly away to the service of our great
country, which we all love so dearly, in the midst of these terrible
times.   Under the impression of that fact, and on account of the
partiality of many of your worthy and distinguished fellow-citizens to lay upon me their commands, if I may so say, to address
you on the particular aspects of a great subject agitating all our
minds, that I have not felt willing to refuse.  Oppressed with the
infirmities of advancing life, and cares more weighty than at any
other period, I beg that you will have patience to listen to what
I shall endeavor, in my weakness, to say to you.
It is upon the state of the country as it now is, that I have been
asked to speak to you; and I have endeavored, in arranging my
remarks, to pursue such a line of observation, as should be in




6               SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.
some degree connected in itself, and in some degree directing our
thoughts to the end that all good men and patriotic citizens ought
to desire to reach, as the end of all these troubles which surround
us. "The State of the Country," as it is now, should be understood-should be the subject of our meditations.
As we would direct it to the ends we would desire, requires that
we should have precise, clear views concerning what these ends
are, and precise and clear views concerning the nature of the
political and social systems of the country itself, and of its capabilities of doing the things we desire to have done, as well as
precise views concerning the actual posture of things. For, you
will observe, that the fundamental idea of all these difficulties lies
precisely in the question, whether or not we are a nation at all;
whether or not our social system is not of that kind that it is
rather a constitution than a league-rather a gathering together
of sovereignties that have no superior, than a nation of itself.
Now as a-basis of all our principles, and as the end of all our
efforts as loyal persons fighting for the life of the nation, it is
necessarily involved that we should believe we are a nation. Have
we not had a great career as such, and is it not that we don't
intend to permit that career to be cut short as sch?  Have we
not before us a sublmne destiny? and we do not'intend that that
destiny should be destroyed.  t it not that the whole glory and
the whole -blessedness, which God has given us, points to something beyond-notl only foy this world in which #e live, and the
glory which God has permittedus to enjoy-that we should serve
his wishes regardless of consequences.
Inithe first place, we should consider that this mistaken people
are a natiorn and not a mere league of peale ho1Id  together
by ties that niay b bbroken at any moment; but it is undubtedly
true, at the same ti e,taet our national existmnc is eminently
peiuliar,on6e onPsistg'i naternely of Wtdividual peosons;,butJonsisting of   ordifate ivernti   s  wich ~we ca    -t Stesnation madie u  of States and-having no.   Xistenge;ib as. those
States exit,,id States 4teiistitite a nation.w+ich Give >o existence as States, "bht as States ^constituting that zf$io, "Well,
now, here you ffltd tX Ptst e of hereay and Xof Seee ion, sad you
find it, II am so'iy to say, hi- the double forn, ~*^exremely
adyvere frm each other; S.: it is if order to poi:t<ut -the faital
terminari^rr'of:1l th   th.injs,; tWht  r tiUiph, gs reat s' itmay be,t tis neeessary " that tei e thi:8:  hould be preser^v.
avid I'will "tbrore endeavor -tO drtw.er.   atteetien to'.tehs
matters. It is tire tat   te after St      b   overei, an
may. withdraw from'the  nfederacy OId beaek isp the ltnien,
but the thsion i  n more' dlstgoyed'itined in that way than
it is.:to a theory propouned in the iuited States Congress,




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Claimants may address, by mail, either of the above parties, at their respective places of residence.




SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.             9
that they cannot withdraw by an act of absolute power. Only
can they do it by fraud and deceit, and thus cease to be a State,
and return to the Union only as Territories, coming back to the
Confederacy upon terms dictated by the balance of the States.
On the other hand, it is the ruin of the country that States should
be allowed to secede deliberately. The social and political system of the country is utterly destroyed, and it is upon the restoration of the national life, and upon the restoration of that
Union as it stood, as far as human powers can aid in the preservation of the Union as a nation made up of sovereignties; and
it is to the preservation of the Union, constituting a nation, that
all efforts should be directed; and even the President of the
United States, in his inaugural address, pointed to that great end,
and all the parties, except those in the extreme, have confessed
that this should be the glorious end. This is what we aim at,
and this is the aim to which we direct all our efforts. Is it not
a worthy aim? Is it not sufficient, even if there were none other?
Is it not the best ground that the nationality shall not be destroyed?  Is it not a ground worthy of the American people?
and, if there were no other reasons, that they will not allow that
this Union shall be brought down from the eminence to which
God has raised it, and passed to a great variety of subordinate
States, warring with each other, and subjected to the encroachments of all foreign powers? 
Has not God given us one Continent, and is it too much that
human liberty should possess one-fourth of the world, and possessed under circumstances of the greatest blessings of God, and
the greatest privileges enjoyed by man which have ever been manifested to man upon earth?  [Cheers.]
Is it nrot more than justice, and is it not overwhelmingly our
duty-and will not the shades of our ancestors cry to us to-daywill not posterity tax our memory if we do not exert ourselves
to preserve the Union which our glorious ancestors handed to us,
and in the way that it may run on as it has run for the last century in its glorious career? And we trust it will go on prospering and to prosper. [Cheers.]
Now it appears to me that the aim of this treason, rebellion,
and war-all the misery and calamity that you behold around
you-is directed to the end of destroying and subverting this
Union-first into two, and afterward into how many God alone
in iHis infinite wisdom knows.
On the other hand, as I have before suggested, the whole effort
of the nation' - its fundamental principle is to preserve, and
restore, and to perpetuate, as we have received, this inheritance
by God and transmitted to us by our fathers. The treason is
against- this country; the military efforts of one Action of the




10             SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.
country are against this nation. The anarchy which every where
prevails, wherever secession and treason is gone, is an anarchy
which spreads itself out in every portion of the Union, and if it
succeeds, results in the ruin of the nation. This is the state of
the country which in this broken manner I have endeavored to
lay before you.  Now, as it seems to me under circumstances
like these, the very first lesson we draw from the actual state of
the country is, that the war in which we are engaged, ought to
be prosecuted, and prosecuted to the end [tremendous applause]
with the whole energy of the nation; ought to be pursued to the,
last extremity. [Repeated applause.] I may be called fanatical,
perhaps I am, but. have often said, and I say it to you here,
as God is my Judge-I believe it would be better for this country, terrible as the calamity would be, and incalculable as the
misery would be-I believe it would be better'for God's purposes
upon earth-I believe it would be incomparably better for the
human race for all that is gained by us, that we should go back
to Plymouth Rock and Jamestown-to the infancy of our country —than to let this atrocious and abominable attempt to subvert the Government succeed. [Tremnndous cheers.]
I cannot give you any stronger expressions than those which
I have given, and whioh are the lessons deduced from the whole
considerations, and of all that has passed up to the moment at
which we stand. It is an appeal to the God of Battles  God is
still with us to-day, and will in his merey lead us to a glorious
end; and everyfma'n that lives in this country is called upon to
settle the question in its primeval shape, and settle it forever.
[Cheers.]
Let there be no more Seoession —let there be no more rebellion-let there be no more war. As long as history shall perpetuate the deeds of the past year and the deeds of the coming year,
which at some: future!she wll record, and let us thankfully take
whateverGod gives us.
In the second place, it seems to me the lesson which are taught
to you in the presentstate of the country, and one which we have
a right to look for in the future is, that:we should labor aid:O
back to the first idea; that we should labor and look before us all
the time to the restoration and the preservation of the Union, and
the perpetuation of the social nd politcae system of the country
and the sublime career which is before u - whatever collateral
object there is-whatever other purposs  ray exi, It seems
sometimes impossible in this world that those who start a great
work can see the result. - It is impossible to introduce a line of
policy to go by, and no human wisdom is able to foresee how
many side issues may be brought to bear. We cannot know, w
cannot tell, and I have nothing to:sy in regard to that. If thew




