SPEECHES
- oF
JOHN A. ANDREW
--- ATH-IN:GHA-M AND BOSTON,
TOGETHEIR     WITH
~i TESTIMONY BEFORE THE HARPER'S FERRY COMMITTEE
OF THE SENATE, IN RELATION TO
JOHl ]1 BROWN.
-ALSOTHE REPUBLICAN PLATFORMI
AND OTHER MATTERS.
PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE.
Reception             at      tingham.         man in whose honor it as conceived and carried
out.
At eight o'clock, several hundred people gath-.ohnk. *ssd.drew aong Sit   is TowrnslsPeople, ered in front of Loring's Hall, where they were
marshalled in procession, and, preceded by the
A  CORDIAL "WELCOME HOMIE."               North Weymouth Band, marched through the. ~____   ~     streets of the beautiful and ancient town, the
way being-illuminated by the blaze of blue lights
grapcally Reported for the Trveller by  and the flash of rockets, and the air stirred with
W. Yerrioton.                 the frequent cheers of the rejoicing multitude.
The good peopleof Hingham seemed to be all
JOHN A. ANDREW, Esq., the Republican nomi- astir, and balcony, door-way and window were
nee for Governor, resides, during the summer thronged with eager and happy faces, while
months, in the fine old town of Hingham, down groups were gathered in the streets at the most
by the sea-shore, where he has made his home for available positions, who greeted the procession as
some years. On Saturday, he returned there from  it passed with cheers and shouts. Many buildings
most effective and noble service in the canvass were illuminated, and every thing was lively and
now so energetically prosecuted in Maine, and his animated as upon a holiday.
fellow-townsmen, irrespective of party affiliation,  About nine o'clock, the march ended, for the
determined to give him a reception which should time, in front of Mr. Andrew's house, where a
testify their'admriration and love for the man, large company had already assembled, in anticiand their conviction that his nomination by the pation of the arrival of the procession. Among
Republican party, as their candidate for the chief the number were many  gentlemen not of Mr.
office in the gift of the Commonwealth, was one Andrew's household of political faith, who took
eminently "fit to be made."  The time fixed was part in the festivities of the occasion with heartiMonday evening, Sept. 3d, and notwithstanding ness and zeal. The fair ladies of the town were
the brief notice that could be given (for the prep- present, in large numbers, and thronged the gararations were, almost literally, the work of an den in front of the house, giving an added lovelihour), the demonstration was not only large in ness to the scene.
point of numbers, but most hearty and enthusias-  Arrived at the house, the band played " Hail to
tic in its character, and must have been exceeding- the Chief," after which the crowd made the welly gratifying to the genial and warm-hearted gentle kin ring with three cheers for Mr. Andrew. T. T.




2
Bouve, Esq., then addressed the assembly as fol- of my opinions-speaking to willing ears,-very
lows:-                                      much more willing to hear than my words were
Speech of 1'.'F. Bousse,  sq.       weortty to be listened to,-on topics most interesting to your minds and convictions. Here-here I
GENTLEMEN,-We come together in response to have found most truly a home of the soul, free from
a call made upon us, without distinction of party the cares and distractions, from the urinoil aid
I trust ani hope, to do honor to our frieid and doubts and anxieties.and reponsibilities of a
neighbor, JouHN. ANDREuw, by expr~esaing to careful and anxious profedsionP  Away from the
hiun in our gathering together, in our hearty busierhaunts of men, it has been given to me
plaudits, and in the few words we can utter, the here to find a calm and sweet retreat, where, in
deep feelings of respect, of admiration and of love the love of those who have given to me the boon
that move our hearts toward him.            of private friendship, I have been able to refresh
It seems a fitting occasion, now that one of the the harrassed and wearied spirit, and strengthen
great parties of the State has nominated him as its the worn and tottering frame. Here, too, dear
representative man, that, differing though we may friends, I have found the home of my heart. It
in politics, we should come forward and congratu- was into one of your families that I entered, and
late him together upon this great compliment to joined myself in holy bonds of domestic love to
his tlents and manly worth. It is a compliment one of the daughters of your town.  (Hearty
of which any man may justly feel proud, and cheers) Here, too, have I firstknown a parent's
knowing JOHN A. ANDREW as we do, we certainly joys and a parent's sorrows. But it is not for me,
all unite in the feeling that the party has done it- nor is this the moment, to enlarge upon, r deself honor in nominating such a man.        tail thoughts which come too near to any man to
I am sure that it is not necessary here to dwell be spoken in words.
upon the characteristics that distinguish  our  I have, my dear friends and neighbors, as your
friend; I am sure that he is too well known to mouthpiece and representative tonight has so
yon; and I, therefore, without further remark, in- kindly mentioned, been selected by one of the
trotduce to you JOHN A. ANDREW, EsQ.        great parties of the Commonwealth of MassachuNiLe hearty cheers were given for Mr. Andrew, setts, to bear their standard in the approaching
the band played a lively strain, and then the dis- politcalcampagn.  or that honor I a  to thank
others, not the people of Hingham alone; for that
tinguished gentleman addressed his town's-people responsibility I am indebted to others, not solely,
as follows:                                 certainly, to you. But it is because it has fallen
to me to stand in a position which may lead mxe,
Speech of Joohn 1. elsdrewa, Esq.     at some early day, to occupy a chief seat in the
Mr. Bouve, and Friends and Neighbors of the places of power, that you have come here this
goodly and ancient town of Hingham:-This is one evening to say to me, that whether here or there,
of those occasions which occur so;mA etimes in the you are still my friends. (Prolonged applause.)
course of all our lives, when no poor form of hu- And I have dared to present myself here, and to lit'
man speech is adequate, either to the solemnity or up my voice, and to say, with all the earnestness
to the gladness of the hour. I confess to you, my and honestness of a manly conviction, that whethold friends and neighbors, associates and kins- er you say Aye or No to that selection, John A.
people of the town of Hingham, that I could fitter Andrew is for everyour friend. (Enthusiastic apspeak by tears than speak by voice or word to- plause, with three cheers.)
night. From the centre of my being, from the  A certain sturdy honesty and independence of
bottom of my heart, for this unsought, enthusias- purpose have from the first distinguished the peotic and cordial welcome, this tender of your gen- pie of Hingham,-from the first have distinguisherous sympathies, in a moment most important ed the people of this old pilgrim colony, of which
and significant in my private or public humble your beautiful and historic town forms a part. I
career, I can only say, dear friends I thank you.  remember an illustration of this in the story of
I am not here to-night, as it is sometimes my your town, written by a distinguished native of
lot to be, addressing an assembly of my fellow- your soil. The first minister who dispensed the
citizens upon matters of public concernment, Word of God in that venerable and commodious
touching which they and I may either agree or structure consecrated to His service, now the olddiffer; for I understand-and this thought lends est, I believe, in which his word is preached in
both sweetness and pathos to the emotions of the the Union, when, in the year 1647, the people of
hour-I am here to-night among neighbors and Hingham chose to set up for themselves an opinfriends, who, for the moment, are all agreed to ion concerning a matter interesting and pertiln nt
differ, and all consenting to agree. In all the exi- to their municipal affairs, independent of and congencies of our private or our public fortunes, we trary to that maintained by Gov. Winthrop and the
mean —we of Hingham, we of this old Puritan magistracy of Boston at the time,-(the venerable
commonwealth, peopled by intelligent, faithful, Peter Hobart, whose descendants now happily,pious and progressive minds and hearts-we mean live among us, and whose spiritual posterity, at
to be faithful to the sacred duties and cares of least I hope will last as long as time endures),friendship. As my private friends, not as public led the people of your town in a remonstrance
associates, not as political coadjutors, I now glad- against that which they deemed to be an invasion
ly receive your greetings and your sympathies; of a municipal right. For that, he and others
and again, dear friends, I repeat that my heart were summoned before the magistracy in Boston.
leaps in unspoken and unspeakable words of The good old pastor and his associates, confident
grateful joy to receive this homage of your sym- that they had not stepped beyond the proper
pathy and love. (Loud applause.)            boundaries of their legal rights, refused to go;.How dear to my heart are these fields, these and, although a fine was subsequently imposed
hills, these spreading trees, this verdant grass, upon them, the strong and dominant will of the
this sounding shore before you, where, now, for ancient men of Hingham was not broken down.
fourteen years, through summer heat, and some- And afterwards, when the old pastor was invited
times through winter storms, I have trod your to Boston to officiate at the wedding of a person
streets, rambled through your woods, sauntered who had formerly been his parishioner, the Magisby your shores, sat by your firesides, and felt the tracy of Boston forbade him. to go, declaring, as
warm pressure of your hands; sometimes teach- their to objection him, "that his spirit had been
ing your children in the Sunday school, sbme- discovered to be adverse to our ecclesiastical and
times speaking ti my fellow-citizens-always with civil government," and because,(so said Winthrop,)
the cordial friendship of those who differt4:oom  Peter Hobart "WAS A BOLD MAN, AND WOULD
me oftentimes in what they thoght the radtci   SPEAK H  MIND."  (Laughter and cheers.) I