FINKLE & LYON
SEWING MACHINE CO.
Office, No. 538 Broadway,
BETWEEN THE ST. NICHOLAS AND METROPOLITAN HOTELS,
NEW YORK.
IMPORTANT FACTS ABOUT THESE MACHINES:
1. They make the Lock-Stich-alike on both sides.
2. They are better adapted than any other Machine in market, to the changes and variety in Family Sewing; for they will
sew from the finest gauze to the heaviest cloth, and even stout
hard leather, without altering the feed, needle, or tension.
3. They make the most elastic seam of any Sewing Machine.
4. No Machine is more durable, more simple, or more easily
understood.
5. They took the highest premium at the Fair of the Franklin
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6. They took the highest premium at the New Jersey State
Fair, at the Mechanics' Fair, Utica, N. Y., at the American Institute Fair, New York City, &c., &c.
7. Our prices are as low as the lowest of the first-class Machines: $40, $45, $50, $55, $60, $65, $70, $75, $80, $90, and $100,
according to size, case, finish, &c.
8. The most useful invention yet attached to the Sewing
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SEND FOR A CIRCULAR,
Giving full details as to price, quality, size, styles, &c., and
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They can be sent in a letter, for one 3-cent stamp.
AGENTS WANTED-In every city and town in the Union.




K^G~NOX9a
FRUIT FARM AND NURSERIES.
J. KNOX, Box 155, Pittsburgh, Pa.
SELECT LISTS OF STRAWBERRIES.
5 Varieties and 500 Plants for $5.-For $5 we will furnish 100 plants
each of the following kinds: Triomphe de Gand, Trollope's Victoria, Burr's
New Pine, Jenny Lind, and Wilson's Albany.
10 Varieties and 1,000 Plants for $10.-For $10 we will furnish 100
plants each of the following choice kinds: Triomphe de Gand, Trollope's
Victoria, Vicomtesse Hericart de Thury, Fillmore, Downer's Prolific, Burr's
New Pine, Jenny Lind, Cutter's Seedling, M'Avoy's Superior, and Wilson's
Albany.
We will furnish the two leading kinds, at the following rates: Triomphe
de Gand, 50 cents per dozen; $2 per 100; $10 per 1000; $45 per 5000; $75
per 10,000; $100 per 20,000. Wilson's Albany, 25 cents per dozen; $1 per
100; $5 per 1,000; $10 per 3,000. Larger quantities at same rate. For $100
we will furnish 10,000 Triomphe de Gand and 10,000 Wilson's Albany. Five
per cent. will be charged for all $100 lots, for boxes and packing.
Plants by Mail.-We will send to any post office address in the country,
post paid, and carefully put up so as to carry safely, one hundred good plants
of any variety found in our catalogue at the prices there annexed. For instance, 100 Wilson's Albany for $1; 100 Trollope's Victoria $1.50; 100 Triomphe de Gand, $2, &c.
-No orders filled for plants by mail for less than one dollar's worth, of
any one kind, and when less than 100 are ordered, it must be at the dozen price.
RASPBERRIES.
BRINCKLE'S ORANGE and FRANCONIA, $1 per dozen, $5 per 100, $30 per 1,000.
FASTOLFF, RIVER'S LARGE FRUITED MONTHLY, KNEVITT'S GIANT, HUDSON RIVER
ANTWERP, RED ANTWERP, YELLOW ANTWERP, ALLEN'S HARDY, 75 cents per dozen,
$3 per 100, $25 per 1,000. IMPROVED AMERICAN BLACK CAP, 50 cents per dozen,
$3 per 100, $25 per 1,000.
For $10 we will furnish 100 Brinckle's Orange, the fiAest flavored Raspberry,
as well as one of the largest, most beautiful, and productive. 100 Franconia,
a very large red berry, of good flavor, attractive and enormously productive.
100 Improved American Black Cap, much larger, more juicy, better flavored,
with fewer seed, and every way superior to the common Black Cap. The
plant is entirely hardy and very productive, and the fruit is much sought in
the market. The above kinds include the three colors, orange, red, and black
and furnish a pleasant variety in flavor. We regard them as the best for
amateurs, and the most profitable for market culture.
BLACKBERRIES.
New Rochelle, $1 per dozen, $5 per 100, $25 per 1,000, $100 per 5,000.
Dorchester, 75 cents per dozen, $4 per 100, $25 per 1,000. Newman's Thornless, 50 cents per dozen, $3 per 100, $20 per 1000. We will seid 100 each of
the above three kinds for $10.
FEach package of Strawberry and Blackberry plants will contain printed
instructions for cultivation.
For prices of Grapes, Currants, Gooseberries, Rhubarb, &c., &c., &c. see our
Circular, which will be sent to all applicants enclosing stamp.




SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.            13
are collateral influences, and some there are that eminently need
to be watched and guarded —if there are others that eminently
need to be promoted - if there are great lessons to be drawn in
the issue, sufficient unto the day will be found the wisdom as well
as the evil thereof.  But the idea which I wish to inculcate is,
that there is not any collateral issue that may be avoided and may
be suppressed in the main issue before us. The object of the
direction is, our country as we had it, and our institutions as they
were.
The whole country, the whole continent and our whole immense
domain, we should not give up so much of it as would make a
grave, if in doing so we had to yield a tittle.
It is, on the whole, as it was; we do not want any other system.
We will not run the risk of a new system and lose the great object. Now, as it appears to me-and I say it with great respectthere have been great mistakes committed, and are being committed, and with great peril in the prospect, upon both of the subjects. There was an immense mistake committed every day,
founded upon the idea that it was possible to conciliate those who
have banded themselves in military array, and have armed themselves against the country. This idea is utterly absurd-they
have been beyond all desire of conciliation; and now and any other
time before, since this treason has matured, and since this war
broke out, the Union could not: have been restored as it was if
they had had the determination of this point. If you had given
them a carte blanche and said to them —".do it upon whatever
terms you pleas'e.' It would have been incompatible with their
system. You will find this perpetual committing of errors which
carries you farther and farther from the desired end. It is an
error to suppose that to treat an enemy at all, is through mercy,
if that enemy is one that by every conceivable means has shut
his heart against you, and is determined to ruin you.
The danger becomes greater, greater, and greater. I know what
I am referring to-I know I am speaking of things that have
transpired thirty years ago. I know that these men who seek to
subvert the Constitution are not, capable of being conciliated, and
the only way to treat them is to crush them, and to crush them is
the only thing to be done. [Cheers.]
There is another idea connected with this matter, and that is,
to connect the great mass of quiet and peaceable citizens, who,
so to speak, were called upon to take up arms against us without
taking ahy particular part in the circumstances in which they
were involved in fighting against us-that is, confounding the loyal
portion of the people, who were ready to risk all for the good of
the country, in the same category with the people who never can
be conciliated, and will be always ready to rise again whenever




14             SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.
they have a favorable opportunity. We are not in the habit of
making these distinctions. We are in the habit of thinking hard,
very hard of the loyal portion in Tennessee or South Carolina,
that they permitted this insurrection. They were oppressed at
home, and compelled to take up arms against the Government.
You will allow me to make a local and personal reference, and to
say that if it had not been by mere accident-if it had not been
the blessing of God and the heroism of some persons, the very
same thing would have happened in Kentucky, and I will go further and say in extenuation of the conduct of many who were
really loyal citizens further south. I will say further, that it was
the proximity of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, the fidelity of the
people of the latter States upon which these men depended-of
your people and the people of the other two States, that saved
Kentucky. [Great cheers.]
The question was flatly asked by General Boyle, of the army,
then a private citizen of Kentucky: "will you have 12,000 men
ready the moment we ask for them?"  It was flatly asked of the
Governors of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and the reply was: they
would sustain them; and I suppose I may add, that Mr. Lincoln
was telegraphed to, asking whether he would assist them, and he
said, "with his whole power'. [Cheers.] Mr. Boyle telegraphed
to Gov. Dennison for 10,000 men at call. He replied'1you can
have them." He also asked for 10,000 from Indiana and Illinois,
and received the same reply. [Cheers.] And this was the salvation of Kentucky.
What could we have done alone? If we had been hundreds
of miles from the free States, we could not have sustained ourselves against the wave of secession. All available means to
carry on a war successfully, were taken by the disloyal citizens
by violence.
The result of the Presidential election shows to every man of
common sense, that the possibility of carrying the States out of
the Union by voting was absurd, and it could be done only by
fraud and deceit.
There are always people in every country, who attempt to revolutionize by force or by an appeal to the good sense of the people. I have always said, and still say, if that movement could
have been a national movement throughout the fifteen slave States,
if the people would have separated from this Union, there would
have been no power to prevent it and the desperation with which
a part of the South has fought for the last few months, shows
what the whole would have done if it had been a truly national
movement.
They were bought into the Confederacy with money, and it was
from the beginning a pre-concerted movement, accomplished by




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SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.            17
violence and fraud. That is the nature of the case to the present
time. It was a movement that was known to me and to every
man of the slightest common sense. It was a failure to carry
States out by fair means, and to be consummated only by violence and deceit. The moment they got power anywhere they
passed certain acts, which were treason, and should be punished
as such, with death, or with confinement or military service if
committed in the county. What could the loyal portion of the
people do? Here was the band of conspirators who called themselves a gover nment, and here were these men isolated one from
another —and hence the cry that there was unanimity for secession. Here was an incessant wail coming up from one end of the
Confederacy to the other-if there was any possibility of the
General Government coming to their relief, especially from East
Tennessee-from the beginning until now. And no free people
have ever suffered as they have done, and yet they are not relieved. There is a wide difference between these parties. These
loyalists risked everything they had, and they would have gladly
taken up their arms for the better cause.
On the other hand, you commit a great error in supposing, or
coming to a conclusion to suppose, that there are not loyal men
there.  In the present state of the country, there are no two
errors that should be guarded against more carefully. It is an
exceedingly intricate question as to what is the most effectual
way to protect us from these errors. But I shall not enter on
this discussion at all.
The next:general remark which I have to make, as an important lesson drawn from what has happened, is the undoubted
ability of the American people to do what they have undertaken
to do-their undoubted ability to crush out this rebellion, and
the ability to restore the nation in all its integrity, as it was
before. What has been accomplished in the last year I shall
not recapitulate. Whoever will look at the line of military operations in the country now, and compare it with the helpless condition of our marine frontier and river defenses a year agowhoever will look at the results of the recent campaigns in the
Mississippi Valley —at the naval operations upon river anvd seacoast, cannot have a particle of doubt as to the ability of the
nation to defend itself. I never doubted, and never could see on
what ground. anybody could doubt, that twenty millions of loyal
people in the free States, and four millions of loyal people in the
slave States, would do anything they desired with four millions
of disloyal people in the slave States. The whole thing seemed
an absurdity from the beginning, to doubt our ability to do what
we ought to do; and it was an utter absurdity in them to doubt
what we would and could do under the circumstances. What I




18             SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.
mean to press upon you now, as a sequel to what I have been
saying, is that there is a wide distinction between the two works
which I insist upon we ought to do. The one is to crush the
rebellion; that is, with military force that must be done from
without; it must be done by the nation, and by military force;
these men must be delivered, and it must be done by the army.
The other is a widely different thing, resting upon different principles, and to be done in a different way: the restoration which
is to be made of peace and public order, and the re-establishment of a free Government. The mode in which this is to be
brought about is a widely different work in all respects from the
work already commenced. The great experiment is now being
tried in Tennessee; for I suppose the General Government is
now feeling its way there, and that the model there endeavored
to be set up will be the model in other States, as one by one they
are brought back. What I insist upon is that it has been done;
that the elements of doing it are there; it is the work of peace,
and not of arms; it is simply a question of time. With you and
me, time is everything; with nations, time is long; it has taken
Great Britain six hundred years to quiet Ireland. If they will
grant us a small portion of that time, I will guarantee everything
is quiet in the South. [Applause.] It may take a generation,
or half a generation; or it may take but six months. I saw a
rumor in the newspapers, which may be true, but I have no authority for vouching for it, that the-Governor of North Carolina has
already recalled the troops of that State from the Confederate
army, and refuses any more aid to the rebellion. It is that you
may not be discouraged-that you may not stop short in the
patriotic work, that I trouble you in speaking of this aspect of
the subject.
Now, there is another aspect of the times to which I must refer.
The state of the country presents to me extraordinary revelations;
things are occurring that ought to challenge the consideration of
every thoughtful mind, to one or two of which let me call your
attention. And first, i~ the demonstration that has been made, so
unlooked for and so emphatic, of the character of the American
people and this great crisis through which they are passing. For
example, suppose such a rebellion as this had occurred in any
European monarchy-in the Roman empire? We know exactly
what took place there when, again and again, it did occur. Suppose it had occurred in the Russian Empire: we know what terrible
results followed when such a thing happened there. Here you
have had an organized conspiracy for years, growing up during
an administration, that for four years seemed to have no other
object but to prepare the nation for its interment; and a cabinet
of ministers putting the army and navy where they could be of




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SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.            23
no use to the Government. I don't like to speak evil of dignitaries; and I don't know whether it was imbecility, or cowardice,
or corruption in Buchanan to let the men in his cabinet do what
they did; but posterity will execrate them as long as their names
are remembered in the nation.  In the midst of these things,
here is the conduct of the American people; here is the stain
upon their Government, and it is a great revolution; that our
people can do what no other Government ever did do-that they
can stand the shock never stood by any nation, and come out with
a triumph more glorious than any nation ever before achieved.
This is. a glorious revolution, worthy to be associated with the
revolution of our fathers. The most permanent nations under the
sun have been those nearest like our own. This thought is worthy
of pondering over. There is nothing in this country wherin one
State differs from another as much as there is in the States of the
German natton-nothing that has separated one from another as
in the cantons of the Swiss nation. Some being free and some
slave, may be thought greater, but I think not, if you ponder it
carefully. The Germans and the French, in the different Swiss
cantons, differ in religion and in many other respects; yet they
are one glorious nation.. The elements of the German nation vary
from the small, free towns up to the first monarchs of Europe;
yet this great nation preserves its integrity, and if they,. why
not^we?  The things which separate us from each other, have
been fonnd upon trial to be things not necessarily destructive to
the nationality and perpetuity of the Government. The whole of
the Slave States have not gone out in a body; the majority of the
people have been loyal; the whole of the Border Slave States
have been and will be, loyal.  I dare say of them, if I am a
fair specimen, that in all Ohio you will not find a, more loyalman
than I am.
Here,eis the insuperable strength of a people to maintain its
like, under circumstances that make one portion as widely differeat as if in another country; and yet under circumstances
where no other country has ever succeeded in maintaining itself.
Look at the tremendous demonstration that hasbeen made of
the military, strength of the country, an overwhelming proof of
the warlike character of the people! A nation which had given
up arms, and was devoted to industry, and in a year brings out
an army greater than ever was brought into the field at any time
before-at aumy of five or six hundred thousandmen.
Did you have any conscription in Ohio? They have conscriptions in Francp. Did you have press-gangs in Ohio? They have
in E1nglnd. Did you whip any one to compel them to volunteer?
They use the knout in Russia to fill the ranks. An army of five
hundred thousand volunteers sprung to arms, and an army of five