3
believe that the men who will speak their minds the fresh heart of sweet and fair humanity. Help
have not yet died -ot in Hingbam, (applause); not me by aspersion of any one whose error, if
and I believe that they will endure to the "'last error he has committed, shall have been due to
syllable of recorded time."                 his judgment and not to his heart. There are, in
All that I have, friends, to say to-night, bearing the weary ways of this work-day world, in the
upon the political affairs of 1860, is, that I hope bustle and hurry and competitions of a careful and
all of you will be, as I know you are, "bold men," anxious life-there are causes and temptations
and that you "will speak your minds." (Cheers.) enough to lead us away from and make us forget
I know not, fellow citizens, as yet, nor do you, what we owe to the heart itself, what we owe to
who the gentlemen are, to be selected as the stan- the dear, sweet impulse of a common human love.
dard bearers of the opposing parties to that Re- Judge all men, if you will, by the strictest standard
publican organizatibn of which I am the unwor- of intellectual fitness, but always pardon every
thy representative. There are three parties to op- thing to the weakness, if weakness it be, that only
pose us-three parties, each with creed or purpose loved God's poor too well.
separate from, independent of, and opposed to  We have, my friends, a grand, a beautiful, and
ours, and opposed to each other. In their ranks a glorious heritage,-consecrated, by our father's
they number honest, intelligent, patriotic and able blood and our mother's prayers, by the fidelity and
men. I doubt not that they too will speak their industry and patriotism of their children, to you
tminds, and that each one, according to the forms and to God. "You have a Sparta-ornament it
of its own organization, and according to the and preserve it." This is your gift-this broad,
proprieties which, in their best judgment, befit the fair land. These teeming fields, these healthful
occasion, will select their candidates. Their can- airs, these skies, which almost "rain down fatness,"
didates, all of them,will be beforeyou. From them  these institutions, where the freedom of human
all you will select                         labor gives to every man an opportunity, to every
I hope I may venture to add a word bearing up. woman the chance, and to every child the promise
on the befitting method for the conduct, not of of an independent, honest, happy existence. You
this campaign only, butof all political campaigns. have here no man with power to hold the mastery
I speak to my political associates as weil as to over heart, vote, judgment, or voice. It is all
those who may oppose my party at the polls. My yours-all mine. Withoutit, what were the "prosuggestion and advice shall be presented to you m'sed land" itself?  With it, even out of the
in the form of a story. Once, in ancient times,an sands we may suck up riches. Stand by, friends
Arab chieftain owned a beautiful Arabian mare. and fellow citizens, according to the measure and
She was the pet of his household and the joy of method of your faith and conviction, stand by
his eyes; fleet as the wind, nimble as the breezes, these grand, historic, venerable and consecrated
and fair (so said the Arab story,) as the moon. institutions of Massachusetts!  Hold all your
A neighboring chieftain sought to possess the political parties up to the principles, of your
steed, but money would not win from his tent fathers, to the institutions which have made
nor from his hand the horse he loved. By and you happy, wealthy, independent, and your
by, fall of craft, as well as selfishness, the disap- children  free!  We  have  a  State, and
poimted chieftain covered himself with rags, bent we have a confederated Union. You and I are
down as if broken by age and grief, and, crouch- loyal to one and the other and to both. We
ing by the wayside as the owner of the mare ca- are all here lovers of Union and Liberty. We bereered along upon his proud and prancing steed, lieve in the just and equal rights of man, as the
he held out his hand, and, with faint and pitiful self-evident truth our tathers wrote it down to be
accents, besought him, that, tor the love of God, in the immortal Declaration of our National Inhe would take up a poor worn and weary and dependence.   (Applause.)  We all mean, for
sickened wayfarer, and carry him to some place whatever names we vote, to preserve and to work
of shelter. Moved by the sad appeal, he dis- out to ultimate triumph the doctrines of the Decmounted, and, lifting the pretended beggar, plac- lanation and of the Preamble to the Constitution
ed him upon the back of his steed. Once montt- of our Union. We mean to perpetuate LIBERTY.ed, the beggar revealed himself a robber. It was to the latest time and to the last posterity. (Great
the disappointed neighbor, who by craft and cheering.) And we mean to do it, through the
guile, had sought to possess himself of t'e forms, social and political, through the orgaDizamuch coveted steed. Swinging his     turban tions of society and of the State, which we find
aloft, and putting spurs to the flanks of the extant,-not being radical in the sense of destrucmare, he cried aloud, in accents of defiant taunt, tiveness, but radical in the honest sense of preserv<'" have won your mare at last,"-and passed ing, conserving and  perpetuating  the good
away. Soon tbe owner met the robber, and ac- and the true.  (Renewed cheering)   Other
costed him. Said he, "I have not told to any men, elsewhere, may prophecy evil; other
mortal ear the story of my loss, I will never pursue men may forebode evil days and times and trans.
you, nor seek to avenge my wrong at the hand of actions to come,- which shall threaten our instituhuman law. I only ask that you may never tell tions, which shall threaten to weaken our governthe tate to any other man. I took you up in what ment, or to weaken our love for it; but we know
I supposed to be the want and grief and pain of better. (Enthusiastic applause.) Our hearts are
your poor humanity, for the love of God and from  firmly anchored here. We believe in the right, we
a sentiment of human pity. If I or you should believe in the competency, and we believe in the
tell that tale to human ears, and so unbelievable a success of self-government-a government by the
thing should get abroad among our countrymen, people. We are Democrats of the old school;
some poor stricken son of sorrow, who may, in Democrats in the bl9od, in the bone, in the heart;
honest grief and poverty, extend his hand for by the convictions of our judgment, and by the
alms, and seek the aid of his fellow, may be suspect- experience of ourselves and of our fathers, and
ed of imposture like your own; and I would not we are not to be frightened. (Renewed and vecithat any human sympathy should go unspent, or ferous cheering.). No matter what shall come to
any human want or sorrow pass unrelieved, by this State and to this Union of States, we all shall
reason of your craft and wickedness weakening the stand. When the fire waxes hot, still shall we
faith of man in his brother." If in any one of stand; if the tempest rages, there shall we stand;
those who may be candidates for your political and where danger is thickest, there shall we be
favor, now or hereafter, you shall perceive any We shall have faith to stand there, like that old
evidence of weakness, any error of speech, or soldier df the Revolution, who was posted by Col.
doctrine, or life, which to your judgment may Horrey, at an imminent #point of danger, who
seem to be a blunder or a wrong, judge, if you cried out to his commander,' Cfaptain, I am shot."
will, but judge, I pray you, as you would preserve" N ^aatter-standl" Again he cries out, " Cap



4
taMn, the red-coats have hitmeagain." "Let them  you might all come in. I bid you welcome here.
fire-stand!" Once more hecries out, "Oh, captain, Come, those who can; and those who cannot find
they have shot me again."  " Stand, brave corn- an entrance now beneath my roof, come another
rade, and draw their fire!" (Laughter and ap- time. Come when you will; I am here, and my
plause.)  The manly hearts, the conservative latch string is out! (Enthusiastic and prolonged
judgment, the unfailing fidelity, of people such as cheering.)
you-Republicans, Union-men. Democrats of       Now, with an affectionate and hearty "Good
Hingham-against whatever storm, in' the midst night," I seek only the gratification of shaking
of whatever peril, in snite of whatever evil fore- hands with as many of you as I may.
bodings, will save the Union and the State. We
shall have here, as we have had in the past, all the  Nine hearty cheers were given for Mr. Andrew,
conflicts of parties, but we shall perpetuate, as we at the conclusion of his speech, the band playing
have done, and our fathers before us in the past, this a lively air, and the blaze of numerous rockets
government, because we believe in the principles adding brilliancy and beauty to the joyous scene.
upon which it is founded. No mere mechanism    The pr
none of the chances of politics, none of the policies  The procession then  re-formed, and again
of wise men, can save a State, preserve a people, marched through the street, to the enlivening muand perpetuate liberty. Only on the intelligent sic of the band, cheering enthusiastically at vavirtue of the masses of men and women, and their.. 
intelligent faith in fundamental truth can free in- rious points, and, later in the evening, returning to
stitutions stand arid endure. I care not if you Mr. Andrew's house, where refreshments had
sweep away Republicanism, (technically so called.) been bountifully provided, again greeted their
from  Massachusetts; I will trust it to the Bell friend, and partook of his cheer. The occasion,
men, to the Democrats, according to Douglas, or,     
Breckinridge, that they would nail the flag of Lib- altogether, was one most gratifying and.delighterty to the mast, and if the old ship went down ful, and will doubtless be long remembered with
their forms would sink with it beneath the wave. pleasure by all who participated in it. The humAnd in any exigency of the States would trust our
X   ^. 6  n  4M..         ~ber present when Mr. Andrew spoke must have
adopted citizens of Massachusetts "to take up the
parable," and prophecy good of our American been somewhere between two and three thousand,
Israel.                                      who were enthusiastic in their demonstrations of
I tell you, that although I believe in the princi- affectionate regard. Well may the Republican
ples of the Republican party as the only sound
political faith of to-day, although I believe tkrt candidate be proud of his friends ail neighbors;
the Republican organization is the only one well, too, may they be proud of him.
adapted to meet the exigencies of the time, and
although I believe that their organization ought
to be perpetuated and that their nominees ought
to be elected (loud laughter and chears),-if I did Serenade  to  Johnz.   lndCretw.
not think so I would not stand (renewed cheering),-yet I believe in the religious and political
education of our people more than I believe in  GREAT GATHERING IN CHARLES STREET.
all things else. I believe in the fitness of my fellow-citizens to accept the responsibilities of whateverpower itmay please Providence to bestow  SPEECH         OF    MR. ANDREW.
upon them, and that, whosoever may have possession of a majority of votes, in Massachusetts, at
least, we shall always find a faithful, loyal, inde-  Last evening the Republican nominee for Goverpendent and patriotic people.                nor was serenaded at the residence of Daniel Davies,
And now, fellow-citizens, having wearied you, Esq., No. 68 Charles street. The street in front of the
I fear, by this too tedious -address, I commend to house was thronged with people at an early hour, and
you, with a repetition of my hearty, heartfelt, house was th r onged with people at an early hour, and
humble and sincere gratitude, the consideration among them were many ladies, who patiently waited
of the duties and responsibilities of the hour.  until half-past nie o'clock for the arrival of the proThis, fellow-citizens, is no moment of exulta- cession from Bowdoin square. At that hour the Lintion to me. I am not insensible to the allurements coin Guard No. 1 escorted to the place the Rail Splitof place, to the prize of public honor; but I am far ter's Battalion, together with a large number of peomore conscious, and I much more deeply feel the pie who had assembled at the head-quarters of the
weight of responsibility which popular favor and battalion. The Chelsea Brass Band headed the prothe possession of place and power imposes upon cession, and as it marh
the citizen who holds them. I cannot find it in
my heart to exult, that by the favor of the people lanterns and torches presented a fine appearance.
of the commonwealth I may sit in the Executive  Upon their arrival the band played " Hail Columchair of the State, which has been filled and bia" and the' Star Spangled Banner," and after nine
adorned by men of the present and past time, il- enthusiastic cheers for Mr. Andrew, that gentleman
lustrious for their virtues, illustrious for their appeared at the window, accompanied by Charles B
public services, and brilliant by the possession of Hall, Esq., who introduced him briefly, claiming that
genius and noble hearts. I feel that, by unequal Mr. Andrew was entitled to the office of Governor,
steps I shall only follow a great way after them,
and shall possibly, with the best purposes, defeat for his dignified and honorable bearing upon all Occaana disappoint thp expectations of the warmest eions, public and private-for his integrity and honand most trusting friends. I hope and pray that esty of purpose, his unquestioned ability, and unnought I fear may come to pass, and that all I blemished moral character. Whenever, said Mr.
hope of capacity and purpose to do you good Hall, sueh claims are presented to the citizens of this
and to serve the State, whether in public or in Commonwealth, they must and will be responded to
private, in my day and generation, may be ful- by tens of thousands majority over all opposition.
filled.
And now, fellow-citizens of Hingham, it only  Mr. Andrew then stepped upon the platform, and
remains to me tonight to say once more, that for was received with the firing of rockets, music by the
this friendly ahd neighborly sympathy and recog- band, and loud cheers from the assembled thousands.
nition, you have the homage of my grateful thanks. Silence being restored, he delivered the following
wish my house was as large as my heart, that speech. We quote from the verbatim report in the