24             SPEECH OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.
hundred thousand still behind ready to do the same thing. And
this army is doing the work it designed to do. Now I do not
speak evil of dignitaries, but I am conscientiously of the opinion
that, as the Duke of Wellington said about his army: "Whenever I get into a scrape, my soldiers help me out," so it is with
our army. They are heroic, gallant, and plucky-and of such
gallant volunteers the world never before saw the like.
Carry the idea a little further, to the demonstration of the
boundless capacity of the country to sustain an expensive war,
a country rich beyond computation. Here we are, in the midst
of expenses, of, it may be, a thousand million dollars a year, and
the public funds almost at par, the credit of the country fair, and
the boundless capacity of this stingy and mean nation, as it is
sometimes called-a boundless readiness to give money and men.
If there'could be a collection of the immense amount of money
contributed to the cause of benevolence, connected with this war,
it would be enough to carry on a war in the usual way. People
the most elevated and refined give themselves to the most menial
services in behalf of the sick, wounded and dying. Was anything
like it ever heard of in the history of the nations of the world?
Men cry, tax us; here is our money to alleviate the sufferings of
the sick; and our -best and loveliest women say, here are our
services; take them and use them.  Is this not an illustration
marvelous in itself, glorious to Christianity and our country, and
pointing to the end to which such a people must come, if they
be wisely and bravely directed.
There is one more reflection which is, if possible, more striking
than this-it is, so to speak, the providential concurrence of
circumstances. At the very moment of the utmost peril of
our naval outfit, and during the utmost peril to the brave cities
of the seaboard, in the moment of the trial of the armed ship
of the rebels, here comes the little black steamboat kind of
thing, and it turns out a very angel from heaven, perfectly
invulnerable, able to destroy everything before it. The idea has
revolutionized naval warfare. It puts us ahead of the naval powers of the world. The whole thing is changed. Do you suppose,
if that battle had been fought a month before the British Cabinet
demanded the release of those two prisoners who went over as
the embassadors of the so-called Confederacy, they would have
done it with so much hauteur as they did? Do you suppose, if
that battle had been fought, and we had known what that vessel
was, that the Cabinet would have been so complacent as they were?
I trow not. The naval powers have been, out of all comparison,
the great powers in the world. So it was in the great states of
Asia. So it was in Holland. So always, it is the cheapest and
most effectual and safest of all powers that can exist in any coun



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SPEECH OP DR. BRECKINRIDGE.            27
try. And now, behold out of the bosom of this war emerges
not only the power to do this great thing-a thing never done
before-but there emerges this great demonstration of our capacity to do and to bear in the way of giving our money and services. But out of the same bosom and at the same time emerges
this other idea that puts us equal with the chief naval powers of
the world. All we have to do is to start with that little ship,
and keep breast to breast, and side to side with the naval powers.
From the received notion, they wanted us to be domineered over
by all powers who chose to, we became a power, standing in the
center of the earth, ready to dictate terms to the world. They
will not dare to use a word of insult, when we have a hundred
millions of such people extending from one side of the continent
to the other. Imagine New England to be on the Pacific coast,
I would like to know what China or Japan could do to us. No
such idea was ever before set before any nation. All is light,
glorious light, pointing to the sublimest destiny ever offered to
any people.
All that is left is for each to ask himself, what is our part, and
our duty? What shall each do in his place? Are we to stand
by in cold neutrality, or fly for fear of the fire and sword, and
so escape our duty that they may work their ruin? Are we to
fold our arms, and behold with indifference the ruin of our country, if that should be the will of God, or triumph, if that should
be His will? But, most of all, is there any one who hears my
voice, who thinks it is right for himself to combine with traitors,
either in feeling or act, or strike hands with those, who revolt
against our Government, and would destroy their country and
help consummate the ruin they desire to bring upon us? "0,
man! are these the things we allow ourselves to suppose to be
possible of doing in the City of God? Are we not called upon,
every man in his place, to take his life in his own hands, and
to count all things but dross, that he may do in the great work
set before us his part, as he would have his good name descend
to his children, and when he ascends to the right hand of Majesty
on high, to find his liame there recorded. If the work is done
without us, or by us, it may be all the sate to the country and to
God; but oh! how different to us, if we fail to do our duty. That
great Jew who said to the child' he had loved, "If thou at such a
time as this hold thy peace, know that God will bring deliverance
fromi another quarter, but you and your father's house shall be
cut off.
Who knows but that it is just such a time as this, that you and
I have been called to this kingdom; and God in His grace and
providence, demands of us that we should acquit ourselves like
men in the day of our adversity?




DEBATE
ON
THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY:
IN' THE
General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, (O.S.,)
At Columbus, Ohio, Thursday, May 22, 1862.
Reported for the Cincinnati Daily Gazette.
"The Hall of the House.of Representatives was yesterday afternoon, at an
early hour, crowded, as closely as chairs and benches could stand, in the
aisles, and in the galleries, with as intelligent an audience as ever assembled,
many of whom were ladies. The order of the day had been published, and
the desire evidently to hear that fearless champion of loyalty and Unionism
in Kentucky, and eminent theologian, Dr. R. J. Breckinridge. His deliverance on the duty of the Church in the present state of the country, hereinbelow published, has been read all over the nation by this, time, and its discussion by the master minds in this Assembly has been looked forward to as
an occasion of great interest, and it has attracted listeners from all parts of
the State."
Dr. Breckinridgess Resolutions.
The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United
States of America, in session at Columbus, in the State of Ohio, considering the unhappy condition of the country-in the midst of a
bloody civil war-and of the Church, agitated everywhere, divided
in sentiment in many places, and openly assailed by schism in a large
section of it; considering also the duty which this chief tribunal, met
in the name and by the authority of the glorified Savior of sinners,
who is also the Sovereign Ruler of all things, owes to him our Head
and Lord, and to his flock committed to our charge, and to the people
whom we are commissioned to evangelize, and to the civil authorities
who exist by his appointment; do hereby in this deliverance, give utterance to our solemn convictions and our deliberate judgment, touching the matters herein set, forth, that they may serve for the guidance
of all, over wliom the Lord Christ has given us any office of instruction, or any power of government.
I. Peace is amongst the very highest temporal blessings of the
Church, as well as of all mankind; and public order is one of the
first necessities of the spiritual as well as the civil commonwealth.
Peace has:been wickedly superseded by war, in its worst form, throughout the whole land; and public oraer has been wickedly superseded
by rebellion, anarchy and violence, in the whole Southern' portion of
the Union. All this has been brought to paassin a disloyal and




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RICHARD H. COLLINS,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW,
OFFICE, NO. 25 WEST FOURTH STREET,
Having resumed the practice, will attend to business in the various Courts of
Cincinnati, Ohio, and Covington, Ky.; and also in the United States District
and Circuit Courts of Kentucky and Ohio.
He particularly solicits claimsfor collection through these latter Courts, as
they have many advantages over the State Courts. Executions are not affected
bjy State'" appraisement" or " stay" laws, and are liens upon all the debtor's
property in every county in the State or District; as the costs axe heavier, and
the officer cannot give indulgence so readily, executions-are more promptly
collected. While suits cannot be brought except by ton-residents of the
State, nor for amounts less than $500, so "appeals," to delay payment, cannot be taken unless the judgment exceeds $2,000.
OLD CLAIMS.
He gives special attention to collecting, compromising, and securing CLAIMS
OF LONG STANDING. Fees regulated by the diffipulties of each case, and none
charged for services of this class until successful. The probability of the
passage by Congress of a General Bankrupt Law before January, 1863, should
induce those having claims of any kind-particularly old claims that are
well authenticated, judgments, promissory notes, protested drafts, the claims
of widows and heirs to estates at a distance, claims against debtors who
have"'changed their residence, &c.-to place them immediately in hands for
collection.
Letters of inquiry-or stating the amount, number, date, and nature of
claims requiring attention-will receive prompt answer.. Correspondence
invited.
Hon. H. H. Leavitt, Judge U. S. Dist. Ct.  Jas. Punnett, Pres. Bank America,)
Hon. Richard M. Corwine,        j | Rev. S. Ireneeus Prime, D. D.,  New York.
Fallis, Young & Co., Bankers,    g.Rev. Nathan L. Rice, D. D., 
Homans & Co., Bankers,         J    John Grigg, Esq., Philadelphia.
Maj. Val. J. Peers, St. Louis.      Brig. Gen. Wm. S. Rosecrans, U. S. A.
Waller & Caulfield, Chicago.        Brig. Gen. Jacob Ammen, U. S. A.
Horace M. Hawes, Esq., San Francisco.  Gen. John W. Finnell, Frankfort, Kgy.




REMARKS OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.               33
traitorous attempt to overthrow the National Government by military
force, and to divide the nation contrary to the wishes of the immense
majority of the people of the nation, and without satisfactory evidence that the majority of the people in whom the local sovereignty
resided, even in the States which revolted, ever authorized any such
proceeding, or ever approved the fraud and violence, by which this
horrible treason has achieved whatever success it has had. This
whole treason, rebellion, anarchy, fraud and violence, is utterly contrary to the dictates of natural religion and morality, and is plainly
comdemned by the revealed will of God. It is the clear and solemn
duty of the National Government to preserve, at whatever cost, the
nationalUnion and Constitution, to maintain the laws in their supremacy, to crush force by force, and to restore the reign of public order and peace to the entire nation, by whatever lawful means that are
necessary thereunto. And it is the bounden duty of the people who
compose this great nation, each one in his several place and degree,
to uphold the Federal Government, and every State Government, and
all persons in authority, whether civil or military, in all their lawful
and proper acts, unto the ends herein before set forth.
II. The Church of; Christ has no authority from him to make rebellion, or to counsel treason, or to favor anarchy in any case whatever. On the contrary, every follower of Christ has the personal
liberty bestowed on him by Christ, to submit, for the sake of Christ,
according to his own conscientious sense of duty to whatever government, however bad under which his lot may be cast. But while patient suffering for Christ's sake can never:be sinful, treason, rebellion
and anarchy may be sinful-most generally, perhaps, are sinful, and
probably are always and necessarily sinful in all free countries, where
the power to change the Government by voting, in the place of force,
exists as a common right, constitutionally secured to the people who
are sovereign. If in any case treason, rebellion and anarchy can possibly be sinful, they are so in the case now desolating 4arge portions
of this nation, and laying waste great numbers of Christian congregations, and fatally obstructing every good word and work in those
regions.
To the Christian people scattered throughout those unfortunate regions, who have;been left of God to have any hand in bringing on
these terrible calamities, we earnestly address words of exhortation
and rebuke, as unto brethren who have sinned exceed-ingly, and
whom God calls to repentance by fearful judgment. To those in like
cireumstances, who are not chargeable with the sins which have
brought such calamities upon the land, but who have chosen, in the
exercise of their Christian liberty, to stand in their lot and suffer,
we address words of affectionate sympathy, praying God to bring
them off conquerors. To those in like circumstances, who have taken
their lives in their hands and risked -all for their country, and for
conscience' sake, we say we love such with all our heart, and bless
God such witnesses were found. in the time of thick darkness. We
fear, and we record it with great- grief, that the church of God and
the Christian people, tofa great extent, and throughout all the re



34    DEBATE IN THE PRESBYTERIAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
volted States, have done many things that ought not to have been
done, in this time of trial, rebuke, and blasphemy; but concerning the
wide spread schism which is reported to have occurred in many
Southern Synods, this Assembly will take no action at this time. It
declares, however, its fixed purpose, under all possible circumstances,
to labor for the extension and permanent maintenance of the Church
under its care in every part of the United States. Schism, so far as
it may exist, we hope to see healed. If that can not be, it will be
disregarded.
III. We record our gratitude to God for the prevailing unity of
sentiment, and general internal peace, which has characterized the
Church in the States that have not revolted, embracing a great majority of the ministers, congregations and people under our care. It
may still be called, with emphasis, a loyal, orthodox and pious church,
and all its acts and works indicate its right to a title so noble. Let
it strive for Divine grace to maintain that good report. In some respects the interests of the Church of God are very different from those
of civil institutions. Whatever may befall this, or any other nation,
the Church of Christ must abide on earth triumphant even over the
gates of hell. It is, therefore, of supreme importance that the Church
should guard itself from internal alienations and divisions, founded
upon questions and interests that are external as to her, and which
ought not by their necessary working cause her fate to depend on the
fate of things less important and less enduring than herself. Disturbers of the church ought not to be allowed-especially disturbers
of the church in States that never revolted, or that have been cleared
of armed rebels-disturbers who, under many false pretexts, may
promote discontent, disloyalty, and general alienation-tending to
the unsettling of ministers, to local schisms, and to manifold trouble.
Let a spirit of quietness, of mutual forbearance, and of ready obedience to authority, both civil and ecclesiastical, illustrate the loyalty,
the orthodoxy, and the piety of the church. It is more especially
to ministers of the Gospel-and among them particularly, to any
whose first impressions had been on any account favorable to the terrible military revolution which has been attempted, and which God's
Providence has hitherto so signally rebuked —that these decisive considerations ought to be addressed. And in the name and by the authority of the Lord Jesus, we earnestly exhort all who love God and
fear his wrath, to turn a deaf ear to all counsels and suggestions
that tend toward a reaction favorable to disloyalty, schism or disturbance, either in the church or in the country. There is hardly
anything more inexcusable connected with the frightful conspiracy
against which we testify than the conduct of those office-bearers and
members of the church, who, although citizens of loyal States, and
subject to the control of loyal Presbyteries and Synods, have be n
faithless to all authority, human and divine, to which they owed
subjection. Nor should any to whom this deliverance may come fail
to bear in mind, that it is not only their outward conduct concerning
which they ought to take heed, but it is also, and especially, the'r
heart, their temper, and their motives, in the sight of God, and to



REMARKS OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.                  35
ward the free and beneficent civil Goverment which he has blessed
us withal, and toward the spiritual commonwealth to which they are
subject in the Lord. In all these respects we must all give account
to God in the Great Day. And it is in view of our own dread responsibility to the Judge of quick and dead, that we now make this
deliverance.
JUDGE GAMBLE'S REMARKS.
After the reading of the paper by the Clerk, Judge Gamble of Missouri,
brother of the Governor, arose and said:
The subject introduced for our consideration, is, to my mind, the most interesting one that has occupied the attention of this Assembly. To the wording of the paper, and every sentiment in it, I give full accordance; but, inasm uch as the condition of the Church would make such a deliverance, at this
ime, in my judgment, altogether injurious, (and I can see no good that can
possibly arise from it,) I must oppose its adoption. I have prepared a resolution, for the purpose of giving some direction to debate on this subject. I
have always been a peacemakerin the Church, as far as I was able, when
no principle is concerned. I have always endeavored to preserve harmony,
and do nothing that could bring injury to the Church. I come from Missouri, and from a position that enables me to speak understandingly of the
effect such a paper would have on the churches of that State. Everything
there now has a tendency to peace. You may ascribe it to the success of the
Federal arms, or to the influence of a sense of returning duty; but there is
now a disposition in that State to recognize the power of the Federal Government, and submit to it peaceably. Therefore, I consider it very unfortunate
that a second deliverance of this kind, in regard to the loyalty and patriotism
of this branch of the Church, should be conceived at all necessary. I think
it not only useless, but that it will lead to evil. I think that if the paper is
treated with all the respect that is due its author, but not adopted, good may
arise to the Church from it.
As to the political sentiments of the mover of the deliverance, I would
say, that I coincide altogether with his views, and it is from no favor to opposite views that I now raise my voice in opposition to this paper. I believe
that to treat those who differ from you kindly is the best way to attain the
object the mover has in view in offering his paper-that is, the peace and
quiet of the Church. I know there are many in the State of Missouri and
elsewhere who do not coincide with me in these views; they are deluded,
strangely deluded, but I would not cut off their church connection, and exasperate them, to make greater disturbance in the Church. I do not pretend
to enter into a discussion of the merits of the deliverance; the only question
now is as to the expediency of the thing. Let no discussion arise out of Dr.
Spring's resolutions as to the power of the Church in this matter.  Let the
discussion be' confined to the question whether it is for the best interests of
the Church that this paper should be adopted, or, by giving it a respectful
consideration and dismissal, you will not better obtain the object of the
mover. I therefore offer the following:
Resolved, That in view of the past deliverance on the subject involved in
the paper just read, it is deemed by this General Assembly, with the highest
respect for the venerable minister from whom the paper comes, inexpedient
to take any further action on thQ subject at present
Some remarks were here made on a point of order, by Dr. Breckinridge,
the Moderator, and others, as to the relation this resolution would bear to the
paper in taking a vote.  The Moderator explained that the adoption of the
paper had been moved and seconded when first introduced, and as their rules