5
Advertiser, which has since been carefully corrected stitution, and the enforcement of thelaws "-(a voice,
for insertion in the Traveller:-                "Shtave laws ")-as if nobody before, since America
was discovered, had ascertained that there is a Contsitutio, that there is a Union, and that we express
JWr. andrew's Speech.                ourselves by written laws. But what interpretation
of the Constitution, and what theory for the preferFellow-Citizens and Brother Republicans of Boston:  vation of the Union and the perpetuation of liberty,
The grand enthusiastic welcome with which this w!at interpretation of the laws or what system of
vast and uncounted concourse of my fellow-citizens laws they deeire, they do not give us to understa.nd,
have been pleased to greet my humble presence here nor even to guess.
to-night, fills me with emotions strange and engross-  I had supposed, fellow-citizens, that this was a goving, struggling with each other for utterance and ex- eminent of the people, and I take exception to the
pression, which your imaginations may conceive, but very phraseology of the final clause of that which
which no poor words or voice of mine can utter. I they call their platform, (which platform is none)
can only, gentlemen Republicans ot Boston, in feeble "the enforoement of the laws."
accents and with palpitating heart, in simple phrase  What a creed is that, tellow-citizene. for a demosay, [ thank you. (Cheers.) My heart and voice con- cratic-republican government or party! The "enforcesent together while they cry out, I thank you, friends ment of the laws." Who, I pray you, fellow-citizens,
and brother republicans. (Enthusiastic cheering) enforces the laws? Who are to enforce the laws in a
Not unto me, not unto me is this ovation given; but government lke ours? Who but the people? (A
to that grand Republican cause, that great and con- voice, "that's so.") The people both make the laws,
quering cause of THE PEOPLE, inaugurated for the and obey them  when they are made. (A voice,
year 1860 at the Chicago Convention, which is.now  "amen.") With us the enforcement of the laws,
advancing, with victorious hosts, to the conquests of gentlemen, is the act of the people upon the few exliberty  (Applause.) Out of the Egypt of a long ceptional persons who refuse obedience. The vast, the
bondage are you now emerging, ("good") and not conquering and overwhelming majority of the peonow, as you have been, in years before, with faint and pie, whose country's laws are written in their hearts,
feeble accents struggling to speak the trumpet note of enforce the laws (applause and cries of "good")against
victory. It leaps with one consent from the unani- the disobedient, the vicious and wicked who would
moas lips of a vast majority of the American people, trample upon the laws and set them at naught, and
(Great applause.) By the faith of Abraham, (pro- attac the security, peace and welfare of the whole.
longed and hearty applause and three cheers for Lin-  Such "enforcement," if they will insist en the
coin,) and with the courage of Hannibal, (renewed word, is done always and naturally as water runs
cheering) Republicanism is bound to conquer.    down hill. I say, fellow-citizens, that in a country
You have established a communication of mind and like ours, he has no conception of the iust uses of
heart, running from the sounding shores of Maine, government, of the significance of a party creed, of
across the Alleghanies, over the broad and rolling the idea, the central idea of our institutions, who proprairies of the West. climbing the Rocky Mountains, claitn any other theory 1in regard to the relation of
and reaching at last those outposts of civilization up- the people to the laws, than this. I hold, speaking
on the shores of the Pacific sea. (A voice, " Glory to now as the humble representative of the Republicans
Vermont.") Maine and Oregon, the easternmost and of Massachusetts, that obedience to the laws Is one of
westernmost States of this grand confederacy of the the watchwords of a true democracy. Not "enforcefree, will be found enrolling their electoral votes for ment" but obdience to the laws. (Applause and
Lincoln and Hamlin. (Cheers). Vermont has spoken shouts of "good.") They thought, I believe, fellowalready. (Cheers and cries of " good.") The home citizens, they were speaking for some aespotic, some
of Edward Bates and Frank Blair,by the voice of the crowned or some tyrannical head, wielding a power
freemen of St. Louis, in a slaveholding Common- unconsented to by the people, dictating laws not
wealth, has began to exhibit the evidence that Mis- made by their will, not justified by their relations to
souri ere long will be found enrolled among the posts the State, not called for by their wants, nor abiding
of freedom. No longer can the Republican party be in their hearts. I suspect a mischief lurking beneath
assailed by the taunts of opponents charging its or- that phrase. The people never need be taught to en-;ganizatfon, its men, its principles and its future desti- force their own laws; and a free people will resent
ny, with any of the aspersions that linger around the the claim of any enforcement against themselves.
name of " sectionalisni." In Maryland, in Virginia, This people are not slaves; they are free.
in Kentucky, in Missouri-the homes of the Blairs.  What, gentlemen, does that party mean by " the
elder and younger, of Bates, and of Cassius M. Clay Constitution and the Union "? Who does not believe
-you have your representatives and your men. (Ap- in a constitution of government-in the Constitution,
plause). This, fellow-citizens, is the inauguration of -who, whether of Republican or Democratic re,
your movement, which will go on with increasing lations? I know of none. Who does not bezeal and with increasing courage of heart and energy Jieve in a union of these States, and in perof purpose, until you shall see yourselves in posses- petuating the union of these States, in. what
sion of the high places of power.               ever  party  organization?  Here, I know    of
I speak to you, gentlemen, as a popular representa- none. Elsewhere, in other States, there are men
tion ofthe people-as an organized, or, if you please, holding high public office given them  by the
an unorganized body, but still a popular -representa- people; men holding representative places in the Nation of the people. You will permit me, perhaps-  tional Congress, who have prophesied evil concernregarding you for the moment in that capacity-to ing this Constitution and this Union of ours; but I
say a single word to you. I have ventured to call this do not understand that any of these gentlemen of
the cause of thepeople. Sometimes men call it the the Bell and Everett organization have singled
cause of a section; sometimes the cause of a race: I re- out those persons-that they have pointed any finger
Card it as the causeof ALL. (CheeriLg and cries of at them-that they have administered any rebuke,
"4Gobd.') We have in the nation to-day three or our either u public or private, to tkemn. I understand
parties-I hardly know which-contending for the that at this very moment, this party of "the Constitusupport and votes of the people; the party led by Lin- tion and the Union" are endeavoring to effect a
coln and Hamlin-the Republican organization; the coalition or fusion between themselves and the Dougdemocratic party-sectional certainly, divided now  las democrats, in the vain hope of carrying the State
into two sections —(loud laughing and applause)-one of New York; and thev are also seeking to effect a
of them affirmatively and declaratively in favor of fusion between themselves and the Breckinridge demslavery, and the other as distinctively opposed to free- ocrats in New Jersey, with a similar hope of earrying
4do. (Laughter.) And yet, such is the loving fra- that State against the republicans; and they are seekternity existing between the two, that I have seen ing everywhere, where they can find ears to listen to
from  the Richmond   Enquirer, the   representa- their "tinkling brass and empty sound," to manufactive press of Breckinridge in Virginia, a threat to ture fusions between themselves and all other parties
hang Judge Douglas of Illinois, who is the repreeen- who will but give them their hand upon a common
tative man of the other organization. (Laughter and purpose of defeating Lincoln and Hamlin. What a
a shout of " be ought to be hung.") You have also commentary is this upon their fidelity to the Union!
the party of Bell and Everett, called by the name ot If there are any traitors to tMe Constitution, these
the "Constitutional Union party;" the " Constitu- men and that party are their accomplices.
tional Union party,' standing on a platform, it is  Gentlemen, if it were true that while their Convensaid, which no man has ever read or even seen. tion sat at Baltimore any such danger to the Union
(Laughter.) It declares itself to be no geographical existed as that which they claimed to have discovered;
partv-knowing no North, no South. no East, no as that which the Boston Courier, I understand. conWest, no anywhere, and no nothing. (Laughter and stantly shouts or growls-if, I say, there was any such
eheers.) It propounds for its creed'i the Union, Con- danger existing, I beg to know where that danger is,




6
unless it is to be-found in the ranks of thetr own asso- States have argued the negro out of the Constittfon;
cidates or affiliated parties? Nobody charges upon that they have drawn an inference and dragged the
Republicanism, or upon its adherents, the?reseuce of colored man with the inference after hit. out of that
one disunionist or one disloyal citizen within their immortal document. I tell you, gentlemen, that the
ranks. (Loud applause.) Then I humbly ask, upon power of the Supreme Court to argue the colored
what principle or theory of fidelity to the Union are man out of the Constitution, may argue you out of it,
they going about the country, endeavoring to make and me out of it, mayv'argue all of fis out of it
such bargains, compromises, fusions and coalitions. tomorrow or the day after it. Our fathers declared
(Cheers.)                                        that Constitution ordained to " securre liberty to ourGentlemen, reflect a moment on this tribe of the selves ad our posterity.  That is the phrase. 1
Bell, the followers of this peripatetic ttitsnalsrn, would be glad to know how many of you here togoing about the streets day after day, tiakling them  ight can trace your lineage back directly to the
together, Tinot calling them rby harmonious strains of framers of the Constitution. If the colored man canpeaceful or of martial music; not. even callingthem  not trace his lineage to the framers or adopters of
by the fixed conservative "bell in the beltry,"' but by that instrument, can you trace yours back there 
a travelling representative of  nceta   sonds-  Where are you, adopted fellow-citizens-the Freneh(laughter) —this "floating bell,"  i making its false men    i the Germans, the Irishmen, who in their own
alarms under our windows!    ir, it is no compli- persons,      the p       f   ter ater 
ment to the honesty or intelligence of the American over the briny sea, and faced its dangers and
people, to evade the enunciation of distinct opinions. its storms, to  escape Irom  bondage in  other
No platform, or creed, or doctrine, is presented by climes and other countries, in order to share the
that great Bell-Everett organization today.  The libertiesofours? Bywhat meanswill theyestablish
Bell men of the South (some of them  declare that their right to a place on the inside of the Constituas the price of the existence of this government tion, against a Supreme Coust who may have any
human slavery shall go into all the Territories, motive to infer them cut of it? 0, sirs, the moment
and that the establishment of human slavery in you yield to any such pretence of power, to any such
the Territories shall be but the premonition of claim or privilege or prerogative as that, yor know
the re-opening ol the African slave trade; and not whose liberty may be endangered, whose rights
that they  are entitled to the privilege of buy- may be subverted. I deny, fellow-citzens, upon my
Ing  their  negroes, their human   flesh, in the responibility as a man, upon my responsibility
cheapest markets.   Judge Douglas declares that as a candidate of the Republicans of Massachuhe does not care whether the extension of slavery is setts —! deny to the Supreme Court of the United
voted up or voted down; and the Bell-Everett party StAtes-1 deny to any power in this government,
declare that they know nothing whatsoever and think legislative, executive or judicial-the rirht to araothing whatsoever upon the subject. But still the gue and infer anybody out of the Constitution.
coatrovresy goes oan. Still the war is raging in the ('Tremendous applause, and cries of "Good." "We,
free States and in the slave States. The combat thick- the pepi e," it begins-awd the people know who they
ens. It exists even between the contending wings of are themselves, and want no Supreme Court to tell
the once united "'national demoeracy," and it finds them. (Applause.) We, the people, establish legisan expression somewhere in every State Yet the Bell- latures, choose congressmen, create courts, establish
Everett party has not a word to say. Now, friends their tenure, vote them their salaries, and granit them
and citizens, whosoever takes possession of this gov- their po wer an d we  ey to any of them the right
ez'nment, whichever party holds for the time being, to tel) us who we are. (Loud cheers.)  o, sirs, the
the reins of power, will he obliged to act upon that Constitution of the United States is no hidden
question, either in one way or the other. Mr. Bell or thing  Its "Scripture" is of no private nterpretation
MVr. Everett, if either of them should become the ae- It was made by the people for the people, and adopted
trental President of the United States hereafter, by themselves, and upon it they established their govmust be as' "sectional" as Breckinridge on tts one eminent. Will anybody dare to say that the people do
hand, or else as "sectional" as Lincoln on the other.  otand cannot comprehend the instrument? I tell
There is no middle ground between the two. yu sirs, it is the only thing you are bound to eompreJudge  Douglas profe(sssesH to  discover a middlet hend this side of the Ten Commandments. They who
ground   by  saying  that he "does     ot care    created it understood it, and they must be assumed by
at when he reaches the Presidency, if ever he shod  all public officers representing them to have  nderarrive there, he will be compelled to care, because he stood it in the sense in which it was written-in the
will find himself face to face with practical duty. Mr. sense in which it was written and interpreted by the
Bell, should he become the President, cannot ienore unsophisticated minds, by the mea of ordinary sense
tbe subject, because he too will find himself face to and common understanding by whom it was adopted.
face with a practical duty. Now, I hold it to be an as- And when those men proclaimed, We, the people,'
persion upon the honesty and intelligence of the peo- the meant  peple using the phrase  its natural
pie. and upon the popular capacity to comprehend and popular sense. Th e men who aought for liberty
pablic questions, when party leaders affect to teach and establishedit,themen who surroanded the Faththat the public mind should neither care for their ad- er of his Country, as he led thaeir victorious banner
justment, nor take cognizance of their existence. through the fire and blood of aseven years' war, they
This great question between re1ublicanism and all its regarded it alike with John Adams, Benjamin Frankadyversaries will continue pending until it is intei- iHn and Thomas Jefferson; understaudiog it in the
gently settled. The question has got tobe settled; it simplest sense of that plain, old, magnificent Anglotill be settled; it will be debated. It is of no use'to Saxon style in which it was written. No, sirs, from
pretedid that by mere quiet on the part of a particular that decision I appeal; from that decision the people
Presidential candidate during the campaign, the de- have appealed; and a slaveholder of the South, told
bati may be shot off. Who is to suppress Gov. Smith me, not many months ago, "I appealed, myself, and
of Virginia ("Extra Billy,") with his 2 days' speeches  said to Chief Justice T anev that I had entered the upSi-tl~~~rod^   al~~~d h~~apoo before my colored ceoachman, for be at least had
hi —' tiex of old newspapers, and his antique almanacs? peal before my colored ctnehat an, for he a t least had
Who will shut off Judge Douglas, attending but a sense enough to know that he was a man"
fortnight during a whole session of Congress, and  But this Republican organization, fellow-citizens, is
speaking fitty columns in debate on thy very ques- a party having for its first du'y the cotfirmation of
tion andnot three columns upon all others? Who the common popular right in the Territories of the
will suppress Jefferson Davis's resolutions. or Mr. country, within all our national domain, coming
Chesnut' ebullitions? Who will prevent Mr. Crit- under the exclusive jurisdiction of this Federal Govteftden from voting for just such resolutions as Jeffer- eminent  Squatter Sovereignty, Judge Douglas has
s6io Davis chooses to present, alffirming the most ultra told us, will establish liberty; and yet Judge Douglas
Calhoun doctrines of disunionism? Wihy, it is patent has told the South in a recent Senatorial speech that
sbsurdity upon its face lo pretend that by any policy this Squatter Sovereignty in New Mexico has earied
either of audacity, indiffereace or ignorance, you can slavery a degree and a half further North than it ever
establish a peace.' You will have to meet this ques- went before, or ever had the power to go.
tion sometime. It is betore you now. It will be dis-  You tried tMe experiment in Texas. I speak now to
cused in the next Congress and in the Con gress after. free white laborers in Boston who may do me the
It. a-ll look you io the eye in every debatiog society, honor to listen to my words to-night. You founc
upon every hustings, and in every legislature, until it Fexas a tree territory pertaining to the jurisdiction of
i ultimat. ely and justly disposed of The Republican Mexico. No slavery was permitted there; it was proparty are determined that it shall be disposed of ae- bibited by the mother country. By American arms,
cording to the just rights of the people. and the re- by Americean prowess and ingenuity, Texas was
qmrnements of a common bumnaity. (Loud cheers ) wrested from Mexico. Your countrymen repealed
Will you tell me that this is simply a "segro ques- the ordinance of liberty there as Judge Dougl.as and
tion," and that the Supreme Court of the United his friends repealed the Missouri restriction of 1820L