36     DEBATE IN THE PRESBYTERIAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
know of no such thing as a substitute, the discussion might go on, and the
vote be taken on Judge Gamble's resolution as an amendment.
DR. MI'DONALD'S REMARKS.
Dr. M'Donald of New Jersey, seconding the resolution approved of the
terms and excellent spirit of the remarks of the'gentleman moving it. He
looked upon it as a happy augury as to the spirit and tone of the debate, if
debate must follow. It appeared to him inexpedient to adopt the paper;
there seemed to be no occasion for this Church to declare its loyalty and
patriotism again; we would expose ourselves to suspicion by standing in the
streets and proclaiming our excellence in this or any other respect. The
honest man does not need to proclaim his honesty; and our Savior warned
us against praying at the street corners.  He was impressed with the remark of the mover of the resolution, when he asked, what good will the adoption of the paper do? And if it will do no good, it will be wise to avoid the
risk of doing harm.
REMARKS OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.
I do not propose to enter a discussion of the merits of the proposition con
tained in the paper which Ihad the honor to submit, for I have not the
strength, even if it were necessary. But I am ready, and hope to have an
opportunity, in answer to whatever may be alleged against the divine truth
of the principles stated, and the divine obligation of the political duties inculcated, to say as much as I may judge the patience of this house will bear,
at an appropriate time. The statement which I wish to make now covers
another aspect of the case altogether, namely, the policy of adopting the deliverance proposed.
As to the position of the Border Slave States to this question, I will remark: One of the brethren who has been on the floor is from Missouri, another from Kentucky, and another who wanted the floor is from Maryland.
It is not improper for me to say here that I have had extended conferences
with brethren from these States, in which they urged me with great emphasis to withdraw this paper. It is. not at all unbecoming in me to acknowledge that I have with the greatest reluctance and grief separated myself
from my brethren in those States, who are situated much as I am; and particularly so as it regards the State of Kentucky, where so smany brethren,
many of whom are here and are loyal, and situated precisely as I am; I have
felt great reluctance in being wholly unable to comply with their wishes.
Their requests were mainly directed to the single point that I would withdraw the papers andsay to the house emphatically,. what is said in the resoluton before us. After the best consideration I have been able to give the
subject, I have only to say that I find myself totally unable to do so, either
with proper respeet to my personal character, my convi0tions, or to the duty
I owe to God and:my generation
If I were.leftalone, the only minister of the Gospel in the whole of the
border slave States, considering these: prinoiples true, and the utterance
timely, I think I would be supported by what national virtue I have, and by
the grace God has given me, to go forward and, if needs be, be hanged for
having offered this paper. I make this statement with no spirit of boasting,
but to show the impossibility of my doing any such thing, Imay, therefore,
further say, that I do to a certain.extent tell these good brothers that nothing
would please me more, as a man and: friend, than to gratify them if I could.
IAdid go so far as to say, that if I could sI it to be my-duty, I would remain
perfectly silent under the discussion, and let the Assemby fight it but; and
if the ordinary Course ha:beenpursued, I probably should not have:opened
my mouth. I, however, on:further reflection, became-satisfied that it would
be going too far, and I to-day notified them that they must not rely on me




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REMARKS OF DR. BREOKINRIDGE.                   39
doing, or forbearing to do, any thing except to do what I thought to be my
duty when the matter came before the Assembly.
You see now the mode in which. it is attempted to evade all discussion of
the subject. It is obliquely to cast out everything but the naked question
of the adequacy of what has been done before. All the principles and allegations of duty are to be thrown totally out of consideration, and the action
earried and justified on the two propositions: first, that I am a respectable
man; and second, that the Assembly has done enough. This is not right;
it is not the way to meet questions of that sort. I, therefore, wish to present briefly, with reference to the aspect of the subject thus set forth, the
allowing considerations:
First, I believe I am the oldest man here from the Border Slave States,
with the exception of my excellent friend from whom the resolution came.
I believe I have been longer in the ministry than any man from those States.
I believe I know the hearts of the people of those States as well as they know
them; and I unhesitatingly assert that they are totally deceived as to what
would be the effect of the paper on their minds. It may be that they think
it impertinent in me to say that they don't think correctly in regard to matters of which they think they know more than I do. When Mr. Gamble says
he knows the adoption of the paper would destroy harmony in the Church
of Missouri, where he lives, it is perhaps presumption in me to say he is misbaken. But there are general facts, and there are special personal indications made to me by those who are entitled to know, and who are as fully as
respectable as he, that point exactly in the opposite direction. We have
three reasonably strong churches in St. Louis, and in point of factall there
are Union churches, but not one of the ministers is a loyal man; and I say
this in the presence of one of the three that I most respect and love. [Sensation.] In my sense of loyalty, there is not one of them loyal. Doctors
will differ in the diagnosis of a case; here are the symptoms, and my diagnosis is that my paper will strengthen the hands of every loyal, orthodox and
pious Presbyterian there, and weaken the hands of those who are loyal.
They are deceived about the State of Kentucky. You will be told that
the sentiments of the people are against the adoption of this deliverance; but
there are five Presbyterian representatives here-two, and perhaps three, will
vote for the paper. So that, if Mr. Gamble's resolution is necessary for St.
Louis, ours is good for Kentucky. Here are my brethren from Baltimore,
whom I dearly lovel; I lived there thirteen years, which is longer than any
body who is here has been there, except it be Bro. Backus. Any thing on
earth that I could do compatible with my duty to God and my country I
would do to gratify that brother; but my opinion is that he is profoundly
mistaken. I don't like to go into particulars about Baltimore; but I understand the state of the city, and will give it if the occasion comes when it shall
be proper to do so. In my judgement all are mistaken as to the effect the
paper would produce in these Border Slave States.
The second suggestion is, that in no case is the paper of that description,
that it can possibly produce anything like the feeling the brethren allege.
What is the paper? It is an allegation, in the first place, that peace and
public order are of inestimable value; that they are destroyed; that they
ought to be restored; that rebellion is treason, and that Government is responsible for its suppression; and that every man in the country is bound
by his loyalty to the country and to God to sustain the Government, by restoring peace and public order. It is inconceivable by the mind of'man, that,
to go into an agitated country and make such propositions that they can by
possibility produce the slightest agitation, unless it be upon the minds of such
men as are in favor of destroying the peace and public order of the country,
or who are, on the other hand, sympathizers with those who have done it, or
are doing it. I have no doubt you would exasperate every disloyal man in