7
You attained a broad fair land, larger than France, pressed and suffering Italy to-night. Every throb and
more fertile and more beautiful than she. Your pulsation of this beating frame leaps out. in joyous aod
squatters, the sovereign people resident there, had exhilarating emotion as I hear of the stormF conquests
the power, or exercised the privilege, of writing of Garibaldi. (Greatenthusiasm) I hope.to see the day
whatever they pleased upon the blank paper which when the people of France, no longer sitting down in
eoutained its constitution and code of laws, and stolid content beneath the orderly despotism of a
they wrote slavery thereon.  Did  popular sove- second Napoleon, may -rise in the might of regenreigntv avtil to exclude human   servitude from  erated and intelligent freemen, and establish a libITexas?  Texas is a slavehdkling State to-day, and erty as grand, as certain, as brilliant and as lasting
has been from  the start. Has popular sovereignty as any that ever set upon the peak of the heaven
nucoeeded in preserving the liberties ef white men? crowned Alps. (Prolonged and hearty cheering.) Bat
L)ook at the laws of Texas as they stand now noon I do not mean, I do not propose that the legislature
ahe statute book. It is a small State in population, of Massachusetts, or the Congress of the United States
bat a great imperial commonwealth in point of ter- should vote liberty to Hungary, to France, or to Itaritory; and yet thus early in the history of its law, ly. Iknow that we have no power politically, by
it is written that no white man shall call in voice or vote to litt fromIrelandany institutions or
-question, in the presence or hearing of any other per- practices of the British Parliament which oppress that
sna' (although he be white), the lawfulness of the ex- long suffering people. I am well aware that. the legistunce of haman bondage, under pain of three years islature of Massachusetts, that the Congress of the
irprisonisent in the penitentiary. (Cries of "shame") United States, have as little power as the Hull townSuch is the description of liberty for free white men meeting to abolish slavery in Virginia and Carolina;
that has been secured by the application of Judge and I would as soon think of propesint such a vote
Douglan's principle in Texas! Go to every other before that respectable body of my tellow-citizens6lavebolding State, and the same description of laws almost every one of whom I know-in the town hall,
prevails. Wherever slavery gains a foothold in any as I would before the grand representative assembly
territory, there the men who own the slave own also of the whole American Confederacy, and I should as
the land. By owning the slaves they crowd out and soon think of being afraid that Hull would abolish
drive away, discourage and put down, all experi- slavery in Lousiana, as that the American Congress
eneuts at successful free white labor. Owning the would abolish it by a vote in South Carolina.
labor and owing the land, they subsidize the press,  Sirs, this old appeal to your fears is just about
they silence the pulpit, theycontrol the hastings and worn out. I have always noticed that the irst
they make the laws; taking care to apportion the step toward making a man a rascal is to make
taxes so as to protect slavery and diouage freedom. him' a coward. (Loud applause.) trhe practical
You will find, gentlemen, if yougo there with your application which I beg leave to make of that resons, in the hope of establishing hotties for yourself mark, is, that in 1856, although every doctrine and
and them-you will find alongside of you a wealthy principle peculiar to the Republican -orgauization of
and respectable gentleman from Tennessee or South that year and of the present, was substantially adCarolina, who has established himself there with five mitted by the Whig State Committee of Massachahundred African slaves. He has bought up a thou- etf, yet those gentlemen, practising under their
sand acres of soil, andZIablished a system of espion- fears, misled by the forebodings they profeseed, and
age upon the other settlers. All your conduct, every I hope honeEtly entertained, allowed themselves to
hour of your day, every moment of your night, every be diverted from the support of the gallatat Freaccent of your voice,every word you speak, every song mont, allowed themselves to use their influence and
you sing, every prayer you utter to Heaven, is under their parses for the purpo.e of establishing a similar
that constant system of espionage. You recede,, Iree organization in aid of Mr. Fillmore in the State of
white labor recedes, free white men recede, and allthe Pennsylvania, and by that means co-operated in the
institutions of freedom recede before him and his slav- rendition of the vote of Pennsylvania and Indiana fdr
ery,as health recedes before the pestilence. Try it! A  James Buchanan, whose little finger in the cause
elaveholder from Maryland told me but a few weeks and in all the abominable work eo despotism has,
ago'that he could look out ofthe windows of his house, during hisfour years, heenthickerthan the loins of
and for miles around him see no land that was not Franklin Pierce, (Laughter and cheers.) And now,
owned by aristocratic landholders, by men of wealth. to-nigttoe  e  entleman, that very class of Op"Upon my own plantation," said he, "I have hutted timists and Quietists-gentlemen of the very highest
divers free white American-born families, too puor social position, of the utmost purity of private life,
to obtain the means of living or buying a residence of of greatand brilliant powers and acquisitions of intheir own, and who would not be permitted to be- tellect,-are laying the foundation for the accomcome l~urehasers of land. In all that pertains to the plishment 4f it is possible) of the same defeat of libcomtnafor and decencies of life, they are far below  erty now. It remains to be seen whether that which
the colored slaves whom I myself own" That is the has been practised once with ieich success can be acstory of a slaveholder in Maryland, and: Maryland corplished again. (A voice, " It can't be done.") I
is a northern slavehlolding State upon the borders of thin itcannot be done. (Applause.) No sirs, it
free commonwealths, and acommonwealth to which  c        annot be done. Indiana, which gave her vote for
our friend Mr. Thaser of Worcester,in a recent address James Buchanan in 1856, is alive. From the northern
to his constituents,'pointed as one which illustratesthe boundary to the Ohio river the watch-tires of liberty
power of free labor to drive out slavery. I know, burn on every bill, and they shine over every valley.
fellow-citizens, that one day slavery will be excluded Indianapolis has just seen the largest gathering of
from Alarylaud, no matter what system of laws may the people of Indiana that  ever came together
prevail; because I know that the providence of God for any purpose either political or otherwise,
is stronger than the counsels of men. It will die out in any  of  the  vast commonwealths  of the
there, because it will ultimately vanish fr-m the lace West. That State, upon my conscience, I believe
o1 the earth. It will be exterminated there, because to be secure. (Great cheering.) The representathe Oay shall surely dawn when the whole family of tives of Pennsylvania in the Chicago Convention deman shall become one upon a sanctified earth, as it clared to us of New England that with Abraham
assuredly shall be in a glorified Heaven. (Enthusias- Lincoln as the standsrd-bearer of the republican partic applause ) But I do not mean to wait. I, as one ty, Pennsylvania was secure. Events are fulfilling the
humble citizen of Massachusetts, do not intend to promise. (Applause.) It remains only for you to
wait for the providence of God by miracle or other- say whetherthe support of Massachusetts and of every
wise to perform the work assigned to human instru- intelligent freeman of Massachusetts shall be uiven to
mentality. I confess I have no political power to act this cause-this cause, which is for the establishment
directly or indirectly upon any institution or practice of liberty, the perpetuation of the Uuion,.anc the impeculiar to any other Commonwealth than Massachu- mortality of.the Constitution. They will assail us on
6etas But I have a constitutional political power to every side; they will meet us at every. turn. But
epeak, to vote and to act touching the establishment who cares for taunt or jibe, or sneer, vWfho knows that
and perpetuation of any institution of which the nov- he is right; who lears the assaults of friend or foe, the
emruent can take cognizance within any territory over malignity ot party presses, the trembling of weakwhich the american flag floats, and where the nation- kneed friends, the incertitude of those who are always
al government has jurisdiction exclusively to. itself, hesitating, the charge and countercharge of adversa(Four Cheers and' that's the talk.") Up to the full ries, the war of elements and the shock of worlds,if
rshe war of elements sand the shook of worldi
extent of whatever political power, as a man, as a he knows he is, right? (Cheers
citizen or as a magistrate I may possess, I mean to  Gentlemen, it was not my purpose to detain you
go. (hearty applause and cries of "goiod.") Just up thus long when you did me the hopor to make this
to that and no further., I sympathize with Hungary, evening call. (Loud shouts of "go on") I wish, felbound down and trodden beneath the hoots of the low-citizens, it was in my power to address youupon'war.horses of Austria. My heart bleedsafr poor 6p  several topics connected with the campaign, under




8
circumstance s asafe and convenient for you to stand sympathize with and believ3 in the eternal right.
and listen. Perhaps at some future time it may be. They who are dependent upon him, and his sons
(Applause and cries of "good.") If the occasion and his associates in the battle at Harper's Ferry,
arises, Heaven helping me, I shall be there. (Renewed
cheers.) No matter what exigencies this campaign have a right to call upon us who have professed
may disclose, whatever may be its perils, I shall meet tb believe, or who have in any manner or measthem, shielded by the protection of your sympathies ure taught, the doctrine of the rights of man as
and trusting that the God of liberty will maintain his applied to the colored slaves of the Sonuh, to stand
cause. Whatever may come, my voice is clear, my by them in their bereavement, whether those husheart is strong, my purpose is fixed and my confidekce bands and fathers and brothers were right or
assured.                                     wrong.   (Applause.)  And therefore we have
"Now welcome be Cumberland's steed to the shock!" met to take counsel together, and assist each
At the close of Mr. Andrew's address, he wasgreeted other in the arranement and apportionment of
means for the purpose of securing to those widwith vociferous applause.                    owed and bereaved wives and families the necesThe procession then returned home, through Mount sities of mere mortal existence, which the striking
Vernon, Hancock and Cambridge streets, to Bowdoin down of husbands and,sons and brothers has left
Square. As they passed the residence of Hon. Charles them bereft of. The committee for this evening
Sumner, on Hancock street, loud and hearty cheers had invited to address you the Rev. Mr. Manning,
were given for him. The Lincoln Guard4 after an in- Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson, and Mr. Wendell
terchange of cheering with the Rail Splitters' Battalion Phillips. Added to these gentlemen was the Rev.
George H. HIepworth. Mr. Manning, Mr. Emerin front of their headquarters, marched through Court son and Mr. Phillips are here to spek for themand Washington streets, to their headquarters, ac- selves.
companied by the Band.
companied by the Band.  r. Andrew here read a letter from Rev. Mr.
Hepworth, excusing himself from attending the
meeting, and then proceeded: —
It was not suspected by anybody that there were
op                      two sides to the question whether John Brown's
JOHN        A.  ANDREW, ESQ.,               wife and children should be left to starve or not.
(Long continued applause.) On that issue I exAt the Meeting held in the Tremont Temple, Nov. 18, pect no considerable acrimony of debate between
1859, fr the elrfof the Family of John Brow.  the gentlemen of extreme orthodoxy and of ex-'   teReioteFml Jhn    w.    treme heterodoxy whom, shall have the honor
hereafter to present to you upon this platform.
At the conclusion of Rev. Dr. Neale's prayer, Gentlemen, all of them, of marked, of intelligent,
Mr. Andrew said:-                             of decided opinions, and of entire respect for
themselves and for their own individuality, they
Ladies and Gentlemen,-Obedient to the cor- will each present such aspect of this great cause,
mands of the gentlemen who arranged the meet- and of this most touching and pathetic case, as
ing on this occasion, I am here present to occupy occurs to them. It will not compromise Mr.
the simple and inarduous duties of chairman. Phillips that he sits upon a platform consecrated
They do not impose upon me the office of speech, by the prayer of the Rev. Dr. Neale, aid it will
and I hardly deem it consistent with the proprie- not compromise the Rev. Mr. Manning that he
ties of the position I hold. It simply is incum- works tonight side by side and hand in hand with
bent upon me to say a simple word by way of Ralph Waldo Emerson, in the cause of God and
explanation, of the order and arrangement and humanity. (Applause.) Standing in the valley
principles of this meeting, and to present to you of the shadow of death,-looking, each man, from
the distinguished and eloquent friends who have himself towards that infinite and eternal centre of
complied with the invitation of the committee, life and love and power, the Infinite Father,-all
and are here present to address this audience. difference between us mortals and men becomes
Many hearts were touched by the words of John dwarfed into infinite littleness. We are tonight
Brown, in a recent letter to Lydia Maria Child:-  in the presence of a great and awful soro v,
" I have at home a wife and three young daugh- which has fallen like a pall upon many families,
ters, the youngest but little over five years old,the whose hearts fail, whose affections are lacerated,
oldest nearly sixteen. I also have two daughters- and whose hopes are crushed-all of hope left upin-law, whose husbands have both fallen near me on earth destroyed by an event which, under the
here. There is also another widow, Mrs. Thomp- Providence of God, I pray may be overruled for
son, whose husband fell here. Whether she is a that good which was contemplated and intended
mother or nor, I cannot say. I have a middle- by John Brown himself. But this is not my ocaged son, who has been, in some degree, a cripple casion for words. I have only to invite you,
from his childhood, who would have as much as friends, to listen with affectionate interest and
hecould well do to earn a living. He has not feeling hearts to what you shall bear from hence
enough to clothe himself for the winter comfort- tonight, and by practical sympathy and material
ably."                                        help, assuage those sufferings and those griefs.
John Brown and his companions in the conflict
at Harper's Ferry, those who fell there and those  Mr. Andrew  then described the means by
who are to suffer upon the scaffold, are victims or which it was proposed to raise money for the ai
martyrs to an idea. There is an irresistible conflict (great applause) between freedom and slavery, of Brown's family, and concluded by introducing
as old and as immortal as the irrepressible conflict the Rev. Mr. Manning, pastor of the Old South
between riglh. and wrong.  They are among the Church.
martyrs of that conflict.
I pause not now to consider, because it is wholly
outside of the duty or the thought of this assembly to-night, whether the enterprise of John Brown  REPUBLICAN SONx BOOK-Messrs Thayer & Eridge,
and his associates in Virginia was wise or foolish, No. 116 Washington Street, Boston, have just published
right or wrong; I only know that whether the en- by far the best and cheapest collection of Republican
terprise itself was one or the other, John Brown Songs for the campaign of 1860, that has yet been issued.
himself is right  (Applause.) I sympathize with Price, ten cents single, or one dollar a dozen. Seat to
the:lan. I sympathize with the idea because I any address, postpaid.




9
HARPER'S FERRY INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE. raignment before he was required even to file a
plea. Various gentlemen said to me, without respect of party or person, "You, Mr. Andrew, are
TEOTI~MONY OF JOHN A. ANDRIEW.             known to be a lawyer of anti-slavery sentiments,
T'ETIMONY OF JOHN          A   ^. A7N1I)^^^EW^.
or of Republican sentiments, and -of considerable
readiness to act on any occasion which seems to
As a matter of interest to the people of Massa- you to be proper; why do not you go to Virchusetts at the present time, we present for their ginia and volunteer to defend Captain Brown?"
careful perusal the testimony of John A. Andrew, Without remembering the names of persons
who spoke to me, I should not think it strange if
the Republican candidate for Governor, before twenty men, of all shades of opinion, might have
the Harper's Ferry Investigating Committee of made that remark; and many persons thought
the Senate, on the 9th of February, 1860:   that the circumstances under which this proceeding was going on in Virginia were such as to tend
It is taken from the official report of the pro- ting wase rather than in to dimin ish the ill feeling
ceedings of the Committee published by order of that the unfortunate foray of Captain Brown had
the Senate, and is therefore of undoubted accu- already excited. I said to others, and said to myracy.                                       self, " If I should go to Virginia, I, a Republican
FEBRUARY 9, 1860.  lawyer and a Massachusetts man, should be before
JonN'X. ADREW TT worn and examined.      a court and jury so little in sympathy with myself
JOHN A. ANDREW sworn and examined.        that I should be quite as much on trial as my cliBy the Chairman:                          ent would be. Besides that, I am a stranger to
Question. Will you please to state where you the local jurisprudence and practice of Virginia,"
reside, and what your occupation is?        (although I was some'what familiar with the reAnswer. My home is Boston, Massachusetts, ports, and not unfamiliar with some books, parand I am a practitioner of law in Boston.   ticularly I remember Mr. Robinson's practice,
Question. Will you state whether you engaged which I read with a great deal of pleasure.)
counsel to defend.John Brown, who was recently Knowing nobody sufficiently well to take that
executed in Virginia for offences against the laws liberty with him, save Judge Montgomery Blair,
of that State, on his indictment and trial?  of Washington, I at once wrote to him a letter, of
Answer. I engaged the Hon. Samuel Chilton of which I think I kept no copy-I feel very sure I
Washington, who assisted in the defence of Cap- did not-stating to him how I felt about it and
tain John Brown, at Charlestown, and also the how other gentlemen felt, and I think I also sugHon. William  Green of Richmond, Virginia, gested that 1 thought if Captain Brown was in
who assisted Mr. Chilton in relation to the prose- Massachusetts, charged with any crime, he would
cution of a writ of error. The fact of the action not only have a long time given to him to enable
of these gentlemen is not personally known to me his friends to examine into the state of his mind,
of my cwn knowledge; I only know it by corres- with a view to testing its sanity, but that it did
pondence and public report. I never had the seem to me an investigation would result in findpleasure of being in Virginia.              ing testimony, all the way from Boston to KanQuestion. Will you please to state under what sas, which would tend to prove him insane. That
circumstances you engaged them ascounsel; what suggestion I made in the letter, and I made it
led you to do it; what was the reason why you merely as the result of an inference, not as the reengaged them?                               suit of any facts of which I had personal knowlThe Witness. The operative motive on my edge. I also said that if Judge Blair would himmind?                                       self go to Virginia, undertake the cause, and see
The Chairman. Any reasons connected with it that Captain Brown had a complete and appro-who employed or engaged you, or why you priate defense, according to the laws of the jurisdid it.                                     diction where he was indicted, raising whatever
Answer. If my motives are deemed —        questions of law ought to be raised, and having
The Chairman. Not your motives at all. What them heard before the tribunal of ultimate resort,
I want to know is, at whose instance were coun- I would guaranty to him a proper and honorable
sel employed in Virginia, and who furnished the compensation; or if he was not of opinion that he
compensation to the counsel?                ought to go, or if he could not go in rerson, I
The Witness. As I was about to remark, if it would adopt his selection of any other gentleman
is desired by the committee to know what operat- of the bar, and would guaranty his compensation;
ed on my mind, and led to the employment of that I desired a gentleman familiar with the instithese gentlemen through myvintervention, I will tutions, practice, and jurisprudence ofVirginia,and
state with entire freedom, and I hope the gentle- whose personal presence would not prejudice his
men of the committee will not regard anything I client; the resultwas the employment of Mr.Cbilton.
may say as intended to be at all disrespectful to After Mr. Chilton had retired from Cbarlestown,
them  or to Virginia. When the intelligence either in consequence of a letter written by himreached Boston by telegraph that the local court self to me, or a letter written on his behalf by
in Jefferson county, Virginia, was proceeding to somebody else, I was led to offer, in the same feelthe trial of John Brown and one of his associates, ing and with the same general view and purpose,
with such speed and hurried action on its part as a fee of $300 (fixing it in my own mind, because
to render it probable that there was to be no suffi- there was but little time to make any bargain
cient opportunity to make a full and complete de- about it) to any gentlemen from Richmond whom
fence, and under such circumstances as that the Mr. Chilton should himself select as an associate.
physical condition of the men themselves seemed Mr. Daniel of Richmond and Mr. Green were both
to render it entirely improbable that they could spoken of. Mr. Daniel declined, on account of,
prepare a defence with propriety, it struck my his other engagements, and his letter was sent to
mind, and the minds of various other gentlemen me. He recommended Mr. Greef. Mr. Green
whom I met with in the ordinary avocations of was retained, and I honored the drafts to the
my business, in the street, the office, the court amount of Mr. Cbilton's fee of $1000, and Mr.
rooms, and otherwise, as being a judicial outrage. Green's fee of $300. In undertaking to retain
I certainly felt it to be such. It was wholly unlike and pay these gentlemen, I acted self-moved. exanything I had ever known or heard of in my cept in so far as my own opinion and judgment
practice as a lawyer. When some persons had was influenced by the general remarks of which
been indicted for kidnapping in Massachusetts I have spoken, made to me by friends and neighlast September, the court gave General Cushing, bors and fellow-citizens of Boston, of various detheir counsel, two or three months after their ar- scriptions and opinions. In my letter to Judge