40            DEBATE IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
the Church, and every heretic out of it; and all together they would be a
eonsiderable number.
Here in the North (and the worst treason has been talked to me in the
Northern States) you will no doubt dfsplease a multitude of people; but
you can not define anything on earth without displeasing those who differ
from you in respect to the thing you define. It is not true that this number
of gentlemen, pious, learned men-that this number of private personsgiving a distinct utterance of principles, would strengthen the hands of those
to whom they spoke, and support them in the maintenance of their position
founded on such principles. Now, I ask you, are not the loyal suffering
people throughout these border States as much entitled to your sympathy and
support, as these disloyal rebels are entitled, that you should not wound their
feelings by anything you might say? Am 1 not as much: entitled to your
support, by your approbation of the principles I pursue, as those who have
rebelled are entitled that you forbear reproving them? On the other hand,
do you not owe a duty to the whole Church, to truth, to God, to the human
race, and to the times in which you are called into the kingdom? Suppose
it be that in this deliverance you may do damage to a certain quarter-that
it may do harm, or prevent good in some other quarter, but in the meantime
that elsewhere boundless good is done-ought you to hesitate for a moment?
It is true that we can do no good without doing some harm. You can not
take a good man from a small field of labor and put him in a large field, without injuring to some extent the welfare of those from whom!you have removed him. But, does any man imagine this should not be done? We may
in a day or two remove a good minister from some congregation, and place
him in a Professor's chair. Does any body imagine it should not be done, if
greater good should be done by the move in his new field of labor? Do you
not know that it is the prerogative of God to bring good out of evil? And it
is the prerogative of the Church to follow in some respects this same course.
I have said, that if these two hundred and fifty men would, as private persons, give an utterance of this kind, it would fall with unspeakable weight in
encouraging that which they commended, and in discouraging that which
they condemned. But when they come to do it in the authority of the Lord
Jesus Christ, and appeal to the Holy Ghost to give force unto it, how unspeakably irresistible must such a deliverance become? What right have you to
deliver, or forbear to deliver, in this body, except as you do it in the name
of the King of kings and Lord of lords? Now, you sit here in the dread
name of the Lord, and here is your Church torn by schism, and your country
deluged by war, and God shaking the nation to its foundations; and here
you are, two hundred and fifty ministers and elders, sitting in that name, seeing the Church bleeding at every pore-you, the servants of Jehovah, administering judgment in the name of Him to whom is delegated all power; see
your country bathed in blood-and the proposition to you is, to rebuke those
who rage, harass, and ruin all our peace, but you can not open your mouths t
The shock of the country, and all its attendant woe, can not break the
dumbest of dumb dogs. Oh my brethren, is this acting in the name of
Christ? No, no, no, you can't plead this excuse. I tell you in the name of
Jesus Christ, to look at your country as it is, and consider that this is your
first meeting since the war has opened out fully, and since the schism in the
church has been developed; I tell you that you can't go back and face your
congregations as Ministers of Jesus Christ, without making some deliverance
on these tremendous realities.. Your Church is rent, your country is in the
midst of civil war, and nothing but the favor of the Lord God of Hosts is to
bring you triumphantly through the scenes in which you are involved. Make
a deliverance of His truth, make proclamation of His law, and let us go forth~
in the name of God's Church through this highest tribunal, and rebuke as
by authority put into your hands by God, who will stand before it? I tell




REMARKS OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.                  41
you, nobody-nobody but madmen, nobody but traitors, nobody but rebels,
nobody but those who have cast away all hope of ever being reconciled to the
country or the Church.
Suppose I stand up in my pulpit some Sabbath day, and read that some
man has been excommunicated by four or five elders. It sticks to the man
to the day of his death, unless he can have it removed by an edict secured
by repentance. But suppose these elders and I meet at the street corners
and express the private opinion that the man is guilty of the same charge;
it is regarded as only the private opinion of a few individuals. In the other
case the verdict carries with it authority and power. I desire you to bear
along with you in this utterance that mighty power of God, and it will quiet
all that can be quited; it will be a savor of death unto death, and to each
of you will be a sweet savior to God, and of life unto life.
But, my brethren, allow me one word more. Did any body ever imagine
a schism could maintain itself on the naked proposition of disloyalty to the
country? The Christian doctrine against this schism is, that you have denounced disloyalty and commended loyalty. Does any one question that you
have commanded quiet and condemned disturbance? Can any Church in
any country maintain itself as schismatic on the basis of treason to that country? It can not be done, and whoever undertakes it will find they are followed by only a few deluded members, and will speedily recover their senses
and return o duty.
The paper before us contains a simple and clear statement of the condition
of the country and the Church. First, it states the duty we owe to the country; second, the duty of the country to the Church; third, the condition of
the Church in the seceded States; and to each there is a deliverance suited
to it; and in the third section you find a deliverance to the Church outside
of the seceded States. The paper is begun by the general declaration that
it is prepared out of a sense of duty, in the name of the Lord.
I beg to say to you, that having written this deliverance, I don't want any
of you to be led a single step beyond what your conscientious convictions
lead you to do in acting upon it; but I don't want you to be deceived, and
carried away by the delusive notion of the bad effect that may be produced
by it It was to this point alone that I cared about making these remarks.
I beg the Lord that I may not be obliged to say anything further on this subject.
Reported for The Presbyterian, Philadelphia.
DR. MCPHEETERS, of St. Louis, got the floor, and denied, wibh great dis
tinctness and emphasis, the right of any ecclesiastical body to question and
challenge his political sentiments on any subject. He had tried to keep
entirely clear of the discussion of all political subjects. He was from Missouri. He had been asked his political sentiments. Ie said he replied by
telling the following anecdote:-"A little girl was inquired at if she were a
Whig or a Democrat. She said,'I am an Old-School Presbyterian.'" So
Dr. McPheeters was an Old School Presbyterian, and no politician. He was
amazed that Dr. Breckinridge had charged him as disloyal-(Dr Breckinridge interrupted him by saying that he said he was disloyal in his sense of
disloyalty.) Dr. McPheeters replied that he had better authority than even
Dr. Breckinridge of what constituted loyalty. He read from an acknowledged author a definition of loyalty, and closed by affirming that no one
could love this Government better than he.
REv. MR. MCKEE, of Louisville, Ky., had never been called to speak under
such circumstances. He was sorry to have to oppose the views of the venerable man who introduced this paper,.who' had been his theological and
spiritual father. He was sure that Dr. Breckinridge was sadly mistaken as
to his views on the effect of this paper on the Synod of Kentucky. Itwill
be ruinous. I know I am not mistaken. And it is to save the Church that