10
Blair, I said I make this application to you in be- the question in that way. As you, sir, first prohalf of the friends or of friends of Captain Brown. posed the question, it was a little complex and inI felt justified in using tkat expression; because I tricate. Had I felt that Captain Brown and his
could safely call all of us who desired a fair trial associates were in the way to a full and complete
of a man-of whom we had, for a long time, en- opportunity for a fair judicial investigation into
tertained a good opinion as an honest man-his all their rights according to the laws of the jurisfriends. I felt, also, that [ could fairly say, if it diction within which they were, I have no reason
were peedful, that the application was made in to suppose that I should have interfered. I should
behalf of his family, because I was sure that I have felt that I had no occasion to interfere. I
must be serving the welfare of a man's family, in had known about old Mr. Brown for several years
seeking to secure for him a good defence. I and I approved a great deal which I had heard of
wished, also, so to express myself as not to place touching his career in Kansas; I thought he had
Mr. Blair, nor any other counsel whom he might been an honest, and conscientious, and useful asemploy in his stead, in any relation of delicacy to- sistant of the Free State cause. My impression
wards myself, of the same profession. If I had of him was derived from many sources. I had
offered the money as out of my own popket, or never seen him but once in my life, and then only
upon my own risk, my friend, Mr. Blair, or any for a few moments. I say in frankness that I felt
other lawyer, would have doubtless felt a certaina certain sympathy for a man who had, as I
delicacy in accepting the retainer, coming from a thought, been useful in behalf of a great cause in
brother lawyer, influenced only by public or be- which I was interested. I had no sympathy with
nevolent considerations. I adopted phraseology, his peculiar conduct touching which he was then
therefore, which would steer clear of that delicacy indicted. I felt injured by that, personally, as a
of relation which a direct statement of my pre- Republican. 
cise position would have involved.            Question. Suppose the only difficulty connected
Question. Will you state how this money was with his trial as you heard, had been the want of
furnished, and by whom furnished? If you can, means, would you and your friends then have volgive the names.                             unteered to furnish the means to employ counsel?
Answer. Without regard to my being in full  Answer. It is not easy, Mr. Chairman, for one
possession or not, I accepted the drafts as they man to speak as to another's motives. 1 can only
were drawn on me, and the money was furnished speak as to my own; and you have now put a
by A., B., & C., whom I might happen to meet in question which embarrasses me to this extent: It
business, or in pleasure, or at church.     is unpleasant for a man to blow the trumpet of
Question. Was the money furnished at your re- his own virtue, and I am sorry to be asked to
quest, or was it voluntarily proffered?     state to what extent I may be a benevolent man,
Answer. I stated to various gentlemen-gentle- or otherwise. I can only give you one little cirmen whom I might meet at dinner; gentlemen cumstance, as an illustration of what I might do
whom I met at church, in the court house; and under such circumstances. Last year a man was
any others whom I might perhaps take pains to convicted in Boston for piracy, and sentenced to
fall in with —what I had done, making the remark, be hanged. I had never seen him, to speak to
"If you approve of my conduct and think it is him, in my life, nor did I know by sight any perright, please to give anything towards the fund son related to him in any way. After other efforts
which you feel free to give."               had been made, I devoted some week, at least, to
Various gentlemen, friends of mine, I remem- preparation, and came to Washington, at my own
her, came in and offered ne money which they expense, without fee or reward, or the hope of
had collected on the street, as they told me, on any, in order to press upon the Attorney General
State street, on'Change, anywhere, having said and the President those considerations which I
to people: "Mr. Andrew has assumed responsibil- deemed proper to be considered in support of the
ity for the defence of John Brown, stating the cir- application for executive clemency. The man's
cumstances; do you desire to give anything to- life was saved. I never spoke to him until I acwards relieving him from the pecuniary responsi- compasied Mr. Marshal Freeman to his cell, and
bility he has undertaken?" In that way the money assisted in the reading of the President's warrant
came in. Some gentlemen, perhaps, would give of commutation. I have sometimes done just
five dollars, and some fifty dollars. I knew some such things as that on other occasions. I do not
of the donors; others 1 did not know. For ex- profess to be a particularly benevolent man, but I
ample, I remember that I asked a gentleman to mention that as an illustration of what I might do,
state the fact of what I had done, as he might have even for a stranger.
opportunity, amonir the members of the Legisla-  Question. You have spoken of your opinion
ture, the General Court of Massachusetts, then in that evidence might have been obtained from Bossession, and almost everybody in the Legislature ton to Kansas to show that Brown was insane.
knew me personally or knew something about me. Will you say whether, as far as you know, it was
The result was that some of the money came from  his general reputation in Massachusetts, that he
them. It came from merchants, and lawyers, and was insane?
legislators, and perhaps ladies, although I do not  Answer. I cannot answer to that. I took that
know that any ladies gave anything towards it of -position in my letter to Judge Blair, in coasemy own knowledge.                           quence of an inference drawn by myself from cirQuestion. Will you state, sir, whether your rea  cumstances attending the outbreak at Harper's
son for volunteering your aid in this matter, and Ferry-the outbreak itself, and the circumstances
the representations that you made to others, or attending it. It was my own inference. I am
what induced you to act as you state you did act, not aware that I had ever heard it suggested by
was founded on the impression that Brown was any man that Captain Brown was insane. I have
not going to.ave a fair or just trial, or was it since been informed that some twenty-five or thirfounded on a disposition to aid in his defence, be- ty affidavits were taken in different parts of the
cause of his career against the institution ot country and submitted to the executive of Virslavery?                                    ginia, in support of some theory of insanity, in
Answer. Well, sir, I know-                behalf of Captain Brown.
Question. In other words, if you had no impres-  Question. Were you aware that a young gentlesions that the trial was not one fairly and proper- man named Hoyt had been sent to Virginia as
ly conducted, would you have acted as you did, counsel for Brown and his associates?
in getting money for his defence, only from a de-  Answer. I knew that Mr. Hoyt went to Virsire to serve him because of the career in which ginia. I personally know Mr. Hoyt. He is a very
he was embarked?                           young man, a very excellent young man, a gentleAn swer. I am quite clear on that point, putting man of talent, but inexperienced as a lawyer, and




11
he would not regard himself, nor would he be re- ashamed, after I had seen the old man and talked
garded by others, as a gentleman of that degree of with him, and come within the reach of the perprofessional experience to be placed in a position sonal impression, (which I find he very generally
of such responsibility as the defence of a capital made on people), that I had never contributed
cause, in a. strange State, under foreign laws.  anything directly towards his assistance, as one
Question. Were you aware or cognizant of who whom I thought had sacrificed and suffered so
sent him, who employed him to go, at whose in- much for the cause of freedom and of good order
stance he went?                             and good government in the Territory of Kansas.
Answer. To the extent of my knowledge, I can He was, if I may be allowed to use that expresspeak, and I have no doubt that I, substantially, sion, a very magnetic person, and I felt very much
know the facts. I think Mr. Hoyt went without impressed by him. I confess I did not know how
compensation, and I think his expenses, which of to understand the old gentleman fully, because
course would be small, were paid by gentlemen when I hear a man talk upon great themes, touchwhom he knew. It is customary with us, as I sup- ing which I think he must have deep feeling, in a
pose it is everywhere, for gentlemen of the bar, tone perfectly level, without emphasis and without
particularly younger members of the bar, to act as any exhibition of feeling, I am always ready to'
volunteer counsel in capital causes, and even in suspect that there is something wrong in the
other important criminal causes, where the parties man's brain.
are not able to procure counsel by compensation.  I noticed that the old gentleman in conversation
Mr. Hoyt went to Virginia before Mr. Chilton, scarcely regarded other people, was entirely selfand when he left Boston I think he had no means poised, self-possessed, sufficient -to himself, and
of knowing, or suspecting, probably, what 1 in- appeased to have no emotion of any sort, but to
tended to do. He went suddenly, probably upon be entirely absorbed in an idea, which pre-occuan impulse. There might have been a little pro- pied him  and seemed to pryt him in a position
fessional aspiration, for aught I know, mingling transcending an ordinary emotion and ordinary
with bis motives.                           reason. I did not regard him  as a dangerous
Question. You have spoken of a custom pre- man, however. I thought that his sufferings and
vailing at Boston, and probably at the bar gener- hardships and bereavements had produced some
ally, for junior members of the bar to volunteer effect upon him. I sent him $25, and in parting
in criminal causes where the party is not able to with him, as I heard he was a poor man, I expay counsel; is it customary for them to volunteer pressed my gratitude to him for having fought for
their services to go out of their own State, and to a great cause with earnestness, fidelity, and cona remote State for that purpose?            scientiousness, while I had been quietly at home
Answer. I do not remember any other instance earning my money and supporting my family in
save one, and that occurred in this very case of Boston under my own vine and fig tree, with noBrown and his associates, in the person of Mr body to make me afraid.
Sennott, who is a Democrat, and a supporter of  By Mr. Doolittle:
the Democratic federal administration.        Question. Was the whole amount of money you
Question. What did he do?                 paid refunded to you, or how much were you left
Answer. He went in the same way. I think Mr. out of pocket?
Sennott had no compensation at all when he went  Answer. I have not carefully examined, for I
to Virginia-that is, no promise of any, and I ao came to Washington without having any infornot know that he has ever been paid anything. I do mation as to the point towards which the examinot know whether, in his recent visit to Virginia nation of the committee would tend. I have not
within a few days past to defend Stevens, Mr. Sen- examined my accounts. Perhaps I am  out of
nott went as a mere volunteer or upon the promise pocket $100. If I do not lose more than $50 or
of compensation; but I am very sure that Mr. $100, besides conducting the correspondence, I
Seniott and Mr. Hoyt both went to Virginia origi- am satisfied.
nally, without any expectation of pecuniary com-  By Mr. Davis:
pensation.                                    Question.-You state that your sympathy with
Question. How did you derive that information? Brown arose from the useful service rendered by
Answer. I am very sure that both Mr. Hoyt and him in Kansas for the preservatibn of good order
Mr. Sennott told me so. It was a case of a great and government. Will you state what the chars
deal of public impression, as you perceive, and it acter of the service was which you so denomiis not very strange that young men might per- nate?
ceive, or think they perceived in it an opporuni-  Answer. At a time when, according to the best
ty for some exercise of professional prowess, and and all the information which I possessed, there
that, added to a sentiment of humanity or pity was no law, nor official of the law, to protect, or
for a man deemed to be in circumstances of hard- who did protect, the free-State settlers from Masship and misfortune, would be a sufficient motive sachusetts and from the South, too, I am led to
to operate on many minds.                   believe that Mr. Brown was efficient, with otner
Question. Will you  inform the committee men, in the attempt to guard and protect and sewhether, at any time during the years 1858 or cure them against unlawful violence from marau1859, you contributed money in any form to be ders, resident or pretending to be resident in Kanpaid over to John Brown for any purpose? 1 sas, and invaders from adjoining slaveholding
mean before the Harper's Ferry affair.      States.
Answer. I never saw Mr. Brown until some time  Question. Did you include in those services
in the spring of 1859. I never contributed any what is known as the Pottawatomie murders?
money in aid of any purposes of Mr. Brown's   Answer. No, sir; for I have always understood
whatsoever, unless contributions which I may that Captain Brown was not present at the Pottahave made to the Emigrant Aid Society or to the watomie transaction. I, however, have heard
Kansas committee may have indirectly reached that Captain Brown said that he approved the
him, of which last fact I am, however, wholly transaction at Pottawatomie as an action of neceswithout any means of information. But after ha- sary self-defence, though he was not himself pering met Captain Brown one Sunday evening at a sonally present. I was never in Kansas in my
lady's house, where I made a social call with my life, and am dependent wholly for my opinions on
wife, I sent to him $25 as a present.       those who have visited Kansas, and who have
Question. Was that in the spring of 1859?  given me information.
Answer. Yes, sir. I do not know the date, but  Question. There was another feat of his, that
it was sometime in the spring of 1859. I do not of kidnappirg negroes in MissOuri, and running
know whether anybody else gave him any money them off to Iowa. Was that a part of his services
or not. I sent him $25. I did it because I felt which commanded your sympathy?




12
Answer. The transaction to which you refer is  The Witness. I am constitutionally peaceable,
one which I do not, from my point of view, re- and by opinion very much of a peace man, and I
gard as justifiable. I suppose Captain Brown did, have very little faith in deeds of violence, and very
and I presume I should not judge him severely at little sympathywith them except as theextremest
all for that transaction, because I should suppose and direst necessity. My sympathy, so far as I symthat he might have regarded that, if not defen- pathized with Captain Brown was on account of
sive, at least offensive warfare in the nature of de- what I believed to be heroic and disinterested serfence-an aggression to prevent or repel aggres- vices in defence of a good and just cause, and in
sions. And I think that his foray into Virginia support of the rights of persons who were treated
was a fruit of the Kansas tree. I think that he with unjust aggression.
and his associates hai been educated up to the;By Mr. Fitch:
point of making an unlawful, and even unjustifi-  Question. There is a question which, perhaps,
able, attack upon the people of a neighboring would be germane. Without saying to the witState-had been taught to do so, and educated to ness what has, or what has not been in proof heredo so by the attacks which the free State men in tofore before the committee, we could put this
Kansas suffered from people of the slaveholding supposition to him: suppose that it had been
States. And, since the gentleman has called my known that Brown had had in contemplation preattention again to that subject, I think the attack cisely such a thing as he was guilty of in Virwhich was made against representative govern- ginia, for fifteen or twenty years; that he sought
ment in the assault upon Senator Sumnerin Wash- this Kansas service for the very purpose of eduington, which, so far as I could learn from the cating himself and those who acted with him for
public press, was, if not justified, at least winked this ulterior object, would the witness and those
at throughout the Soutb,was an act of very much who sympathized with him, have sympathized
greater danger to our liberties and to civil society with his Kansas operations, with that knowledge.
than the attack of i few men upon neighbors   Answer. I have no reason to suspect that of myover the borders of a State. I suppose that, the self, nor do I believe of any other gentleman with
State of Virginia is wealthy and strong, and brave whom I agree or not, hat the transactions of
enough to defend itself against the assaults of any Captain Brown at Harper's Ferry would be deemed
unorganized unlawful force.                 justifiable, nor would any such attempt made or
Mr. Davis. My purpose is to learn whether the contemplated, receive our sympathy.
witness and those who aided in their contributions  c   ontemplated, receive our sympathy.
bad their sympathy for Brown excited by deeds  Mr. Fitch. The answer does not go to the full
of murder and robbery, or whether those acts did extent desired. I intended to ascertain from the
not diminish their sympathy.                witness, whether, if he and those who acted with
The Witness. I think I ought to say in reply, him, had supposed that Brown had contemplated
that I was not aware that I ever heard of the Pot- this Harper's Ferry foray, using the means,and
tawatomie transaction until since Captain Brown's men they were placing at his disposal in Kansas
trial. Therefore, the Pottawatomie transaction for that purpose, they would have given him
could not have affected my mind at all either way. those means, or encouraged him in his Kansas
I have not been accustomed to discriminate much operations?
between one and another of the Kansas conflicts.  The Witness. Of course not. So far as: a man
They were general, and there were many of them. can answer hypothetically, I say, of course not.
I had heard of the Ossawatomie affair, but I do  By Mr. Davis:
not remember to have heard about the transaction  Question. You stated when you first saw Brown;
at Pottawatomie. I undoubtedly had read of it be- will you state when you last saw him?
cause I read the report of the investigating com-  Answer. I never saw him  but once, and I
mittee in 1856. It, however, had passed out of my thought it singular that I should not have seen
mind, and I remember that in the affidavits taken him, for I heard he was frequently in Boston. I
by Mr Oliver on that committee there was but was not a member of the Kansas committee or
one man who professed to identify Captain Brown any Kansas association.
as connected with that transaction, and I am not  Question. Do you know when he was last in
sure that he expressed himself with certainty.  Boston?
Question. Had you beard of his stealing horses,  Answer. I have never heard that Mr. Brown
to be taken into Ohio and sold?             was in Boston since the time when I saw him, last
Answer. I had heard it frequently said that, spring. He may have been there, though.
sometime during the controversy between the Free  By Mr. Collamer:
State men and the pro-slavery men, they were ac-  Question. In the Pottawatomie transaction
customed, when they prevailed against each other, which has been spoken of, as you understood the
to treat their horses as fairly the spoils of war. I thing, did you understand that Mr. Brown was
am quite confident that I had heard this statement participating in it?
made in connection with Captain Brown, but I  Answer. I will say that I never did believe, and
did not regard him singular in that respect, and I from the best information I have ever received, I
always believed and do now believe that the Free do not now believe, that Captain Brown was
State men were acting defensively in substantially present, and a participator in the transaction. It
all that was done by them in Kansas.        would be fair for me to say, I think, with regard
Mr. Davis. Then it was sympathy for a soldier to other gentlemen who may have contributed
engaged in such a war as you have described?  towards this money, that I ought not, perhaps, to
The Witness. Your question is incomplete, Iir. be taken as a representative of them all, because
Davis.                                      I may be a very much more ultra man in my
Mr. Davis. I will give it any form which,will opinions than they. I think there were Demoenable you to answer it more satisfactorily to crats who contributed towards that money,
yourself.                                   though I have not a personal knowledge of the
The Witness. You said it was sympathy-    fact. The money was handed towards my fund
Mr. Davis. The sympathy which you say you merely for the purpose of securing a fair trial I
expressed or felt towards John Brown, is that am confident that some people gave under the
which you felt for a soldier engaged in such a impression that it would be better for the peace of
civil war as that which you describe in Kansas.  the country to have it more apparent that Captain
The Witness. That would hardly be a fair state- Brown was well defended.
ment of my feeling.                                                 Joax A. ANDREW.
Mr. Davis. I wish merely to get what your feeling is. It is not a statement, but an inquiry.




13
LeteWr f ~rom  John..andrew.    Whether allpoor men shall be slaves, or all slaves shall
~ettr from   ~ohn  d~. 6"d"W.      be madefree?
With more particular regard to your invitation to
me to be present on Wednesday at Abington; perhaps
Boso, July 1st, 1.  it is due to a perfectly frank understanding that I
N, July 31st,.  should say, (what I believe you already know,) that
MY DEAR SIR-I shall not be able to regulate my though 1 am with you and your friends in sympathy
engagements so as to attend the celebration at Ab- when you rejoice that the British slave is now a tree
ington of "The Anniversary of British West Indian man, yet I have been so often pained at the uniemitEmancipation," to which you have invited me.    ting and I think frequently unjust assaults by persons
I should be glad if it were in my power to add em- upon your platlorm on men whom I greatly respect,
phasis to my declaration of faith in the wisdom, as and whose services in the cause ot rational and imparwell as the benevolence which compelled the Christian tial liberty I highly prize, that l could not fail to espeople of Great Britain to demand that greatmea  teel myself an intruder in your midst- unless I
ure of justice from their government. It is, in my should suppress something I might feel urged to ay.
judgment, beyond reasonable doubt, that sound po- My fidelity to the existing institution of Governlitical economy, as well as national security and tran- ment, its charters, its organization, and the duties of
quility, requires that the people who inhabit every its citizenship, is, ever has bee)t and, I doubt not, will
country shall be free to enjoy their natural rights. always be, unshaken; but, working in the sphere of
The argument which would enslave the negroes and citizenship, and through the instrumentalities it at
mulattoes of the West Indies, is equally good in kind, fords, I hope that I ever may remember the lesson of
it not equally forcible in degree, t0 justify the main- British Emancipation, and apply it wherever I have
tenance of servitude in Russia, and the degradation the right and the power.
of many white populations in Europe; and indeed I       Yours, respectfully and faithfully,
am well satisfied that.nothing but the existence of                      J   N A. AN
universal suffrage in the United States (for white men)                      N.   DEW
prevents the frank advocacy of the principle of the  To MR. GARnRsoN.
ownership of labor by capital in reference to the free
white laborers in our own country. Had not the ballot-box, open to every citizen, and the school house,
open to every citizen's child, and the public press, free:From the Boston Traveller.
to declare itself concerning every subject, established
their authority so firmly among us, I have no doubt  John  srown and John.1..*ndrew.
that slavery would be argued by some men in New
York and New England to be the proper condition  The organ of the "Constitutional Union Party"
for our laboring classes.                      assails Mr. Andrew, the Republican candidate for
Had the theories of many distinguished men, now
prevalent, been  the doctrines  of those  who Governor, in very violent style. We give a few
shaped our institutions during the last quarter of the specimens of its manner of conducting the war
last century, there would, I verily believe, have been aa t this gtleman
a "Dred Scott decision" for whites as well as for against this gentleman
blacks.                                          "We shall also ask our readers to recall the history
I do not regard the question of;' negro emancipa- of John Brown's exploits, which the Republican cantion" precisely as you do. It is not, in any sense, a didate tells us were right.'A citizen of one of the
sectional question. So far as the controversy con- Northern States of this Union, at the head of other
cerning it is now in a sectional form, it is only acci- citizens, on a certain Lord's day,-on that day of holy
dentally and temporarily so. It needs nothing now  rest-entered armed-armedfor murder and treasonbut a just and honest administration o the National into the State of Virginia; burst open the houses of
Government to develope throughout the whole South private citizens, and seized them and their property
a sentiment of opposition to the perpetuation of by force, and slaughtered in the streets inoffensive,
slavery.                                        unarmed men.' hr. John A. Andrew says this was
At present, few Southern men dare, and fewer still right."
are able, to withstand the combination of their State  "There are those who characterize John Brown's
and Federal Governments in the interest of a single murders at Harper's Ferry, as  God's work.' Mr.
class of capitalists. The controversy will not only John A. Andrew and Mr. Dwight Foster, we dare say,
soon cease to have a sectional form but it will cease think there was something divine in the bloody deeds
even to be called sectional. It will be recognized in done in that unsuspecting Virginia village, on that
its real proportions as a universal question,-not sec- Sabbath morning, October 16, 1859."
tional, nor even national, but universal, touching the
rights not of a class only, nor of a race, but of the  [Here follows a recapitulation of Brown's exwhole human family.
Into whose souls, even now, does the iron of slavery ploits, and then the Curier continues]:
in America enter with the bitterest pain and the deep-  "Here we have a record of five men murdered at
est wound? Not into those of black men who never Harper's Ferry, by John Brown; and Mr. John A.
knew liberty scarcely so much as even by name, either Andrew. the Republican candidate for Governor,
in their own persons or in those of their fathersj but tells you the murderer was right." 
into those of the free, white, native-born Americans
to whom it is not permitted, under pain of insult, fine,  Yesterday's issue brought out the following:
imprisonment, and even of death, to read the speeces  "If the thousands of business men of Boston, who
and books of men born and educated at the South signed the call for a Union meeting, in Faneuil fal,
like themselves, appealing to the patriotism and the in December last, were in earnest-if the many more
interest of the South against the doctrines of the prop- thousands of Massachusetts men who publicly responagators of slavery.                             ded to that call were sincere in their opposition to the
Powerful men, in large numbers, hold black men atrocious doctrines and action of John Brown, which
and oppress white ones in the fifteen slaveholdiig were deliberately endorsed by John A. Andrew-this is
States. Powerful men, in large numbers, in the eigh- the-time and occasion for action."
teen free States, are equally insensible to the rights
and wrongs of these white and black men. They    And after another summary of Brown's actions
affect to treat with indifference the rights of labor we are told thateverywhere, and the wrongs which it suffers now at
#-everywhere, and the wrongs which it suffers now at  "These are the deeds of blood, unexampled in this
the bands of the nation, and with the aggravation of coThese are the deed of blood, uneampled in this
which it is threatened for the future.         country, among a peaceful community, which the Ab.
If Slavery, emboldened by the" Drd  Scott decis-olitionists of Massachusetts, by their action of last
ion," shall by means of the "Lemmon case," be decreed  Wednesday, tell us were right, and call upon our citia foothold as a sojourning institution i, all the free zens to sustain and to approve by a deliberate vote."
means of the Breckinrge audaciy,  Then follows an appeal to the people to unite in
the Douglas indifference, and the Bell and Everett
ignor-ance policies,-gain a new lease of National' the prayer that no such spectacle of horror shall
power-the necessarily consequent restoration of the be again witnesapd.  And adds the Courier:
foreign trade in negro slaves, and the cheapening of
human cattle, will at last teach the dumbest tongue  "That it may notbe, let no such record ever be made
to cry out, the coldest heart to feel, and the blindest that those men are elected to the chief offices of Masincarnation of respectable nonchalance to see,thatthe sachusetts who suppvjed John Brown with the weapons
only remaining inquiry for the American people is, of midnight murder, and afterwards mourned over