42            DEBATE IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
I arise, with my youth against me, to oppose that great and venerable man.
I am loyal. Had my health permitted, I would this day have been in the
army of my country, or in my grave! I am bold to say that the President
of the United States loves not this Government more than I do. And I must
say, if you can do any thing by way of preserving this Government by passing the paper introduced by Dr. Breckinridge, then let it pass, if the heavens
should fall. But it can do no good to the loyal, and it will only alienate
more and more those who are disaffected. How can we expect them to return by severe deliverances against them from year to year? He referred
to the slips on the desks of members, on which was printed the action of the
Synod of Kentucky on the Spring resolutions of the last Assembly. This
action flatly contradicted Dr. Breckinridge's statements as to the views of
Presbyterians in Kentucky. The Government of the Southern Confederacy
is a Government; not indeed a lawful one, but it is a Government, and under
it thousands of Presbyterians live, and they are totally unable to resist it, if
they would. Now, the action of the Synod of Kentucky, unanimously expressed, was, that it was unwise in the last Assembly to enjoin on persons
so situated obedience to a Government when it would have been death for
them to have obeyed. Who suspects the Presbyterians of want of patriotism? I mean those in the North. No one who is acquainted with their
antecedents. Was last year's action not enough? Must we have a new
deliverance every year? Must we pass this year a paper drawn up with
great minuteness, so as still more and more to distract us in Kentucky? It is
easy for you in these Northern States to vote on and pass these deliverances,
but to us it is distress, division, ruin, death. 0! do regard our circumstances! Bind not such burdens for us, who love our country and our God,
as we are not able to bear! If you say nothing, our people will be peaceful
and comparatively happy; but if you agitate this matter, our churches will
oppose the principle involved in these annual political deliverances. They
oppose conscientiously this thing-of making the pulpit a political rostrum.
Let it be used to publish the love and peace of our Lord Jesus Christ from.
He intended to remain loyal to his country, loyal to the Church, and loyal
to his God. What will you gain? You will lose the Synods of Missouri,
and Kentucky, and others, by passing this paper. Beware, I beseech you,
what you do.  You gain nothing-we lose much by the passage of this
document. The speech of Mr. McKee was truly eloquent, earnest, and patriotic. He produced a good impression.
REV. NATHANIEL WILLIAMS, of Ohio, said some objected to the day of
prayer, as it was a purely political matter. If they were right, then this
paper is wrong. Dr. Breckinridge drew up that paper of the Synod of Kentucky, and' if he was right then, he is wrong now; and if wrong then, he is
right now. The Doctor himselfhas been sinning grievously, and itseems he is
now on the stool of repentance. (Dr. Breckinrilge frequently interrupted the
speaker, and seemed anxious to explain away the action of the Synod.)
There is no need'of this paper to express our loyalty. No member here but
is ready to bow down to the feet of the Government. "All things are lawful,
but all things are not expedient."  He said as he came to the Assembly he
saw a little dog run out and bark furiously at the train as it dashed past,
and he just thought the conductor would have been a great fool to have
stopped the train to stone the dog. So it is a silly thing for this great Assembly to be always hurling "deliverances" at such as question its loyalty,
or complain of its ecclesiastical independence. The only reason he could
see why this paper should pass, was to give to the world the news of Dr.
Breckinridge's repentance; for repented he has. At least he has changed
-radically changed-and that, too, within a few months, It is right, I
know, "for him that stole to steal no more." The inexpediency of this
e duly considered by all. This is a perplexing subject.



REMARKS OF DR. BRECKINRIDGE.                   43
Great minds are divided on it. Even Dr. Breckinridge is sometimes on one
side, sometimes on the other. Are real principles so mutable? Why this
blowing hot and cold with the same breath?
[The discussion was continued by REV. AARON P. FORMAN, of Hannibal,
Mo., and DR. GEORGE JUNKIN, of Philadelphia, DR. MCPHEETERS, of St. Louis,
DR. BACKUS, of Baltimore, and DR. SCOTT, of Washington College, Pa.; after
which, DR. BRECKINRIDGE again addressed the Assembly.]
DR. BRECKINRIDGE'S REVIEW OF THE ARGUMENT.
Reported for the Cincinnati Daily Gazette.
The Dr. began his remarks by referring to some personal matters. In the
first place, every speech I have heard, said he, in opposition to this paper,
even to the last, made by Dr. Backus, involves either a direct or an understood attack on me individually; but in regard to this, I shall merely remind
the house that this is the temper of faction always, and especially the temper of that faction which is resisting the great movement of the Church.
It is the plea why you should make another concession, and they will never
be satisfied unless you let them have their own way to the last extent. The
brethren generally are sorry to see it introduced, and they make propositions
by way of compromise. Now I am perfectly willing to take all the blame
before men for this thing, provided that when we go up there (pointing
above) none of them will attempt to take any of the glory that may belong
to those who are faithful to truth and duty.
Another thing to which I wish to call your attention is, that every speech
made on that side of the question has been in the sense and spirit of brethren speaking from out of hearts of disloyalty more or less complete; but if
Brother McPheeters is hurt, I will take it all back. It is thought perfectly
right to speak of the Church disgracefully, but if you say a word about the
individual it is a very serious matter. "Molly," said a womanin the West
Indies, "go get me a mug of water, a little brandy, a lemon, and some sugar."
"Shan't 1 put some nutmeg with them?"  "Oh, ye baste, do you think I
would drink a punch?" This is the posture of things here; I am to be hung
because I had a little nutmeg in.
A good brother has said that I am responsible for having trained a couple
of devoted rebels. One is my old friend Hollins, who commanded the Ram;
the other, my friend Capt. Speers, I suppose. They are both honorable gentlemen, and I believe Hollins of the Ram is a Christian; but they are deceived in their politics.
All that has been said has been on assumptions, every one of which, in my
judgment, are incorrect  First, that there is a particular state of opinion in
the border States. Dr. Backus thinks he has abundant opportunity to know
better the state of feeling in Maryland than I; and the brethren from Missouri and Kentucky think the same in regard to themselves. I will not quarrel with them, but will say that I shall not be surprised if four out of the six
Presbyteries in Kentucky represented here, shall vote for the paper. It is
not calculated to produce irritation except in the minds of men gone beyond
the point of recovery.
Dr. McPheeters has rightly said that this was a religious paper-it is a
paper on the Church, and there is no politics in it except so far as politics
belongs to religion. My young brother from Missouri, who is originally from
Kentucky, I judge, by his smartness, is of the same opinion. It is said in
the beginning of the paper, which portion Dr. Backus proposes to retain,
that it is delivered "in the name and by the authority of the glorified Savior
of sinners, who is also the sovereign ruler of the universe." If this latter
clause is true, their whole attempt to establish a particular view of the
Church falls to the ground. Is, or is not, the Lord Christ, as head of the




44     DEBATE IN THE PRESBYTERIAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
Church, King and head Lord of all things? Has God given him, as head of
the Church, power over all things? If that is so, this paper is a religious
paper; if not, their doctrine of the temporal and spiritual powers, as attempted to be taught here, is utterly without foundation in Scripture. It is
Jesus Christ who is Lord of this Government, and he has laid upon that
Government certain duties, and upon you the exposition of these duties, if
you are his ministers. Your authority concerning truth is to expound, enforce, apply it. As ministers of Christ you are invested with the office of
instruction, and as elders are invested with the vast extent of kingly power
over the Church: you come in contact with the world, and are to evangelize
it.
A brother says, I undertake to interpret the Constitution of the United
States. Well, having sworn to stand by the Constitution, you are perjurers
if you don't do it. This you say is politics. So be it. Do we not say to the
American people, Your are bound to obey magistrates? Are you not judges
of the moral relations on this subject? The principles upon which the jurisdiction of the Church is based, are perfectly clear. For example, in the
matter of marriage, the Church has moral duties to perform, and the State
civil duties; the State has certain claims in relation to servitude, and the
Church certain duties in enforcing the moral relations of servant and master.
But my time is up, and I can only add, that if we have any power to prescribe moral conduct; if we have any power to denounce drunkenness, or
any other evil, then we have a right to do anything attempted to be done in
this paper. I could not help thinking how difficult it was for any brother to
find fault with any point in it. Brother Backus took a short cut, and with
scissors, clipped it to dimensions to suit his views; that was the only way it
could be done. In this action you will be making history that will live as
long as the Church; you are not acting alone in view of what may happen
in Kentucky, or Missouri, or Maryland; but in view of results to the whole
broad continent, you are acting for God and his Church. There never was
a crisis in the history of the Church of the living God where it was more important that you should act aright, and do that which commends itself to
the better judgment. Remember that a peculiar characteristic of the Presbyterian Church is that it has been a witnessing Church; it has stood for the
truth, upheld the truth; that when we have prospered we have not departed
from it, and when we have walked in fiery trials we have borne our testimony
to the truth. Having descended from the martyrs, I don't intend to be charged
with having failed to do my duty. Let us not tell a part of the truth, and
slide over the rest, but as living and dying men say what we believe is true,
and stand by it. The position of those who oppose this paper is, that if the
Lord will only hold back a while, and let them do this thing in their own
way, they will do it a good deal better than He has advised them by the
truths of His word.