14
him, and, directly or indirectly, celebrated-the mem  pathy with his peculiar conduct touching which
ory of his crimes!"                        ghe was then indicted. I felt injured by that, perThese quotations, which we have picked out of sonaly, as a Republican." Nay, more; when asked
a mass of similar highly seasoned reading, not by Mr. Fitch if he would have sympathized with
only charge Mr. Andrew with approving of John Brown's Kansas operations if he had known or
Brown's foray, but, substantially, wit furnishing supposed that he sought service in that territory
him with the weapons of his midnight murder! for the purpose of educating himself for the HarWe should be loath to think that this language per's Ferry work, Mr. Andrew replied:
and this mode of assailing Mr. Andrew are ap- t I have no reason to suspect that of myself, nor do
proved by one, at least, of the editors of the I believe of any other gentleman with whom I agree
Courier, and still more loath to believe that the or act, that the transactions of Capt. Brown at Harper's Ferry would be deemed justifiable, nor would
conservative republicans" to whom that paper any such attempt, made or contemplated, receive our
appeals could be influenced by such frantic, ex- sympathy."
travagant and one-sided language. The simple  When asked his opinion of Brown's feat of
truth is that Mr. Andrew not only did not furnish "kidnapping negroes in Missouri and running
weapons and money for the Harper's Ferry Inva- them off into Iowa," Mr. Andrew replied:sion, and did not approve of that invasion; but  " The transaction to which you refer is one which I
that he expressly and in the plainest terms, in his do not, from my point of view, regard as justifiable. I
suppose Capt. Brown did; and I presume I should not
testimony  before the  Senatorial Committee, judge him severely at all for that transaction, because
6stated his entire disapprolbation of the enter- I should suppose that he might have regarded that, if
not defensive, at least offensive warfare in the nature
prise. Mr. Andrew's position   as indicated ofdeience-an aggression to prevent or repel aggresin his testimony, and in his speech at the sion."
Tremont Temple, needs no explanation or apol-  He goes on to trace Brown's invasion to the
ogy; it only needs to be made known. It would events in Kansas, and to compare it with the
be well for the Courier to recollect that it is two assault on Mr. Sumner, which he considered " an
months before the election, and that our Massa- act of very much greater danger to our liberties
chusetts people are not in the habit of making and to civil society than the attack of a few men
up their minds in a hurry, when they have plenty upon neighbors over the borders of a State."
of time for examination and thought. Its attempt  Such being the opinions and the acts of Mr.
to entrap voters into a hasty condemnation of Andrew, in this connection, it is easy to underMr. Andrew by such unscrupulous means as those stand what he meant when he said at the Tremont
we have noted, will certainly fail. The great mass Templeof the supporters of Bell and Everett, and of the,
"conservative Republicans," who, it is hoped, may side of the duty or the thought of this assembly tobe influenced by these appeals, are intelligent and night, whether the enterprise of John Brown and his
honest men, who will not only deal fairly with associates in Virginia was wise or foolish, right or
wrong. I know only that whether the enterprise itself
all candidates presented for their suffrages, but was the one or the other, JOHN BerowN HIMSELF i
who will surely disapprove all attempts to fore- RIGT."
stall public opinion by unfair means.         Not "was" right, as the Courier mischievously
This is what Mr. Andrew did in relation to John prints it; but "is" right. And who disputes it?
Brown:-                                     Who does not remember that the people of MassaHe presided at a meeting held at the Tremont chusetts, without regard to party, or age, or sex,
Temple for the relief of the family of Brown; a or condition, saving and excepting only a few
meeting at which Rev. Dr. Rollin H. Neale of- men of the extreme pro-slavery school, who would
fered prayer, and Rev. Mr. Manning, Ralph Waldo disapprove of even Divine interposition against
Emerson, and Wendell Phillips spoke.        the institution which, in their opinion, is the
He employed Mr. Chilton of Washington, and bond of our Union, the palladium of our liberMr. Green of Richmond, to defend Brown in the ties, and the safeguard and sure defence of our
Charlestown Court, and present his case before religion; who does not remember that the people
the Court of Errors; guaranteeing to them $1300 were stirred to an unwonted degree of emotion
as tees, and raising the money by the aid of friends and sympathy by the gallant and fruitless attempt
and by his own exertions.                   of Brown and his handful of associates to carry
What he said may be found at length in the to the oppressed black people of Virginia that
Harper's Ferry Report, and in the report of the freedom which is the birthright of all men?
John Brown meeting. In his evidence before the Who has forgotten that patient and heroic man,
Senatorial Committee he states with admirable an enthusiast and a fanatic, but not a felon, and
frankness not only his proceedings in behalf of only by the harshest misuse of terms a "murBrown, but the motives which governed him, viz: derer," risking his life for the realization of
sympathy for a man who had done good service an idea; Retorting the admiration of even
in Kansas, and a desire that "a judicialoutrage" Henry A. Wise by his manly bearing, and
should not be perpetrated by hurrying him to trial taming the-ferocity of a Virginia populace by his
without affording him a fair change fora defence. calmness and dignity; standing at bay; not seekIf he had supposed that Brown andlis associates ing blood, but avoiding it, and, by avoiding it, enwere in the way of having a fair trial, he would tangling himself in the meshes of the net and alnot haYv Qitefered, for he says "I had no sym  lowinghmnselfto be captured; writing to his friends




15
letters full of sublime and Christian thoughts, and treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indiggoing to the scaffold as resignedly as commonnant people strongly to rebuke and forever silence.
goingr to the scaffold as resignedly as common
Zm!n (  t> their heds? Are we expected in our  4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of
men go to their beds? Are we expected in our the States, and especially the right of each State to
zeal for slavery-extension, or in our indiffer- order and control its own domestic institutions, acente towards it, to smother all the instincts of our cordingto its own judgment exclusively, is esretlal
to that balance of power on which the perfection aud
human nature, and to join in an outcry against endurance of our political faith depend; and we desuch a man as if he was a highsvayman,  a sedau-  nounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any
State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as
cer, a pirate, a midnight assassin? Is a respecta- among the gravest of crimes.
ble, philanthropic gentleman who is presented as  5. That the present Democratic administration has
a candidate for office by a great party, to be far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measurepounced upon, off-hand, and maligned after the less subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to
fashion of the articles from which we have quot- force the infamous Lecompton ConstitPtion upon the
ed, and held up to public abhorrence because he protesting people of Kanuas in construing the persoham,  a     - w hi.eregrettig. nal relation between master. and servant, to involve
has felt as other men felt, and while regrettingan unqualified property in persons; in its attempted
and disapproving Brown's acts, honored him for enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through
the intervention of Congress and the federal courts,
his heroism and sympathised with his Sufferings; of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest;
We are yet not quite ready to believe it.      and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power
One word more. We respectfully suggest to    ntrusted to itiby a confding people.
6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckthe conservative citizens of Boston that the policy less extravagance which pervades every department
of representing to the people of the South that of the federal government; that a return to rigid
economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest
the party which has nominated Mr. Andrew, and the. systematic plunder of the public treasury by
which will surely elect him, is a party which ap- favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at the federal metropproves of murder and pillage and border warfare,  lis show that an entire change of admiistration is
is a very questionable one, to say the least, for imperatively demanded.
our material interests. We put it to the mer-    7. That the new dogma that the Constitution of its
own force carries slavery into any or all the terrichants of Boston, m all seriousness, whether such tories of the United States, is a dangerous political
representations as to the hostile intentions of a heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that
instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition,
great number of our citizens, are well calculated and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revoluto restore harmony between the North and the tionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace
South, or to advance in any essential degree our and harmony. of the country.
business. interests  It st8. That the normal condition of all the territory of
business interests. It strikes us that this is a the United States is that of freedom; that as our rematter worth thinking of.                      publican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in
all our national territory, ordained that "no person
should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever legislation is necessary, to maintain
TTR E  XP BrT AN  nP T A? n   ~tWhiu provision of the Constitution against all attempts
T lE   R lEP UBLICAN      PrLALTFO RUM.     to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress,
of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to
give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the
United States,
Resolved. That we, the delegatedirepresentatives of tedtate
the Republican electors of the United States, in con-  9. That we brand the recent reopening of the Afrivention assembled, n discharge of the duty we owe can slave trade, under the cover of our national flag,
to our constituents and our country, ibfite in the fol- aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime
lowing declarations:-                          against humanity and a burning shame to our country and age; and we. call. upon Congress to take
1. That the history of the nation, during the last prompt and efficient measures for the total and final
four years. has fully established the propriety and ne- suppression of that execrable traffic.
cessity of the organization and.perpetuation of the  10. That in the recent vetoes by their federal govRepublican party, and that the causes which called it ernors of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and
into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those territories, we
more than ever before, demapd its peaceful and con-nd     obi     svyn        ser    re,
-more than ever betore, demaind its peaceful ~and con- find a practical illustration of the boasted democratic
stitutional triumph.                           principle of non-intervention and popular sover2. That the maintenance of the Eprinciples promul- eignty, embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill,
gte(d in the Declaration of Independence, and em- and a demonstration of the deception and fraud inbodied in our Federal Constitution, that "all men are volved therein.
created equal; that they are endowed by their Crea-   T   Kanas s       o  ght be immediately
11. That Ka   nsas should of right be immediately
tor'wi h certain unalienable rights; that among these
are ie, liberty, anta the pursuit of happiness; that to admitted as a State under the constitution recently
secure these rights governments areinstituted among thformed and adopted by her people, ad acepted by
men, deriving their just powers from the consent of theHouse of epresentatives.
the governed," is essential to the preservation of our  12. That while providing revenue for the support
Repiblican institutions; and that the Federal Consti- of the general government by duties upon imposts,
tution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the sound policy requires such an adjustment of these
States must and shalh be preserved.           imposts as to encourage the development of the indus3 That to the Union of the States this nation owes trial interests of the whole country; and we commend
its unprecedented increase in population, its surpr that policy  national exchanges which secures to
ing development ol material resourcesl, its rapid aug-the workingmen liberal wages; to agriculture remumentation of wealth, its happiness  t at homend itsnerating prices; to mechanics and manufacturers an
honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemesadequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterfor di union, come from whatever source they may;
for d lunion, come from whatever source they may * prise; and to the nation commercial prosperity and
and w congratulate the country that no Republican epenence.
member of Congress has uttered or countenanced'the  13. Thatwe protest against any sale or alienation
threats of disunlon, so often made by Democratic to others of the public lands held by actual settlers,
members, without rebuke and with applause from  and agatlst any view of the homestead policy, which
their political associates; and we denounce those regards the seers as paupers or supplicants for pubthreats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow  lic bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress
of their ascendency, as denying the vital principles of of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure
a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated which has already passed the House.




16
14. That the Republican party is opposed to any thing to the stock of ideas on political affairs common
change in our naturalization laws, or any State legis- to all, by any public declaration of my individual
lation by which the rights of citizenship, hitherto ac- sentiments. But your wish, comirg from so many
corded to immigrants from foreign lands, shall be gentlemen, for whose persons and characters I ave a
abridged or impaired; and in fav r of giving a full rspect which entitles Them to command mte, must 
and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of this instance be my law. I had hoped earnestly that
citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home I might not appear in person on the field during the
and abroad.                                      progress-of our present State canvass. The opioions
15. That a'propriations by Congress for river and of wiser men differ from my desire, and I shall not
harbor improvements of a national character, re- shrink out of sentiments of merely personal delicacy
quiTed for the accsmmodation and securitly of an ex- finoing from my own relations to the canvass, from
isting commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, the performance of this duty which is thought to be
and justified by the obligation of Government,4o pro- due to the cause.
tect the lives and property of its citizens.      There is but little disunionism anywhere, even in
the South, besides that which is stimulated by North16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is impera- ern speculators in national politics practicing on
tively demanded by the interests of the whole coun- Southern apprehensions, and systematically misleadtry; that the federal government ought to render im- ing Southern minds. The South can take care of its
mediate and efficient aid in its construction; and that, own disunionism. There are Southern men enough
as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should to drive that monster into the Gulf of Mexico without
be promptly established,                         a Northern man or gun. And if need be, they would
17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive do it.
principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all  The real danger is not to the Union but to thepeocitizens, however differing on other questions, who ple. Let all the people agree that they will seek to
substantially agree with us in their affirmance and understand all questions entering into our public
support.                                         affairs, determine that they will meet them, discuss
and decide them, dismiss their self-constituted guardians, and banish the prophets of evil, the Balaams
of our Israel-and all will be well.
The following is the reply of John A. Andrew to an  If we of the North are to be frightened by the quesinvitation to be present at the Myrick's Grove Repub- tion of slavery, in what a condition must they be who
ican mass meeting, on the 18th inist.:- *in the South are watching for the dawn of Freedom's
day; when slave masters and free laborers may unite'BOSTON, Sept 6,1860.  to lift the heaviest bond, which white as well as black
To Messrs. Jonathan Bourne, Jr., E. Thornton, Jr., men ever bore?
VWarren Ladd, and other Republicans of New Bed-     With great respect and regard,.ford.                                                           I am faithlully yours,
Gentlemen:-Without a moment's delay I hasten to                   a   fathuy 
accept your invitation. I cannot hope to add any-   (Signed)                JOHN A. ANDREW."
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